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Sutanto !

David A. Sutanto

Professor Rebecca Ottman

English W131 ML

11 November 2018

Implications of Constructed Representations of Politicians in Mass Media

With the ever increasing number of people gaining access to the internet and thus, the

ability to access information instantaneously, many questions arise regarding the credibility of

the immense amount of articles being posted on the internet everyday. The 2016 United States

presidential elections is a prime example that shows the power of online forms of media, and the

influence it can have on the nature of politics within a country. The term “fake news” gained

enormous traction as more and more hoaxes and misleading news articles are virally spread

through social media (Tufekci). Many internet users have fallen trap to this type of

misinformation, and as they re-post articles on their social media accounts, this leads to the

further spread of false and/or biased information.

On a more serious note, it has been documented that fake, misleading and biased content

found online can cause verbal and sometimes even violent conflict between people with

opposing views (Burston et al.). One of the main reasons that people easily fall trap to this type

of misinformation is due to the fact that authors can use factual information and frame it in such

a way that it misleads the readers of the article (Wardle). These strategies can be difficult to

discern, making many readers think that these articles are credible none the less.

In this research paper, I plan to explore the nuanced ways in which writers can achieve

and construct representations of people within the media through the use of language. More
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importantly, the implications such achieved representations can have on the political climate of a

country, especially during times of elections. In order to do this, I have chosen to select articles

from a named online media outlet that might be difficult for the average reader to pick out. I plan

to analyze the language used within them and bring to light the various techniques and strategies

that the writers of media outlets can employ to persuade readers into agreeing with their

company’s views. By exposing the ways in which writers can construct representations of people

in mass media, more people will have the ability to discern authentic, fact-based reporting from

manipulated and/or misleading articles.

For this research paper, I have chosen the Moscow Times as my named media outlet, and

I will be analyzing a selection of articles discussing Vladimir Putin (his policies, his

administration and his relationships with the Russian elite) that show the most salient uses of

discursive strategies, stylistic devices and/or the pillars of persuasion and how these strategies

and devices have been used to represent him as an incompetent leader. These discursive

strategies include, but are not limited to, assimilation, inclusion, and modality.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Vladimir Putin is the current president of Russia. He has served as Russian president for

three terms, and is currently in his fourth presidential term. His persona as well as the policies

and laws he has implemented during his time as Russian president has become a well discussed

topic internationally. The role he played in the 2016 United States presidential election as well as

his policies regarding nuclear warfare has caused most of the Western world to have an

extremely negative perception of him. Despite this, laws on censorship has allowed him to keep

a pristine image, especially within Russia. Due to the polarizing perceptions various groups of
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people can have of him, Putin will be an appropriate subject to study how language can be used

to manipulate and mislead readers in the media in this research paper.

The Moscow Times is an English-language publication based in Moscow, Russia. As of

July 2017, it had 55,000 copies in circulation. The newspaper was mainly distributed for free in

places that is frequently visited by English-speaking tourists and expatriates such as cafes, hotels

and at embassies (Richardson). Readers can also access an online version of the publication at

www.themoscowtimes.com or purchase a weekly subscription and have copies sent to them.

Despite the Moscow Times being headquartered in Russia, full ownership of the company was

acquired by the Dutch Foundation, a company based in the Netherlands. Throughout the years, it

has gained the reputation of a "western propaganda site" with many Russians criticizing its style

of reporting, and claiming that their reporting is biased and tied to a hidden agenda (Jadart). In

most of its articles, the Moscow Times has kept a very negative tone on Putin and his

administration, consistently casting a negative light on his policies, framing him as corrupt and

unfit to be the Russian president (Jadart). This research paper aims to explore the techniques that

have been employed by the writers of the Moscow Times to represent Putin as an incompetent

leader.

Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is the theory that will guide my analysis of the

selected articles from the Moscow Times. Critical Discourse Analysis is defined as "analytical

research that studies the way social-power abuse and inequality are enacted, reproduced,

legitimated and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context." (Van Dijk) This is an

appropriate theory to use in my research as I intend to explore the ways the Moscow Times has

used various devices to construct their representations of Putin. Through the implementation of

this technique, this research paper will identify the various discursive techniques (exclusion,
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inclusion, assimilation, modality, etc.) that the writers of the Moscow Times have employed to

achieve their representations of Putin. My analysis of the selected Moscow Times articles will

not be limited to the identification of discursive strategies, as I will also be mentioning any

apparent persuasive techniques such as but not limited to the pillars of persuasion, rhetorical

devices, and/or stylistic devices. For the sake of this article, the mention of named discursive

strategies and/or other persuasive techniques will be italicized.

Persuasion Rates are a calculated value to show the effectiveness of media bias in

persuading an audience to agree with a news outlets’ position on the left-right political spectrum

(DellaVigna). Although this research paper will not attempt to calculate the persuasion rates

associated with the readers of the Moscow Times, it is important to note the definition of this

term as it will be used often when discussing and citing past surveys regarding the effects of

biased forms of media on voter outcomes.

ANALYSIS

The first article taken from the Moscow Times that I will analyze for this research paper

is entitled “Putin is Living in A World Without Rules” by Leonid Bershidsky. This article

discusses Putin’s controversial policies regarding the use if nuclear weapons as well as how he

continues to influence Russia’s think tanks such as the Valdai Club and the rest of his

administration. In these articles, Bershidsky has used the discursive strategy of inclusion, which

is realized through the use of linguistic devices (mainly verbs and nouns that refer to Putin), in

this way, social actors are given roles to play, and are activated in the representations of them

(Van Leeuwen). Inclusion can also be defined as “the use of the various parts of speech in such a

way that social actors are given roles to play in their representations, and, grammatically, is given
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the role of the agent in respect to that action” (Van Dijk). Aside from inclusion, Bershidsky has

also employed the discursive strategy of assimilation, defined as “the grouping of social actors,

which is realized through the use of nouns that denote a group of people” (Van Leeuwen). The

use of these discursive techniques is also aided by the use of emotive language.

The quotations below are the most salient examples of how these discursive techniques

have been used by Bershidsky in order to construct the representation of Putin as an incompetent

leader. An example of this is found in the following quotation in which Bershidsky discusses the

new plan that Putin has just signed regarding Russia’s nuclear arms policy, “The current Russian

military doctrine, which Putin signed in 2014, does, however, allow a nuclear strike even if

nuclear weapons aren’t used against Russia.”, Bershidsky has used the transitive verbs “signed”,

and “allow”, which is underlined in this quotation. The proper noun “Putin” as bolded in the

quotation allows him to explicitly refer to Putin when discussing the social actor in the discourse

(Proper Noun), allowing the audience to know exactly who Bershidsky is referring to.

Bershidsky has used these transitive verbs with a proper noun that denote Putin specifically and

represent him as the sole agent in the given actions (in this case, the transitive verbs “signed”,

and “allow”). Grammatically, he is the sole actor performing the actions of signing the new

military doctrine, allowing a nuclear strike even if nuclear weapons are not used against Russia

and justifying and defending this decision. As Putin is given the active role, it can be argued that

the discursive strategy of inclusion has been used. Such inclusion aids in the representation of

him as an incompetent leader, as it suggests that he is an erratic and impulsive leader, qualities

that are not popular for a politician of his caliber to have, thus augmenting his representation as

an incompetent leader.
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Another quotation that shows a salient example of the use of a discursive technique can

be seen when Bershidsky quotes a clause from the new agreement, “The Russian Federation,

… reserves the right to use nuclear weapons in response to the use of nuclear and other weapons

of mass destruction against it or its allies, as well as in the eventuality of a conventional attack

against the Russian Federation when it threatens the very existence of the state.” Bershidsky has

included the proper noun “The Russian Federation” to refer to the entity that will enact the new

nuclear weapons policy, despite having previously suggested, through the discursive strategy of

inclusion, that Putin was the sole actor in deciding to enact the law. The proper noun “the

Russian Federation” denotes the entire Russian government and all the citizens within it,

effectively grouping the entire Russia together, with Putin making all the decisions within this

group. The discursive strategy of assimilation allows Bershidsky to suggest to his audience that

the entire Russian government is run by Putin, with him making all the decisions. Such

assimilation aids in the representation of him as an incompetent leader, as he is seen as a

totalitarian, with a disregard for others’ opinions.

Bershidsky has also made use of the rhetorical technique of emotive language, as seen in

the following quotation that describes Putin’s reasoning behind signing the new policy, “It’s a

vision so fatalistic that, in contrast to previous annual Valdai Club appearances, Putin didn’t

even try to hide his boredom as he answered familiar questions…At one point, Putin explained

his fatalist credo as he discoursed on the nature of fear…” In this quotation, Bershidsky has used

the adjective “fatalistic” and the noun “fatalist” to describe Putin’s new policy. Both of these

words refer to the noun “fatalism” which is defined as “the acceptance of all things and events as

inevitable; submission to fate” or “a lack of effort or action in the face of difficulty” (Fatalism).

Bershidsky’s choice to use these words in describing Putin’s views on nuclear policy aid in the
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representation of him being an incompetent leader, as he is seen as a leader who is quick to judge

the actions of others and react to said action impulsively, without any negotiation.

The second article is another salient example of how the writers in the Moscow

Times has used the discursive strategy of modality to represent Putin as an incompetent leader.

This article entitled “Who Will Replace Vladimir Putin in 2018?”, which was written in 2013 by

Vojtech Bohác, discusses possible roles Putin will take during the 2018 Russian presidential

elections, whether or not it is likely that he will run for a fourth term, and if other politicians are

to take his place. Modality is defined as a strategy used to “express certainty, possibility,

willingness, obligation, necessity or ability by using modal words and expressions” (Modality).

This is most apparent in the following quotation, “But President Vladimir Putin will almost

certainly win re-election if he decides that he wants to stay put, his popularity sealed by the

Kremlin stroking public fears that change in power could bring back the instability that rocked

the country during the decade before Putin was first elected.”, Bohác’s use of pronouns such as

“he” (which are used to refer to Putin) are bolded in these quotations, and is used alongside

modal verbs such as “will”. This expresses Bohác’s opinion about the role Putin will play in the

future of Russian politics. Modal verbs and pronouns have been used to express certainty that

Putin has the power and ability to maintain his level of influence in Russian politics, suggesting

that he is a conspiratorial leader. This is strengthened through the use of the adverb “certainly”,

which is bolded and underlined in the quotation, suggest that there is “no doubt” that Putin will

win a fourth term if he wants to.

Bohác’s use of modal verbs and pronouns that refer to Putin are strengthened through the

use of an adverb effectively represent Putin as having the resources to do necessary actions to

maintain his power as his third term ends if he chooses to do so, whether it be securing his
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position as Russian president for a fourth term or by “selecting” a successor to maintain his

influence through illegal and/or undemocratic means, further stressing that he is an incompetent

leader for Russia.

IMPLICATIONS

As seen, the use of language allows writers to construct representations of social actors in

nuanced ways that might not be easily discerned by the reader. This can be done to achieve any

representation that they choose to construct, be it positive or negative. These representations vary

depending on the news publication’s position on the left-right political spectrum, and, as a result,

an individual’s exposure to a biased news source can have an impact on the opinions they form

on topics, and even who they vote during times of elections. Surveys done by DellaVigna say

that Fox News (American news publication on the right side of the political spectrum), when

introduced in 1996, showed a persuasion rate of 3-8% on people who watched Fox News

exclusively, indicating that more people had aligned themselves with right-wing political views

after the introduction of a biased news source (DellaVigna). This is further strengthened with

evidence that showed that people in rural towns that did not have access to any other news

source aside from Fox News are more likely to vote Republican (DellaVigna).

Based on these studies done by DellaVigna, we can conclude the same about the Moscow

Times, as their use of discursive strategies could have a similar effect on resulting persuasion

rates during the Russian elections, shifting to an “anti-Putin” view due to the news publication’s

constructed representations of Putin. Discursive strategies and techniques that are used to

represent social actors in certain ways might not be commonly known, and many people that

have not been exposed to or have a knowledge of how it can be used would believe the reports
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coming out of the Moscow Times, causing persuasion rates to rise. Having a news publication on

the extreme-left side of the political spectrum while the rest of Russia’s news sources remain

censored (to ensure Putin keeps a good public image) can lead to heated, violent debates among

the citizens of Russia (Burston et al.), affecting the political and economic stability of the

country.

Although many can argue that the freedom of the press, and the writers’ freedom to

express their opinions are a basic human rights and a means to uphold democracy, it can also be

argued otherwise. Mass media can have a sizable voting impact, especially when it comes to

voting. Persuasion rates, even in the small percentages of 3-8% can be a huge deciding factor in

who wins an election. It is important to note that in most elections throughout the world, voters

lack sufficient information to properly assess candidates (Sun et al.), often relying on the media

coverage of candidates as their primary and only source of information (Prat). This is not an ideal

means for voters to attain information on political candidates, as the analysis section of this paper

has proven that factual information can be easily manipulated. The “deregulation” of mass

media, the freedom of press, and to allow news publications to continue to report in biased ways

can easily alter voter behavior. It could then be easily seen as undemocratic. We want people to

form their opinions based on the facts that they have been presented, not the opinions and biases

of others or of bigger organizations and corporations.

CONCLUSION

Throughout the analysis, it is obvious that writers of the Moscow Times has used various

discursive strategies to consistently represent Putin a negative light, suggesting that he is

incompetent and unfit to be Russian president. Perhaps the Moscow Times has done this in order
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to “match” the opinions of its reader base , which mainly consists of English-speaking tourists

visiting Moscow, and expatriates currently living in Moscow. The Moscow Times could have

done this in order to drive the sales of their print copies, as English-speaking foreigners that are

visiting or living in Moscow would most likely align more towards Westernized (generally

negative) views of Vladimir Putin and his administration.

Although it is completely acceptable for a business such as the Moscow Times to keep

their profitability in mind and to cater to their customers, it is also crucial to remember the

possible effects that this kind of manipulation of information has on the political climate of a

country. A study done by Stefano DellaVigna concluded that individuals who have received

exposure to biased forms of media, whether it be a leftist or rightist bias, are more likely to align

with the political views of the media that they consume. This may lead to a nation that has a

population with polarizing political views, leading to violent conflict.

This essay has aimed to inform its readers and other scholars alike about the various

techniques writers will inevitably use (whether it be for profit, satire, shock value, etc.) to

construct representations of social actors within news articles, and how to pick this apart from

the factual information within these articles. By becoming aware of these techniques and how

writers can use them, we can avoid being overly affected by media bias and information that

might be misleading and/or manipulated. 



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Works Cited

Bershidsky, Leonid. “Putin Is Living in a World Without Rules (Op-Ed).” The Moscow Times, 19

Oct. 2018, http://www.themoscowtimes.com/articles/putin-is-living-in-a-world-without-

rules-op-ed-63252.

Bohác, Vojtėch. “Who Will Replace Vladimir Putin in 2018?” The Moscow Times, 13 Nov. 2013,

themoscowtimes.com/articles/who-will-replace-vladimir-putin-in-2018-29679.

Burston, Adam, et al. “The Danger of Fake News in Inflaming or Suppressing Social Conflict.”

A Citizen's Guide to Fake News, Center for Information Technology & Society | UC

Santa Barbara, 29 Aug. 2018, www.cits.ucsb.edu/fake-news/danger-social.

DellaVigna, Stefano, and Ethan Kaplan. “The Political Impact of Media Bias.”, Jun. 2007, http://

eml.berkeley.edu/~sdellavi/wp/mediabiaswb07-06-25.pdf.

“Fatalism.” Oxford Dictionaries, Oxford University Press,

en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/fatalism.

Jadart, “Is The Moscow Times a western propaganda site?”. Reddit, Reddit, www.reddit.com/r/

russia/comments/2o0dsz/is_the_moscow_times_a_western_propaganda_site/

Leeuwen, Theo Van. “Representing Social Action.” Discourse and Practice, Oct. 2008, pp. 55–

74., doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195323306.003.0003.

“Modality.” Cambridge Dictionary, Cambridge University Press, dictionary.cambridge.org/us/

grammar/british-grammar/modals-and-modality/modality-introduction.

Prat, Andrea. “Media Power.” 1 July 2016, economics.rice.edu/sites/g/files/bxs876/f/Prat _

Seminar _ Sept 16.pdf.


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“Proper Noun.” Oxford Dictionaries, Oxford University Press,

en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/proper_noun.

Richardson, Dan. Moscow. Rough Guides, 2001.

Tufekci, Zeynep. “It's the (Democracy-Poisoning) Golden Age of Free Speech.” Wired, Conde

Nast, 15 Feb. 2018, www.wired.com/story/free-speech-issue-tech-turmoil-new-

censorship/?CNDID=50121752

Van Dijk, Teun A. Handbook of Discourse Analysis. 1985.

Wardle, Claire. “Fake News. It's Complicated.” First Draft News, 15 May 2017,

www.firstdraftnews.org/fake-news-complicated/.

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