Professional Documents
Culture Documents
OBJECTIVES
4. To write an ethnography.
Every ethnographer probably begins the task of writing a cultural description with the feeling it
is too early to start. Doing ethnography always leads to a profound awareness that a particular
cultural meaning system is almost inexhaustibly rich. You know a great deal about a cultural
scene but you now realize how much more there is to know. It is well to recognize that what you
write is true of every ethnographic description: it is partial, incomplete, and will always stand in
need of revision. Most ethnographers would do well to set aside the feelings that writing is
premature and begin the task sooner rather than later. In the process of writing one discovers a
hidden store of knowledge gained during the research process.
As most professional writers will affirm, the only way to learn to write is to write. In the same
way that learning to swim cannot occur during classroom lectures on swimming, discussion of
principles and strategies to follow in writing do not take one very far in learning to write. It is
best to observe other swimmers, get in the water yourself and paddle around, and then have an
experienced swimmer point out ways to improve your breathing and stroke.
One of the best ways to learn to write an ethnography is to read other ethnographies. Select
those that communicate to you the meaning of another culture. Those written in a way that brings
that culture to life, making you feel you understand the people and their way of life. If you read
well-written ethnographies during the process of writing, your own writing will improve
spontaneously.
Every ethnographer can identify books and articles that are well-written cultural descriptions.
In the past eight years, my colleague David McCurdy and I have scoured the professional
literature in search of brief examples of ethnographic writing of the highest caliber. Our standard
has been to identify writing that translates the meanings of an alien culture so well that someone
unfamiliar with ethnography grasps those meanings. These selections of ethnographic writing
have been collected in three successive editions of Conformity and Conflict: Readings in
Cultural Anthropology (1971, 1974. 1977). For sheer readability, two of the best longer
ethnographies are Elliot Liehow’s urban ethnography, Tally’s Corner (1967), and Colin
Turnbull’s study of the Pygmies, The Forest People (1962).
In this step I want to examine briefly the nature of ethnographic writing as part of the
translation process. Then I want to discuss the principles of the D.R.S. Method as applied to
writing an ethnography. In the process I will give some specific suggestions on writing, but
always keep in mind that the way to learn to write an ethnography is to write an ethnography.
A translation discovers the meanings in one culture and communicates them in such a
way that people with another cultural tradition can understand them. The ethnographer as
translator has a dual task. For one, you must make sense out of the cultural patterns you observe,
decoding the messages in cultural behavior, artifacts, and knowledge. The more fully you
apprehend and digest the cultural meaning system operating in the social situation you study, the
more effective your final translation.
Your second task is to communicate the cultural meanings you have discovered to readers
who are unfamiliar with that culture or cultural scene. This means that every ethnographer must
develop the skills of communicating in written form. It requires that you take into consideration
our audience as well as our informants. In a real sense, a truly effective translation requires an
intimate knowledge of two cultures: the one described and the one tacitly held by the audience
who will read the description.
Many highly skilled ethnographers fail to finish the work of ethnographic translation.
They give months of time to the intensive study of another culture, analyzing in great detail the
meanings encoded in that culture. Then, without taking time to learn the skills of written
communication, without understanding their audience, without even feeling the importance of
communicating in a way that brings the culture to life, they write an ethnography. Their audience
becomes a very small group of other ethnographers, who, by virtue of their interest in the culture,
are willing to wade through the vague and general discussions, examine the taxonomies,
paradigms, and other tables or charts, and glean an understanding of the people and their way of
life. The ethnographic literature is plagued by half-translations that cannot be used as guides to
another way of life.
In discussing the steps in writing an ethnographic description I will make numerous
suggestions for creating a full translation, one that communicates the cultural meanings you have
discovered. However, one fundamental cause of inadequate cultural translations lies in the failure
to understand and use different levels of writing. During the writing of any ethnographic
description, the ethnographer must keep these various levels in mind and consciously use them to
increase the communicative power of the translation.
Every ethnographer deals with the most specific, concrete, human events as well as the
most general. In our fieldnotes we identify an infant with a specific name, held by a specific
mother, nursing at that mother’s breast, at a specific time and in a specific place. In those same
fieldnotes we will make observations about human love, nurturance, and the universal
relationship of mothers and children. In the final written ethnography, the range of levels is
enormous. More than anything else, the way these levels are used will determine the
communicative value of an ethnographic translation.
Kenneth Read, in his beautifully written ethnography of the Gahuku peoples of Highland
New Guinea, The High Valley (1965), suggests the underlying cause of partial translations in
ethnography:
Why, then, is so much anthropological writing so antiseptic, so devoid of anything that brings a people to life? There
they are, pinned like butterflies in a glass case, with the difference, however, that we often cannot tell what color
these specimens are, and we are never shown them in flight, never see them soar or die except in generalities. The
reason for this lies in the aims of anthropology, whose concern with the particular is incidental to an understanding
of the general (1965:ix).
In anthropology, as in all social sciences, the concern with the particular is incidental to an
understanding of the general. But when this principle is transported wholesale into doing
ethnography, it creates a travesty of the translation process. When an ethnographer studies
another culture, the only place to begin is with the particular, the concrete, specific events of
everyday life. Then, through the research process described in this book, the ethnographer moves
to more and more general statements about the culture. With the discovery of more general
categories and cultural themes, the ethnographer begins to make comparisons with other cultures
and make even more general statements about the culture studied. And all too frequently, it is
primarily this kind of analysis and understanding that finds its way into the ethnographic
description.
In writing an ethnography, as a translation in the full sense, the concern with the general
is incidental to an understanding of the particular. In order for a reader to see the lives of the
people we study, we must show them through particulars, not merely talk about them in
generalities.
There are at least six different levels that can be identified in ethnographic writing as we
move from the general to the particular. Let’s examine each of these different kinds of translation
statements.
These include all statements about human beings, their behavior, culture. or
environmental situation. They are all-encompassing statements. Although the beginning
ethnographer may often feel incompetent to make any universal statements, all of us know things
that occur universally and can include them in our ethnographies. Most cultural descriptions
include universal statements. A study of air traffic controllers, for example. might assert, ‘In all
societies, people manage the movement of their bodies through space in such a way that they do
not constantly collide with other human beings.” Such a statement is relevant to controlling the
movement of vehicles in which humans move about as well. A study of clerks who record
burglaries in the police department might assert the following universal statement: “in all human
societies, some people keep records of one sort or another about their affairs.”
For each of the six levels of abstraction that appear in ethnographic writing, I want to
give an example from The Cocktail Waitress: Woman’s Work in a Man’s World (Spradley and
Mann 1975). This will clarify the nature of the various levels by showing their expression in a
single work. The following universal statement is one among several: “Every society takes the
biological differences between female and male to create a special kind of reality: feminine and
masculine identities” (1975:145). In the context of a specific bar in a specific city, we made an
assertion about a universal feature of human experience.
The second level of abstraction includes statements about two or more societies,
assertions that are true for some societies but not necessarily for all societies. Consider the
following statement from The Cocktail Waitress: “When anthropologists began studying small,
non-Western societies they found that people participated in a single web of life. . . . [W]hen we
turn to complex societies such as our own, the number of cultural perspectives for any situation
increases radically” (1975: 8, 9). This statement says something about two very large classes of
human societies—the small, non-Western ones and the complex ones. Such a descriptive
statement helps to convey an understanding of even the most specific place such as Brady’s Bar.
Cross-cultural descriptive statements help place a cultural scene in the broader picture of human
cultures, something every ethnographer is concerned about doing. These kinds of statements say
to the reader, “This cultural scene is not merely one little interesting group of people; it is a part
of the human species in a particular way. It is like many other cultural scenes, but it is also
different from many others.” By means of contrast you have conveyed an important dimension
of the culture.
This kind of statement appears to be specific, but in fact remains quite general. ‘The
Kwakiutl live in villages along coastal bays” is a general statement about a cultural group. ‘The
Pygmies live in the forest and play musical instruments” is another general statement. We can
make such statements about complex societies also: “American culture is based on the value of
materialism.” Or we can make such statements about recurrent cultural scenes, or groups of
people who have learned similar cultural scenes: “Air traffic controllers work under great stress”;
“Police departments must gather, classify, and record a great deal of important information.”
In our study of Brady’s Bar, we included statements at this level; they did not refer
exclusively to Brady’s Bar, but to all the institutions of which Brady’s was one example: “Bars,
in general, are places of employment for hundreds of thousands of women, almost always as
cocktail waitresses. Their role in bars tends to be an extension of their role at home—serving the
needs of men. . . . Like most institutions of American society, men hold sway at the center of
social importance” (1975: 145).
When we move down one level of abstraction, we can note many statements about a
particular culture or cultural scene, Most ethnographies are filled with statements at this level.
“The Fort Rupert Kwakiutl engage in seine fishing.” “The air traffic controllers at the
Minneapolis International Airport work one of three shifts.”
Participant observation provides many statements at this level. We can say things like,
“The waitresses at Brady’s get hassled by customers” or “Tramps aren’t really tramps unless
they make the bucket,” These are descriptive statements about a particular scene or group, but
even so, they are still general in nature. Moreover, even when expressed by an informant and
used in an ethnography as a quotation from an informant, they represent an abstraction. Every
culture is filled with these low-level abstractions that must find their way into any ethnographic
description. Here is an example from Brady’s Bar: “At one level, Brady’s Bar is primarily a
place of business. At another level, Brady’s Bar is a place where men can come to play out
exaggerated masculine roles, acting out their fantasies of sexual prowess, and reaffirming their
own male identities, Brady’s Bar is a men’s ceremonial center” (1975: 130-31).
This level of ethnographic writing contains many of the themes the ethnographer wants to
present to the reader. Thus, the theme of males expressing their identities in many different
ways—in the way space is organized, the way drinks are ordered, and the like—is described in
statements at this level. Sometimes one can encapsulate general statements at Level Four in a
quotation from an informant: they still remain statements of a very general nature. Making use
of an informant quotation helps provide a sense of immediacy and gives the reader a closer
acquaintance with the culture, but we must move to even more specific levels.
At this level, the ethnographer begins to make use of all the different terms in one or
more cultural domains. We are now dealing with a class of events, objects, or activities as you
have discovered them in the cultural scene. For example, here is an ethnographic statement at
this level from my research on the factory that makes tannery equipment: “One of the most
important jobs that men do is to make drums. A drum can be small, such as a barrel, or more
than thirty feet across. There are many stages in making a drum, including making heads, making
pins, making cross pieces, making staves, making doors, and making door frames. The entire
process of making a drum can take as long as a week and involve the work of several men.”
Descriptive statements at this level can make reference to taxonomies and paradigms that
encapsulate a great deal of information. However, these representations in themselves seldom
communicate more than a skeleton of relationships to the reader. In order to translate these into a
description that will be understood, a great deal of narrative description at this level and the next
more specific level is required.
Here is a brief example of a specific statement about the domain, “asking for a
drink,” which makes up part of the culture of cocktail waitresses. ‘One frequent way that men
ask for a drink is not to ask for a drink at all. In the situation where it is appropriate to ask for a
drink, they ask instead for the waitress. This may be done in the form of teasing, hustling,
hassling, or some other speech act” (1975:132).
In one sense, Levels One through Five all contrast sharply with Level Six, which takes
the reader immediately to the actual level of behavior and objects, to the level of perceiving these
things. Consider an example from Brady’s Bar at this level, closely related to all the examples
given at the other five levels of abstraction: “Sandy is working the upper section on Friday night.
She walks up to the corner table where there is a group of five she has never seen before: four
guys and a girl who are loud and boisterous. She steps up to the table and asks, “Are you ready to
order now’?” One of the males grabs her by the waist and jerks her towards him. ‘I already know
what I want! I’ll take you,” he says as he smiles innocently up at her” (1975:132). As a reader,
you immediately begin to see things happening, perhaps feel things the actors in this situation
feel. Instead of merely being told what people know, how they generate behavior from this
knowledge, and how they interpret things, you have been shown this cultural knowledge in
action. A good ethnographic translation shows; a poor one only tells.
Perhaps another example of the six levels in ethnographic writing will clarify the effect
on the reader. Drawing from my research among tramps, the following statements all describe a
single aspect of their experience: begging, borrowing, panhandling, lending, and otherwise
exchanging things.
LEVEL ONE: Reciprocity among human beings is balanced where two people give to each other
over time, each giving and each receiving. Such reciprocity occurs in all societies.
LEVEL TWO: Tramps, like those who live in tribal villages, depend on one another in time of
need. They expect others to reciprocate. A Kwakiutl Indian will give in a potlatch and later
receive gifts at someone else’s potlatch. A tramp will give to another tramp and also beg from
another tramp.
LEVEL THREE: Tramps engage in much more reciprocal exchange than do other members of the
larger society. This kind of exchange takes many forms.
LEVEL FOUR: A tramp in the Seattle City Jail will exchange goods and services with other
tramps. If he is a trusty in the jail, he might exchange a service for money with someone in
lockup.
LEVEL FIVE: (Informant’s statement) “Yes, a tramp will beg from other tramps. If you’re
panhandling you can expect another tramp to give you money or a cigarette if he has it. You
realize that sometime he will need something and then it will be your turn.”
LEVEL SIX: It was a dull Tuesday afternoon and a slight mist of rain was blowing gently in from
the Puget Sound. Joe had become a kickout an hour earlier; several minutes ago he walked off
the elevator on the first floor of the Public Safety Building and found his way to the street.
Pulling the collar of his worn tweed jacket up around his neck, he hunched his shoulders slightly
and headed downtown, wondering where he would find money for a drink or even a cigarette. He
might have to make a flop under the bridge on Washington Street tonight to stay out of the rain.
He saw a man approaching him as he headed slowly down James Street, obviously another
tramp. Looked like a home guard tramp, but he couldn’t tell for sure. “Can you spare a quarter
for a jug?” he asked. “I just got a kickout.” “No, I’m flat on my ass myself,” the other man said,
“but how about a smoke, all I got are Bull Durhams.” After taking a light too, Joe started on
down James Street looking for a tourist or businessman to panhandle.
Ethnographic writing includes statements at all six levels on the continuum from the
general to the particular. Effective writing, that which serves to communicate the meanings of a
culture to the reader, is achieved by making all these statements, but doing so in a
certain proportion. Professional journals, in which the author writes primarily for colleagues,
tend to consist of statements at Levels One and Two; that is, the description is made in general
terms, the author avoiding specific incidents. Those outside a narrow professional group often
find these articles dense, dull, antiseptic, and inadequate translations. Some ethnographic
writings, whether articles, papers, or books, adopt a formal style using Levels Three and Four.
Most dissertations and theses are written at these middle levels of abstraction, although they may
contain a great deal of information also at Level Five. They tend to present the bare bones, the
skeleton of knowledge, without the flesh of examples and specific incident statements of Level
Six. At the other extreme, some ethnographic novels and personal accounts consist entirely of
statements at Level Six, with, perhaps, a few statements from Level Five thrown in now and
then. This kind of writing holds the reader’s attention hut may fail to communicate the overall
structure of a culture or the nature of ethnography.
It should be clear that mixing the various levels in the desirable proportion depends on
the goals of the ethnographer. In You Owe Yourself a Drunk: An Ethnography of Urban
Nomads (1970), 1 made a great deal of use of Levels Three through Six, ranging back and forth
among statements about tramps generally, to specific incidents. Many of the incidents were
contained in quotations from informants. In The Cocktail Waitress (Spradley and Mann 1975),
we sought to communicate to a wider audience and included many more statements at Level Six,
the most specific level. We also tried to relate the culture of Brady’s Bar to the universal level of
writing more frequently. In retrospect, we tended to scale down the middle level of
generalizations. In Deaf Like Me (Spradley and Spradley 1978), an in-depth study of a family
coping with a deaf child, we moved almost entirely to the most concrete level in order to
communicate with the widest possible audience. Although much of the data were gathered by
ethnographic interviewing and other ethnographic techniques, we recounted specific incidents in
order to communicate more effectively to the reader. We sought to show what the culture of
families was like, how they coped with a deaf child, what strategies they used, and the
consequences for communication. Although statements appear in this study at all the other levels
of generalization, they are woven into the particular so thoroughly that they do not stand out. We
attempted to communicate more general statements through the use of particular statements.
Each ethnographer will have to determine his or her intended audience. I believe that
ethnographic research holds important values for all people and that ethnographers should write
for those outside the academic world. I urge students and others to use the middle levels of
generalizations sparingly. Emphasize the most general and the most specific. In ethnographic
writing, the concern with the general is incidental to an understanding of the particular for an
important reason. It is because generalities are best communicated through particulars. And the
second half of all translation involves communicating to outsiders the meanings of a culture.
Underlying the D.R.S. Method of research is the assumption that breaking a large task
into smaller ones and placing these in sequence will simplify the work and improve one’s
performance. This assumption applies equally to writing. However, because each of us has
developed patterns of writing from years of experience, it is far more difficult to create a series
of steps that have wide applicability. The following steps must be considered as suggestions
only. Readers will want to create their own series of steps to organize writing in a manner that
best fits patterns developed through past experience. However, the underlying premise, that it is
valuable to divide up the writing of an ethnography into tasks, does have wide applicability.
Step One: Select an audience. Because the audience will influence every aspect of your
ethnography, selecting an audience is one of the first things to be done. All writing is an act of
communication between human beings and in that sense it is similar to talking. When speaking
to someone, there are innumerable cues that remind us that our audience is present. The writer
needs to select an audience, identify it clearly, and then keep in mind throughout the writing who
that audience is.
When writing for a specific journal or magazine, the ethnographer must carefully
scrutinize past issues of the journal to discover the style of writing. You are, in fact, discovering
the audience that such a journal is written for. If one intends to write a book-length ethnography,
then the audience may be scholars in the field, students, the general public, or some other group.
The best advice I have ever received for selecting an audience came from Marshall
Townsend, the editor at the University of Arizona Press:
A basic concept we stress at the University of Arizona Press is that of the “target reader.”
What we urge YOU as an author to do is to pick out a “target reader” and write in book form for
only one reader. Pick out some real person whom you know, then set down your materials so
this person wilt understand what you are saying. When you have a “target reader,” you effect a
single level of presentation. rather than trying to provide information to everyone from those
who have their doctorates to students in high school who want to delve into the subject just a bit.
Choose your level of communication and stay with it—by addressing yourself in your writing to
only this one person. We believe you will find this concept a highly workable one.
When you as an author write successfully for one, we as a publisher may he able to take
your book and sell thousands of copies because each person feels “this was meant for me.” On
the other hand, if you try to write for thousands, and embrace all of their varied interests and
viewpoints, we may not he able to sell a single copy. Stick to your one-level approach, and we as
publishers will take care of informing readers at all levels of interest and of understanding how
the hook will fit Into their realm.
Step Two: Select a thesis. In order to communicate with your audience, you need to have
something to say. All too often, ethnographic descriptions appear to be like meandering
conversations without a destination. Although of interest to the ethnographer and a few
colleagues, such writing will not hold the attention of many more. A thesis is the central
message, the point you want to make. There are several sources for finding a thesis.
First, the major themes you have discovered in ethnographic research represent possible
theses. For example, a major theme in the culture of tramps was that being in jail affected one’s
identity, even made a man want to go out and get drunk. In jail a man learned to “hustle,” and
this reinforced his identity as a tramp trying to “make it” on the street. This theme became the
thesis of the ethnography: that jailing drunks, rather than being therapeutic, actually played an
important role in creating the identity of tramp. This thesis was summed up in the title of the
ethnography, which came from an informant who said, “After thirty days in jail, you owe
yourself a drunk!”
Second, a thesis for your ethnography may come from the overall goals of ethnography.
You may, for example, state your thesis in the following way: “To most people, a bar is a place
to drink. But to the cocktail waitress, it is much more complex. It is a world of varied cultural
meaning that she learns in order to carry out her work and cope with difficulties. In this paper I
want to show just how complex the cultural knowledge of the cocktail waitress is, in contrast to
the casual impressions of the outsider.” Your thesis can simply be to show that cultural meaning
systems are much more complex than we usually think.
Another way to formulate this type of thesis is in terms of a set of recipes for behavior.
Culture can be viewed as a set of instructions for carrying out life’s ordinary activities. Your
thesis would be to show the reader the recipe for being a tramp, a cocktail waitress, or some
other kind of person. Frake in a series of articles, has made effective use of this kind of thesis.
For example, he has written on “How to ask for a drink” (1964c) and “How to enter a house”
among the Yakan in the Philippines (1975).
Still another way to formulate this type of thesis is to show the tacit rules for behavior.
This thesis argues that much goes on in social life that we do not see, that there are tacit rules of
behavior that people have learned but seldom discuss. The point of your paper is to make those
tacit rules explicit.
Third, a thesis may come from the literature of the social sciences. In one paper on tramps
I reviewed the literature on the concept of “reciprocity.” Then, I formulated a thesis that linked
the patterns of reciprocity among tramps to these more general concepts (Spradley 1968).
When a thesis has been selected, it is useful to state it briefly, perhaps in a single
sentence, and place it before you as a constant reminder as you write. This will help organize
your paper and integrate it around a single major idea. It will also help the reader to grasp the
meanings of the culture ma way that a simple listing of domains and their meanings will not.
Step Three: Make a list of’ topics and create an outline. Any ethnography will necessarily deal
with only selected aspects of a culture. Furthermore, you will use only part of the material you
have collected. This step involves reviewing your fieldnotes and the cultural inventory you made
and listing topics you think should be included in the final description. Some of these topics will
be things like “introduction” and “conclusion.” Once listed, you can then make an outline based
around your thesis. This will divide up your actual writing into sections, each of which can be
done as a separate unit. If you have been writing short descriptive pieces throughout the project
(See Appendix B), many or all of these may fit into the outline.
Step Four: Write a rough draft of each section.. A rough draft is intended to be rough,
unfinished, unpolished. One of the great roadblocks for many writers is the desire to revise each
sentence as it goes down on paper. Constant revision not only slows the entire writing process
but also takes away from the free flow of communication. Constant revision seldom occurs in
speaking; we may now and then restate something, but usually we talk without revising. Write as
you talk is an excellent rule to follow in composing a rough draft of each section.
Step Five: Revise the outline and create sub/heads. Almost always the outline from which one
writes becomes changed in the process of writing. Once a rough draft is completed for each
section, it is a good idea to make a new outline, rearranging sections as appropriate. You may
want to use subheads to give your reader a clue to the structure of the paper and also to act as
transitions from one part to another. Native folk terms can often be used as subheads in an
ethnography, helping to create a view that reflects the cultural knowledge of your informants.
Step Six: Edit the rough draft. At this point in the writing you will have a rough draft of your
paper, a fairly clear outline, and a number of subheadings you want to use throughout the paper.
Now it is time to go over it with an eye to improving the details of writing. Work through each
section and at the same time keep the entire description in mind. Make changes directly on the
pages you had previously written. When you want to add a paragraph or sentence, write them on
the back of the page or on a separate piece of paper with instructions as to where they will
appear. At this stage, it is often useful to ask a friend to read over the manuscript and make
general comments. An outside perspective is especially useful for making improvements that
will enhance the communicative power of the description.
Step Seven: Write the introduction and conclusion. By now the description has taken on
substantial form and you can write these two parts of the paper in a more effective manner. Some
writers find that they write better if they write a rough introduction at the start of the writing but
save the conclusion until the end. In either case, now is the time to review both the introduction
and conclusion and revise them to fit the paper.
Step Eight: Reread your manuscript for examples. Examples involve writing at the lowest level
of abstraction. Because of their importance in communication, a special reading of the paper to
see if you have used enough examples is highly desirable. Look for places where general state-
ments have made your writing too “dense” and see if you can insert a brief or extended example
at those places.
Step Nine: Write the final draft. In some cases this will merely involve typing the paper or
turning it over to someone else to type. In other cases. you will need to go carefully over the
manuscript again, making the final editorial changes. Using steps such as this means you have
been over the entire manuscript numerous times during the course of writing. Instead of a single,
first-draft-as-final-draft, your paper has gone through a series of developmental stages.
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2 Answers
Have the results of a questionnaire before you begin. Most anthropological studies require
that you have asked members of the culture a series of questions to make sure that you
understand their perspective on their culture and the reasons for their behaviors. The ideal
situation is to have a leader of the society answer the questions, but in a more specific
cultural study may require the questions to be answered by the specific people you are
studying.
Write an introduction page that tells the reader exactly what you wanted to study and how
you went about studying. The reader of your ethnography should get a sense of why you are
qualified to write about the culture that will be described. talk about what questions you
were attempting to answer and what others knew about this culture before your study.
Continue the ethnography by describing the way in which you gathered your information.
Talk about specific conversations you had, the number of people you talked to and
interacted with, etc.
Analyze the research you did and write about how the data you gathered can answer the
questions you posed. You can use your experiences, your opinions, observations and the
questionnaires to analyze what you learned during your study. Conclude your ethnography
with a suitable conclusion page that sums up what you did and what you learned. Restate
your main points so that the reader is left with the impact of your work and what it will
mean in the overall study of that culture.
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Related QuestionsMore Answers Below
4. To write an ethnography.
Every ethnographer probably begins the task of writing a cultural description with the
feeling it is too early to start. Doing ethnography always leads to a profound awareness that
a particular cultural meaning system is almost inexhaustibly rich. You know a great deal
about a cultural scene but you now realize how much more there is to know. It is well to
recognize that what you write is true of every ethnographic description: it is partial,
incomplete, and will always stand in need of revision. Most ethnographers would do well to
set aside the feelings that writing is premature and begin the task sooner rather than later.
In the process of writing one discovers a hidden store of knowledge gained during the
research process.
As most professional writers will affirm, the only way to learn to write is to write. In the
same way that learning to swim cannot occur during classroom lectures on swimming,
discussion of principles and strategies to follow in writing do not take one very far in
learning to write. It is best to observe other swimmers, get in the water yourself and paddle
around, and then have an experienced swimmer point out ways to improve your breathing
and stroke.
One of the best ways to learn to write an ethnography is to read other ethnographies. Select
those that communicate to you the meaning of another culture. Those written in a way that
brings that culture to life, making you feel you understand the people and their way of life. If
you read well-written ethnographies during the process of writing, your own writing will
improve spontaneously.
Every ethnographer can identify books and articles that are well-written cultural
descriptions. In the past eight years, my colleague David McCurdy and I have scoured the
professional literature in search of brief examples of ethnographic writing of the highest
caliber. Our standard has been to identify writing that translates the meanings of an alien
culture so well that someone unfamiliar with ethnography grasps those meanings. These
selections of ethnographic writing have been collected in three successive editions
of Conformity and Conflict: Readings in Cultural Anthropology (1971, 1974. 1977). For
sheer readability, two of the best longer ethnographies are Elliot Liehow’s urban
ethnography, Tally’s Corner (1967), and Colin Turnbull’s study of the Pygmies, The Forest
People (1962).
In this step I want to examine briefly the nature of ethnographic writing as part of the
translation process. Then I want to discuss the principles of the D.R.S. Method as applied to
writing an ethnography. In the process I will give some specific suggestions on writing, but
always keep in mind that the way to learn to write an ethnography is to write an
ethnography.
THE TRANSLATION PROCESS
A translation discovers the meanings in one culture and communicates them in such a way
that people with another cultural tradition can understand them. The ethnographer as
translator has a dual task. For one, you must make sense out of the cultural patterns you
observe, decoding the messages in cultural behavior, artifacts, and knowledge. The more
fully you apprehend and digest the cultural meaning system operating in the social situation
you study, the more effective your final translation.
Your second task is to communicate the cultural meanings you have discovered to readers
who are unfamiliar with that culture or cultural scene. This means that every ethnographer
must develop the skills of communicating in written form. It requires that you take into
consideration our audience as well as our informants. In a real sense, a truly effective
translation requires an intimate knowledge of two cultures: the one described and the one
tacitly held by the audience who will read the description.
Many highly skilled ethnographers fail to finish the work of ethnographic translation. They
give months of time to the intensive study of another culture, analyzing in great detail the
meanings encoded in that culture. Then, without taking time to learn the skills of written
communication, without understanding their audience, without even feeling the importance
of communicating in a way that brings the culture to life, they write an ethnography. Their
audience becomes a very small group of other ethnographers, who, by virtue of their interest
in the culture, are willing to wade through the vague and general discussions, examine the
taxonomies, paradigms, and other tables or charts, and glean an understanding of the
people and their way of life. The ethnographic literature is plagued by half-translations that
cannot be used as guides to another way of life.
Every ethnographer deals with the most specific, concrete, human events as well as the most
general. In our fieldnotes we identify an infant with a specific name, held by a specific
mother, nursing at that mother’s breast, at a specific time and in a specific place. In those
same fieldnotes we will make observations about human love, nurturance, and the universal
relationship of mothers and children. In the final written ethnography, the range of levels is
enormous. More than anything else, the way these levels are used will determine the
communicative value of an ethnographic translation.
Kenneth Read, in his beautifully written ethnography of the Gahuku peoples of Highland
New Guinea, The High Valley (1965), suggests the underlying cause of partial translations
in ethnography:
In anthropology, as in all social sciences, the concern with the particular is incidental to an
understanding of the general. But when this principle is transported wholesale into doing
ethnography, it creates a travesty of the translation process. When an ethnographer studies
another culture, the only place to begin is with the particular, the concrete, specific events of
everyday life. Then, through the research process described in this book, the ethnographer
moves to more and more general statements about the culture. With the discovery of more
general categories and cultural themes, the ethnographer begins to make comparisons with
other cultures and make even more general statements about the culture studied. And all
too frequently, it is primarily this kind of analysis and understanding that finds its way into
the ethnographic description.
In writing an ethnography, as a translation in the full sense, the concern with the general is
incidental to an understanding of the particular. In order for a reader to see the lives of the
people we study, we must show them through particulars, not merely talk about them in
generalities.
There are at least six different levels that can be identified in ethnographic writing as we
move from the general to the particular. Let’s examine each of these different kinds of
translation statements.
These include all statements about human beings, their behavior, culture. or environmental
situation. They are all-encompassing statements. Although the beginning ethnographer may
often feel incompetent to make any universal statements, all of us know things that occur
universally and can include them in our ethnographies. Most cultural descriptions include
universal statements. A study of air traffic controllers, for example. might assert, ‘In all
societies, people manage the movement of their bodies through space in such a way that
they do not constantly collide with other human beings.” Such a statement is relevant to
controlling the movement of vehicles in which humans move about as well. A study of clerks
who record burglaries in the police department might assert the following universal
statement: “in all human societies, some people keep records of one sort or another about
their affairs.”
For each of the six levels of abstraction that appear in ethnographic writing, I want to give
an example from The Cocktail Waitress: Woman’s Work in a Man’s World (Spradley and
Mann 1975). This will clarify the nature of the various levels by showing their expression in
a single work. The following universal statement is one among several: “Every society takes
the biological differences between female and male to create a special kind of reality:
feminine and masculine identities” (1975:145). In the context of a specific bar in a specific
city, we made an assertion about a universal feature of human experience.
This kind of statement appears to be specific, but in fact remains quite general. ‘The
Kwakiutl live in villages along coastal bays” is a general statement about a cultural group.
‘The Pygmies live in the forest and play musical instruments” is another general statement.
We can make such statements about complex societies also: “American culture is based on
the value of materialism.” Or we can make such statements about recurrent cultural scenes,
or groups of people who have learned similar cultural scenes: “Air traffic controllers work
under great stress”; “Police departments must gather, classify, and record a great deal of
important information.”
In our study of Brady’s Bar, we included statements at this level; they did not refer
exclusively to Brady’s Bar, but to all the institutions of which Brady’s was one example:
“Bars, in general, are places of employment for hundreds of thousands of women, almost
always as cocktail waitresses. Their role in bars tends to be an extension of their role at
home—serving the needs of men. . . . Like most institutions of American society, men hold
sway at the center of social importance” (1975: 145).
When we move down one level of abstraction, we can note many statements about a
particular culture or cultural scene, Most ethnographies are filled with statements at this
level. “The Fort Rupert Kwakiutl engage in seine fishing.” “The air traffic controllers at the
Minneapolis International Airport work one of three shifts.”
Participant observation provides many statements at this level. We can say things like, “The
waitresses at Brady’s get hassled by customers” or “Tramps aren’t really tramps unless they
make the bucket,” These are descriptive statements about a particular scene or group, but
even so, they are still general in nature. Moreover, even when expressed by an informant
and used in an ethnography as a quotation from an informant, they represent an
abstraction. Every culture is filled with these low-level abstractions that must find their way
into any ethnographic description. Here is an example from Brady’s Bar: “At one level,
Brady’s Bar is primarily a place of business. At another level, Brady’s Bar is a place where
men can come to play out exaggerated masculine roles, acting out their fantasies of sexual
prowess, and reaffirming their own male identities, Brady’s Bar is a men’s ceremonial
center” (1975: 130-31).
This level of ethnographic writing contains many of the themes the ethnographer wants to
present to the reader. Thus, the theme of males expressing their identities in many different
ways—in the way space is organized, the way drinks are ordered, and the like—is described
in statements at this level. Sometimes one can encapsulate general statements at Level Four
in a quotation from an informant: they still remain statements of a very general nature.
Making use of an informant quotation helps provide a sense of immediacy and gives the
reader a closer acquaintance with the culture, but we must move to even more specific
levels.
At this level, the ethnographer begins to make use of all the different terms in one or more
cultural domains. We are now dealing with a class of events, objects, or activities as you
have discovered them in the cultural scene. For example, here is an ethnographic statement
at this level from my research on the factory that makes tannery equipment: “One of the
most important jobs that men do is to make drums. A drum can be small, such as a barrel,
or more than thirty feet across. There are many stages in making a drum, including making
heads, making pins, making cross pieces, making staves, making doors, and making door
frames. The entire process of making a drum can take as long as a week and involve the
work of several men.”
Descriptive statements at this level can make reference to taxonomies and paradigms that
encapsulate a great deal of information. However, these representations in themselves
seldom communicate more than a skeleton of relationships to the reader. In order to
translate these into a description that will be understood, a great deal of narrative
description at this level and the next more specific level is required.
Here is a brief example of a specific statement about the domain, “asking for a
drink,” which makes up part of the culture of cocktail waitresses. ‘One frequent way that
men ask for a drink is not to ask for a drink at all. In the situation where it is appropriate to
ask for a drink, they ask instead for the waitress. This may be done in the form of teasing,
hustling, hassling, or some other speech act” (1975:132).
In one sense, Levels One through Five all contrast sharply with Level Six, which takes the
reader immediately to the actual level of behavior and objects, to the level of perceiving
these things. Consider an example from Brady’s Bar at this level, closely related to all the
examples given at the other five levels of abstraction: “Sandy is working the upper section
on Friday night. She walks up to the corner table where there is a group of five she has never
seen before: four guys and a girl who are loud and boisterous. She steps up to the table and
asks, “Are you ready to order now’?” One of the males grabs her by the waist and jerks her
towards him. ‘I already know what I want! I’ll take you,” he says as he smiles innocently up
at her” (1975:132). As a reader, you immediately begin to see things happening, perhaps feel
things the actors in this situation feel. Instead of merely being told what people know, how
they generate behavior from this knowledge, and how they interpret things, you have
been shown this cultural knowledge in action. A good ethnographic translation shows; a
poor one only tells.
Perhaps another example of the six levels in ethnographic writing will clarify the effect on
the reader. Drawing from my research among tramps, the following statements all describe
a single aspect of their experience: begging, borrowing, panhandling, lending, and otherwise
exchanging things.
LEVEL ONE: Reciprocity among human beings is balanced where two people give to each
other over time, each giving and each receiving. Such reciprocity occurs in all societies.
LEVEL TWO: Tramps, like those who live in tribal villages, depend on one another in time
of need. They expect others to reciprocate. A Kwakiutl Indian will give in a potlatch and
later receive gifts at someone else’s potlatch. A tramp will give to another tramp and also
beg from another tramp.
LEVEL THREE: Tramps engage in much more reciprocal exchange than do other
members of the larger society. This kind of exchange takes many forms.
LEVEL FOUR: A tramp in the Seattle City Jail will exchange goods and services with other
tramps. If he is a trusty in the jail, he might exchange a service for money with someone in
lockup.
LEVEL FIVE: (Informant’s statement) “Yes, a tramp will beg from other tramps. If you’re
panhandling you can expect another tramp to give you money or a cigarette if he has it. You
realize that sometime he will need something and then it will be your turn.”
LEVEL SIX: It was a dull Tuesday afternoon and a slight mist of rain was blowing gently in
from the Puget Sound. Joe had become a kickout an hour earlier; several minutes ago he
walked off the elevator on the first floor of the Public Safety Building and found his way to
the street. Pulling the collar of his worn tweed jacket up around his neck, he hunched his
shoulders slightly and headed downtown, wondering where he would find money for a drink
or even a cigarette. He might have to make a flop under the bridge on Washington Street
tonight to stay out of the rain. He saw a man approaching him as he headed slowly down
James Street, obviously another tramp. Looked like a home guard tramp, but he couldn’t tell
for sure. “Can you spare a quarter for a jug?” he asked. “I just got a kickout.” “No, I’m flat on
my ass myself,” the other man said, “but how about a smoke, all I got are Bull Durhams.”
After taking a light too, Joe started on down James Street looking for a tourist or
businessman to panhandle.
Ethnographic writing includes statements at all six levels on the continuum from the
general to the particular. Effective writing, that which serves to communicate the meanings
of a culture to the reader, is achieved by making all these statements, but doing so in a
certain proportion. Professional journals, in which the author writes primarily for
colleagues, tend to consist of statements at Levels One and Two; that is, the description is
made in general terms, the author avoiding specific incidents. Those outside a narrow
professional group often find these articles dense, dull, antiseptic, and inadequate
translations. Some ethnographic writings, whether articles, papers, or books, adopt a formal
style using Levels Three and Four. Most dissertations and theses are written at these middle
levels of abstraction, although they may contain a great deal of information also at Level
Five. They tend to present the bare bones, the skeleton of knowledge, without the flesh of
examples and specific incident statements of Level Six. At the other extreme, some
ethnographic novels and personal accounts consist entirely of statements at Level Six, with,
perhaps, a few statements from Level Five thrown in now and then. This kind of writing
holds the reader’s attention hut may fail to communicate the overall structure of a culture or
the nature of ethnography.
It should be clear that mixing the various levels in the desirable proportion depends on the
goals of the ethnographer. In You Owe Yourself a Drunk: An Ethnography of Urban
Nomads (1970), 1 made a great deal of use of Levels Three through Six, ranging back and
forth among statements about tramps generally, to specific incidents. Many of the incidents
were contained in quotations from informants. In The Cocktail Waitress (Spradley and
Mann 1975), we sought to communicate to a wider audience and included many more
statements at Level Six, the most specific level. We also tried to relate the culture of Brady’s
Bar to the universal level of writing more frequently. In retrospect, we tended to scale down
the middle level of generalizations. In Deaf Like Me (Spradley and Spradley 1978), an in-
depth study of a family coping with a deaf child, we moved almost entirely to the most
concrete level in order to communicate with the widest possible audience. Although much of
the data were gathered by ethnographic interviewing and other ethnographic techniques, we
recounted specific incidents in order to communicate more effectively to the reader. We
sought to show what the culture of families was like, how they coped with a deaf child, what
strategies they used, and the consequences for communication. Although statements appear
in this study at all the other levels of generalization, they are woven into the particular so
thoroughly that they do not stand out. We attempted to communicate more general
statements through the use of particular statements.
Each ethnographer will have to determine his or her intended audience. I believe that
ethnographic research holds important values for all people and that ethnographers should
write for those outside the academic world. I urge students and others to use the middle
levels of generalizations sparingly. Emphasize the most general and the most specific. In
ethnographic writing, the concern with the general is incidental to an understanding of the
particular for an important reason. It is because generalities are best communicated
through particulars. And the second half of all translation involves communicating to
outsiders the meanings of a culture.
Underlying the D.R.S. Method of research is the assumption that breaking a large task into
smaller ones and placing these in sequence will simplify the work and improve one’s
performance. This assumption applies equally to writing. However, because each of us has
developed patterns of writing from years of experience, it is far more difficult to create a
series of steps that have wide applicability. The following steps must be considered as
suggestions only. Readers will want to create their own series of steps to organize writing in
a manner that best fits patterns developed through past experience. However, the
underlying premise, that it is valuable to divide up the writing of an ethnography into tasks,
does have wide applicability.
Step One: Select an audience. Because the audience will influence every aspect of your
ethnography, selecting an audience is one of the first things to be done. All writing is an act
of communication between human beings and in that sense it is similar to talking. When
speaking to someone, there are innumerable cues that remind us that our audience is
present. The writer needs to select an audience, identify it clearly, and then keep in mind
throughout the writing who that audience is.
When writing for a specific journal or magazine, the ethnographer must carefully scrutinize
past issues of the journal to discover the style of writing. You are, in fact, discovering the
audience that such a journal is written for. If one intends to write a book-length
ethnography, then the audience may be scholars in the field, students, the general public, or
some other group.
The best advice I have ever received for selecting an audience came from Marshall
Townsend, the editor at the University of Arizona Press:
A basic concept we stress at the University of Arizona Press is that of the “target reader.”
What we urge YOU as an author to do is to pick out a “target reader” and write in book form
for only one reader. Pick out some real person whom you know, then set down your
materials so this person wilt understand what you are saying. When you have a “target
reader,” you effect a single level of presentation. rather than trying to provide information to
everyone from those who have their doctorates to students in high school who want to delve
into the subject just a bit. Choose your level of communication and stay with it—by
addressing yourself in your writing to only this one person. We believe you will find this
concept a highly workable one.
When you as an author write successfully for one, we as a publisher may he able to take your
book and sell thousands of copies because each person feels “this was meant for me.” On the
other hand, if you try to write for thousands, and embrace all of their varied interests and
viewpoints, we may not he able to sell a single copy. Stick to your one-level approach, and
we as publishers will take care of informing readers at all levels of interest and of
understanding how the hook will fit Into their realm.
Step Two: Select a thesis. In order to communicate with your audience, you need to
have something to say. All too often, ethnographic descriptions appear to be like
meandering conversations without a destination. Although of interest to the ethnographer
and a few colleagues, such writing will not hold the attention of many more. A thesis is the
central message, the point you want to make. There are several sources for finding a thesis.
First, the major themes you have discovered in ethnographic research represent possible
theses. For example, a major theme in the culture of tramps was that being in jail affected
one’s identity, even made a man want to go out and get drunk. In jail a man learned to
“hustle,” and this reinforced his identity as a tramp trying to “make it” on the street. This
theme became the thesis of the ethnography: that jailing drunks, rather than being thera-
peutic, actually played an important role in creating the identity of tramp. This thesis was
summed up in the title of the ethnography, which came from an informant who said, “After
thirty days in jail, you owe yourself a drunk!”
Second, a thesis for your ethnography may come from the overall goals of ethnography. You
may, for example, state your thesis in the following way: “To most people, a bar is a place to
drink. But to the cocktail waitress, it is much more complex. It is a world of varied cultural
meaning that she learns in order to carry out her work and cope with difficulties. In this
paper I want to show just how complex the cultural knowledge of the cocktail waitress is, in
contrast to the casual impressions of the outsider.” Your thesis can simply be to show that
cultural meaning systems are much more complex than we usually think.
Another way to formulate this type of thesis is in terms of a set of recipes for behavior.
Culture can be viewed as a set of instructions for carrying out life’s ordinary activities. Your
thesis would be to show the reader the recipe for being a tramp, a cocktail waitress, or some
other kind of person. Frake in a series of articles, has made effective use of this kind of
thesis. For example, he has written on “How to ask for a drink” (1964c) and “How to enter a
house” among the Yakan in the Philippines (1975).
Still another way to formulate this type of thesis is to show the tacit rules for behavior. This
thesis argues that much goes on in social life that we do not see, that there are tacit rules of
behavior that people have learned but seldom discuss. The point of your paper is to make
those tacit rules explicit.
Third, a thesis may come from the literature of the social sciences. In one paper on tramps I
reviewed the literature on the concept of “reciprocity.” Then, I formulated a thesis that
linked the patterns of reciprocity among tramps to these more general concepts (Spradley
1968).
When a thesis has been selected, it is useful to state it briefly, perhaps in a single sentence,
and place it before you as a constant reminder as you write. This will help organize your
paper and integrate it around a single major idea. It will also help the reader to grasp the
meanings of the culture ma way that a simple listing of domains and their meanings will
not.
Step Three: Make a list of’ topics and create an outline. Any ethnography will
necessarily deal with only selected aspects of a culture. Furthermore, you will use only part
of the material you have collected. This step involves reviewing your fieldnotes and the
cultural inventory you made and listing topics you think should be included in the final
description. Some of these topics will be things like “introduction” and “conclusion.” Once
listed, you can then make an outline based around your thesis. This will divide up your
actual writing into sections, each of which can be done as a separate unit. If you have been
writing short descriptive pieces throughout the project (See Appendix B), many or all of
these may fit into the outline.
Step Four: Write a rough draft of each section.. A rough draft is intended to be
rough, unfinished, unpolished. One of the great roadblocks for many writers is the desire to
revise each sentence as it goes down on paper. Constant revision not only slows the entire
writing process but also takes away from the free flow of communication. Constant revision
seldom occurs in speaking; we may now and then restate something, but usually we talk
without revising. Write as you talk is an excellent rule to follow in composing a rough draft
of each section.
Step Five: Revise the outline and create sub/heads. Almost always the outline from
which one writes becomes changed in the process of writing. Once a rough draft is
completed for each section, it is a good idea to make a new outline, rearranging sections as
appropriate. You may want to use subheads to give your reader a clue to the structure of the
paper and also to act as transitions from one part to another. Native folk terms can often be
used as subheads in an ethnography, helping to create a view that reflects the cultural
knowledge of your informants.
Step Six: Edit the rough draft. At this point in the writing you will have a rough draft of
your paper, a fairly clear outline, and a number of subheadings you want to use throughout
the paper. Now it is time to go over it with an eye to improving the details of writing. Work
through each section and at the same time keep the entire description in mind. Make
changes directly on the pages you had previously written. When you want to add a
paragraph or sentence, write them on the back of the page or on a separate piece of paper
with instructions as to where they will appear. At this stage, it is often useful to ask a friend
to read over the manuscript and make general comments. An outside perspective is
especially useful for making improvements that will enhance the communicative power of
the description.
Step Seven: Write the introduction and conclusion. By now the description has
taken on substantial form and you can write these two parts of the paper in a more effective
manner. Some writers find that they write better if they write a rough introduction at the
start of the writing but save the conclusion until the end. In either case, now is the time to
review both the introduction and conclusion and revise them to fit the paper.
Step Eight: Reread your manuscript for examples. Examples involve writing at the
lowest level of abstraction. Because of their importance in communication, a special reading
of the paper to see if you have used enough examples is highly desirable. Look for places
where general statements have made your writing too “dense” and see if you can insert a
brief or extended example at those places.
Step Nine: Write the final draft. In some cases this will merely involve typing the paper
or turning it over to someone else to type. In other cases. you will need to go carefully over
the manuscript again, making the final editorial changes. Using steps such as this means
you have been over the entire manuscript numerous times during the course of writing.
Instead of a single, first-draft-as-final-draft, your paper has gone through a series of
developmental stages.
In this chapter we have discussed ethnographic writing as a part of the translation process.
Writing is a skill learned slowly and one that shows great variation from one person to
another. The suggestions in this chapter are offered only as general guidelines, not as hard-
and-fast rules that every writer should try to follow.[1]
Footnotes
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Ethnography Essay
Different Culture in Guest of the Sheik by Elizabeth Warnock Fernea
Anthropology
Ethnography Essay
Call Bells
Critical Review: with No Direction Home: Homeless Youth on the Road and in the
Streets by Marni Finkelstein
Ethnographic Research
Ethnography Essay
Ethnography Essay
Ethnography Essays
Ethnography Paper
Ethnography Reflection
Ethnography is the study of people and the cultures they represent. It is a study which
encapsulates the very essence of the individual, and can help us unravel the mysteries
behind why two communities are so very different from one another. It helps us to
understand what makes cultures and communities unique as separate entities. For a
student of anthropology, you will need to write research papers, which will decipher
what you have summed up from the study of human societies and how you have
interpreted your findings.
This indulging subject can unleash the detective as well as the journalist in you, making
you ever so alert, because you will be required to observe interpersonal behavior and
interact with the very people you are studying. This article has been developed on the
basis of taking ethnography as a whole by choosing multiracial people as the subject of
study and how they behave in different situations.
Ethnography Paper Ideas on Multiracial People
Multiracial is the sum combination of all types of people found in this world and how
they would interact when put into one given society.
#1 - Behavior in Preschool
Children of parents from different cultures will portray certain different traits. For
instance, a child who speaks in his or her native language at home, will often mix
languages while conversing with the other toddlers. Thus, the results will be a
cacophony of languages, which the teacher will rarely understand, nor will the other
children. However the message will be conveyed somehow through body language or
gestures and commonly understood words.
#2 - Behavior in School
In school, children of different cultures begin to gradually understand that the realities at
home are different from those at school. Thus, they will learn to blend with the common
crowd, by behaving like every other student. The only difference will be demarcated by
the way each student of a variant culture would appear from the others. Secondly, if the
influence of the native language is rather pronounced, that too will reflect and stand out
when two students from different cultures converse with each other.
#3 - Behavior in College
College is a place where external or foreign students join into the course in order to
pursue higher education. Students who have lived among multiracial people for many
years, will be able to readily welcome the new students. On the contrary, it may not be
as easy for the foreign students as they may find it hard to interact freely. This may
depend on their conservative cultural upbringing, or inability to converse in a common
language or the innate behavior of being wary in general. It will also be a very common
sight to notice students from the same culture, to be constantly being together and
interacting only with one another, while choosing to not mingle with the rest. In order
to write ethnography, you will need to interact with these students, to gain the reason for
their behavior. If you ask them why they do so, their answers may; more often than not,
be that they do not feel accepted by the other people or that they feel more comfortable
in the company of each another.
#4 - Behavior in a Market
It is very common to find community oriented markets within a big city, having a specific
locality, which will be set up according to their own cultural standards. These places are
representations of their own culture and a way of keeping it alive or feeling like they are
still a part of it. Here you will find people talking mostly in their native language. In many
ways, you can have a taste of their real culture by simply stepping out of your homes
and visiting these localities.
#5 - Behavior in Relationships
Couples of two separate cultures, will have certain distinct nuances about their
interpersonal relationship. The man will behave the way he has been taught and what
he has observed throughout his life. Similarly, the woman will treat her spouse the way
she has been brought up to believe. Even though, if both choose to discard their
individual cultural teachings, they will still have distinct behavioral patterns, which will
revert them back to their individual cultures. This will include cultural ideologies, imbibed
ideologies and clash of retained and discarded ideologies between the two. Differences
would also arise in terms of eating habits, cooking food, spending money, bringing up of
children and many other intricacies.
#6 - Behavior During Elections
Notice how and why certain communities show more interest in election procedures,
while some remain passive. Also, observe why they support one or two candidates and
completely ignore the ones from a particular political party or community. These will
have a lot to do with past economical, social and political treatment, which was given to
a particular community of people.
You may take inspiration from the aforementioned examples. The entire objective is to
either take a very narrow subject as your project or use a very wide based one and
have ample information to compare results with theoretical studies.
STOP
By:
Dimas Masduki
10223012
By:
Dimas Masduki
10223012
Supervisor I Supervisor II
Approved by:
Chief of Head of
STKIP- Garut English Education
Study Program
Table of Contents
Abstract
Chapter 1 Introduction
1.1 The background of the study
1.3 The assumptions
1.4 The problem statements
1.5 The objective of the study
1.6 The scope and Limitation
1.7 Hypothesis
1.8 The research method
1.9 The significance of the study
1.10 The definition of terminology
1. 11 Time table
Chapter II Literature of Related Review
2.1 Pronunciation
2.1.1 Definition
2.1.2 Elements of Pronunciation
2.1.3 The Importance and Difficulties of Pronunciation
2.2 Pronunciation teaching
2.3 Media
2.3.1 Definition of Media
2.3.2 Classification of Media
2.3.3 Function of Media
2.4 A1 speechTRON (A1 speechTRON) as a medium to teach
pronunciation
2.4.1 The role of A1 SpeechTRON as CALL (Computer-Assisted
Language Learning) in teaching and learning process
2.4.2 The procedure and implementation of the application
software to teach pronunciation
2.4.3 Advantages and disadvantages of the software
2.4.4 The correlation between pronunciation and the software
Chapter III Research Methodology
3.1 Research Design
3.2 Population and Sample
3.2.1 Population
3.2.2 Sample
3.3 Research Variables
3.3.1 The independent variable
3.3.2 The dependent variable
3.4 Technique of data collection and Instrument
3.4.1 Test
3.4.2 Documentation
3.5 Technique of data analysis
3.5.1 Pre-Test and Post-Test
3.5.2 Scoring Guidance
3.5.3 The Achievement Evidences
3.6 Hypothesis Testing
REFERENCES
Abstract
Chapter 1
Introduction
To simplify the study, the writer limits the research on the effectiveness
of using application software as a medium to teach pronunciation. The
population of this research will be 2nd Grade of English Education
Program of STKIP Garut students.
1.7 Hypothesis
1. The result of this study is expected to be useful for the teachers and
students to give alternative way to overcome their pronunciation
problems in teaching learning process especially in pronunciation.
2. For teachers, the result of this study can be used to help teaching
students’ pronunciation. So, the students can be easier to understand it.
Hopefully, this A1 speechTRON can be a medium to improve students’
pronunciation.
3. For students, it can also be used to improve and develop their
abilities in English pronunciation. Because it will give them a lot of new
experiences in order that they will be more interested and enjoy in
learning pronunciation, to be a good English speaker. Furthermore, it is
hoped to give positive influences to students in their English speaking
skill directly.
1.10 The definition of terminology
1. 11 Time table
No
Activities
November
December
February
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
1.
Submitted The Title
2.
Approval The Title
3.
Submitted The Research Proposal
4.
Seminar Proposal
Chapter II
Literature of Related Review
In this chapter, the writer would like to discuss some theories related to
the research. They are theoretical review, and hypothesis. In the
theoretical review, the writer presents the definition, the elements, and
the importance and the difficulties of pronunciation.
2.1 Pronunciation
2.1.1 Definition
The examples rat /ræt/ and rot /rοt/ were used to show the phonemic
principle in action; changing just one sound leads to a change in
meaning. The same applies to words like the soap /səύp/ and soup /su:p/,
and paper /'peipə/ and pepper /pepə/. These are all examples of minimal
pairs – words or utterances which differ by only one phoneme. Teachers
can use minimal pairs to good advantage in the classroom as a way of
focusing on sounds which have been causing difficulties for students.
c. Pronunciation and spelling activities
2.3 Media
The word media is derived from the Latin medius which means medium
(singular form) or agent or intermediary. Gerald and Kelly stated that
media is person, material or events that established condition which
enable learners to acquire knowledge, skill and attitude.
Based on the definition above, media are kinds of substances which are
used by a teacher during teaching and learning process to support the
presentation of the lesson. Thus, media have an important role in
teaching and learning process. It encourages students’ motivation and
interest in learning process. Therefore, learners are able to understand
better the material presented in a certain way.
Media can help students in acquiring lessons that are being taught.
Media give some resourceful teaching aids that help both teacher and
students in material.
Gerald and Kelly classify media into six general categories. They are:
1) Still Picture
It consists of photographs of any object or even which may be larger or
smaller than the object or even it represent.
2) Audio Recording
Recordings are made magnetic tape, disc, and motion picture sound
track. These are reproductions of factual events or sound track.
3) Motion Picture
A motion picture is a moving image in color or black and white
produced from live action or from graphic representations.
4) Television
This category includes all types of audio-video electronic distribution
system that eventually appear on television monitor.
5) Real Things, Simulation, and Models
This Category includes people, events, objects, and demonstration. Real
thing, as contrasted with other media, is not substitutes for the actual
object or event. Simulation is the replication of real situations, which has
been designed top, and is as near the factual event or process as possible.
Many media, including the computers, tape recordings, and motion
pictures can be used for simulation. Model is a replica or representation
of reality. It is often in scale and may be miniature, exact size or an
enlargement.
6) Programmed and computers-assisted instruction.
Programs are sequences of information (verbal, visual, audio) which are
designed to elicit predetermined responses. The most common examples
are programmed text-books and instructional programs prepared for
computers.
In addition, According to the development of technology, Media can be
classified into four categories as follow:
1) Printed media.
2) Audio visual media.
3) Computer-based media.
4) Combination between printed and computer based media.
From the explanation above, it can be inferred that media are classified
into audio, visual, and audio-visual media. Audio media deals with sense
of sound such as radio and tape recording. Visual media is related to
sense of view, such as picture, chart, image, realia. Audio-visual media
deals with both of the senses, such as television, film, and video.
In this study, the writer will apply combination between printed and
computer based media named A1 SpeechTRON (A1 speechTRON). By
using this, it can help students to learn and pay attention to the material
given.
2.3.3 Function of Media
Chapter III
Research Methodology
3.2.1 Population
a. Pre-test
Pre-test is given before the treatments. After giving the test, the writer
determines the statically analysis technique to find out whether both
groups have normal distribution and homogeny. If the data have normal
and homogeny distribution, the treatment and teaching can be conducted
to both classes.
1) Normality test
It is used to know the normality of the data that is going to be analyzed
whether both groups have normal distribution or not. The normality test
with Chi-square is done to find out the distribution data.
2) Homogeneity Test
It is aimed to get the assumption that sample of research came from a
same condition or homogenous. It is used to know whether experiment
class and control class, that are taken from population have same variant
or not.
3) Test of the Average
It is used to examine average whether experiment group and control
group have been decided having different average. T-test is used to
analyze the data of this research. A t-test would be the measure you
would use to compare the mean scores of the two groups.
b. Post-Test
Post-test will be held after all treatments are conducted. This test is used
to measure students’ achievement after they are given treatments. The
result of test will be analyzed statistically by looking for the mean and
the percentage of the test result. This aim is to compare between the
pretest and posttest. Then, the overall result is counted by using t-test
formula in order to know the significances of the research.
3.5.2 Scoring Guidance
On scoring data, researcher will check students’ voice one by one from
their records as the result of students’ tests in the pre- and post-test the
kind of tests is in a spoken form. So, it is needed extra attention while
checking students’ voices to get a valid data. It is used to measure their
pronunciation ability after researcher gives treatment and to know about
their improvement. On the other hand, there will be 20 particular words
on the narrative texts that should be pronounced by students.
Thus, the scoring guidance of the test which is used is as follows:
1. 5 score for every item if the student pronounced the particular words
correctly. It has 20 items to pronounce. This can be defined that the
highest score is 100.
2. 4 Score for student that pronounced related the sound is almost
correct.
3. 1 score when student pronounced the sound word incorrectly, and
4. 0 score was given to student that did not pronounce sound word.
Test Score
Number of
Students
Level of
Achievement
Percentages
80-89
Very Good
70-79
Good
60-69
Fair
50-59
Poor
Below 50
Fail
100 %
Percentage = X . x 100
∑x
STOP
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in the Academic Year of 2011/2012).
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