Volume 1., VI Part l .

January 1968

THE

JOU NAL
OF THE

I I T
(JSS)

BANGKOK

2 51 1
The } ourrzal of the Siam Society
Contents of f "olume. LVI Part I january ]<){)8

Articles Page
~:.J. O'Connor Si C'lum: An Early S'ettlement in Peninsular
Thailaml
Geh:m Wijeyewardene The Language c~l Courtship itZ Chiengmai 19
Ch: bti~:n Vedder Notes on the .Saga of Rama in Thailand 33
Lu-ry Stern!;tein .1 Catalugut; of J11afJS of Thailand in the iVluseum
of the Royal Thai Survey Department) Uangkoh 47

Notes
Note on an Eye-Jiflit1zess .Account in Dutch r4 Llu:
nestruction of Ayudhya in 1767 101

H;1n~ E. Knuffm:-tnn Bernot, Lucien /,es paysans arakanais du Paldstmz

Odental 113
Victor KenHedy No Na Pak Nam, Five Montns Among the Ruins
of Ayudhya 118

Recent Siamese Puhlicatiolls :

373. Mom Dvivo9s, The Royal Prasad a1Ul Resideuces in the GrandPa/ace 125
374. Mom Dvivo9s, Etiquette ami Court Language 126
375. Mom Dvi vo9s, Lecture on Court Ceremonies p1·actised in th<!
present reign I 27
376. Direck Jayanum, Thailand and the ~Second World War 127
377. Direck Jayanam~ Memento of his. cremation 128
3nL Sunthorn Bhu, Niras Pr-a Pradhom 128
379. 'li.Ipo, D., ExMbits v.oorth attention 129
380. Yupo, D., Suvamzabhumi 129
381. :'ltz Inscription from Nanchao, B.E. 7390 130
382. Damdenr)am, P,, A Biography of the Ven. Pra Svarga V aranayok
and an Inventory of the antiquities of Svargalok 131
383. Damrog> H.R ..H. Prince, Mission to Eu1'ape B.E. 2434 132
384. DamrOI} H.R.H. Prince, Correspondence cwith King Chulalovkorn 134
385. Disanuvat Diskul, Momcao, Valedictory messages 135
386. Samaichaloem Kridakara, Momcao, A memento published for
the Prince's cremation 135
 SI CHON: AN EARLY SETTLElVIENT IN PENINSULAR
THAILAND
by
S.J. O'Cc~nr.or
Come/1 l 'nil'cnity

The Isthmian Con text

Few areas in Southeast Asia are as impacted with the press of
history as the isthmian tract of peninsular Thailand. It is an area
that first came into prominence as a land route, a trans-peninsular
portage, bet ween the Bay of Bengal and the Gulf of Siam. At least
before the first half of the third century, and possibly until the fifth
century, traders and envoys moving betvveen China and India appear
to have shunned the all-sea route leading through the Straits of Ma-
lacca in favor of a passage across the \Vaist of the peninsula. 1 The
early use of this route may be discerned in the itinerary of a mission
apparently sent to India, or at least some locality on the shore of the
Bay of Bengal, by the emperor Han Wu Ti ( 141-87 l3.C.) 2 • The mission
was in search of pearls, glass and rare stones which were obtained in
exchange for gold and assorted silks. These 'strange and precious'
objects were eagerly sought by Chinese courts, and in response to the
stimulus of this commerce small city-states developed on the peninsula
in the early centuries of the Christian era to function as entrep6ts in
a trading pattern that linked Persia, India, Funan and, ultimately,
China. The strategic role of peninsular harbor states and emporia
such as Tun Sun,3 Langkasuka and Tumbralinga was so critical to
1) For the most recent and authoritative discussion of the early routes of
maritime trade in Southeast Asia, see 0. W. Wolters, Earl:/ bulonesi,m
Comrnerce Ithaca, New York 1967 pp. 31-36.
2) The relevant passage is translated and analyzed in Wang Gungwu, 'The
Nanhni trade: A Study of the Early History of Chinese Trade in the South
China Sea,' .Journal of the 1i1alaysitm Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society vol
31 no 2,1958 pp.l9-22.
3} On the basis of the textual evidence, Tun Sun is believed to be located in
the northern reaches of the peninsula rather than on the isthmian tract. For
an analysis of the problem, see Paul Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese Kuala
Lumpur 1961 pp. 15-21. Both Langkasuka and Tiimbralh1ga are considered
to be located on the isthmian portion of the peninsula. See ibid. pp, 6 7
and 252~67.
 J. 0'(

ly t!Ht.•:nntit,lU;aJ ~;'nmm.t'!l'e that i'UIHIU in

it't~lft {II C it

i!UI.utut.,. had manifested n commercial in area

he fore. An Indian mercantile company, the
·~J \jUrVC!f of cnmnwditie! in·vnlved in the cady nHHitime tntdc of .South-
e:t~t A~ia. !Icc Paul '1/htwtley, '(iec•graphical Notes on Snme Ctmm'Hldities
illll.''nlved in Maritime Trade,' Jman,J! tlil· Br.mth tl.c
vol 32 no 2. 1959.
5) ~it. Appendix A pp. 118-23 lists the tribute tnissions from
S1.1Utheast A;;ia to China up to the Sung dynasty.
(I) The ch:uuctcr of dit)lmnatic and commerci~tl relatkms between China and
Southeast Asia is examined in O.W. Wolters. 'Chinn irredenta: the south,'
vol 19 no 12, 1963 pp. 540-52.
 :·il UJn\ : ,\~ EAHJ.Y ~hll l.F.\lE\T 1\ l'F\1\SI iJ.:\H 111:\ILANIJ 3

A!anigramam, \vas active at Takuapa, an early entrep6t located on the

east coast of the isthmus above Phuket, during the ninth century. 1
The successors to the Palla va, the Cola, reacting against the restrictive
trade policies and impositions of Srivijaya, raided the istbmian tract
possibly in 1017 and also in 1025 and 1068. 8 Among the material
evidence of the Co~a impact in the area are statues at Takuapa and
Vi eng Sra in Cola style, and an inscription at Nagara Sri Dharmaraja.9
Burmese kings turned their attention to the isthmus as early as
the reign of King Aniruddha in the mid-eleventh century.Io And it
\Vas control over the commercial routes of the area that briefly
embittered relations between Burma and Ceylon leading to a war in
1165-66. 11 Indeed, this incident is merely a punctuation mark in the
long continuum of contacts between the isthmian area and Ceylon.
Professor A. B. Griswold has recently identified Buddha images found
at Sungei Golok, in the province of Nuradhiwasa near the Malayan
border, and at PraJ).apuri province further north, as products of Ceylon
dating to about the fifth century, and Ceylon cultivated especially
close contacts, religious and political, with the isthmian state of
Tambralinga during the eleventh through the thirteenth centuries. I:!
In the rich mix of competing influences to which the isthmian
tract was subject in ancient times, the Khmer empire played a pro-
minent role. Funan had left its impact on the area and even after its
7) Nilakanta Sastri, K.A., 'Takuapu and Its Tamil Inscription,' Joumal of the
Malcl)''m Branch of the Ro:val Asiatic .Sotief)' vol 22 no 1, 1949 pp. 2 5-30.
8) Majumdar, R.C., 'The Overseas Expeditions of King Raje11dra Cola,' llrtihus
Asiae vol 24 pts 3/4 pp. 3 3 8-42.
9) Coed~~s, G., R,·mdl des /n.w.:rij,lium du Siam, deu.riiJmc j•clrtic 2nd cd, Bangkok
p. 38.
10) Lucc, G. H., 'Some Old References to the South of Burma and Ceylon,'
Felicitation Volumes of Soutlwast-il.sian Studies Presented to Prince Dhaninir.:at
Bangkok 1965 vol 2 p. 270.
11) Sirima Wickremasinghc, 'Ceylon's Relations with Southeast Asia with
Special Reference to Burma,' The Ceylon Joumal of Historical and Social
Studies vol 3 no 1, 19 60 pp. 44-49.
12) 'Imported Images and the Nature of Copying in the Art of Siam', J.;ssays
O.tlen~d to G.H. Luce Ascona 1966 vol2 pp. 41-55 and Senarat Paranavitana,
Ceylon and l\1alaysia Colombo 1966 pp. 74-81.
 s. J. {

states nf the i~thmus. 1

pretender to th~.~ thrnnc ttf
bcr of the ruling
raja}. an indic~Jtiun that the
cultural and political ambience nf the
Folhnring his \ icttH"Y lP. er Jay~1
isthmian backgn1tl!Hi~ Suryavarman I
I\1cnam basin as attested an
In the view of I .. P.
as the ist bmus. 1 Recent research rm an
the Bay of Ban,hHl indicates that Khmer cultural
strongly fdt in th<~ i!'!thmus as late as the Ia~t the
thirteenth century.!
Some Objects from Si Chon
All this merely hlu~.:ks out some nf the
cultural currents whk:h ihnvcd along and over area prior
to the Thai C<mqttc!,t in latter part of the thirteenth <.~cntury. V/hcn
the very ~~potty an:hacolngical c.xplorathm of the area has hcen t~;..ffl
tended, it shuuld be possible tu see the or all
congealed into sct!UClH:cs nnd patterns made by purpo.~c
nf this note is to bring tc> the attention uf hi:ltoriuns and art hbtodan~
some plllHugraph~ objects from a site in the isthmu~ vd1ii.:h not
previously been rccordctl in the literature available in European
languages. The objects were photographed during a very vh,it
13) 0'(\mnor. S.J.; 'Satingpr;dt: An E,;pandcd • .lmo n.d d, ••
/J;,mflz fl,.• A,,i~tti1 vol39 nn !July 196<1 pp. 137-
144.
14) See Cocdcs, G .• 'Stele de Prttsat Ben (K. 989).' du (
Pads 1964 v"l 7 pp. I 64-89.
15) Coedes, G., l.es J~:t,lfs himlnuisr..~ d' lmhwhine c·t d' lndmu':,/t: 2nd cd, P<ui!l
1964 pp. 252-53.
16) Briggst L.P., 'The Khmer Empire and the Malay Peninsula,t z•:o· E.Hto·n
Umzrtaly vol 9 no 3, 1950 p. 286.
17) de Casparis, J.G .• 'The Date of the Grahi Buddha,' .low n,d
Son·c(v vol 55 no 1, 1967 pp. 30~40.
 !-il Ci!O:.O: ,\N E:\li!.Y ~En 1.1·:\IE:..T I\ l'E:'IOI\Sll.AH TIL\ II ANU 5

to Amphur Si Chon, an area on the cast coast of the peninsula

between the Bay of Bandon and the town of Nagara Sri Dharmaraja.
The modern village of Si Chon is approximately thirty-eight miles
directly north of Nagara Sri Dharmaraja from where it can be reached
by boat or by a road that is in some stretches little more than a track.
For some miles approaching Si Chon, it follows the shifting sands of
what must be an ancient beach and a vehicle with four-wheel traction
is essential. I&
Three sites in the vicinity of Si Chon have yielded many anti-
quities: 'Nat Jom Tong, Na Khom village and Wat Sra Si Mum.l 9
Some objects remain at the sites, while others are now in private
collections in Si Chon, Nagara Sri Dharmaraja, and, so I am told,
Bangkok. The following notes relate to objects, some in situ, others
in private collections, which are said to come from these sites.

\Vat Jom Tong

Figures I and 2 This male figure with four arms, wearing a
roughly conical headdress and a long skirt or dlzoti, is a representation
of Vi~r;u in st!uma/?.a-murti. While its arms are broken and its attri-
butes are thus missing, it is very likely that they were the conch
(sanMla), club (gada), wheel (cahra) and either the lotus (padma) or
the symbol of the earth (bhu). 20 Images of this type are familiar from
such sites on the isthmian tract as Takuapa, Vieng Sra, Surastn1-dbani
and Satingprah. Indeed, it is found in a number of sites around the
18) My visit to the site in May 1966, while enroute to Sarawak to participate in
archaeological field work with the Sarawak Museum, was made possible by
a grant from the JDR IIIrd Fund and the cooperation of the Department of
Fine Arts of Thailand. I was accompanied to Si Chon by Mr. Nikom
Suthiragsa of the Fine Arts Department, and Messrs. Samran and Chiaranai,
scholars from Nagara Sri Dharmaraja. I am most grateful for their
assistance.
19) A fourth site a hill called Kao Ca is some distance from Si Chon but can be
reached by jeep. For a photograph showing several stone images and a
snCina.drm.zi, and a brief account of a visit to this and other sites in the Si
Chon area, see Suchit Wongthet, 'Borankhadii Phane6hon (Wandering
Archaeology}/ Chao Knmg vol 16 no 2 Nov 1966.
20) Banerjea, J.N., The Der:elojmwnt of Hindu. Iconogr·aj>hy Calcutta 1946 pp.
387-88 and Dupont, P., La statuaire p1·eanglwrienne Ascona 1955 pp. 143-44.
 3 uppcar!l tn
of
htH!tltlt1""''L" the jufil of n
If the head actually is a Bodhisattva of the

vol41 nu 2, 1941 pp. 233 .. 54 and /,,1 ....... .,.... ..

pp, 122<14.
~:n a dbcusskm t,»f this later series of ltn~g~robed see Dupont,
of~. fit. p. I 30·; Mallerett I~ .• /. \"\rt .,,.,.,., . , ...

vol 4 !,c <'i.~lhlss.,;, Paris 1964 pp. l HtJisselier, J.,

Pads 1966 p. 239 and O'Connor t~J•. 1it. pp. 138-41.
::!3) of~. dt. Plate XIXB.
 Figure Figure 2
Fi~'lu· Stone. From Si Chon. Collection of Charat School, Nagara Sri Dharmaraja.
 Figure 3 Figure 4
Female Divinity. Stucco. Wat Jom Tong, Amphur Si Chon. Male Divinity. Stucco. Wat Jom Tong, Amphur Si Chon.
 SI CIION: AN EARLY SETTLEMENT IN PENINSULAR THAILAND 9

tradition, then it would pre-date the Ayudhya style, an idiom which

prevailed in Si Chon from the fifteenth century onward and of which
there are many sculptural examples in the area. 2 4 It is more likely
however that these figures are merely subordinate deities in a stucco
tradition associated with the Thai Buddhist styles of Ayudhya and
Bangkok. The balance of probability would seem to favor this
interpretation since there are structural ruins in the area of Wat Jom
Thong which reportedly date from the Ayudhya period and the stuccos
do not appear to be associated with the Dvaravati tradition of stucco
and terra cotta work revealed by such sites as U-Thong, Ku Bua, Bau
Kok MaiDen and Nakhon Pathom. 25 While there was a workshop
influenced by Ceylon and turning out sculpture in the Jaiya area be-
tween the twelfth and fifteenth centuries, there is nothing which
indicates that these two pieces should be associated with that
tradition. 2 6
Figure 5 This is a clay, Buddhist votive tablet.These small
images were stamped from metal molds as a pious act and they have
been found in various styles over much of mainland Southeast Asia. 27
24) A discussion of the national Ayudhya style and its impact on the isthmian
tract is found in Luang Boribal Buribhand and A. B. Griswold, 'Sculpture
of Peninsular Siam in the Ayuthya period,' Journal of the Siam.. Society
vol 38 no 2, 1951.
25) See for example the illustrations in Fine Arts Department, Guide to tlze
U-Tho11g National J'Yf.useum, Suj)hanburi Bangkok 1966 and Dupont, P.,
L'archeologie m~ne deDvamvati Paris 1959.
Buddha images in the style associated with the kingdom of Dvaravati
were made along the coastal reaches of the isthmus. They are found in
museums at Jaiya and Nagara Sri Dharmaraja. I was told that an image in
this style had been located in an area of Amphur Ta Sa-la which is a few
miles south of Si Chon on the road to Nagara Sri Dharmaraja.
26) Dupont, P., 'Le Buddha de Grahi et l'ecole de C'aiya,' Bulletz'n de Z"Ecole
Fmngais d'Extreme-Orz'ent vol41, 1942 pp. 103-08.
27) For general background, see Foucher, A., 'Les debuts de l'art bouddhique,'
Journal Asiatique January 1911 pp. 65-66. Filliozat, J., 'Les usages des
tablettes bouddhiques aux 'Saintes Empreintes", or Arts Asiatiques vol 1 no 4,
1954 pp. 309-16. The basic study on votive tablets in Thailand is Coedes,
G., 'Siamese Votive Tablets,' trans. Graham, W.A., Journal of the Siam
Society vol20 po 1, 1926 pp. 1-23.
10 S. J. O'Connor

They were apparently especially popular with people of modest

means who were unable to afford a Buddha image of bronze or
stone. In the Malay Peninsula these objects are found in large
quantities in limestone caves.
This tablet belongs to Professor Coedes' 'Type HI' which is
clearly Khmer in style. It matches exactly the tablet illustrated in
Plate VI, center, of Coedes' article on votive tablets. According to
Professor Jean Boisselier, Khmer votive tablets do not appear to
have been made before the eleventh century. 28 Since this tablet does
not exhibit any of the complex Mahayana iconography seen in tablets
in the style of the Bayon, and since it has affinities with the multiple
figures in prasats and arches associated with the style of Angkor Wat,
we may date it to the second half of the twelfth century. 29
Evidence of Khmer influence in the area is not unexpected in
view of the fact that some time after 1001, Jayaviravarman appears
to have launched his campaign to secure the throne of Angkor from
a base at Ligor which is considered to be in the general area of Si
Chon. 30 Dupont found Angkorian influences in the art of Jaiya north
of Si Chon on the Bay of Bandon.31 An inscription at Jaiya in the
Khmer language now dated 1183 may actually date to the last three
decades of the 13th century. And, at nearby Vieng Sra, a small stone
model of a prasat on a pedestal was discovered by Lajonquiere. Its
function is unclear but it appears to be a reduced model of a Khmer
tower sanctuary with a niche, false doors, and a fronton with a naga
in relief. It may belong to the Khmerizing style of Lopburi. 32

Na Khom village
Na Khom is located several miles south of Si Chon. The
remains of ancient construction and four large stone liizgas are scat-
tered about a grassy plain; a fifth is under a nearby house. Local
people describe several depressions in the area as 'ancient tanks'.
28) Boisselier, J., op. cit. p. 375.
29) See ibid. fig 70d.
30) Coedes, 'Stele de Prasat Ben (K. 989),' op. cit.
31) Dupont, 'Le Buddha de Grahi et l'ecole de C'aiya,' op. cit.
~2) de Casparis, op. cit. 39-40.
 Figure 5
Buddhist Votive Tablet. Clay. From Si Chon.
Collection of Charat School, Nagara Sri Dharmaraja.
 Sl CHON: AN EAHLY SKI'Tl.E\1E'JT IN PE:"iiNSlli.AH THAII.ANil 13

Figure 6 The very size of this large litiga indicates that exca-
vation at Na Khom should reveal the foundations of a large sanctuary
since the size of a liizga is in a prescriptive relationship to the scale
of the sanctuary which shelters it.
This linga is divided into a cubic base section ( Brahmabhaga ),
an octagonal section in the middle ( Visnubhaga), and a cylindrical
section on the top ( Rudrablzaga ). These sections are of relatively
equal length and the object is thus a conventionalized rendering of
the phallic emblem of Siva. 33 It is not yet possible to date lingas
with confidence because of the basic simplicity of the type, and
because so few can be associated either with an inscription or can be
proven to be associated with the original construction of a dated
monument. There is, however, a general evolution of type from the
most naturalistic representations to those most stylized and distant
from their phallic prototype. The conventional treatment of the Si
Chon linga, especially in the simple cylindrical shape of the Rudra-
bhaga, the low relief of the glans and frenum on that cylinder, and the
relative equality of measure in the three sections of the emblem, all
argue against associating the lUzga with those emblems considered to
date from the first six centuries of the Christian era when much of
the peninsula was dominated by Funan.34 Conversely, the linga
illustrated in figure 6 has not yet undergone extreme stylization. 35
33) de La.jonquierc, L., 'Essai d'inventaire archGologiquc du Siam,' Bu!letin de
Ia C'ommi.\·sion m·cheo/o,tritJm! del' Indo-Chine, 191:£-1.cJ1a p. 142.
34) Professor Mallcret developed the study of liilga types during his investiga-
tions in the delta of the Mekong. His observations and systematic organi-
zation of lil1ga types constitute an excellent point of departure for future
studies. See oJ'· cit. vol 1 pp. 377-88 and vol 4 pp. 141-42. For a study of
a liizga found at Jaiya, just north of Si Chon on the Bay of Bandon, see
O'Connor, S.J., 1 An Ekamukhalihga from Peninsular Siam/ Jom·ncll of the
Siam Society vol 54 no 1, 19 6 6 pp. 43-49.
35) Two lingas found in southeastern Thailand at Pra'cinburi may be considered
to belong to this realistic category and could be considered to date from a
period before the sixth century. They are illustrated in Dupont, L'archeolo-
gie mane de Dvaravati, op. cit. figures 317 and 319. A conventionalized linga
at Nagara Sri Dharmadija has been published in Lamb, A., 'Miscellaneous
Papers on Early Hindu and Buddhist Settlement in Northern Malaya and
14 S. J. O'Connor

It may date, on the basis of parallels with types found in Cambodia,

to sometime before the ninth century.36
Figure 7 This lihga and a broken sncmadro11i are located under
a villager's house in Na Khom at a place known locally as the 'Brah-
min's place'. The house has been built over the ruins of an ancient
brick platform. The linga may date to roughly the same time period
as that in figure 6.

Wat Sra Si Mum

It was not possible to visit this area during my tour of Si Chon.
A number of antiquities are reported to have been found there by
local people, however, and I was able to photograph several of them
in a private collection.
Figure 8 This crystal linga is considered by its owner to be a
rare and potent treasure. The owner of the object also possessed a
large crystal bead almost two inches in diameter. Both were said to
come from the area around Wat Sra Si Mum.
I am unable to find an illustration of any other liizga of this
type found in Southeast Asia. It may have served as a votive object
or possibly it was carried as an amulet. Natural objects with a
phallic shape, usually stones from the beds of sacred rivers, have been
valued by devotees of Siva in India and are carried on their person. 37
The sect of the Virasaivas in southern India are known to have carried
liiigas on their person as their chief act ofworship. 38 Because it is so
portable, this object could have been brought to Si Chon at almost
any time.
Southern Thailand,' Federation Museums Journal vo16, 1961 fig.113. Because
of the bulbous treatment of the Rudrabhaga and the extension of the frenum
as a continuous raised relief from the top of the glans to the upper edge of
the octagonal mid-section (Vi~'!ubhaga), the lihga illustrated by Lamb is
likely to be anterior to the Si Chon liizga under discussion. There are two
other liizgas of the conventional type at Nagara Sri Dharmaraja which have
not yet been published.
36) Malleret op. cit. vol1 p. 3 83.
37) Banerjea, J.N., The Development of Hindu Iconography 2nd ed, Calcutta
1956 p. 458.
38) Ibid. p. 454,
 Figure 7
Lirzga. Stone. Na Khom Village, Amphur Si Chon.
 Figure 8
l.i11~<J. Crystal. Private collection, Amphur Si Chon.
 SI CHON: AN EARLY SETTLEMENT IN PENINSULAR THAILAND 17

Si Chon and Tambralinga

The impression left by a visit to Si Chon is that the sites in the
area are likely to be very rich in evidence on the pre-Thai history of
the isthmus. On the basis of the few objects seen, either in situ or in
private collections, it is possible to suggest that the pre-Thai material
from several of the sites would date from at least the seventh or
eighth century and extend through the twelfth or thirteenth century.
It is very likely that occupation would have been continuous from at
least that time until the present.
It is premature to link the material evidence to the textual
evidence available to the historical geographers, but there is a strong
possibility that excavation at Si Chon would be helpful in throwing
light on what is a considerable body of textual evidence, mutually
reinforcing and drawn from a surprising variety of sources-Chinese
records, Sinhalese chronicles, C5Ja epigraphy, early Thai Chronicles,
and inscriptions found locally at Jaiya and Nagara Sri Dharmaraja-
which indicate the existence of an important political and cultural
center, Tambraliriga, located in the coastal lands stretching between
the Bay of Bandon and Nagara Sri Dharmadi:ja.39 It flourished from
the end of the tenth century until it was brought under the hegemony of
the Thai kingdom of Sukhotai sometime in the latter half of the thir-
teenth century. It was a state with sufficient military capabilities to
allow it to intervene in the political affairs of the Mon kingdoms in
the Menam basin at the end of the tenth century. During much of its
history, at least from the beginning of the eleventh century until the
end of the reign of Jayavarman VII, Tambralinga was, with varying
degrees of intimacy, under the Khmer sphere of influence. 40 Its
international contacts were complex as it maintained trading and
tributary relations with China, where it was known as a producer of
high quality gharu wood, and the Colas may have considered it im-
portant enough to raid it during the eleventh century. Its contacts
39) A critical analysis of the textual evidence and a careful reconstruction of
the political history of Tambralinga may be found in Wolters, O.W.,
Tiimbralil1ga,' Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies vol 21
no 3.,, 1958 pp. 587w607.
40) Ibid. p. 599.
18 S. J. O'Connor

with Ceylon were extensive, involving a community of religious

interests, trade, and artistic exchanges.4 1
Its history prior to the end of the tenth century is shadowy but
it is clear that Srivijaya had extended its control over the area, what-
ever it may then have been called, by the last quarter of the eighth
century. There are inscriptions at Nagara Sri Dharmadtja which
date to the sixth century at the latest, 42 indicating the existence of a
community in the area at that date sufficiently prosperous and com-
plex to require the commemoration of its affairs on slabs of stone.
Careful excavation and study of sites in the Si Chon area
would contribute directly to testing the rich literary materials that
seem to relate to this stretch of the peninsula. If Tambraliilga was
located in the coastal area between the Bay of Bandon and the pre-
sent city of Nagara Sri Dharmaraja, then Si Chon is almost certainly
one of the population centers of that state. It would not be unex-
pected to find a range of material at Si Chon that embraced traditions
as diverse as those of Funan, certainly Dvaravati, Srivijaya, Ceylon
and, heavily, the Khmer empire. Almost inevitably, Chinese cera-
mics of the Sung, Yuan and possibly Ming dynasties would be found
in the area given its history of trading contacts with China.

41) For actual Sinhalese influence on the art of the area of Nagara Sri
Dharmadija, see Prince Damrong Rajanubhab, A History of Buddhist Monu-
ments in Siam trans. S. Sivaraksa, Bangkok 1962 p. 6 and Griswold, A.B.,
'Siam and the 'Sinhalese Stupa',' Buddhist Annual vo11 Colombo 1964 pp.
76-77.
42) Inscription XXVIII in.Coedes, Recueil des Inscriptions du Siam, op. cit. and the
inscription in plate 117 of Lamb, ojJ, cit. which de Casparis has dated to the
sixth century or before.
THE LANGUAGE OF COURTSHIP IN CHIENGMAI
by
Gehan Wijeyewardene
 THE LANGUAGE 0}4' COURTSHIP IN CHIENGMAI'
by
Gehan Wijeyewardene
Auslralian J'<laliona/ Unilwsity

~ I~ l 9J
jJ(tflLUJty\J l1111L'Pr1U1'WH11
\1
~ 2f fg/ .(!
l.J(;)\1 fllHHllU M111Li11lJ1lH1J'W

If you have a daughter the dogs bark at your house,

If you have a son the dogs bark at the house of your friend.

One of the sad aspects of progress and technological inno-

vation is the loss of folk customs which were intimately connected
\Vith the old technology. I believe it would be very difficult today
to see such a scene as depicted in the accompanying re-production.2
The spinning wheel and the rice-pounder appear to have been an
integral part of courtship in Northern Thailand- today they are fast
disappearing. In the Chiengmai district of Mae Taeng, or at least in
the parts of it which I know, the spinning wheels and rice pounders3
lie unused and discarded, the first made superfluous by the advent of
imported printed cottons and synthetic fibres, the second by the small
diesel driven rice mill. Of course there are other factors responsible
for the death of traditional northern courtship as well,-but spinning
1) Field work in North Thailand was financed by the Australian National
University, where the author currently holds a research fellowship in the
Department of Anthropology and Sociology.
...... ...
2) The reproduction is from a painting by Vichit Viangthong ('J'l1fl l1£J..1'YID\I)
and is reproduced by permission of the Editor of Nitayasan Chiengmai
( UflEJ~1"J L~£1\11~~ ). The reproduction was done by the Visual Aids Unit
of the Australian National University.
3) There is no rice pounder in the picture,- bfit it is well-known that rice~

pounding was a favourite occasion for courtship. See M1U 1-n~~~r:r""mr

(Sanguan Chotesukharat) ... .... "' "'
tb:;LYHI.tLL1.'1!:1GJ'Ull'l'l1l'1J0..1LlJfl\ILVI'Ufl (Customs and
Culture of the North) Bangkok 1962 p. 79.
daughter wa5
There are

ttme !11; rcr,~rt~l<:n![cc:t

dau11 : • iii~ '. Wh~t f'~'lf'
t('UI'Wenicmc·t m~ty be t.ftUcd a nud
e.vilzH'II~> h11 writhm without it tomt1 nuuker.

f he Nt':Jithtnt
the Jy~uem nr~··t'l,f'illll'f,

dhnins.uh+htd, thui '~n ~. Fc•r translation and otber p1Jrpase1, tb·c

were COnl~Ulted: r•urneu. U, c.l, ;l Slwrl Norlluu n
<.:ttu:mgmai 1963; Hope, !~.R. &Purnell, H.C. .11 1

1962 (2nd edition undated); Mate oJ'· cit.; and McFarland,G.'B••

]'"''"."'"·~'' .... Stanford 1944. in the main body of the article tonal marker!i and
the glottal stop are ignored, and'~=>' is written tau\ and •ee· hi written 'ae\
I apologize to readers for any mistakes in transliteration.
 23

lost already. Khun Thaworn Khatiphibul, from whom the fragment

recorded here was collected, speaks with nostalgia of the time before
the war, whent as a young man he paid to learn the art, performing
the ritual of tang khan ( ,,f~,ru) as any pupil does for any teacher, as any
client does for any expert. All that he remembers now is this
fragment.
Courting was, and is, not restricted by season, but summer
months when the nights are warm and the roads and fields dry, and
particularly on full moon nights, when not only is there light to see
by, but many old folks are safely out of the way spending the night
in the v.oat, youths still wander far afield looking for a quick conquest,
a wife, or at least a pleasant evening's entertainment. There are
rules and conventions which dictate the progress of the courtship,
though rather surprisingly it seems little control was exercised over
the girl's choice of suitors. In the few cases I know where parents
have objected to a match, the objection has occurred much too late to
be of any use. When the suitor bas been invited up, with or without
enthusiasm (see text), the girl is expected to continue with her work,
and the young man to talk or sing, but not to touch. Any physical
contact is 'an offence against the spirits' (phid phii ~~~~) and must
be compensated for. If no propitiation is made to the domestic
spirits (sia phii L~rlH) sickness will befall some member of the family.
Usually, but not always, sia pht'i leads to marriage. People say that
in the old days if the boy picked up a handkerchief the girl happened
to drop, or if they sat on the same plank the spirits were offended.
The text suggests that this prohibition was not always taken very
seriously.
The prohibition on touching is part of tbe general prohibition
of any intimacy in public, even between husband and wife, but
apparently unlike Central Thailand, the objection to public intimacy
and physical contact without the placation of spirits is not merely a
matter of propriety. There is very real apprehension of the super-
natural dangers of contact bet ween men and women. One of tbe stan-
dard diagnoses of diviners in case of illness, is that somebody has
'offended the spirits', and this does not necessarily mean adultery.
and is ttbn
of comment. (Jne
( 'hintgmait has u
This i~ the only
the

areas. two
the learning themes. techniques amd rhythm~;
then rnade to fit the particular circumsumce.
This fntgm.entary text is the <lnly example
I know, except tbe even briefer fragment in Sangurm.t' Uecuuse nf
it would be fo.olish to attempt any detailed analysis but it
while setting out the few hints this one text provides. The fourteen
statements fall into five sections which may be interpreted as re-
presenting different stages of the conversation. l, 2a and 2b the arrival
5} Sanguan of•. dl. p. 80.
6) /,.m:, ctt.
 25
and invitation to the suitor-with 2a and 2b as alternative responses.
3 and 4 represent an opening gambit in the conversation. 5, 6 and 7
do not follow from 3 and 4. It would appear that this type of sequence
could follow from one of many types of exchange-most probably from
a statement of the girl expressing her virtue or her constancy. 8, 9 and
10 take up a theme common in ordinary conversation- the polygamous
propensities of the male. I would interpret it as being the closest to
a direct proposition as the form will allow, and that the outcome of
this type of sequence will show whether the girl is willing to take the
suitor as a lover or not. 11, 12 and 13 are a conclusion to the
conversation, and have the cleverest bit of \vord play of the entire
fragment. This will be taken up in a moment.
The first section indicates on the one hand that the form pro-
vides a number of different choices for differing circumstances, and
on the other, the use of insult. Clearly implied insult, I would suspect,
is a female prerogative. It is also likely that the response 2b is by far
the commoner, and would not in itself deter a prospective suitor. 2a
could only be used if the girl and her suitor had already reached an
understanding with each other-if they called each other tua pau-tua
mae (ftl~D-flo::.HL~). 3 and 4 fall into a pattern of compliment by the
boy and self"deprecation by the girl. This is also seen in the fragment
given by Sanguan 7 and also in a hypothetical modern conversation
given by the same author.s I would venture the hypothesis that
pattern of compliment and self-deprecation is always from male to
female. The set 5-7 is the most difficult to say anything about.
In the first place there is some puzzle as to why the formal
pronouns hhaa-caw are used rather than the more usual aaj-naung.
One answer may be that this set represents a stage in the
courtship where the two are not yet familiar with each other, but
where the girl is trying to indicate the possibility of a more serious
relationship by insisting on her constancy or some other virtue. The
metaphor in 6 is clear enough, but why daul?. kae (fltJnun) should imply
teasing or lack of seriousness is not clear. It could be that this exists
7) Loc. dt.
,, o A
8) Sanguan, flfl1L&Hh'l (Sj)eak Nm·thern Thai) Bangkok 1965.
'II
 A cnnlm<.mt on term~
'I he u~ual form is ftlf

y<:mn~~er

iitltu~ug) iipan. However~

when ~l girl nc<::ents
as n lover <>r as a potential lover the terms tua mm:J ~tre
I suspect lh~lt this latter usage is becoming rarer. The t·erm
9) McFarlnnd oJ'· dl.t gives two other botanical mmu::J
( •P"•.UJI:ilrtuiJ'''' apfltiU'! to be the one intended in the text.
10} Mate oJ•. fit. p. 105.
ll) Mcr:adand oj1. cit. p. 362.
12) Sanguan 1962 of'· dt. p. Rt,
 !liE 1..\\LI AI~E Ill' t:tlllll::illll' 1:\ C:liiJ::\C\1:\1 27

Jn'i d'1 Central Thai ·l'b

is usually used only for the elder sister, but
in 9 trw pii is used synonymously with aaj.
'!/hat is interesting about this fragment is not so much its
colourful language, but the possibility that the form worked as a kind
of code using varying conventions, some of which I have called
'patterns' in the fore-going, to communicate the intentions of the
wooer and the wooed. It is possible that this code was highly forma-
lized, and that the girl, particularly, could indicate her intentions by
her responses, with propriety, within the conventional compliment,
insult and banter. The boy's task would be partly to present the
stimulus so that the girl could indicate her intentions through the re-
sponse, but also partly to elicit the desired response through his own
skill. Admittedly the evidence is at the moment quite insufficient,
but the structure of ham hhya is, I think, worth investigating whatever
the conclusions arrived at. For this reason I shall be extremely grateful
for many more examples from anyone who has them. Besides this, it
is worth while trying to preserve one of the more colourful features of
what Hope and Purnell have called 'a colourful colloquial'.l 3

13) Hope and Purnell op. cit.

l.

may

:;a.
"'\
1H1P : U1 t~1 Ot ,:•} 1 lJU
~~

11'1'11

if us.

Sit down.
t()

Khatilr>llibul of Mac 'l a eng.

l owe Khun Tbaworn a deep debt c•f n<.'t f().i bi~>

help. but also for the unfa.iting friendship he slH•wed my and m~ !iieU'.
l 5) This is often written ' 1J \ but Khun Thawom ~ ~i '. in normal
one hears • ba' or t bo '.
 TilE LANI.L:\1;1·: OF COUHTMlll' IN <:IJIENCl\1:\1 29
3.
ij v +
'11: lJlt~" u
91
lJ1tJ
91
'\)~
q
1J1U
d
LtiU 1J1lJ
91
Ll1'W
I ~

1J1fl'W ifi
l\1an: baan nii baan cum baan jen baan hen baakm kaj
house this house fresh house cool house civet not eat chicken
This house is fresh and cool, and the civet does not steal
chickens = The house is quiet and peaceful.

4.
I ,!1) 91 .ij 91 9/ 91 lJ) V 9/ ,g,/16 + 11.1

lJl ll 1J1U 1-! 1J1U fl'fl'W 1J1'U !r-TJJ 1J11-l f1 9'11'JU

V:/oman: baacaj baan nii baan haon baan maj baan kaj diawan
No! house this house hot house burns house near sun
No! This is a house of fire and heat = No! This is a house
full of trouble.

5.
(1)/ en/
'lf: 1j) fi1
.
Man: Ctl' kf1a
Lies!

6.
v I C')) !1.1 l 91 ~
t)J:
'
lJ1tl
en/
'I
thn '111 'l1 u~ U{t'l nfl Uel'J 11~ ii lJ1lJ'J{)
' '
~ ~ gJ
fffl ~\J '
Yf'W'ltl ~\J GU'l'W
"
Woman: bita~ Cll
paak khfia wfla tee Ieew koo leew tyiJ caj baamuat)
suk tyl) nuaj tylJ khwan
not lies mouth my says true already already to heart mango
ripe both seed and stem
It's not a lie. My mouth speaks only what is in my heart.
Like the mango that is ripe from stem to seed.

16) In the original text Khun Thaworn wrote '1nf:l '.

7.
j r
~: thn :n u )
+
UrllJ !lt

!\tan : ._,.
len
muuth ~ays true
mi.'<
'Ynu may
Hlf
 T!IE LA\t;(i.\t;I·: OF t:Ol"HT~IIII' IS t:llll·:\r:\1:\1 31

E. Brother has already wish take more E. Brother wish take

afraid Y. sister not willing
I have a wife already, but I wish to have more. I want a
wife, but am afraid you will not be willing.

10.
gJ gJ ~ , ..{ ~ ~
ty: t11 fllf.J ~J H(l'J U~lJ UtllJ rt'tl~ 9f LtHl lJ1tHN
gJ gJ

lll~ ~UJ

VI oman: thaa 'aaj mii leew 'eem thcem s5::>IJ khii hya n£1mn~1J
dia!J 16m
if E.B. has already increase two paddles boat flood
can capsize
If you add a wife to the one you have the boat may capsize
in the flood while trying to use two paddles.

11.
~ 17 ~ +
'
L~fl lJ1 lJfltllJtlf.J ll1t)Jfltl
fJ}
ihuuiJ+ tJ) '
Afl
Q.l

'UtJ U"iJUC1

uv\9n !fi u;'~ !n uv 'lfu ~1u (~1u1.ru)

gJ t
LL(;l'l un
Woman: dak rnaa m5::>j m6nj n£tm)o~j puaj pee kaj khan ceelce
p:::>odaa khflj d!el) kftj po~ khan h3an (khftan han)
leew noo
dark comes everywhere dew gutter cock crows cock-a-doodle-
doc almost wish sunrise cock ready crow roof (don't wish
see) already isn't it so?
It is dark everywhere, there is dew in the gutter, and the
cock crows cock-a-doodle-doo. It is almost dawn and the
cock is ready to crow on the roof (or I am tired of seeing
your face).
• a
17) In the onginal text Khun Thaworn wrote 'fin',
12.
t ,,.,

1f: H1 U
?\tan: man
~h.!! ~m:k it CilH\'~

Cl>t:k is in
 NOTES ON TilE SAGA OF RAMA IN THAILAND
by
Christian Velder
f'iemiane

The Legend of Rama in Khmer Tradition

In Angkor in Cambodia the remains of the Hindu religion of
the Khmers speak to us from the ruins of more than fifty temples.
The most important of them is Angkor Wat, decorated with sandstone
reliefs all around its enclosure. On the western side the reliefs show
the episode of the fight for Longka from the legend of Rama as it
was understood from its Indian sources by the Khmer artists. The
Baphuon temple (mid-11th century) is also decorated with reliefs from
the Khmer Phrea Ream legend. Bernard Groslier states in Angkori
that episodes from the story of Ram a have often served as decora-
tions in Khmer temples.
When the Thai came from Yunnan and infiltrated gradually
the whole of what is now Thailand, they were confronted with the
Khmer civilisation which left its imprint forever on Thai soil in the
ruins of Phra Wihan, Lopburi and Phimai. The Thai were subjected
to the influence of Khmer traditions; their language accepted Khmer
words and the Khmer alphabet was taken over and, in fact, was used
in central Thailand to recent times as the sole medium in which to
write the holy textbooks-the Trai Pitok. Among the spiritual values
the Thai took from the Khmer, the story of Rama bad an important
place. The story is also popular among the Thai. Even today the
adventures of Phra Ram are best known by the people and the import~
ance of the tales of Rama is matched only by the stories linked with
the previous existences and the life of the Buddha.

Models from the Legend

The stories of Rama transmitted by the Khmers to the Thai
immigrants have been transformed and extended. The legend suited
the taste and the character of the Thai.2
1) London 1957 p. 213.
2) Sathien Koset Upakon Ramakien Bangkok 19 52 p. 7 ff. Phrabat Somdet Phra
Mongkutklao Bokoet Rarnakien Bangkok 1960, Introduction. MRW
Sumonchart Sawatdikun rV anakadi thai unpublished manuscript of university
lecture given 28th January 1961.
 are
tradition.
and capable leitdcr
is the loyal brother
ready tu nnd execute

reas<:m
Rnnnn.

'l'be J.,egtnd in Thai l.Ueratore'

The first document in Thai tan.:J;tUll&e
stone King Khun Rumkhamhaeng
d<>cument contains an aUusi<)n to the legend
enumerates geographic k>cations it names the cave of Phra
the Sampat River in tbe vicinity of Sukhoth~ti. An(lther eave
is known as Sida cave. Two verses for the consecration of v.~ater
originated under king Rama Thibodi in the 15th century. They speak
of Rama and bis brother Lak. A po,em on the victory Phra Ram
3) T4is sectiQn follows mostly Sat bien Koset op. rit. pp . 170· 7 3.
 \ll!Eti II\ TilE HA(;:\ OF HAMA I\ TI!:\ILA\1> 35

over Longka, the city of the demons, has also to be dated to the fif-
teenth century, in the reign of King Phra Borom Trai Lokhanat.
Verses about Thotsarot, the father of Phra Ram, and about Nang Sida,
his wife, date back to the reign of Phra Narai Maharat (1656-1688);
another poem speaks of Rama and his march against Longka; of hi&
holy arrow subduing the demons. Allusions to Rama's absence from
Ayuthaya during fourteen years belong to this same period. Phra
Horathibodi speaks in his verses of Rama and the demon's daughter
Benyakai who floated ashore in the shape of Nang Sida. 4 In the time
of King Phra Borom Kot (1732-1758) Chao Fa Thammathibet speaks
in a poem of the final restitution of Nang Sida. The subject of an-
other poem is the destruction of the demons and Mayarap, the king of
the world below, appears in a third. In this same century the lakhon
of Nang Manora makes mention of two scenes of the legend: the her-
mit Chanok discovers Nang Sida in a lotus bud and adopts her; and
Phra Ram chops off the hands and feet of the indecent Samanakha.
In the lakhon play of Sang Thong--also 18th century-we meet Sida
and Hanuman. In the novel Khun Chang Khun Phen -19th century-
Sida is shown as an example of faithful love to the heroine Wan
Thong. 5 During the Tbonburi period (1768-1782) Phraya Mahanu-
phap mentions in one of his nirat poems a scene in which Rama kills
the demon Marit, the golden deer. The early Ratanakosin era sees
the amalgamation of all the various tales and episodes and the estab-
lishment of an encyclopedic written version of the legend.

The Ramakien
When Ayuthaya was burned in 1767, almost all works of Thai
literature were lost. This is the reason why we do not have any
complete version of the story of Rama dating back to earlier times. 6
Short scenes only testify for an earlier version; e.g. greetings to the
Gods (17th century}, a fragment out of Rama's fight against Thotsa-
kan (18th century), the teaching of Thotsarot and the instruction of
Sukhrip by his dieing brother Phali, both from the era of King Phra
4) Horathibodi Chindamani Bangkok 1914.
5) Bangkok 1917.
6) Phrabat Somdet Phra Mongkutk1ao op. cit. p. 178.
tations in verse.
in their original

19S 1 tilllt pp. 395~97 nos. J

8) Jbu.l. Jl(Ht. 16 1 17, 19, 20. 22, 23.
9) Available in 4 volumes of 2976 pages. edited by ti.rtl.u:u:~;at:HU&, ~:>aiUL&\n'..
l()) Sc:hweisguth aJ•. tit. nos. 5. 12~ 21, 26,
11) Bangkok 1954, 1260 pages.
 37

Besides these versions there have also been a few in dialect;

of which the best known is the Pha Lak Pha Lam of Laost2 which
might also have been known in the Lao part of Thailand.l3 Another
version existed around Lopburi, where the tale of Kokakamak is
remembered still, though it has not been completely accepted by the
Ramakien.
A short English version of The Ramakirti or the Thai version of
the Ramayarza first appeared in Bangkok in 1940. The Swami Satya
Nantaburi has retold the story of Rama following Indian sources and
using the Indian forms of the proper names. Important scenes have
been suppressed, others can hardly be identified. A few years ago
there was published a German translation which relates the complete
Ramakien in an abridged version aimed at being faithful to the
original in spite of its restricted extent.I4
There are only two detailed research papers on the Ramakien
in its historic aspects written by Thai scholars: the tlmn:rm~-:~113JLflrJ'l~
by Rama VI and the r:ll.lmnhnJLntn~
, by Sathien Koset.IS Among
western scholars only Rene Nicolas has published a long critical
paper on the Ramakien.I<>

Quotations from the Legend

A great number of current expressions of proverbial value in
modern Thai can be traced back to the Ramakien. A selection is now
noted: LV11::LntHlMl1 'to fly further than Longka' means to overdo
something. "l~rHJtlL;, 'to measure the hoofprints' means to be con"
temptuous of one's parents. The young buffalo Thoraphi measures
his hoof in the hoofprint of his father because he wants to kill him as
12) Deydier, Henri Le Ramayana Lao unpublished thesis. Establishes a Lao
tradition independeut of the Thai legend .
13) ..1 ... "" 1 .I 'II
Y'lflfln,'J~L1\J U-u11..'lfl
..;.., "" ,Jao-that,• un derstoo d 111
1.1 •
'WmltH'Ul.J.t.ttndJ a verse m
.
Bangkok as 'I think of my wife in the toilet.' But i11 the Northeast in1
means 'bedroom'.
14) Velder, Christian Dcr Kamjif der (/otter und Dci.monen Schweinfurt, neues
forum 1962, 326 pages.
15) Of'· cit.
16) Nicolas, Rene 'Le Ramayana Siamois' E:rtr(mu: Asie Saigon1928 nos. 19-25.
 The R4:lma
the '""""'~~"'•"''""• 'The
hints tel the '"'g;'"'"~.... The
the mt'idel f<>r more recent UH''J">''"'•
41
cited : the magic Hanun:um's
entire Ramakien once served magic purposes; was able
to· read the complete epic in seven days and seven nights C(mid make
the heavens rain for three days and nights.! 1
11) MRW Sur:nonchart nf~. tit.
 ~OTES 0~ TilE SA(;:\ OF HA:\L'\ I~ TII.\JL:\~ll 39

Names and expressions

Since the Sukhothai period many important kings of Thailand
carry names of heroes of the legend of Rama. Khun Ramkhamhaeng,
the creator of the Sukhothai alphabet was named after Phra Ram.
In the Ayuthaya period there is Phra Ramesuan, a name derived by
combining Phra Ram and Phra Isuan-the highest god of the Ramakien.
Then there are Phra Ramarat, Rama the king; Phra Ramathibodi,
Rama the leader; Phra Eka Thotsarot, the unique Thotsarot, the wise
father of the Ram a of the legend. The Bangkok period was initiated
by Chao Phya Chakri who was crowned under the name of Rama
Thibodi and who made history under the name of Rama I. The
Chakri dynasty, called after the discus of Phra Narai, reigns today.
The kings of this dynasty are all called Rama and might be considered
incarnations of the hero. King Chulalongkorn, Rama V, was still so
much identified with the Rama of the legend that on his return from
Europe in 1897 the court presented a masked play on the royal plaza:
Phra Ram returns to Ayuthayats.
Names of simple citizens sometime also come from the legend
of Rama, as shown by the registers of students in Bangkok schools.
The main reservoir of expressions from the legend, though, is in
military nomenclature. Several ships of the Royal Navy carry names
~
.., .-1 ....
from the Ramakien: YIH'l1J'V11t.l 'Phali governs the world' and ~fl1W
fl'HhH~!JJ 'Sul-{hrip reigns over the city'. Big guns are named after the
six monkey-generals of Rama's army: ~filU'\.L~LL'YhlLOJJl-L 'Nin Non pierces
the shield', t11Lt1tHLt1U\11ClJ 'the hundred-thousandfold gallant Surasen',
*' 1
,
t1Hl17LLt1tHW1"J 'the hundred-thousand times brave Sural?.an', 'lfaJ'ViYl'\'1-L
,
tLm~Hj'Yl~ 'Chomphuphan shows his power', ftfiJYfvi"nu"fr:r 'Sul~hrip breaks
the royal umbrella' and ~'\.UJnLmlLfltJ1 """"LtH.I"J'JYHit
,, '[{anuman cuts the hdea
;

of 'A1ayarap'.
Even names of demons are cited: Ylty1"1l·;r;wws"'l1 'Khon destroyst
all', tJU'V11imtt1t1fl-.r 'the bow of Inthorachit' and Vt11~t1~1'r'lt'l
, 'Asurapha
kills the soldiers'. The Royal Colours show Hanuman attacking the
enemy. In boxing also are certain expressions from the story of
Rama. During the danced presentation or dedication the boxer
18) Sathien Koset op. cit. p. 180,
 .
'j~ ', i lJ •' •- ~', •. ~~~~

DramaUe tu·t
Traditional "f'hai art in aU
and subjects from the legend Rama.
Today tbe most important play on
of opera.. like ballet. There are a number
adapted from the legend that suit the taste of rural as well as urban
folk because the scenes can be modeled and adjusted to the audienc,e.
The same theme can be represented in a coarse and rough or in a
solemn and refined manner. The Ramakien offers a wide of
 41

subjects to the lakhon writers and actors and this is the reason why
they prefer to play scenes from the legend of Rama --these being
presented more often than any other.
Since olden days the play with leather silhouettes stood side-
by-side \Vith the lukhon. The play of the Nang Yai, the 'large hides'
uses excised figures ornamentally drawn before on cowskin and is
performed in front of a screen lit from behind. Better known is the
shadow-play \Vhere the same kind of figure is projected onto the
screen from behind. The figures, stretched between bamboo sticks,
are held above the heads of the players. Originally one to two meters
high, the figures have been replaced by shorter ones, the Nang Talung,
\Vhich have movable arms and legs and which can be manoevered
more easily. The Nang Talung have a tradition different from the
Nang }'ai as they seem to have come to Bangkok through southern
Thailand) most likely from Indonesia. One still can find a few shadow-
play groups in Bangkok, but they all refuse to use Nang Yai.
The play with leather-figures is known since the Sukhothai
period (13th to 15th centuries).! 9 It shows scenes only from the legend
of Rama. The introduction first invokes the non-Buddhist gods of
the legend, Phra Isuan, Phra Ph rom and Phra Narai; then are produced
the adversaries Phra Ram and Thotsakan and the wise hermit Riisi
shows his knowledge in wedic charms and mystery; and, finally, the
symbolic fight between the black and the white monkey, impersonated
in the Ramakien by Nin Non and Hanuman. This introduction is the
same, whatever the actual play.
The Masked Play, third branch of traditional dramatic art,
might have originated from the Nang Yai. 2 o Its subjects are all
taken from the story of Rama. The masked heroes dance their parts
following the traditional music and the declamation of the verses of
the epic by special singers and speakers in the background. Originally
the players of the Nang Yai figures might have been masked to suit
their parts, but these figures were put aside and, since, the masks
19) Nicolas, Rene 'Le theatre d'ombres' Journal of the Siam Society no 21, 1927.
20) HH Prince Dhani Nivat <The Shadow-play as a possible origin of the masked
play' Journal of the Siam Societ.v 110 37, 1949.
 war or Rama U~I.UU;;)·!.
ten .. headed king. In uar.tgK(Ht
de<::ora.t.ea. witb depicting the legend or
the 'llihan of Vlrd Suthat (dating
 43

century) are depicted heroes from the entourage of Rama. The

arcades paralleling the outer walls of Wat Phra Si Ratana Satsadaram,
the temple of the Royal Palace, are covered from top to bottom and
in all their length with murals depicting the Ramakien. Originally
dating from the time of king Rama III, the present form was created
in 1927. The older version has disappeared and the present is
continually under repair. The Ramakien is retold on the murals that
begin to the right of the now closed entrance from the Royal Plaza:
starting with the birth of Nang Sida and ending with the final restora-
tion of peace. On the weekly holy days crowds of pilgrims move
along the \vall telling their children the story of Rama just as their
illiterate fathers or grandfathers once told it to them.
In addition to the scenes of the legend on murals we know of
at least one representation of the legend of Rama in relief. The
temple Phra Chethuphon, situated behind the Royal Temple, displays
152 marble reliefs, 42.5 centimeters square. These are said to have
been brought from Ayuthaya after the destruction of that city.
Originally there must have been many more because the story is
incomplete. Two slabs are still in Ayuthaya-now in the museum.
The slabs relate the Ramakien from the kidnapping of Nang Sid a to the
killing of the ten" headed demon Sahatsadecha-not Thotsakan! Many
temples show various of Rama's monkeys and the subdued and con-
verted demons as guardians of doors, walks and stupas. The best
examples are to be seen in the Royal Temple and in Wat Arun. The
doors of the bot of Wat Phra Chethuphon show scenes from the
Ramakien inlaid in mother-of -pearl.
It is a pity that Wat Phra Ram in Ayuthaya has been destroyed,
for we would now be afforded an example of a temple dedicated to
Ram a.
It should be noted also that the Ramakien is depicted on
murals in Luang Prabang and Vientiane in Laos. Wat Phrakhae at
the foot of Phusi mountain is well known for door-pennants showing
the diplomats of the van Wusthoff mission (17th century) but inside,
displayed on the walls, is the Ramakien: from the birth of Phra Ran1
next to the entrance to the right hand, through the kidnapping of
 to the
entrance.

Tludland"~ geography and the Legend

Since the
that the

name

met

\\'CfC

in

the Sltmc
the \\'iilf Phru Rnnl
c>f king liummmn was built
felL the nickname •city of Uumunan• .
Lopburi and the city t.Jf the mtm·
founded n cc.>lony of <:m a rock
ne«Lr the center c.lf town. lviany local tales confinn the connection
of Lopbu!'i and the Rt.unakicn. The heat from Rama}s arHnv once
turned the ground around Lopburi white~hot and it has stayed
white and fertile to the present. In factt certain of the soH near
22) Sathien Koset oJ». dt. p. 181.
 n\ JilL \•, \ nt iB\1 \ I~'• Ill \II.A\11 45

Lopburi c0ntains chalk and appears brighter, and, in the opinion of

the ftumers, is also better than other soils. On Rama road is the
sanctuary of the city~ in the center of \Vhich once stood a pole of dark
green stonet the Phra Rmn ~Rama's arrow\ bearing the kingly
col<mr <:>f Rama. Here is \'Vhere the arro\v Phrn Ram shot into the
air fell; the center of the town that bas since been built around it.
Though the {1\)le is no longer visible-the faithful having taken it away
bit by bit, the place \vhere it once stood is now the abode of the
spirit of the tt">wn. Nearby V/at Phrapun-the temple of the holy
weapon the memory alive.
Near Lopburi is Tlzale Chup Son 'lake for blessing the arrows'.
Ram a is said to ha vc immersed his arrow in this lake and, therefore,
the water was considered holy and was used for all water-ceremonies
of the court. At one time the people of Lopburi had to send water
from this lake to the Khmer king at Angkor who regarded it as a sign
of their allegiance. And in 1854, in the reign of Rama IV, the weapons
uf the king were sprinkled with the water of the lake and thereby
strengthened with the pt1\'r'er of Phra Ram.
One !neal tale is ret<Jid in the Ramakien in a different
manner Kokakamak, the demcm called Unarat in the Ramakien-an
immortul giant~ was hit by the arrow of Rama and was thrown into
a cave of the moon~s mountain near Lopburi. As the arrow gradually
loosened out of the wound, Hanuman had to hammer it back into the
demon's body und the sparks produced usually burst into a big fire.
Lopburi must suffer from such a fire every third year at least.
Kokakamak's daughter, Nang Phrachan, can turn the juice of the
orange (Som Saichu) into a rncdicine which has the power to suck the
arrO\V out of her father's chest. So, in former days, strange beautiful
women could never buy oranges in the city and even today there are
no Som Saichu in the market; everybody joins in the attempt to keep
the demon dead! Should he recover he would eat the whole town.
Near Chainat, north of Lopburi, is a mountain called Khao
Sanphaya. In the legend, Hanuman here found the shrubs Sangkhorani
23} Ibid. p. 163.
 to
at this
ne:.u the muunt::dn \V;ts used
Chai Bad;ln,
place ne~tr Lopburi

tnount Tlwraphi.
through the uir to Lopburi.
The vilhtgc K.hukhnn near i!
Khukh~ul, Durinun. Budrum is
town near ~'l)U.ll.'->~·•

Rumu a defirtite place in That

the contacts with the Khmer~ tiH In
and liternture as well as in the dttily life the ft·'"li.i'',rPif.lli'•

The t<:1lerance and broad-mindedness the Buddhist

has t'"enuiued the nun~ Buddhist of Rfutut to in 'fhailand.
In fact. the legend of Rama was supported by <lther
particularly the Hindu tradition. The very definite infiuenc.e the
traditions .c)n Thai culture has not been touched on here, but further
research in this vein \\'ould be most rewarding.
 A CATALOGUE OI*' 1\JAPS OF TliAILAND
IN Tl:IE 1\IUSEUM OF TilE ROYAL TliAI SURVEY
I>EPARTMENT, BANGKOK 111

by
Larry Sternstein
Bangkok

In April of 1966 I was privileged to gain access to the Museum

of the Royal Thai Survey Department for the purpose of making an
inventory of the unique collection of maps therein-undoubtedly the
most extensive and varied in Thailand. This work took the better
part of three months as the collection \Vas, unordered; the Military
Survey. being concerned, quite naturally, with current maps of
\'vhich there is a well cared for stock.l

Amid a number of maps of various foreign areas, many of

hist<>ric value. and colourful charts treating such diverse subjects as
the human digestive tract and Royal Thai Military insignia, is a core
series on which is depicted Thailand, in whole and in part, since the
latter decades <.)f the nineteenth century and even before. This 'Thai
series', of inestimable historic significance, is here catalogued in four
classes: 1) index maps; 2) small scale maps, whereon is shown the
nation or a substantial portion thereof on scales usually smaller than
1:1,000,000; 3) medium scale maps, whereon is shown a district or
* I am indebted Lieutenant General Somboon Vichitrnnoot, Director of the
to
Royal Thai Survey Department, for allowing me to catalogue the collection
of maps in the Museum; to Colonel Phak Tamsombat, who offered every
convenience; and to Lieutenants Winyn Kulapwong and Seree Prompubes,
and Miss Yenrudee Chaunkasem, who were unfailing aides.
1) Only maps in the Museum appear here. The Survey Department maintains
a 'store' where indices to all purchasable current maps may be consulted-
most of these maps are not in the Must;um.
purtkular ~·,'l'·'l'ijl<&ln.
the truth.

Entries nre ,................,... ,

title in
Era if <)rigimllly

centimeters; nu1n01:r
(go(>d, fair~ and u.ul.li.\>U'~""'"'
irl<.:onsc~.luential dc'!.dati<m
 49

INDI-:X 1VfAllS
(lndtx J'f<Jp. Trtmsaibe•d from Aerial Photographs)
no date but c. 1 1 5'' t'> 21 9T to 107'E; no elevation;
skeletal base overlain to areas transcribed 1954-55, 1956, 1957
& being transcribed unmounted} in black & white with
colour overlay, ems: 6 copies in fair condition) in Thai &
English. Note: 2 additional copies have hand-drawn inset showing
area to be trunscribed 1959. R<.)yal Thai Sur·vey Department .
...
!!!J'Hl)J nmv mil ts.fl. \v<l'oo
(Index ilf,zp SluJWing Aeritll Photuguzphy Compl~~ted up to 3/ st December
1Y.'i7) 1:4,000.000; 5'' tu 21 97" to 107 E; no elevation; skeletal
base overlain to sh(>W areas photographed 1952-53, 1953-54, 1955-56,
1957 & areas being photogmphed 1958; 1 sheet in black & white with
colour overlay, 35x50 ems; 17 copies, unmounted, in fair condition, in
Thai & English. Ruyal Thai Survey Department.

o I "'
,
Ut'i:n 1VI'"fl'iflri1Wrl1t1
(btde."< .Map. Surt>ry by Ot~m:iimt~lt'r mul Pb:ing of Laplas Points) no date
but c. 1:41()(){),00(); to 2 r·N, 96'' to 108"E; no elevation; 1 sheet,
in black & white '1-Vith cc)l,mr crverlayf 40x65 ems; 17 copies unmounted,
in fair cunditic:m, in Thai & English. Royul Thai Survey Department.

m1tl·3~ntl ut~::n ~~nul,mi·I'Yf;,e~

, (buiex Map.
Survt~y by Otwdimeter and Fi:t;ing of I.apltlS Points) S 2498-99 (1955 .. 56);
1;2,000.000; :;r tc> 21 "N, 96' t<> 106"E; no elevation; 2 sheets mounted
as 1 in blue .. Jine vdth colour overlay, 60xll0 ems; 1 copy in fair
conditwn, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.

First Level Survey 1:50~00()) no date but c. 1953; 1:2,000,000 &

1:50,000; 2" to 2l"N, 96'* to 106~E& 13" 40 to 13~~ 50'N, 100°27'to 100°
1

37'E;no elevation; skeletal base overlain to show 1st level traverses

run 1912-53; 2 sheets mounted as 1 in blue-line with hand-drawn
overlay, 65x 115 ems; 1 copy in fair condition, in Thai. Royal Thai
Survey Department.
 1·hailand. l : !00.000;.
colour.
7) Thailand, l : 50}000; sheets printed io & and
colour.
8) Thailand, scale greater than l : 50,000 but not definite;
sheets printed.
 51
Index ;\{aps continued
9) Thailand. 1 : lOtOOO; sheets printed in black & white and
colour; areas surveyed prior to 1935 & during 1935-36.
10) Bangkok, 1 : 5.000; areas surveyed prior to 1935 & during
1935-36.
11) Bangkok, 1 ; 5,000; sheets printed .

•~f;UJ (Siam)P 2477 (1934); 1:2.500,000; 5" to 21°N, 97o to lOrE; no

elevation; bas,e overlain to show areal coverage of several map series
but lacks reference; 1 sheet in black & white with colour overlay,
55x80 ems; 1 copy, unmounted, in poor condition, in Thai. Royal
Thai Survey Department.

Titleless base P 2476 (1933); 1:2,500,000; c. 5~ to 2rN, 97" to lOrE;

elevation by contours; overlain to show areas mapped and to be mapped
in west & southeast Thailand; l sheet in black & white, 55x80 ems; 1
copy, unmounted, in poor condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey
Department.

CHillJ
..1 ... l """'"" • • .J .J ...
ae;,nn'lrt1"1U 1(\l~l~1~l.Uilll 'l :atlfiYI 1.m'l '11'J1LlCl:.:Llt:HHl~lWYl'l'l'YUJYILlCl1
tl " "" .J
'lU'YI cno
'II

rl'~n HJU 'll.f1. ltl~:dm

(Simn. bulex Map .S'lzo'wing Area Surveyed and
Maps Printed up to 30th September I 930) 1:3~000,000; 5° to 21 oN, 97° to
I06$E; no elevation; skeletal base overlain to show 1:100,000 & 1:50,000
sheets printed prior to 1930 & during 1929-30 in black & white and
colour, areas surveyed prior to 1930 & during 1929-30; 1 sheet in
colour, 50x70 ems; 1 copy, unmounted, in poor condition, in Thai.
Royal Thai Survey Department.
../ ,.. .J.~ J.' • I ..1 .J"' r/ V
t'HJUJ mHH'l(il171fUliMHhUltlth::L'Yit'1rt ~m1 r7'l'ilmlznt:.~ULLe.!UYI'!1YOJYHLC11 'Y'l,\'1, wce~o
'II

(Siam. Index Map ShOfJJing Area Surveyed and Maps Printed up to 1927)
1:3,000,000; SO to 2l N, 97o to 106"E; no elevation; skeletal base overlain
0

to show 1:100,000 & 1:50,000 sheets printed prior to 1926 & during
1926-27 in black & white and colour, areas surveyed prior to 1926 &
during 1926-27; 1 sheet in colour, 50x70 ems; 1 copy, unmounted, in
poor condition, in Thai.
Plan
c. I:400,000; grid; no ete,vauon:
during J904; 1 sheet in black & white, ems; 1 on linen,
in fair condition, in English. Another copy with slightly different
format. Royal Thai Survey Department.
 53

" .. .. ... 'l ""

t1 H ·n~a~nq;':llt~t.lm,uH1'Hl ~n1
U'l PH•LlL,nan L'Hifli
I

{lnde:.; J''fap ShDt&ing ('ompilation & Devdopment of Map Series. Krung

Thep Circle, Pnuhin & J.Vakhon C'haisi} no date but c. 1902;
c. 1:315,()(X);grid: noelevation;shovls maps published pre-1900, during
1900-01, not yet published 1901, republished during 1900-01, but no
indication of scale; l sheet in colour, 45x50 ems; 1 copy, unmounted,
in fair condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.
 S\!Al.t SC AL!':. \tAl)S
lndi\hhnd ~lap•

(Appeararztt 7'/utilm:d)
• .,.v·v ..vv·u* elevati<m by sbuding; 4
ntl directi<m;
ems; 1 c<.,py in poor condition~ in
Survey t>epartment.

(Th.oiland) P 2498 (1955) RP 2502 (1959);

24"N, 96 t.o 1 iO"E; elevation by contours, spot heights & hypsometric
1
'

tints; 3 sheets mounted as 1, in colour, 75x 140 ems; 1 copy in fair

condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.
 ss
Small Scale lruJb·idual ::Haps contirnttd
:!;;:. 't!f1 <Thtlilami} P (1 1) RP 2496 (1953 ); 1:2,000,000; c. oo to
241; N. 96 to 110 E; elevation by contours & spot heights; 3 sheets
mounted as. in colour tems; 4 copies-2 mounted & 2 unmounted,
in poor condition) in Thni. Royal Thai Survey Department.

(1'hailmul) P 2493 ( 1950) RP 2498 ( 1955); 1:2,500,000; c. so to

2 l''N, 97 to 107 E; ele\·ation by crude hachures & shading; shows
highways differentiuted; 1 sheet in colour, 50x80 ems; 1 copy, unmount-
ed, in fair condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.

:, ~~~~ (1'/unlmui) P24ts8(1945) RP2494 (1951 ); 1: 2,000,000; c. oo to

24"N, 96 to 110 E; elevation by spot heights & hypsometric tints;
3 sheets mounted as l, in colour, 75x 140 ems; 1 copy in poor condition,
in Thai. Royul Thai Survey Department.

(Thailmul) P24R6 (1943); 1:2,000,000 & R insets; c. 9°8 to 25aN,

90@ to 11 elevation by contours, hachures & shading; insets of
Bangkok, Hanoi. Rangocm. SuigC>n 1 Singapore. Philippines, Asia, World;
1 sheet in black & white, 120x 195 ems; 1 copy, mounted, in poor
condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.

(Thailand) P 2486 ( 1943); 1 : 2.000,000 & 8 insets; c. 9"8 to 25~~N,

90"' to 11 no clevatkm; insets c1f Bangkok, Hanoi, Rangoon, Sa1~on,
Singapore, Philippines, Asiat 'llorld; 6 sheets mounted as 1, in colour,
J 20x 195 ems; l copy in poor condition, in Thui. Royal Thai Survey
Department.

:1sia Transportation Map I : 2,000,000-JJurma S 1943 P 1944;

1:2,000,000; c. 1OJ' to 28"N, 92" to 10 l')E; no elevation; 1 sheet in
colour, 11(} ems; l copy, mounted, in fair condition, in English.
Army Map Service, U.S. Army, Washington D.C.

enm1 lJ 1d1u Q; ~.ooo,ooo UC,lt,u_j''uti::Lt1 \'\~lYi1::'3' l':lfn1'H1'WJ'\.t (/nter-

1ltltional 1 .: I ,000,000 Map for Military Use: Mmtdalay) P2486 (1943);
1 : 1,000,000; c. 20@ to 24('N, 98° to 102oE; elevation by contours & spot
heights; I sheet in colour, 60x70 ems; 10 copies, unmounted, in poor
condition, in Thai. From sheet 'NF 47) published by India Office
1941, amended 1942. Royal Thai Survey Department.
.\'mall .t,•cale Individual J\faps ccmtintu:d
·.~f\: t1,-; ( U\'aklum ...ul""''*1''" .$ ............... , •• t~:rot,,uro~na.J

.f.";;') (194J) P::491 (1 l .. •'V\,f.M'\.•'V.

elevutwn by cuntours & ~pot

crns; ·' copies. unmtmnted. in pocu· """'"*'·-u~~"'''u·

Ruyal Thni Survey [)epurtment.

(1'hailmul} P::4R4 ( 194 I); 1 :

ceded Thailnnd by Japunese during Vrlln. 1 u.~HJU. 0' to - .. (.",

:!l'N. 95 30' tt> 109'· 30'E; elevution by pseuo1c1-c·omottrs in

colourt ems; ::t cnpie!1, unmounted. in cundition, in
Thai. Ruyal Thai Sun'ey Department.

..
•~z. :~ "11 :: u~'tKJlutitm the Uoumlary
( 1940); 1:5.000.0()0 & inset 12* ttl 16' N.
26'N, 90'' ttJ H>•f'E; elevation
France & (ireat Britttin snme it1ft1rmation
Atlas, sheets; 1 sheet in colt)Uf,
p{nlf condition. in ThuL Royal

.~~~WI ' (lt!otJt:'tnNtt of 1'hcli .Fmm

Andntl to J'tf,:ftkienz 1iimes) tl(> dttte but c. 1940; l :7 .00(),000; c. 0"' tc>
lOCJ" to l m> simple map; l sheet in 115 ems;
1 mounted, in condition. in Thai. R<Jyitl Thai Survey
Oep~1rtment.

nn crun ( RtJilroads and Other Routes} no date but

c. 1940; 1:5,000.000 & 2 insets •Greater Bangkok' 1: 100,00() & to
16"N. 99'" to 103"E; I:2,500,000; e. Ot~ to 24" 30,N, 9(r to 114'·E; elevation
by crude hachures & shading; 1 sheet in colour 60x80 ems; 11 1

copies, unmounted, in fair condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey

Department.

(Thailand) P2482 (1939); 1:2,000,000; c. o~ to 24 N, 96" to

11
lOO~E;
elevation by contours) spot heights & bypsometric tints; 3 sheets
mounted as 1. in colour. 55xll0 ems; 1 copy in fair condition. in
Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.
 S7

IOT'E; no
& ems; 1 copy, unmounted,
Royal Thai Survey Department.

(Thail.tmd} (1939); 1:1,000,000; & 5 insets of

Bangkok; c. 1 to to Ufl'E; elevation by contours & spot
heights; indeterminate number of sheets mounted as 1, in colour,
1 ems; 1 condition. in Thai. Royal Thai Survey
Department.

n (Radio Communicatiatz Bettt!Jeen

P2479 0936:; no scale but world map; no
elevation; in colour. ems; 24 copies-2 mounted & 22
unmt)Unted. in p<:H)r condition, in Thai & English. Royal Thai Survey
Department.

CTiutilttnJ.i !'resent Administrative Area) P2479

1•

........ , u.......u·u Bangkok & environs 1:2,000,000; c. so to

&
elevaticm by pseudo-contt)urs; l sheet in colour,
50x75 ems: 8 mounted & 1 unmounted. in fair to poor
condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.

(1935): 1:4.000.000 & inset of Bangkok 1:100,000;

tc> 109".30'E; no elevation; shows various govern-
ment instituti(ms (4 with hand~drawn inset of Andaman Islands
and retitled ~·rhnihmd '); I sheet in colour, 45x70 ems; 11 copies,
unmounted~ in fuir condithm, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey
Department.

arn11 (Sftzm) P2478 (1935); 1:2,500,000; c. s· to 21•N, 97• to 107°E;

elevation by pseudo .. contours; shows mineral deposits; 1 sheet in
colour, 55X80 ems; 6 copies-5 mounted & 1 unmounted, in poor
condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.

tHI11J (Siam: Terrain and Transportation Facilities)

P2478 { 1:2,500,000 & inset 'Greater Bangkok' 1:200,00'0; c.SQ to
2l"N. 97" to 107 .. E; elevation by contours & hypsometric tints; 1 sheet
in colour, 50x80 ems; 5 copies, mounted, in fair to poor condition, in
Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.
,\.'mall Sazlr:• lneliddual ,\b:p.~ Nmtitt~Jt'tl
(Siam) 1.· •.,,,, ....,. ••....,,.n,,

( 'm,tr Gnzrralr
1: at ~~·;c.
by COilt\)Uf!J. &
. :~ mounted~\:: 11 u ...,& ... ,u ........ .
& French. Rr1)·at

I" Irult)rhirzr Ft·uillt" IJ

ttl 10.r45'I! (ettstern
heights; 2 or nwre in
ems; 5 copies, unmuunted, in

'11:';i H'IL ti (llistorittll

Boundaries of SitJm~Outline) P2473 '! (1930 '!); 1;4,000,000; c. 0" to
23·N~ 95" to llO.E; elevation by crude hachures; shows changes in
national boundary to date; I sheet in black& white with colour overlay,
S0x75 ems; 1 copy. unmounted in fair co.ndition, in Thai. Royal
Thai Survey Department.
 59

tmd Telegraph Lines of the

indicated on reverse side;
'"'''""''""''""'·'.._ 1 sheet in colour, 60x80 ems;
,., .. ,.. ......... in English. Royal Thai

1:2*000.000; c. o· to 24.N, 96~ to 109°30'E;

,..~,l'i.U\ & hypsometric tints; 1 sheet in
.. ..

'-'U11Jl'!;;3.mounted, in poor condition, in Thai.

R\,yal Thai Survey Department.

·~·'\H.J''U.\,IVV. c. o· {() 24WN, 96. to 109"30' E;

elevatkm by heights & hypsometric tints; 3 sheets
mounted us 1, iu 140 ems; 2 C(>pieS··-1 unmounted, in poor
condition, in Thai. Thai Survey Department.
... ~

HUI ~aHl l'\HI11 'J ~ n 1'7

(/mle:< Jlttlp of the Kingdom of St'am Showing

:Hagnrlit Sttltiom !Ott I /) 1:5,000,000; c. 0" to
n'' elevation; 1 sheet in black & white,
Royal

r\~nl 1 t:ll11'1, 1nh"'~u'l (lf_fl tt h1; u

(lloumi<u>' tltr Tlu1i K.ingtlmn mrd P'assal States of Prance
irz IndtJ<}Jbw) (1917'?); 1:500,000 & index 1:2,500,000; grid; 34
sheets in ems; 6 Cl.':>pies & 1 incomplete in good
to fair condition, in Thai & French.

Yl'l:~ tHJ1U n) (The Kingdom of Siam-

Provisit:ma:l} P2454 {1911}..; 1:2,000,000; c. 0" to 24.20'N, 9T to 101"30'E;
elevation by hachures; 3 sheets in colour, each 55x85 ems; 1 copy,
unmountedl in poc)r condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey
Departrnent.
:i
Kingdom of Siam 1fJf 'l' 'c. 1: l ..Ju·u.u·u·u.
nu directicm; elevati<m crude
ems; l cnpy~ urnntlunted, in fair condition,
Royal Thni Sun·ey Dc:rHtrtrnent.

'!
'.' ); nn
elevaticm; 2
2 complete &
ctmdition. in Tlud.

~1 ""H ~ :~. (Sketrh

Kr'ngdom of Siam I c. I: t.lSOJOOO; c. 13' to 1
no direction; elcvatkm by crude hachures; 1 in
. 40 ems; 1 Ctlpy. unrotnmted. in cnndition, in
Roya1 Thai Survey Department.

bu/o..Chitu• P 1903; l: 1,000.000; c. to tc) I

elevation by shading; 9 sheets m\lttnted ns l, in cc»lour 1 190 ems;
1 copy in fair condilionJ in French. Service geograpbit1ue de
l'Indochine.

( Boundmy of Siam ) no date but c. 1900;

1:380,160; no direction; no elevation; 2 sheets in black & white, each
65x80 ems; shows area north of Bight of Bangkok to c. latitude of
Uttaradit; 6 copies, unmounted, in fair to poor condition, in Thai.
Royal Thai Survey Department.
 61
Stml/1 s:ro.lt! lruli•'id#lttJI ,\1DJ1~ rmttittHtd
Titltltu n~;,) c. c. 9T to
"'V"'•"'"""'· c. 2" t() TN,
in black & white,
S<)tHbermnost unmounted, in
uf sheet blank; features

the Kingdom of Siam) D116

to 109' 30'E; no elevation;
2 r..\:. ,~;hite, 125 ems; l copy in poor
Thni Survey Department.

Sltclelon the Uourularit:'s Between Chi11a,

UC to 96" to 104"E; elevation
black & ~~t·hite \Vith colour overlay,
Hii,~Uui.'lw.Y·• in condition, in English.

( 1891) 0114 ( 1895 );

ridge hachures; 2 sheets mounted
em~; 2 complete copies & 4 eastern
umrtmunl:ed. in fuir tu pour condition, in Thai. Royal Thai

,u,,);u•··~~
Pmit• 51890-95, Pl909; 1: 2,000,000;
E; etevati<m by hachures; 1 sheet in colour,
"""'"·liH.<:t •. muunted, in fair to poor coudition, in French.

~ !VIJ..,tli'0!:1111'UYnt!
(The Malay Penittsula. Drafted by
The l~oyttl /Jeptutment According to His :A1ajesty's Instructions)
no date but c. 1890; 1: 1,000.000; rto 14$N, 97"30' to 104°30'E; elevation
by hachures; sho\vs route followed by King Chulalongkorn during
excursion to 108-09 (1889~90); 1 sheet in colour, 85xl40 ems;
1 copy, mounted. in poor condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey
Department.
 ltt•!n&~dHuur du Ttmkiu P V,U'VV!iV\.f'Vt c. r s 1(~)
elevation by nac:nuJces,; unusual of
u"Ysu~..,u.:c~,
1 sheet in black mounted. in
condition* in French.

(Plan of Chiang Rai) 024230880); north arro\\';

elevation by crude hachures; 1 sheet in colour, 65x90 ems; 2 band-
drawn copies on linen, in poor condition, in Thai.
 63

,,u.,.\,.,""'' & inset •Town of Singapore'

· elevation by crude bachures;
mounted as 1, in black & white
with ern~: 1 copy in poor condition, in

,Uaf» Jlt•r lJt•ptmdencit»s Among the Laosiam

and C um.rnld~tUi!S. fJ.'hich the Siamese Government
Ilad but c. 1:1,000>000; c. 10" to
crude haclmres; 4 sheets in colour,
each (lacking NV/ quarter; SE quarter
duplicated). conditi(m, in Romanized Thai.

Prmri1tcn of 1'he Kingdom of Siam

to l00~45'E; elevation by
bet ween Tenasserim and Siam to
2 sheets joined as 1, in colour,
unmounted. in fair condition, in English.
Amunated UH''Uitl ... ~:: stJurces. Royal 'l'hai Survey Department.

Titlt•lt·u m> nc)tuticm 'Siamese Map, Old Style;; no scale

but appears t:. no directi<:m; elevation by crude shading;
I ~heet in colour, 60 7) t::ms; 1 hand.drawn copy, mounted, in poor
cmuJitun. in ·l'hai.

1 """"''"'"'~'"'
... "'J
wn:'l un!illflrl 10) (
Strategzc
'Map
from tlut Reign of King Ratmllbi/J()(Ji 1) no date but c. 19th century
based on original from c. late 18th century; no scale but c. 1 : 700>000;
110 direction; elevation by pictograms; shows military installations

through pictograms, routest settlements in central, northern & north-

eastern Thailand; 2 sheets mounted as 1, 90x 115 ems; 6 copies-3 in
black & white, 3 in colour, in fair to poor condition, in Thai. N.B.
This map will be discussed in a forthcoming paper.
(The of Thou Buri; 1'aksin Period
0935); l:S-tOOOtOOO; 0*' to 25"N, 96tl to 1 umE; elevaticm
hachures; 1 sheet in colour, 60:~:.75 ems; 3 \.o;VLJ'I\W;)., mounted, in
fair to poor condition, in Th,ti.
 65

.,
,
!.JflCUHfl~-

) (The Kingdom of Bangkok

llw.idha rod Fa I iS2-1809) P2478
96. to lll"E; elevation by
ems; 2 copies, mounted,

(1'ht• Evolution of the Boundary of Siam)

"""""1'~""'-A,J & 4 insets 'Chiang Mai' 'PbukeC
Si Thammarat-Pattani' 1:200,000; 0'"
eleYat.ion by contours; shows
& Great Britain; l sheet in colour,
mounled, in fair condition, in Thai.

(The Prese11t Kirzgdom of Siam)

to 2s•N, 90• to 118"E; elevation
by in colour, 60x80 ems; 12 copies,
munotmted. in putn· c<mditi<m~ in Thai.

1:4,000,000 & 4 insets 'Chiang Mai ',

HlUiiltiU,,UI. I •Nukhon Si Tbammarat .. PattanP 1:200,000;
JO'E~; elevation by contours; 1 sheet in
L unmounted, in fair condition, in
. . . ,.......

19 moutlted & 7 unmounted,

nine t()pical maps between bard

mup (1963) by the Royal Thai Survey
to 21 "N, 97" to tOTE except second which
coven to 14~N, to 103~30'£~: 1 sheet 50>':75 ems, in Thai.
The 1\1useum holds four maps in this series: each is in black & white,
unmounted and in condition :
...., -u fll V t.l A

~HhiWilfl, JWJtmAt:Vtlflt11LMI \\'Uti 11'l!U nt"Ylfl£l-

3Jlfi"J " : Q,ooo,ooo Yf'J~'Ufl1
d I )
: ~kJ(:J.,ooo 11Lflfl )J lfl'11~1U liJ: c!oo,ooo
(rhailt:md. Political Subdivisions. Royal Institute Edition. With
itiSets of •('e71ftal Plt~in, l :1 ~000,000,· rBangkok-Thon Bu?'i'
I:J:?n,ooo & fPhuket' 1:500,000) 1 copy.
~(). 9) .~!
~g ·~ (1'/zuilm:d:

( l ); I to

llf.fUPJ'Q l''lflU:J N
H:> C·Cl{>y}ilnghmaf :.·r•·• .., ... .,~"'""'·' """'"'H'''u
no dnte. motmtedt in English trn.nstiternted from

Titlaltn P247S 0932) & 2477 (1934); 4" to 20~N, 96~ to

except 4" to 12"N. 102" to lO&"E; elevation by pseudo .. contours &
hypsometrie tints; 6 sbeets (excluding gap} mounted as t, in
colour, 135x 190 ems; 1 copy in poor condition, in Thai. Titles&
}.egends lost in mounting but, obviously, c.omposite map made
up of sheets noted above.
 I'\
67

(S'pedcJI :\fap 7:/,0UO,OOU) The

tv1useum published by the Royal Thai Survey
Department in mainland Southeast Asia and
varying in foutlllt:

Sumht'r 2 S-2478 (1935) P2481 (1938); 15· to 20"N, 95· to 102"E;

elevation contours & spot heights; insets of 5 towns-3 in
... ,u.~u.• , Mai {1: 200,000) & Nakbon Sa wan (1: 50,000);

& \\tbite. ems; 6 copies. unmounted, in

fair to condition. in Thai.
t 935}; fr30' to 15"30'N, 105" to llOO)E; elevation
heights; inset index to series; 1sheet in colour,
""""'l"'l¥lilt unmounted, in fair to poor condition, in

Thai.
Tt'tltlfss 14· to 20"'N, 100$ to tos·s; elevation by
contours & heights; 1 sheet in colour, 60x75 ems; 8 copies,
unm<mnted, in fair t<' pt,or condition, in Thai.
(1939); 9* to 20"'N, 100" to llO'E; elevation by
conhJun & b'tchures; 4 sheets mounted as 1, in colour,
11 5 1 1 in fair condition. in Thai.
Tilldeu no date; s· to 12#N, 97• to 102"E; elevation by contours
& beigbts (depth indications as well); 2 sheets mounted as
1, in C\1h:.>ur, ems; 1 copy in poor condition, in Thai.
 ~

~ . ;.l ~~.l':: •,:, •

. n-' (l'lctttg
1 nuhuop Khitt Klum) no date but c. 1940; no
1

c. 10'2()' to i 1 to elevati'm by contours, Y"tttt•nu''AI!I

heights; 4 mounted as 1, in col<>ur. ems;

condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.

(General Piau: ~Vest Bani~ ·'"'1hfF'""''

1 : 100,000; no direction; no elevation; shows
& uncultivated area involved in irrigation scheme; t sheet in blueprintt
5Sx 100 ems; 1 copy, unmountedt in poor condition. in Thai & English.
 l!\11 69

(;\!unidpal Boumlar;r of
no but c. 1940; 1:50,000;
in black & white, 35x35 ems; 6
in Thai. Royal Thai Survey
Depat'tment.

w.'(Ji>fl1t'n''''~ ..,
for A1ilitary Use at Prachin
Huri J.)istritl. no date but c. 1940; 1:50,000; no
. . . . . . ,...... L,, ...... ~ nu in black & whit e. 30x 35 ems; 6 copies,
unmounted, in in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.

hv i~vrir1
• lUl 'J 11 n 1~ '"I'VIYi (Map
~')turwH'IJI" £\lililcuy R.uervt! at Khok Samrong District,
!Jistrid, Prooinre Nakhon Sm.aarz) P2482?
arnnv; no elevntion; 1 sheet in black &
unmounted, in fair condition, in Thai.
Depat·tment.
.JJ~t 11, '*'* ,.J"
I~JYitl'l-' l ~~riD JYnl11hl
L.rgtz!ly Delimited at Tambol Mae
(l9J7); 1:80,000; north arrow;
nc> etevution; 1 in bluck & white. 40 55 ems; 6 copies, unmounted,
in fair to p~wr c(mdition~ hl Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.

1i Utm Sam Roug .. Jt.tae Klwng .JJI) 82479 (1936)

P2483( tt) 15"44'N~ 105"'15'lo l05"30'E; elevation
by cont<)urs & 1 sheet in black & white, 65 ~<75 ems;
7 copies. unmounted, in fair to poor condition. in Thai. Part of series.
Royal Thai Survey Department.
m~t·n.l n: ~ , 4
(!\.rung Tlu:p (:'i·n:le- .Pro~~isional) no date
J
t
but c. 1920; 1 : 100,000; no directi,on; no elevation; 2 sheets mounted
as 1, in black & \Vhite. 80 100 ems; 1 copy in poor condition, in Thai.
Royal Thai Survey Department.
llardu:buri C...'irdt, r1u.1nn.rnt ""'*'u,... ,u.
(1 3); e. 14* to
contours; l ems:
l copy,, mounted, in poor condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey
Department.
(Plan fJj Krutzg Kao) P2456.! 0913?); 1 : 50.000; no
direction; elevation by pseudo.contours; 2 sheets in black & white,
each 85 130 ems; 10 copies & 2 eastern sheets. unmounted, in fair to
poor condition, in Thai. Military Executive Department..
 71

~ ,. ( ,J ...
t:l ~mn:L*i:lflm1 r;:; 11

(Duplicate
Yf.fl. icttfl<l

,\tap ( !,Juui from 7tlt Stttf(m to 8th Section J), 22

& 100~ IO'E intersect southwest
ofcentre between Malaya & Phuket-Nakbon
in black & white. 30x30 cms;5 copies,
unmounted. in fair to pour ctmdition. in Thai.

'"' (Ptadrht Bud Circle) P2455? {1912'!); 1:100,000; no

direction; pseudo-cont<>urs; 1 sheet in black & white,
60 umnounted, in poor condition, in Thai. 11ap
R(lyal Thai Survey Department.

( Prarhin IJ:uri Cirde in connection with

(1912 !); 1 : 100.000; no direction; elevation
4

by in black & wbite, 65:·~75 ems; 1 copy,

unmounted, in ctmditicm,, in Thai. Map number 16 in series.
Royal Tlmi , ..... u;f!,., r>epttrtment.
.J t
tUJU ''tl U~HI~UH'J L11ti-,UflU

(Boundary rl ~·l!f1 ~fl~ nqw

II<

Helwtnt Simn attd 1UtJh1ya Vndu Uriiish Got;ernment) no date but

boundary shuwn is that agreed to by Joint Commission appointed
under Treaty nf 1 1910-1912; 1:250.000; c. 5 30' to 7~N, 99°30' to 3

102.1S'E; mup alongbtmndnry; 3 sheets mounted as 1, in colour,

80 ". 130 ctns; 1 in fuir condition, in Thai & English.
\1111 ... I! Ill v
a mm 11
trllJ~U-ltHJtHUt\fl"t11~V'11t11'1f LlJfl1

(•Ut1p SJtmoing Area ~,~'here Poreigners Can Stay for 24 Hours

Under Diplomatic Trtmties Bettoeen Thailand & Foreign Countries) no
date but c. 1910; 1:400~000; c. 13" to J5"N, 99• to 102"E; elevation by
hachures; 1 sheet in black & white, 70 :·~85 ems; 1 copy, mounted, in
poor condition, in Thai.
•• \ . \i • ••
'
• ', ~ "1')1 • ~ -~

.(
elevation; 2 in white. each
unmounted, in c<>ndition. in That
Laktm. /Ji~tritt P1907; l: 2S3A40; north arrow;
hachures; areas leased to or controlled by concerns;
in black & whhet 70 x 1I0 ems; 6 copies, unmounted; in poor
condition, in English. Royal Thai Survey Department.
 73

' ( Suklwthai Circle:

D 124(1905 ); 1: 128,000;
I sheet in black & white,
"j"~Luu-..u. in poor condition~ in Thai.
ment

1 ; 63,360; north arrow;

to or controlled by teak
& white. eastern sheet 35 170 ems,
tnl7 tHnmeiLc hand-drawn copy on linen, in
1

l'lnda~Cllim· et .le Siam no date but

• .;;;\nt,t~V\1; C. 16" 4(}' to 17$45'Nt 98"20' to 99"10'E;

in c<1lour1 75 ems; I copy, unmounted'

in This is southernmost of several sheets
in

l'hrtut) D 122 (1903); 1:63,360; north arrow;

etevathm 4 in black & white, each 60:.:60cms;
2 ~outhern sheets. unmounted, in poor
Thui Survey Department.

Tlrep ('irde. Shutt) P120(1901); 1: 63,360;

grid; n() m<Junted as 1, in colour, 125xl30 ems;
1 copyt in in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.

Titleleu no date but c. no scale but c. 1:200,000; c. 15* to 20°30'N,

98* to 101 no elevation; skeletal map of settlement along Ping River
from Nakhon Sawan to junction with Wang River and along latter
to vicinity of Lampang; 6 sheets joined as one in black & white,
125 _:.-280 ems; l hand~drawn copy, unmounted" in poor condition, in
English.
 CKrutrg K.ao t•irde) 0114f~ (
arr<>w; no elevation: 2 mounted as 1, in
ems..; in fair condition, in. Thai. Royal Thai~ ..... ~ ... "

Upper nurma Sur'Dey (.3rd Edition). Sheet i\'umb.er

s•eries; Parts cf l'yinmana, Karenni and Siam f>J
I:253,440; 19" to 20•N, 96" to 98.E; unknown number of
& white, each 65 100 ems; 1 copy of sheet, unmounted. in poor
condition; in En$Hsh. Survey of India Offices, Calcuntn.
 '1. I
15

Pl246 (1884}; no scale; no

in black & white with
copy in poor condition, in

,., {China Sea-Gulf of Siam.

to !Umz l}tnbzsu.ht) S7S-76 ( 1856-57) RS 90
""""r•·nn River} S96 (1877) I : 117,000,

5112(1893) c. 1:291,648; c. 12" to 14"N,

by hachures & spot heights, depth in
& . 105 ems; 9 copies, unmounted,
Thai. R(lyal Thai Survey Department.

Pnrimult:~-f:cat Coast, Pula Kapas to Lakon Roads

map no scale. insets 'Patani Roads'
"""""'''o.li<HIIlli.. Harb~mr, 1 : 36.280• .,Tringano' 1: 36,280 &
fH!r~pectives of •Printian Islands' &
<~9'40' to lO~r40'E; elevation by crude
1 ~beet in bluck & white, 70>: 100 ems;
C(mdition, in English. Admiralty,
Londcm.

!VIedham S(ale M.ap Series

'(imuter Jm:lz' in this 1 : 253A40 series covers 1degree
of latitude & ~ . .A'H,Ill>'""',.,."'* is in black & white, 50;.;70 ems, in English.
The Museum each in S copiesf unmounted, in fair to
poor condition, tts
ND~./7 /) Tllap Thew P1941; 1s~ t<) 16*N, 99''' to lOO"E.
f). li R Chr1 ('hoeng Sao PI942; 13• to 14~N, 101 • to 102"E.

E.. J'\T Roi Et Cl9i9 1'1942; 16~ to lT'N, 103" to 104"E. Notes
date <>f survey unknown.
(Ka:mphaeng l,hel
to lOO"B; 5 copies.
n 1 1 :aYifl
(Taplo,n,,.#10.'i--27!J) C2466 (1923) P2474 (193!); c. I
to 1oo~~E; 2 copies, mounted.
 77

) (Outline: Phimai-36)
c. 15' tl> l6'Nl l02"to l03"E;5copies,

..
~~rr.~ .1 fl'Hi lWl

Nakhcm Satoan I 05-28U) no

2467 0924}; 15" to 16·N, 1oo·

..
lW'HfJ1'Hl '>oi!-IDdo
P2470 (1927); c. 13· to 16"N, 100" to
mounted as 1, 65 .. 195 ems; I copy. Title refers
others lost in mounting .
n
. «(Outline: Sai }'ol?.
,f.. 0940) RP2497 (1954); 14" to 15eN,

"" ·~ ~~a; .... it;r"Jtt

(Kanclumaburi-IV4-
D2461 ( 1924} P2479 {1936); c. 14• to 15"N,
in cc,lour; 2 copies, rnounted.
t'l
il\ 0C ·- t'J!.r:j •• <>H)

(1\mzdwruzhuti .. ~CO,'uphaft Uuri .. NtJkhon Ptzthottt-Chai Nat-Uthai

0924) P2494 (1951) A2496 (1953) RP2497
t<' l oo· E; 9 copies, unmounted.
) tHi1 1 (Outline :
«-t'l!.t,t ... r:1
C2466 ( 1923)£>2483 ( 1940) RP2497

(1/urirLJm .. Surin 4-48-8) S2464-65

{ 1921 ) (1929"32) P2491 (1948) C2493 (1950)
RP2497 ( 1954); 14" to ts·N. 103" to 104~E; 5 copies, unmounted.
Si Sa Ket-Surin-
' <t-<td-« (

Ubon RatchtJtlzarzi-Khuklum 4-lb'-f}) P2491 (1948) C2494 (1951)

RP2496 ( t 953); 1{) 15"N, 104" to lOS"E; 5 copies, unmounted.
 tn

/:

in Thai.
pt)<>r conditiun~ as

:.t ;; '· ~~ •r;""' f'

1'mnbol
(

Tmnbol Natbmallltrumlary &1<tJI'J'Jn•t'

t c. to
1

the
1"ambol tohcre the National Boundary "'''i'T''#"·~··r
Circlet [)itl.rict }"aha) grid; 1 sheet

(J,dap Tmnhol
tohere th8 Nation:al Boundary Marker it .lortJ:Ietl '"'""· 'f!C,.f,,.,r Perfil &
1

Satun) c. 6"20' to 6"50'N. 100" to 100*20#N; l sheet ems;

5 copies.
 79

iUtdium Srab: .\f«p .\~rl~s t·DRtiMfll·t~l

I. s.umewhat. each sheet

(several encompass a
(>dd bits o.f territory) shows
& \\'hite (at least 1 sheet
condition, in Thai. The
each, unmounted, in this
or groups of provinces as follows :

1 sheet:S2471"72(1928-29)

1"Jumi I sheet: D2476 (1933} P2484 (1941)

(

1 sheet: [)2462 {1919) P2484 (1941)

1 (1928) P2481 (1938) .

.. t•lrul .. Lop lluri .. N(lkhon Pat !tom"
• .s·aralturi .. Sittg !Juri .. Suphan Buri
l : J S<Jutbern sheets P2483-84 (1940-41 ).
Utui~Sc:rab:uri 1 sheet: C2473 (1930)

~ lS2467 (1924) lS2483 (1940) 102499

(1 (1960) lRP2503 (1960).
Kmtclu:uwhuri .. Suphcm lluri .. Nt:~klum Patlwm-Ratchaburi 1sheet:
( (194!).
Uellrhahuri .. Phetdu;buri 1 sheet: 02467 {1924) P2484 (1941)
RP1503 (
Pht•tchaburi 1 sheet: 82467 {1924) P2467 (1924) RP2503 (1960).
P'rm:hutlp KMri Khan 3 sheets: 1S2467 (1924) 102467 (1924)
102474 (193U 1P2483 (1940) 2P2484 (1941) 1RP2502 (1959}
1RP2503 (1960).
r 'humftlwn 1 sheet: 02475 (1932) ?2484 (1941) RP2503 (1960).
 North

mounted~ in
(Payab Circle~·
date; l sheet 45 :"'~60 ems; 1 copy) mounted~ in
(Payab Circle; ll.fae lim l>i1tritt) no date;
1 sheet 30,,'":45 ems; 1 copy) mounted, in condition.
 81

C PfJk Bong District) no

mountect in poor C()ndition.
C'irtlt!~·
Sam Ptl Tong
mounted, in poor

ems; 4 copies, un·

Border with Burma in

destroyed evidencet 185 ~· 275

Additional C<>py of 4 nothern
Thai Survey Department.

unmounted, in fair
muuctmuetv southeast of Lam pang.

l"'f'fiilili'"'u'" Artg Thong) SI 13 (1894) P120

ems; {) copies..2 mounted, in
R<:>yal Thai Survey Department.
(llm:pot Phisai Circle) Sll4 (1895);
"""''lJ~ ... i:l'~ unmounted. in fair condition.

(C'hai Bat/an Circle) S115-6 (1896-97)

Pi 100 ems; 4 copies, unmounted, in fair
ctmdition. Additional hand-drawn copy mounted in poor
condition. Sur·vey of India Offices. Calcutta.
(bz Buri Circle; ProtJincePhronz
Buri}· SHJ-4 (1895 .. 96) Pl896; 2 sheets mounted as 1,
I ems; 6 copies*4 unmounted, in fair to poor condition.
 (Phitsat~ulok c·ircle) SJ (
l s.bcet 75x95 ems; 6 copies-4 mounted, in fair C·Onc::Hdo.n.
Survey of India Offices, Calcutta.
 83

0119 (1900} p 119

( ProtJitu·es Sankhaburi &

6 sheetst each 70 , 100 ems;
::! northern sheets, unmounted,
of India Offices, Calcutta.
J.!l'.,fillfllf•·~"~' Sing Huri) Sl13 (1894) Pl20

( Proolnces Siphirom &

each 65 90 ems; 6 copies,
c<>ndition. Royal Thai Survey

{f>rot1inces Wichiatz Buri and

6 sheets. each 65 90 ems; 4 copies,
unmounted. in Ct'mdition. Royal Thai Survey
l>epnrtment.
mttp nf settlement along Chao Phraya
frnrn Nonthaburi north; 1 sheet 80::-:80 ems;
t>n linen. in poor condition.

'~~m~
( Chrm Euri Circle, Bang
l,amung, Rayong) S114 (1895); 1 sheet 125x195 ems; 2 copies,
mounted* in condition. Royal Thai Survey Department.
(Pr()f)incesCh{)n Buri, Bang Lamung,
-;:rJfH
R,ayong) Pll4 {1895) RP127 {1908); 4 sheets, each 70x100 ems;
3 ,copies, unmounted, in fair condition. Royal Thai Survey
Department.
 f.i ~s (Pattani l>illrict) no
date; indeterminate oum ber of ems;
1 copy in poor condition.
 85

;~VHJseum holds 2 sheets P 1963:

101"04' to 101" 20'E; eleva~
....... ,.,. ..... ~ I sheet in colour, 55x90 ems;
in English.
to 5'49'N; 101.20' to l01"37'E;
a"'~JI';U!I.i",t sheet in C<>lour,55x90cms;
in English. Royal Thai

I l•~int Sheets in this most recent

published since 1959 (based on aerial
and are now available for the
lO minutes of latitude and15minutes

ure readily available at the

tn hnve been made to keep

/, iliR Thelugh the format varies some~

covers l 0 minutes oflatitude & longitude
tu include <:xid bits of territory) shows eleva-
u ... •.An~ .. ~ i~ in C0l0Uf ( 1 Sheet in black & white)

each sheet is held, unmounted,

in Thai. The Museum holds 151 sheets
arranged by province or groups of

Phanom&Salum Nakhon 52 sheets: 43 82479-

,,.,,JEJ•ntul

(1949-50). 48 02496-99 (1953-56),

( (1953)J 50P2495-99 {1952-56) 1P2500
(1957)& lP2504(1961) 7 47RP 2504~05 (1961-62).
Puu:hin /IJ~t'i & (,'h.aldhaiJuri 17
(191 19J9.. 2J) l,J.wiU'ItL
& 182485 ( 1942)t 2A2497 (I 954) & tir·:oc.:cc ... n~ . A

(19ll--l3) 1P2479 0936) 6P 2483~85 (

& 3P2504 ( 196 t ))I 3RP2502.. 04 {1959.. 61 ).
Trat 7 sheets : all S2457 ( 1914}, 1A2499 (
SP2483 ..84 (1940--41) & 1P2500 (1957).
 87

Provisional) undated
in black &

I . 60 ems.
2 2 sheets, each

2 sheets~ each 45 "50 ems.

• h> 2 sheets, each

with bit to !Ol"IrE in

2 sheets, each 45 50 ems.

45.

pr()jtf{1 de Its frontiere jluviale;

tur 1~,1 rive riroitt du MPkong et
2 sheets Sl13 ( J894} in this
MeiUtc.>nR River showing boundary
lines:

urruw; no elevation; black & white,

......n,., . . ~J. umtHJI.mted. in p<:>or condition, in Thai

intCrttCCtS 100~ 16' 3211 E at centre

& white, 30 40 ems; 5 copies,
ctmditi<m, in Thai & French. Royal Thai

I: the format varies somewhat, each sheet

covers 5 minute!) latitude & lcmgitude (several encompass somewhat
greater areas in order to include odd bits of territory), shows elevation
by contours heights~ is in black& white, 45:-<:55 ems, unmounted
(several are mounted)t in fair to poor condition, in Thai. The Museum
holds 244 sheets (usually 5 ctlpies of each) in this series-many being
simply blow-ups of 1:50.000 sheets. Here arranged by province or
groups of provinces as follows:
 89
J,"\Rf;r: l\IAl:.S
huthlda:ud ~hlpfi

Kmttlzmuz/Juri (Refer to this

p 1964; 1 : 12,500;
"'""'"'"'""' by spot heights;
um:ntlltmtea. in fair condition, in

H:> 100"29' to
13~50'N,
to index; 8 sheets
& \vhite with colour
in Thai & English.

tuutflfclflu P 1: l 0.000; grid; no elevation;

1. in ce>luur, 160:< 1 ems; 3 copies
Tlud Survey Department.

1 : 20.000; grid; no
in 65 ems; 2 copies,
........ , . . . . u,... in Thai & English.

(,UuriidplJI Boumlary of Krmzg Thep

c. 13' tc> IJ~so~N. 100$27' to
nmunted us 1, in black & white,
conditit:trlt in Thai. Department of

Ayutthaya) P2500 ( 1957); 1: 8,000;

2 in colour, 60 . 105 ems & 75;d05
to poor condition) in Thai. Royal

" ... ... tf ""

~11i.JUJlrn::tUHl
1
1JVI'lflt'f"'1l!ID11l"'l'J.l
,

Sumui Island~· Tambol A11g-thong, Samui

Jol' .. ,.Jfj Sural Tlumi} P2499 (1956); 1 : 10,000; north
lf',.., . . . .

arrow; no in black & white, 25><40 ems; 1 copy,

unmounted; in fair c<mdition, in Thai. Land Department.
 (kfuttidpt~:l HlJttml,tn
Ktmftmgt J>rfJ'tJhrut Trtmg) no date but c. 1940; l:
no elevation: 1 sheet in black & whit,e, ems;
in fair condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey

(Municipal Boutulttry :lfucmg

Phayao~ PravinceChiang Rat) no date but c. 1940; l:IOlOOO; nonh arrow.;
no elevation; 1 sheet in black & white, 50x70 ems; 6 copies, unmounted,
in fair condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Dtpartment.
 ~) 1

Bormdary of
but c. 1940; 1:10,000;
& 20 " 35 ems; 6
Royal Thai Survey

f.,.,,,... at Central District

,u t;.u,ll)rll!',,Ji!

1:8,000; north arrow;

6 copies, unmounted.
Department.

R.t}se~rve llt TtJmbol

no date but c. 1940;
rl!H::mt~cl·t:Jnntnm·s: 1 sheet in black
unmounted, in
Sur'ley Department.
arrow; no elevation;
rmmes but configuration not
t~cJptes. unmounted, in
Thui Survey Department.

no date but c. 1940;

heights; 1 sheet in black
""'v'liH~;). Ultlmt>tunetl~ in fair conditiont in Thai.
~this area is mountainous'.

grid; elevation by contours> spot

& \\<'hitel 65x65 ems; 6 copies,
Contours suggest northerly
above.
92
Large Scale lmliJ•itlual 1\laps ctmtimJed
..J.., ...
Llf·JH i1 Yl HJi'jj:; ".1 I'D' rHjl:l !J n I
.. .J: lh I ._,

1H11'ft'Hi11'lJ'J1'l'f ~HIHH~ l fiYJn1,

Required by Lma Shmoing ResenHllirmfor

Song District. Province N(lhhon Si TJummwnU)
1 : 10,000; north arrow; elevation by u:::~~:•uuv-,.v.,l~.v~'u
& white, 30x35 ems; 6 copies, unmounted, in fuir to pt,JOr in
Thai.
ii?J ,;•,~,,;A

LLm~ ~1LltHlJL "l::fl\'l Ylfl'U Yl1.:J',\ei'lJC1 U:llJ

Phrieo-Sao llai lliglzway Givm to tlze lvfimstry as as a

Piece of Land Given by the 11linistry of lo as t:J. Highway)
C2482 (1939); 1 ; 1000; north arrow; no elevatiunl 1 in black &
white, 20x50 ems; 5 copies, unmounted, in fair condlton, in Thai.
~ ~ ... .
UrH\'Y1Yl1tJYI"J:; 1 'l'lfrlCJ7~:1J 11 In I"''HUH1"1 11 n lnll ~
ri"fJ~~ rJl~llV!:nWI-1 n1 rjlLIHl't'l~::: h!H~ t.lH~~ (;Uup Rr{1uired by lAW
Showing Military Reserves at Districts l' em & Phra Kluuumg,
Province Phra Nal?;hott) C2482(1939) D2482(193Y); l no direction;
no elevation; 1 sheet in black& white, 40x45 ems;. 6 unmounted,
in fair to poor condition, in Thai. Royal '1 hai Survey Department.

LL~l-LYllll~1mm~~L~Jw (Vicinity of Bcmglwk} P2.4~H ( 1: 10,000 &

inset showing areas surveyed 1921 & 1926, 1 : 100,000; c. 1.3''40' to
13"48' 15"N, 100°2T45' to 100~34'E; no elevutkm; municipal features
1

keyed to index; 6 sheets mounted as 1. in black & wbite with colour

overlay, 130xl50 ems; 5 copies in good to poor condition, in 'I'hai.
Royal Thai Survey Department .
..J
LL~l-\YJm~ ~LYIW
Plan of Banglwl(. C2479 (1936) P2479 (1936} & 2480 (1937);
1 : 20,000 & 5 insets of particular parts of Bangkok I : 10,000. 1 inset
of Bangkok & surrounding areas 1: 400,000; c. 1Y40' to 13~49'30''N,
100°28' to 100"34'E; no elevation; municipal features keyed to index;
2 sheets mounted as 1, in colour, 60x l 00 ems; 3 copies in poor
condition, in Thai & English. Royal Thai Survey Department.
 .\ I\ 1'-\llll.l E Ill \1,\l'!'! Ol li!AIL\\11 93
Large Scale lndb·idual i'rfaps ct)ntinued
V A 1.... ~ 0 .... A .... I A

LLr-n.H.J_,LlJD.J~:; 1 (c·,vnJ1)
, YfH'll'!HOtHHfUJ't!D-lYI'l::L~hltH~fl'..tt'HmJ
Plan de la
Ville de Louvo, Demure Ordinaire des Rois de Siam P2477 (1934);
c. 1:4000; north arrow & compass rose; elevation by crude shading;
features keyed to index; 1 sheet in colour, ?Ox 115 ems; 2 copies,
mounted, in poor condition, in Thai & French. Royal Thai Survey
Department.

Plan de Ia Ville de Louvo, Demure Ordinaire des Rois de Siam no date

but shows same features as above; c. 1 : 4000; north arrow; elevation
by hachures; features keyed to index; 2 sheets in black & white, 65x90
ems; 48 copies & 21 western halves, mounted & unmounted, in fair to
poor condition, in French. Royal Thai Survey Department.
t"-i t( v t, ~,· M
(Baumlary of Anglo-Siam; Ban
umn1;,LH 1l'ilfl'JLL1lt~ t'lu ll.J- tJMl~N llitt'mam
Thabli) P2475 (1932); 1:20,000; I0"30'N intersects 98"50'E in northwest
corner; no elevation; shows areas along Kra River where jurisdiction
changed due to shifts in river bed; I sheet in colour, 25x45 ems;
1 copy, unmounted, in fair condition, in Thai.

LLmv~·u7nmrnJLYW1·1
1
(Plan of Banglw!?.) P2474 (1931); 1:25,000 & inset
of 'area resurveyed and amended 1921' 1:100,000; c. 13"40' to
13"52'45"N, 100G2Tl5" to 100"37'15"E; elevation by crude hillock
indicators; municipal features keyed to index; 2 sheets mounted as 1,
in colour, 75x 100 ems; 4 copies in fair to poor condition, in Thai.
Additional 3 copies in English. Royal Thai Survey Department.

l.~flfwmL~tfl'Hhn nEJri1JL~fh1"t'I::L£n (!Jomulary of Na}dzon Natz in Connection

with Muang Pht.lyao) no date but c. 1930; 1:20,000; north arrow;
elevation by pseudo-contours;lsheetincolour,90x llOcms; 3hand-drawn
copies, unmounted, in poor condition, in Thai.
.,j A I .J
llr-.IU'Yl1JH1mn;~L'Y1'W LLr..JWYl rna: (Map of Banglwk, Sheet Number 34) 82473
(1930) P2475 (1932); 1:5000; c. 13"43' to 13.44'N, 100"29' to 100"30'E;
no elevation; 1 sheet in colour, 50 ;-~60 ems, 5 copies, unmounted,
in poor condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.
Y4
Large ,\'cafe lndh·itluat .Haps ttmtimu!d
.J ..
ur-lWYI 111l1Wrli~ LmHLntl
\! "
(
IIJan t~ r. ..
t~ n. tJr
l .
c. 1930; 1:1,000; north arrow; no elevatinn;
at Hua Hin; 2 sheets in black & white,
unmounted, in fair to poor condition) in

LLm~ ~1J1L 1t:tn'J J~ 'l'lYI") (Plmz of Bmrgkoll) P2472 ( 1

~

of 'area resurveyed and a mended 1921 • 1 :

13"52'45"N, 100~27'15" to 100"37'15"E;
indicators; municipal features keyed tn index; :!
in colour, 75 100 ems; 1 copy in fair conditiun, in

LLt:,lU~1J;L1mn~\IL'Y1Y~ (Vicinity of Bangko!l) 1:

inset Bangkok and surroundings l : c. 1 to
100"27' to 100°37'E; no elevation; munk·ipal feutures kc}c.d to index;
2 sheets in colour, each 60, 80 ems; 1 in poor
condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Dep~utmenL

LLr·m ~1uu1L·attvn::u·nnJ¥1 11 (i~fap tltt Grund Krom

Wang Nok) 2469? (1926'?); 1:250; no directkm; no 4 !-!beets en
in black & white, each 60 . .::70 ems; 1 sheet & ~~ southeast
sheets, unmounted, in poor conditi<:m, in Thui.
..l ~ ...1
LL~\L 'tHHl.'~h1"rft.l 't'l n lrJ 1l-l.rJ"mYhn'l"n:)J~r·i~Hi')
lmidt• the
Fort of Bangll:ol~) P2468 ( 1925); I :5000; m' elevation;
1 sheet in black & white, 70 70 ems; 10 unrnountcd, in poor
condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.

Plan of Banglwl~ ami District no date but c. 1 & inset of

area resurveyed 1922, 1: 100,000; c. 13"40' t<:> JO''N, lO<r27'15''
to 100"37' 15"E; elevation by crude hill(:>ck indicator~; municipal
features keyed to index) 2 sheets in C<:>lourt 1 ems; 2 Ct)pies,
mounted & unmounted, in poor condition, in English. Royal Thai
Survey Department.

Titleless no date but c. 1920; no scale but c. 1 : 20~000; north arrow;

no elevation; features in Bangkok keyed to index, large commercial
establishments & transportation system detailed; 2 sheet5 joined as I,
in colour, 65x90 ems; 2 copies, unmounted, in poor c<:>ndition" in
English. Siam Electricity Company Ltd. Both !;heets are torn,
consequently the title and a portion of the legend are missing.
 95

Large Scale lmlb•itlual ;\laps cot1timud

"'
1JJL1tMI1mtYI (Viduity of lhwglwll) P2462 (1919}; I: 25,000; c. 13•40'
,
to 13"53'N, 100$27' to 100"37'E; no elevation; 2 sheets mounted as I,
in colour, 85 110 ems; I copy in fair condition, in Thai. Royal Thai
Survey Department.

Plan of Banghol~ and District PI 917; 1 : 25,000; latitude/longitude

grid; no elevation; 2 sheets in colour, 80:< 105 ems; 1 copy, unmounted.
in poor condition, in English. Royal Thai Survey Department .
.J ..
Lt~~l'Yl1J"H'H'Itrr; JL~WI
(Vicinity of Bangl(oh.) P2458 (1915); 1: 25,000;
c. 13.40' to l3"53'N, I 00·27' to 100.37'E; no elevation; 2 sheets in colour,
each 60 ·.80 ems; 3 copies & 1 northern half, unmounted, in poor
condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.
,J II} A a t;: "' s; I "" d A
lL~lU 'Yl1JtHJUHJ J'li~t ll'lfl1.jj1!~b .J~'I1 tlt'l'JmteaL fltH~)JLfl nn::L 'Yf')c1"J1'l'f'l L3J flY/. fl. 22:11
~ V i, < I (. ,.J IV ,j. t \IV 0
lH)J•nLfl'[}j ··nwt~'!-lftlm1VHJ1 LnlU't
I(
~L 1!'H1 "rH'Jiif'h'Jr,J·sllLfle'I'Yl.J n 1!1 11J El3Jfl"J"J'JU. U Lf1Yl1l1
V "

Plan of the Fortrt:ss of Banglwl?. in the Kingdom of Siam P2456 (1913)

RP 1934; 1 : 60'?; compass rose; no elevation; features keyed to index,
insets of Chao Phraya River from Fortress to mouth & three dimen-
sional views of Fortress from across river; I sheet in black & white,
60>(80 ems; 101 copies, unmounted, in fair to poor condition, in Thai
& English. 6 copies in colour, mounted, in fair condition. Royal Thai
Survey Department.

1J1L1t~Lnv~~rYI (Vicinity of Bangl~ok) P2453 (1910); l: 25,000; c. 13"40'

to 13"53'N, 100"27' to 100.37'E; no elevation; 2 sheets mounted as 1,
in colour, 80 .< 105 ems; 1 copy, in good condition, in Thai.

Titleless no date but c. 1910; c. 1: 350; north arrow; no elevation; plan

of palace at Lopburi; 1 sheet (but probably more) in black & white,
55 x 100 ems; 5 copies, unmounted, in poor condition, in Thai &
English. Royal Thai Survey Department.

n;~LYlr"' (Krung Thep) P128 (1909); 1:25,000; no direction; no elevation;

1 sheet in black & white, 65x85 ems; 3 copies, unmounted, in poor
condition 1 in Thai. Military Executive Department.
96
Large Scale lntliddual ;\laps continwtd
vln11<fl·i'~:,hnlnt·t (B(mg Pt1-in Palau}
arrow; no elevation; I sheet in black &
unmounted, in poor condition, in
Department.
~~flJ~J'111'1 (Trat) P 127 (1908)~ 1:2.000 no I sheet
in colour, 135 160 ems: 2 hand-drawn ... ..,,. ,,, ......... u ......, ............. .
condition, in Thai.
L~aJCUIYlu·nm'i1~11-l
, ~'~~ (Samut Prakm;) Pl grid
ticks; no elevation; shows property lines; I
55:<75 ems; 5 copies, unmounted, in fair
of series. Royal Thai Survey Department .
..1 Ill l':"'
1
AI
(n..rung I.,
n.ao
LLmt 'Y!l3.JOJLl'Yl1J1 )JtJttHin-:: .nn1 . rt( l e-·
(,.
\
I

c. 1900; 1:32,000 altered to 1:25,000; rH>

blueprint, each 70: .. 85 ems; I copy, unmounted,
Thai.
..1 I 9 " IN
LLr.IWrlt'lfl.Jt'l1trHL3J11\1 ttnmunL'lfrJ.1 au1
,., t! I
l 1·l(N~t T .
· rzp
Along Ping River from Chiang J\1ai ro 1Jat) no I .........,.....
Q.orth arrow; elevation by pseudQ .. ctmtour~; skeletul mup along river;
1 sheet in colour, 95x2SO crns; 1 hnnd-dnl\~·n on Hnen, in pair
condition, in Thai.
..J I o t( t...,J A A •
LL~ntYlEWJtll1WilL~J1h1 'nnuw~11flfl n (~lap 11t~tlt Trtp
Along Ping R£ver from 1/ot to 1'ak) n<l dute but c. 1 : 25,000;
north arrow; elevation by pseudo .. contoun; river;
1 sheet in colour, 95x395 ems; l hand*drawn cnpy <m linen. in fair
condition, in Thai. Continuation of !Yfap Vsed fur /1(Jat Trip Along
Ping River fro'm Chiang Mai to !lot above.
.. d 1J
L~!I~~Ln91 1~11~ ~lJ 'l~'l1.J :~ {l'hukel) no date but 1::1l" :~ 1!!'1H

c. 1900; 1 : 16,000; grid; elevation by hachures & spot heights; sbows

Phuket minus northernmost portion & neighbouring islands; 16 sheets
joined as 1, in black & white, 160x205 ems; 1 copy In poor condition,
in Thai. But for 4 northernmost sheets bearing indices (1 North
2 West) (1 North 1 West) (1 North 1 East) (1 North 2 East), sheets
have lost identification in mounting.
 91
Large Scale lndb,idual Jlr1aps continued
Titleless no date but c. 1900; no scale but c. 1 : 16,000; no direction;
elevation by hachures; 2 or 3 sheets in black & white, each 75x 105
ems; 2 copies of northernmost sheet, unmounted, in poor condition,
in English. Appears to be southern coast Province Phangnga-northern
tip Province Pbuket.
..J
(Krung Thep) no date but c. 1900; 1: 11 ,880; no direction;
LLC·lti 'Ylm: JL'tlYl ..1

no elevation; 2 sheets in black & white, each 75xl20 ems; 1 copy,

unmounted, in poor condition, in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department.

I.Lr,m~n1·H1Tl11'lfl
, (Krung Tawara<tvadi) Cll7-26 (1898-1907); 1: 5,000;
north arrow; no elevation; features of old capital of Ayutthaya~
1 sheet in colour, 80x I 05 ems; 5 copies, unmounted, in fair condition,
in Thai. Royal Thai Survey Department

Composite map made up of Patiu c. 1 :24,350 Chmnpon River, Town

and Telegraph Station c. 1 : 14,600 with inset 'Enlarged Plan of
Champon' c. 1 : 3,650 and Langsuen) From the Town to the Telegraph
Station c. 1 : 500; no date but c. 1850; compass rose; elevation by
bachures & spot heights; 1 sheet in colour, 90x 125 ems; 5 copies,
mounted, in poor condition, in English.

Large Scale Map Series

1:5000 Series: Plans of Banglwl'l & Samut Prakan published by the

Royal Thai Survey Department. Each sheet in this series of more
than a hundred compiled in 1955 covers 1 minute oflatitude & longitude,
is 45x55 ems, unmounted, in fair condition, in Thai. An 'Index to Plans
of Bangkok & Samut Prakan' 1955 is available at the Department's store.
The Museum holds but 8 sheets:

UYJ3J1l1U ..;)"mti13JU7::~1n7
, 0036-J (Pathum Thani W at Prempracha-
kon) 82497-98 (1954-55) P2499 (1956); 13"59' to 14"N, 100"36'
to 100"37'E; 5 copies in colour
98 Larry Sternstdn

Large Scale !'tfap Series continued

t!YllJ!n{i.-
, Yr'J! Ufr~ tl UU..U.J-8
Ban Khlong Khat) S2497-98 0 to
13"58'N, 10(f37' to 100''38'E; 5
'¥1'J'!:Wl1 !l.ilirltl l~' (1 1hrtl
Science Department) 0
S2481 (1938)
I3"5l'N, 100"35' to 100"36'E; 5 copies in black &
vo::tH'li ·J;,:.~fl~1u 5!33-1 (J>hra NaklumtVtll I {1938)
P2492 (1949); 13.50' to 13•51'N, 100'33' to 100' C(>pies
in black & \Vhite.
w1~:u.rn
'Li'mmu1 Jr1nt ::; !33-i·. (PhuJ /'hrtlJIQ
Rawild S2478 ( 1935) P2491 ( 1948): l 100'34'
to 100"35'E~ 5 copies in black & \Vhite.
Yr.r::l-lW.i11nrJ :>433-.'J (Phra Nallhon lful Buu) S2481
(1938) P2492 (1939); 13"51' to 13' HXr w 100' 10
copies in black & whit e.
Y41 ::Ufl'l 1.i1tHhifl\lrlm~ .'i/3b-l (J>hra NuJt!rmz
S2481 (193fH P2492(1949}; 13.53' to l HJ<r
10 copies in black & white.
Y~'J:tHl'l' tflt~vl.j;ri~.~
, :173.1-h (l>hra Naklum Uan 1'hung
S2481 (1938) P2492 (1949); 13"55' to t lO<r to
20 copies in black & white,

7 : 3000 & I :•1000 Series: Krrmg Ktlo Cirrft .. nupliratt· ftt1ap of the
Comm£ssioner Sheets in this series Pl24 .. 2H (I 905-09) show properties
with ownership code, are 50x65 ems, black & white, in good to fair
condition, in Thai. Indices 1 :40,000 accompany the The
Museum holds a broken set:
J.Jnt"mmHifl'J
, ~lL!lm~r.h1V~Wr1tl·nnn nH~,,~·~
~ \
(; .
(Krung Kao Circle, Central District of Samut Prakan; Krung Thep)
1 copy in folio as 10 loose, mounted sheets.
fl1L11m~tnhL J.JtU.'l'1tin1.vLrl·t
,
m·.:mh (thLum~n.tn,;i~n·l..:~) (Krung Kao
1
Circle, District Sena Nai) 1 incomplete copy in 2 folios as 64
loose, mounted sheets.
 99
Large Scale !vfap .s·eries continued
I .,j &.•

w~J~n1
, ·1.m.tr.J:rrt11 ilHi' j (Krung Kao) l copy in folio as 43
loose, mounted sheets.
(Krung Kao Circle, Nahhon Yai
District} only index sheet mounted in empty folio.

7 : 3960 & I : 4000 Series: Krurzg Thep Circle-Duplicate Map ~( the

Commissioner Sheets in this series P 124·27 ( 1905-08) show properties
with ownership codet are 50x6S ems, black & white, in fair to poor
condition, in Thai. Indices 1 : 40,000 accompany the series. The
Museum holds a broken set :
)Jt\4 1tit'n-', J~ ~WI
~~fH1ht'YpHn~1 ~1 ar.ml1 HJ 1n n ~i·: Lllm~r!,n m (Krung Thep
Circle, Province Pathum Thani, Districts Muang, Pathum Tharzi,
Sam Khok & Chiang Rak) 1 copy (several sheets duplicated or
triplicated) in 4 folios as 37 loose, mounted sheets. Though
grouped in separate folios according to district, these sheets
are here brought together since ther·e is much overlapping and
some misfiling. 2 sheets shown on the indices are missing and
may not have been printed.
.... "" • ... • ..1 "'
mu•n;i01H't1W
1
~"'flJW.t'rnn
,
nJmmnwincu n1.1tYl'r"l
n ,
(r~1L\.Lm~"Jt.trl11'1'\H;r:h1)
(Krung Thep Circle, Province Nonthaburi, District Talad Khwan)
1 copy in folio as 27 loose, mounted sheets. Index of slightly
greater area than that covered by sheets.
~HJ.•rwrr'l~LYJYi
, l~tJ.J~lWYl1ll
, ~i JL11mt·t.Jlh'YHh1 (Krung Thep Circle,
Province Nonlhtlburi, District Bang Bua1'hong) 1 copy in folio as
21 loose, mounted sheets.
0 .... .4 ... ( 0 ..Ja.- )
)J tll.tp'l!.'ln'J JL'l'Wl tJ1LJl~h3Hl JUf'l'H'lJDW1J'W15' m· .JL 'Yl'N ( t'I'IL'\-L'ILL~l~L 'Yl"JJ 'l'VItf;.J
' ,
(Krung Thep Circle, District Muang Nakhon Khoen Khan) 1 copy
in folio as 13 1oose, mounted sheets.
~nt"f'H1n'l,'ll'YlYi L~El.J~U'Yl'IJ1 thmn1t·l n1,.J~ 'YlY{ (ft1L~ 1LLmL ~inHnJ)
~

(Krung Thep Circle, Province Nonthaburi, District Pak Kret)

1 copy in folio a 28 loose, mounted sheets.
 NOTF~S

NOTE ON AN EYE-WITNESS ACCOUNT IN DUTCll

OF TilE DESTRUCTION OF AYUDHYA IN 1767
by
J.J. Boeles

In a note to the President of the Siam Society dated 22nd March

1958, I mentioned my discovery, in the Arsip Nasional of the Republik
Indonesia in Djakarta, of an eye-witness account in Dutch relating
the destruction of Ayudbya by the Burmese in 1767. Through the
intermediary of H.H. Prince Dhaninivat, Kromamun Bidyalabh, then
President of the Siam Society, a photocopy of this official document
(together with other documents) was obtained by courtesy of I-I.E.
the Ambassador of Indonesia to Thailand and the Arsip Nasional in
Djakarta. As a contribution to the commemoration last year of the
double centenary of the destruction of the former and illustrious
capital of Siam and the resurrection of the country, here is published
a facsimile of this docurnent (figure 1) a transcription of the Dutch
text and a translation in English.l This eye-witness account of the
last days of Ayudhya has been recorded as a handwritten official
statement of two pages (as a proces-verbal) drawn up and signed by
the Dutch Shabandar (harbour master) P. van der Voort, on the 26th
April1768.
It appears that there exists also a contemporary account in
French of the fall of Ayudhya; unfortunately, this could not be traced
in Thailand.
According to the 'Relaas' Anthony Goyaton was an Armenian
and formerly head of the foreign Europeans (geweezen Hoofd der
vreemde Europeezen) in Siam (Ayudhya). Here lived also the other
---~~.- ·-·~••·~"o"'.,..'"'-"'="''"'~""'--""'""'~-•-••-¥"q""'"''"'R--•·-~·-,n•o·~--·-....,.---··""'""'"'"'-·~""'_,.. ____ ,_,, __ ...._._,..__

1) For the reading and transcription of the 18th century Dutch text, I am
indebted to Jonkheer Mr. J. Beelaerts van Blokland. former secretary of the
Royal Netherlands Embassy in Bangkok. The discovery of this document
would not have been possible without the assistance of Dr. M.A.P. Meilink-
Roelofsz of the Algemeen Rijksarchief in The Hague.
102 J.J. Uueln

'relatant' the Moslem priest Seyed Ali.

have formed a rather important scJZmcJrH
and may have constituted a link
and other 'real' European traders and
position in other trading p()rts in the
ability and reliability in matters of commerce
international asian traders established
Europeans. The reliability of Goyaton re5.ts on
of the foreign Europeans in Ayudhya and the P. van
der Voort troubled to make an official statement For
the V.O.C. (Dutch East India Company) correctne£s a
statement was important because it contained ~m ctmfirmation
that its important trading entrepbt in Siam, '>r factory
in Ayudhya had been entirely destroyed in 1 was not
rebuilt. 2
In 1952, with the assistance
Arts Department, Luang Boribal Buribband. the
of this considerable V.O.C. establishment (in
tiik vilanda;tUk 'stone building', flilmuitz
in Malay) was located. With the gener"us '*::li•H;')\tuH.. !I:.i
community in Thailand, a brick monument
plaque was erected on these brick ~.,........,...~.
1 and 2. The monument fronts the
Ayudhya, and is easily reached from the town The site is
officially under the protection of the Fine Arts Deplutment.

2) Joost Schouten describes this lodge as follows:

To which end the General and Council of India catu!ied in Anno 1634 a
stone lodge, with fit pack~ houses, pleasant appartmentl, and a commodious
landing place, to be builded on the borders of the River Menam. being one
of the convenientest and best situated of any that is unfortified in all the
Indiaes.
Cf.. Francis Caron and Joost Schouten, l1 True the A1ighty
Klngdoms of Japar1 and Siam English translation, London 1791 p. 152.
Fig. 1. Facsimile of official record of eye-witness account of
destruction of Ayudhya 1767.
 Fig. 2. Monument on the brick foundation of the Lodge of the Dutch
East India Company; East bank of the Chao Phraya River south of Ayudhya.
Fig. 3. Bronze commemorative shield on Monument. Translation: 'Here stood from
1634 to 1767, the Factory (Lodge) of the United East India Company, V.O.C.'
 to?

Transcription of Official Record of Eye-witness Account

of the Destruction of Ayudbya in 1767

Relaas door Anthony Goyaton, Armenier, en 1 zo,

voorgceft, geweezen Hoofd der vreemde Europeezen in
Siam en de aldaar woonagtig geweest zijnde Arabies
Priester Seyed Ali, gedaan aan den Sabandhaar van der
Voort
De relatanten verhaalen dat de Bramans, kort na het vertrek
van's Comp. dienaaren, voorgevallen in November 1765, verder aile
het omleggende Land geheel verwoest hebbende, eijndelijk in de maand
Julij of Augustus 1766 de Stud Siam zijn komen insluijten, rondsomme
deselve kleene batterijen opwerpende, zoo dat er niemand in of uijt
konde.
Oat dit geduurt heeft tot in de maand Maart 1767, wanneer zij,
terwijl de Stad door het hooge water omringd was, desel ve op zeekeren
nagt met vaartuijgen genaderd zijnde met Ladders beklommen en door
het werpen van aarde potten met buskruijd gevuld, de belegerde v::m
de muuren verjaagd mitsgaders zig vervolgens meester van de Stad
gemaakt en z' geheel in de a sse gelegt hebben: in dese hunner onder*
neeming merkelijk geholpen zijnde door hunne Landslieden, die zig
ten getalle van omtrend vijf hondert in de Stad bevonden, uijt de
successieve beve>orens d<>()t de Siammers gemaakte gevangenen, met
welke zij hadden weeten te correspondeeren. Dat zij van de inwoon-
deren, die den brand ontkomen zijn, nog de meeste om het Leeven
gebracht hebbende, de overige in verscbeijde parthijen, na het getal
haaren Hoofden verdeelt en weggevoert hebben, na dat zij ook 's
Comp. Logie alvoorens aan de vlamme hadden opgeofferd.
Dat de jonge koning die zig nevens zijne Familie, zo mede den
Berquelang ( weesende de ouden koning dien selven nagt, zo de rela-
tanten zeggen, door de Siammers zelve omgebracht) onder de weg-
gevoerde bevonden hebben, onder weege overleden waaren, den eersten
door ziekte en den laatste sig selv vergeven hebbende.
Oat de Relatanten, nevens hunne lotgenoten, ten getalle van
omtrend duijzend koppen bestaande in portugeesen, Armeniers,
Peguanen, Siammers en Maleijers, zo mans, vrouwen als kinderen,
 ' .
108 J.J. Boeles
onder een kleen eskorte van maar vijftien Bramans de weg na Pegu
opgevoerd zijnde, half wegen gelegenheijd hadden weeten te vinden
bunne geleijders te vermeesteren en zig door de vlugt in veijligbeijd
te stellen, zijnde na een maand succelens door bossen en ongebaande
wegen eerst weder aan de Siamse Rivier aangekomen.
Oat de Relatanten aldaar nog drie maanden verbleeven zijnde,
vervolgens nevens eenige andere baarer Lotgenooten met een kleen
China vaartuijg na Cambodja en voorts na Palembang gestevend
zijnde eijndelijk op den 23 deezer met bet vaartuijg van den Juraagan
Ink. alhier zijn gearriveerd. Voorts zeggen de Relatanten dat de
Bramans dus bet land ontruijmd hebbende zig eenige Siammers omtrend
Bangkok, zijnde de plaats daar wel eer de Fransche Logie gestaan
heeft, weder hadden nedergezet die zij met de vaart na Cambodja
geneerden, Terwijl een aantal van circa twee duijzend Chineesen zig
onder een haarer Hoofden aan de mond der rivier onthielden, hun
erneerende met de agricultuure en visscherije.
Aldus gerelateerd den 26 april 1768

P. van der V oort.

 NOTE ON AN EYE-WITNESS ACCOUNT 109

Translation of Official Record of Eye-witness Account

of the Destruction of Ayudhya in 1767

Account by Anthony Goyaton, Armenian, formerly

Head of the foreign Europeans in Siam and the Arabian
Priest Seyed Ali, formerly residing there, given to th e
Shabander van dez Voort. 3

The spokesmen relate that the Burmese, shortly after the

parture of the Company's servants in November 1765, came to
rround the City Siam in the month of July or August 1766 after
vi ng destroyed all the country around ; and they erected small
tteries around the city, so that no one could get in or out.

The spokesmen say that this lasted till within the month of
larch 1767, when the Burmese, at the time that the city was sur-
ou nded by high water, 4 approached the city at night with boats ,
led the walls with ladders and by throwing earthen pots with

habandm· is a word of Persian origin meaning ' King of the Haven' .

Cf. Yule, H. and Burnell, A.C. Hobson- Jobson' s Dictionmy London 1903
p. 816 under S habunder . The function of a shabandar is described by M.A.P.
Meilink-Roelofsz (Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian
A rchipelago betw een 1500 and about 163 0 . The Hague 1962 p. 42) as follows:

The shabandar's primary task was to look after the merchants of his parti-
cular nation, while the market places and warehouses were also under his
management. He kept a check on we ights, measures and coinage, and
adjudicated in disputes between ship's captains and the merchants in any
ship of the nation he represented.
For a description of the position of the shahandar cf : Schrieke, B. Indonesian
Sociological S tudies Part Two; Ruler and Realm in early J ava The Hague
1957 p. 238. More recent literature on the importance of the position of
the shabandar in asian trade is not available here.

4) Today the water level in the rivers around Ayudhya would be lo w at this
period. Though no exac t date is given in the statement, it follows that
Ayudhya ('de stad Siam') was taken by the Burme se on a certain night in the
month of March 1767. Wood (A History of Siam Bangkok 1924 p. 249)
states that the city was taken on Tuesday, 7th April, 1767.
ilO j.J, Boeies
gunpowder chased the besieged from the walls. Having mastered the
city, they destroyed it entirely to ashes. In this operation the Burmese
received much assistance from their countrymen inside the city,
numbering about five hundred (these had been captured by the Siamese
on previous occasions) with whom the invaders had been able to
communicate. It was related further that the Burmese after having
killed most of the inhabitants who had escaped the conflagration,
divided the others in accordance with the number of surviving people,
in various parties and led them away, after having first destroyed the
Lodge of the Company by fire.
The spokesmen relate also that the young King together with
his family as well as the Berquelang, were among those who were led
away. On the way the King died through illness and the Berquelang
died after having poisened himself. (The old King, so the narrators
say, was murdered the same night by the Siamese themselves). 5

The narrators together with their companions, numbering

about one thousand people and consisting of Portuguese, Armenians,
Peguans, Siamese and Malays, both men, women and children, were
transported along the way to Pegu, under a small escort of only fifteen
Burmese. Half-way, they found the opportunity to capture their
escort and escape in flight. After having roamed through forests and
untrodden ways they at last arrived again at the Siamese river. 6
The narrators stayed there three months and afterwards sailed
with some of the other companions in a small Chinese vessel to
Cambodia and then to Palembang, arriving here finally on the 23rd
of this month with the ship of the Juraagan Ink.
------· --~·--

5) The use of brackets suggests that the Slzabander was not quite certain of
this information. The old King must have been the reigning King Ekatat.
Wood (op. cit. p. 249) states that after the taking of Ayudhya 'King Ekatat
fled from his palace in a small boat. The exact manner of his final fate is
uncertain'. It is possible, but not at all certain, that 'the young King' could
have been the ex-King Utumpon, who according to Wood (ibid.) was torn from
the shelter of his monastery and taken away to Burma, where he ended
his days in captivity in 1796. If Wood's statement is correct, the' Relaas'
cannot be relied upon in this respect.
6) The' Siamese river' being the Chao Phraya, the river on which Ayudhya is
situated.
 NOTE ON AN ~~n:-WITNESS ACCOUNT Ill
The narrators say furthermore that after the Burmese had
evacuated the country, some Siamese again settled themselves in
Bangkok, which is the place where formerly the French Lodge stood. 1
They occupied themselves with the trade to Cambodia, 8 while
about two thousand Chinese under one of their chiefs, stayed at
the mouth of the river, sustaining themselves with agriculture and
fishing.
Thus related the 26th April 1768

P. va11 der Voort

7) The French Factory was on the Dhonburi side-the west side-of the Chao
Phraya River.
8) This translation of the Dutch 'die zij met de vaart na Cambodia geneerden',
is rather free and may not be accurate.
 BOOK REVIEWS

Bernot, Lucien Les paysans arakanais du Pakistan Oriental. L'histoire,

le rnonde vegetal et l'organisation sociale des refugies Manna ( Mog)
Mouton & Co., Paris and The Hague 1967. Two volumes, 793
pages, 16 plates (with 41 pictures), 95 figures, 4 maps.
In 1951/52 and again in 1959/60 M. Lucien Bernot and his
wife Denise passed altogether one and a half years with the very kind
and sympathetic people that their French and our German expedition
(1955/57) agreed to call Marma according to the wish of the people
themselves who their Bengali overlords still refer to by the deprecatory
name 'Mog' ( = bandit, pirate). In fact, these now peaceful
valley-dwelling peasants in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of East
Pakistan have lived there since 1784 when they fled the former
Kingdom of Aracan following the Burman conquest. Before this the
Aracanese, in company with some Dutch and Portuguese, the
so-called 'Feringhi' ( farang ), ransacked the coasts of Bengal, then
part of the Moghul Empire.
Bernat divides his work into three parts:
1. The history of the region between Bengal and Aracan,
especially that of the Marma themselves, in an extensive compilation
of arduous studies.
2. The vegetal world (subtitle of the whole work) describes
the production and processing of plants for nutrition, clothing, and
housing; in short, the entire material culture and its bearing on the
economy and the person.
3. 'Society: Men and Women,' fills the second volume, which
contains a wealth of information on the cycle of life, religious practices
and sacrifices, and clans and family relations.
Of especial interest for Thailand, we learn from part I that in
1798 the King of Ava (King of Burma) asked the Aracanese leader
Nga Than De to provide 20,000 guns and 40,000 men to wage war on
Siam. As only half these numbers were offered, the king became so
enraged that he seized and killed one of the sons of the Aracan
 BOOK REVIEWS
114
chief. Terrified by this crime a large part of the population
fled from Aracan into the Chittagong Hills where British rule gave
safety. Thus the Burmese army did not get the needed reinforcements,
and the Siamese were able to repulse their reiterated attacks at the
end of the 18th century.
The second part contains a comprehensive research-report on
the Marma's slash-and-burn cultivation and, to say it plainly, there
are not many such thorough studies in anthropological literature.
Still, in the description of felling the author only mentions cutting of
brushwood; I miss the cutting down of trees which is done in a
somewhat different manner. I have seen this in the upper Sangu
valley and described it earlier'. This article would have been
serviceable also for comparing my list of 36 cultivated plants (with
Bengali names added to the Marma and botanical ones) to his very
extensively explained list of about 93 plants used-mostly planted and
some growing wild. This list too is a pluspoint, for very few
research workers seem inclined to take the trouble to collect plants.
Since Frenchmen usually enjoy good cookery, he has dwelled upon
this as, I guess, nobody else before him; describing also at length the
preparation of stimulants as alcohol, tobacco and betel.

In reading the ergologic section one at once is reminded of the

famous school of Professor Leroi-Gourhan at Paris and, indeed,
Bernat lets us know that he followed the lines of his great teacher.
For example, he describes how bamboo is broken open broadly and
used to make house-walls by interweaving the strips. Where else, I
ask, can one find such a detailed description? Let this example
stand for a great many others to demonstrate how deeply the author
has gone into details.
Still, there is a minor omission as regards weaving that might
lead to misunderstanding: Bernot speaks of the single-heddle
loom-used also, by the way, in the northern Thai hills- 'sur lequelles
femmes des collines ... tissent leurs galons et ceintures', but at the
1) Kauffmann, H. E., 'Observations on the agriculture of the Chittagong
Hill-tribes,' Sociology in East Pakistan, Occasional Studies of the Asiatic
Society of Pakista11 vol 1, Dacca 1962 pp. 111-134,
 fiooK REVIEWs iiS
same time he mentions the rather large sizes of Marma-cloths. As,
according to his testimony, the (Indian) double-heddle loom is very
little used (I myself have seen only one in 1955 in Bandarban and
never in any of the smaller villages), apparently these large-size
cloths were woven on the (Indonesian) single-heddle tension loom
(Ling Roth), which, of course, is broader and heavier than could be
gatheredfrom Bernet's explanation and pictures. This larger type
is stored in probably every house, and I have seen it in use often
enough.
In the chapters on child-rearing and education there is a section
on 'Ecriture' (script) in which Bernot traces the widespread myth of
'the loss of script'. In the verswn of the Mru the script was written
on a plantain-leaf which was devoured by a cow. I would add here
that, when watching a buffalo-sacrifice in a village of the Chuengma-
Mru in the hills of the upper Sangu region, I saw the headman cut
out the tongue of the dead bull and put it on the sacrificial post.
Thus the guilty animal is punished for destroying the script at every
buffalo-sacrifice.
Another interesting aspect is the separation of the sexes at a
marriage banquet-the women being seated towards the kitchenside.
In a Lisu headman's house in Tham Ng5b (Tambol Pongtam, Amphur
Fang, Changwat Chiengmai) I noticed the womenfolk sitting behind
the hearth-fire and eating their meal only after the men, placed near
the spirit-altar, had finished theirs. This arrangement seems a quite
wide spread custom among Asian peoples.
In the Marma-village of Polika, middle Sangu, I have observed
the ceremony of slipping circles of white thread on the right wrists of
a newly appointed headman and his wife. Bernet's commentary on
this custom at the occasion of a marriage runs as follows :
'Des ronds de fil peuvent etre aussi passes au poignet droit
des hates. Ceci souligne la solennite de la consultation des canga
[speak: changa. It is the Y-form bone of chickens used for
omen-taking) et apporte la preuve que les hates participent a une
reunion faste, ou tout au moins solennelle. De meme dans les
sacrifices, et plus rarement au monastere, on remet parfois des ronds
de fil aux invites.'
 il6 BooK tb:vntws

This statement is most important in view of a very similar

custom of the Thai and hill tribes in northern Thailand. Here they
bind both wrists with threads in 'fastening the soul' or 'lham khwan'-
see Phaya Anuman Rajadhon injournal of the Siam Society no 50,1962
pp. 119-164. While for the Marma the procedure seems only to
bestow luck, I cannot help thinking that both versions are closely
allied and stem originally from one and the same source.
'Evil death' is viewed from a quite special standpoint I had not
heard of: The spirits of people killed by accident being thought of
as very vicious, the Marma try to declare a death normal if at all
possible. Thus if a day elapses between accident and death this is
sufficient to make death normal and the corpse can be cremated instead
of buried.
Of the many details of death ceremonies related by the author,
I recall the breaking near the pyre of the pot used for the ablution
·water of the corpse and of the pots in which the last meal for the
dead person (as well as for the guests) had been prepared. This is
reminiscent of the breaking of cups and other such objects along the
way when a corpse is carried to the graveyard by the La wa of B5
Luang. The long white streamer posted near the pyre is nothing
else but the 'tung' of the Thai-Buddhists, but it is also similar
in other respects, (e.g. the woven bamboo-ball at its lower end) to the
high sacrificial flag-poles of the Kayah in eastern Burma. Alongside
this flag .the Marma put up a bamboo structure representing the 5-7
tiers of Mount Meru. I remember a drawing of five halt-circles
signifying the heavens made (with rice flour) on the ground at a
sacrificial ceremony by a medicine-man of the Tippera or Mrung
in the upper Sangu region, not very far from Marma settlements.
What I woqder at is that Bernot does not mention the several
metres high, chedi-like superstructures over the coffin. This light
bamboo framework is revetted with coloured paper showing various
figures. I have seen three death processions of the Marma at different
places and all of them carried a high construction of this kind. The
young bearers accompanied by a band loudly and merrily beating its
tunes, threw the whole structure, with the coffin inside, high up into
the air and caught it again. When I asked why they were in such
 BooK 1hvmws 111
frolicsome spirits they said: 'Because this is the most wonderful day
in the life of the deceased man, for today he will be in the presence of
Phra [God].' At one instance the coffin with its superstructure was
brought down the steep hillside to the river Sangu in a wild stampede
and deposited there for a time while young boys with painted faces
executed a traditional dance before it.
When in 1936 I arrived in the Naga Hills District, Assam,
Mr. J.P. Mills, then Deputy Commissioner of the district and an
eminent scholar on Naga culture, advised me: 'Every day you can
note down things not yet published in any monograph.' So I do not
mean to criticize Bernat's book for some minor omissions. He
himself states repeatedly that he had to cut out quite a lot of what he
had collected. Of the nats (spirits) and their ceremonies, for example,
he gives a comprehensive study, but at the same time he states that
he could have written an entire volume on this alone.

The same holds true of the social theme, really endless in itself,
which is deployed in ample breadth and interspersed with numerous
genealogical figures. Let us just glance at the chapter on 'amyo'.
An amyo comprises more people than a joint family but less than a
whole ethnic group; in fact, its size varies considerably, some amyo
having tens of thousands of members, others only a few families.
Former authors tried to translate amyo by 'clan', but it must be
stressed that this kind of clan, with occasional exceptions, is not
exogamous, and that there is a certain hierarchical gradation from
the larger to the smaller amyo, This, however, is a far cry from the
Indian conception of caste which is non-existent in Buddhist society:
'Les amyo marma forment done des groupements qui ne sont ni des
clans ni des castes.' Of two thirds of more than 90 amyo-designations
Bernat has collected, nothing else is known but the names. Where
their meaning could be ascertained two groups were listed according
to geographical and to professional origin; the latter amyo most
probably having bad ancestors who held special functions at the royal
court of Aracan. It is interesting that one amyo claims descent from
the Talaing or Mon: 'origine qui bien entendu reste a prouver'. Yet
in 1955 the late Bohmong (Prince of the southern Marma), firmly
118 BooK REvmws
considering himself of royal Talaing descent, spoke to me very bitterly
of the Burmese who had annihilated the Men-kingdom of Pegu and
forced his family to flee to Aracan.
Tribes often being differentiated by the colours and stripes of
their women's skirts (e.g. tribes in North Thailand, Naga in Assam),
I at first thought that the various Manna-skirts must be assigned to
different amyo but I tried in vain to find a clue. Now Bernet comes
to the conclusion that in former times 'les differents am yo ... auraient
ete reconnaissables par les rayures de leur jupe', but nobody could
establish the real correspondence between amyo and striped skirts-
apparently this practice has been discontinued.
These two volumes are outstanding as to composition and
work up an immense material. Remarkable also is the tremendous
linguistic and etymological effort throughout the book of which no
little part is due to Bernat's wife Denise, an expert in Burmese.
Bernot has put up a first rate example of a modern anthropo-
logical monograph and I highly recommend this scholarly work for
intense study.
Ha11.~ E. Km~ffmarm

" A rJ
No N a Pa k N am, 1-11Lfl!l1-IOfiWn'ln1l'~~U1-l'YltJ~1HI1
A

.,! ~ ,
(Five Months Among the
Ruins of Ayudhya) Si.lksit Siam Press 1967 pages 204, illustrated.
Last year the Asia Foundation allocated 20,000 Baht to the
Ayudbya Centennial Committee. This money was passed on to
No Na Pak Nam, a nom de plume of a well known Thai art historian,
to head a survey of the remains in Ayudhya Province from the
Ayudhya period, and earlier periods if these were found. A 'longtail'
boat was purchased and nearly all the rivers and khlongs in and
around the island of Ayudbya and its environs were thoroughly
explored. Iri the four months from November 1966 to March 1967
the survey party filled five large sketch books with drawings of
details of the various monuments and took numerous photographs.
A preliminary report was published in time for the series of lectures
 BOOK REVIEWS 119

and exhibition arranged by the Ayudhya Centennial Committee in

April this year at the National Library.
In September, the final report of the survey was published in
the form of a Journal divided as follows: a Forward, summarizing the
theories formed; a portfolio of photographs; the Journal proper in five
parts; an appendix consisting of the preliminary report; footnotes; two
tables showing the dimensions of sema or boundary stones and bricks
at monasteries of historical importance; an index of the monasteries
mentioned in the journal; and acknowledgements. The main disadvan-
tage of this arrangement is that the evidence for the theories expounded
in the forward and appendix is scattered through the Journal. The
index is indispensible but, unfortunately, it is far from a complete list
of the monasteries mentioned, page numberings are not always
accurate and there are no subject entries. The better known monasteries
that the author has written about in popular Thai language magazines
such as Chao Krung and Cho Fa are treated only summarily in the
Journal.

Apart from making a survey of architectural styles and de-

corative motifs and preparing drawings, photographs and a preliminary
report for the Ayudhya Centennial Exhibition, No Na Pak Nam had
two aims: to find Pathakhucam, a town mentioned in the Annals of
Ayudhya, and to collect archaeological evidence that an old town that
the Annals call Ayothaya existed on or near Ayudhya island before
King U Thong founded Ayudhya there.

The Annals say that Pathakhucam is across the river from

Ayudhya. Across the Cao Phaya River to the south of the island in
the vicinity ofWat Phuthaisawan is a khlong named 'Pra Cam' or 'Khu
Cam'. In the forward the author argues that Pathakhucam was not a
separate town as has been previously assumed but that in Ayudhya
times it was the site of the Palace to the Front prior to the 'Wang
Na' at 'Wang Can Kasem'. The survey in the first month revealed
many old monasteries immediately to the south of the island, but all
but two have been pulled down (with permission from the Department
of Religious Affairs) for their bricks which find a ready market.
120 BOOK RIWIEWS

One surviving monastery is Wat Phaya Kong where portions

of a Dvaravati stone Buddha, seated in the European fashion, were
found. At this monastery there is a three-storied, four-sided stupa
with a sanctum inside. The roof of the sanctum is curved and made
of bricks that were shaped before baking. While this is not evidence
that there was a town called Pathukhucam in the Ayudhya period
there, it does show that there are pre-Ayudhya remains from the
Lopburi or possibly Dvaravati period on the proposed site.
After dividing Ayudhya island and the surrounding area into
districts, the Forward continues with an exposition of the author's
theory of the evolution of the cetiya in the pre- and early Ayudhya pe-
riods to complete the treatment given in the appendix. This constitutes
his proof for the existence of archaeological remains from Ayothaya.
The Journal begins with a visit to monasteries on the
island and to the south and west. Beyond the island they were
hampered by mud. At the end of the first month the boat they had
bought was available and the second month was spent exploring the
khlongs in and around the island. Apart from 'sema' or boundary
stones they found little that had not been restored almost beyond re-
cognition during the close of the Ayudbya period and, more especially,
the Ratanakosin period. They did, however, find a few beautifully
carved wooden pulpits at Wat Pho Phtiak and Wat Klang, some eave
brackets at Wat Muang Wan, some mural paintings and a painted
ceiling of fine workmanship in a cetiya. Photographs of some of these
are included in the portfolio of plates.
Prior to this survey, the author had begun to study the evolu-
tion of sema stones. He studied the sema stones among other things in
various monasteries still in good condition whose date of construction
appears in the Annals of Ayudhya and which had never been restored
extensively, and, from this he was able to date other monasteries.
Although evidence was found of sema stones having been removed
from one monastery to another, this was not usual. Generally, the sema
stones and the principal cetiya but not the halls (which were often
restored) of a monastery are of the same reign. If the cetiya has been
restore~ in a different style, the sema stones are the only evidence
 BOOK REVIE\V.S 121

from which the reign in which the monastery was founded can be
deduced. A monastery restored extensively was rededicated and
double sema stones were installed.
In the second month be was able to recognise some large red
sandstone sema stones from Wat Ko Rang as probably from a pre-
Ayudhya period by comparing them with Sukhothai period sema
stones at Wat Com Khiri Nakha Phrot in Nakhon Sawan province.
They were also similar to some sema stones he bad seen at Wat
Yanasen and Wat Ratchapradit on the island and of which he could
say only that they were earlier than the middle Ayudbya period. More
sema stones of the same kind were found at Wat Kao Hong Ratana
and Wat Somanakottharam, but these may have come from another
monastery.
He was also puzzled by some styles of cetiya which do not fit
into the classification by periods as expounded in H.R.I-I. Prince
Damrong's History of Buddhist Monuments in Siam. In this book it is
stated that in the early Ayudhya period the cetiya was based on
Lopburi models rather than those of Sukhothai and that tht earliest
cetiya of the Sukhothai style, i.e. of Ceylonese origin, were two at
Wat Phra Si Sanphet built at the beginning of the middle period and
that it was only after these two cetiya that Ceylonese styles flourished
in the central plain of Thailand. What then was one to make of the
two Ceylonese cetiya called cedi 'chang lorn', or 'elephant supported'
cetiya, at Wat Nang Pliim and Wat Maheyong, in no way different from
the cedi chang 1om at Sisachanalai in Sukhothai, and of the two
cetiya at Wat Sam Wihan and Wat Kudi Thong in the same style but
without elephants'? And what of a similar cetiya supported by
lions at Wat Thamikarat, known from other evidence to date from at
least Ayudhya and more likely pre-Ayudhya times ? If Ayudbya has,
more cetiya of this Ceylonese style than Sukhothai, who borrowed
from whom?
Again, Prince Damrong does not mention the existence in
Ayudhya of any other Lopburi style but the 'prang', although he
recognized that Wat Kukut in Lamphun is representative of another
Lopburi style-a multi-storied eight-sided cetiya with nitches on all
sides for images. In the first month the survey recognized cetiya as
122 BOOK REVH:WS

being of this type at Wat Sanam Chai, Wat Intharam, and Wat Mondop
and another one in better condition but of a later style at Wat Nang
K.ham, so No Na Pak Nam decided to make a survey in Lopburi
and Suphanburi in the hope of finding more.
Yet another style, defined as much more Ceylonese but much less
Lopburi than Wat Phra Si Sanphet, if it could be shown to exist would
be prima facie evidence that there were Ceylonese cetiya in the early
Ayudhya period or possibly even earlier. The discovery of just such a
style was made in the second month to the east of the island in the
region thought to be the site of Ayothaya, the pre-Ayudhya town.
The first hint of the anticipated style was at Wat Nang Kham,
but at Wat Somanakottharam a Ceylonese cetiya was found. The
bell element was not tall and the base of the cetiya was of the same
diameter as that of the bell and the same height. It showed a strong
resemblance to the cetiya at Nakhon Si Thamarat, believed to have
been built in Sukhothai times by monks from Ceylon. There was no
Lopburi influence and therefore no sanctum.
The third month was a month of consolidation of previous
finds. Another Ceylonese cetiya was found at Wat Sikasamut: it had
no base, was circular in cross-section and had niches all around;
inside was a crypt similar to the lower one at Wat Ratchaburana; and
it was manifestly older than Wat Phra Si Sanphet. The island was
surveyed in more detail and copies were made of the murals at Wat
Phuthaisawan. Further trips were made along the khlongs. Examples
of eight-sided Lopburi cetiya were found when the survey was
extended to Lopburi at Wat Maha That, Wat Manicolakhan and Wat
Sao Thong Thong.

During the fourth month the various hypotheses were borne

out by further discoveries. The month began with a second survey
to the east and south of the island which had previously been almost
impossible because of the mud. The discoveries began when the
survey moved to the fields north of the island which had hitherto
been ignored. At Wat Pa Daeng they found a cetiya similar to the
one at Wat Sikasamut except that the crypt was made of laterite, the
base was square and the niches were arched. It was a Ceylonese
 BOOK REVIEWS 123

cetiya beginning to be influenced by the Lopburi style. The turning

point however was at Wat Salieng. This is how the author describes
the occasion :
'We had suspected that the Ceylonese cetiya at Wat Sikasamut,
Wat Somanakot and Wat Pa Daeng were in an old Ceylonese style
predating the founding of Ayudhya, but our only evidence was art
style and from this we could merely deduce a plausable theory of the
evolution of the cetiya. On arriving at Wat Salieng we saw what other
places had only suggested-a pure Ceylonese style cetiya. The bell
element is huge and almost rises from the ground. There is no moulded
base. The throne element resting on the bell is square, large and solid.
The cetiya at Wat Si Sanphet which has an abreviated throne is recent
by comparison. The throne at Wat Salieng is so high that it brings to
mind the throne of the cetiya at Wat Boramathat at Nakhon Si Thama-
rat. Above the throne is the parasol pinnacle... We were almost
one hundred per cent sure that this is the earliest style of cetiya to
reach us from Ceylon and that it came to Ayudhya before it passed
on to Sukhotbai. We looked for further evidence among the ruins of
the ubosoth hall west of the cetiya. We found many pre-Ayudhya
red sandstone sema stones of the same kind as we had seen at Wat
Somanakottbaram, another monastery with this earliest of Ceylonese
styles. West of this cetiya is a vihara and on the other side of the
vihara is a second cetiya, an eight-sided one in the Lopburi style and
belonging to an even earlier period. This then is conclusive evidence
for the existence of a Ceylonese inspired monastery in the Ayothaya
period. We were reminded of the line from the Tamnan Mulasasana:
Phra Sumana Thera and Phra Anomahissi from Sukhothai came down
to study the Tripitaka in Ayothaya. . . We also found a couple of
sema stones from the early Ayudhya period. Apparently the
monastery had been restored in the early Ayudhya period and new
sema stones had been erected.'
No Na Pak Nam was now justified in saying that the cetiya at
Wat Yai Chai Mongkon (Phaya Thai) was a mixture of two styles, the
Ceylonese and the Lopburi, and was probably built in the late
Ayothaya period. The large cetiya at Wat Ayothaya (Wat Doem)
and Wat Dusida, and Wat Phra Kaew in MUang San, Chainat province
also belong to this mixed style where Ceylonese influences dominate
those from Lopburi. Another Ceylonese style cetiya with the minimum
of Lopburi influence was found at Wat Tha Khae here and perhaps
Wat Khwit and Wat Chang can be included.
 BOOK REVIEWS
124
More pre-Ayudhya and early Ayudhya sema stones were found
at Wat Yom at Bang Pa-in, Wat Ban Paeng and Wat Maha Thalai
(Fai Mai). When the survey was extended to Suphanburi, sema
stones of the same kind at Wat Phra That, Wat Phra Rup and Wat
Chainawat were found. The author calls this style of sema 'Ayothaya
Suphanaphum', although the style can also be found in monasteries
in Lopburi, e.g. Wat Sao Thong Thong and Wat Phromat, and in
Nakhon Pathom at Wat Phra Pratbon. A sema stone found at Wat
Thamle Thai was in the pre-Ayudhya style and perhaps also the sema
stone at Wat Sao Thong Thong, for they were both inspired by Khmer
models.
The eight-sided Lopburi cetiya is classified into three styles.
The first emerged during the Lopburi period and followed Indian
models. In addition to the cetiya at Wat Kukut, the one at Wat Sao
Thong Thong, even though restored, is a good example of this style.
The second is the oldest of the eight-sided cetiya to be found
nowadays in Ayudhya and Suphanburi. The third is contemporary
with the pure Ceylon style and is a mixture of the second period and
the Ceylonese style. It is divided into two types : predominately
Ceylonese, e.g. Wat Chai Mongkhon; and predominately Lopburi.
Prior to the discoveries at Wat Salieng only one mixed but predomi-
nately Lopburi style cetiya had been seen, that at Wat Nang Kham, but
when the survey explored to the west of the island, a very large cetiya
in this style and possibly dating from the Ayothaya period was found
at Wat Krachai. Later, another was found at Wat Cong Krom.
In the middle of the fourth month the survey moved to
Suphanburi and saw, among other things, eight-sided cetiya from the
second period at Wat Phra Rup, Wat Phra That, Wat Phra In and
Wat Sanam Chai. The remainder of the month was spent following
a map of all the named monasteries in and aro~md Ayudhya island
in order to plot accurately the positions of those still remaining. Of
particular interest were the numerous monasteries east of the island.
The fifth month was spent compiling the findings.

Victor Kemzedr
 RECENT SIAMESE PUBLICATIONS

373. Mom DviVOIJS: The Royal Pias'ad and Residences in the Grand
Palace vn:::kiVIlthut1YlLLfl:;'!'l1:;11'lflJ mL.ri~1t1mu 1u vn:mlJlJVIl i1'lfl~ Pracand
Press, Bangkok 2507, pages 158 octo, copious illustrations.
The identity of the writer is uncertain-though MomrajawotJS
Se9sun is mentioned as having helped, but Mom DviVOlJS, at the time
of publication Secretary-General of the Royal Household, is no doubt
largely responsible for the initiation and conception of this work.
It is a matter of common knowledge that the Palace has been
badly in need of repair since 1932. As chief of the Palace service,
ranking perhaps not very much lower than the former Minister of the
Royal Household, which office has been abolished, Mom DvivolJS
could not accept this situation. He invited members of the House of
Representatives to visit the Palace and succeded in securing support
for a scheme of repair which was to last several years. Though the
Palace is now in a much better condition the scheme is nowhere near
completion.
The book under review deals with the Grand Palace only,
giving an account of its history and detailed descriptions of the
individual buildings. A chronological tabulation of the repairs is
given. The main groups described are: the original Residence, Pra
Maha MonHen (Mandira in Sanskrit), consisting of the living quarters
by the name of the residence of Cakrabartipiman (Cakravartivimana)
an innermost section to the south with a bedchamber and two sitting-
rooms, the inner Chamber of Audience, PaWiltaksin (Vaisa1a-dakshin),
and the outer Audience Chamber of Amarindra-viniccbaya, where
now take place most state ceremonies. Then there is the group,
equally old, of the Dusit Mahaprasad, consisting of an audience
chamber and a living section, the nocturnal dwelling, Pimanratya,
both of which are used only for ceremonies and not for residence.
The next group dealt with is that of the more modern Boromapiman-
almost on the identical site as the former residence of King Mo!JkUt,
which, being built of inferior material, has now been demolished.
Between the Dusit and Mahamoniien groups lies the Cakri group,
 HECENT SIAMESE I'UBLICAT!ONi:i
126
built and lived in by King CuUiloiJkorn. Parts of this group, also
built of inferior material, have had to be pulled down; though the
more public sections have been either repaired or rebuilt and are used
mainly for state functions. Minor buildings in the Grand Palace also
receive attention.
Though a more abbreviated account of the royal palaces,
including of course the Grand Palace, has been available to the public
for some time through the offices of the Fine Arts Department, it is
in English and mainly for use by foreigners. The publication under
review is the first systematic; description of the Grand Palace in
Siamese. All who have been responsible for planning and writing
this monumental work deserve to be congratulated.

374. Mom DviVOlJS: Etiquette and Court Language mtmJ1'l~1'Yl LLC'l~

nn'l~nr:wii1hl'l1'lf~1un Pracand Press, Bangkok 2507,. pages 64 sexa,

copious illustrations.
Considerable literature already exists on this subject; but such
things are quickly out dated and what has been written becomes merely
.evidence of past custom. The reviewer often has been asked to write
an up-to-date version; but has never thought fit to undertake it for
fear of its being unconvincing, coming as it would from an aristo-
cratic quarter often suspected of forcing its customs and ideas upon
a public which may not want to know. However, the fact that the
book has seen several editions in the past four or five years seems to
prove otherwise. Our public is after all quite sensible and is broad·
minded in its interest in cultural matters.
Court language has certainly been exaggerated and its voca-
bulary tends to swell overmuch. Even that in the book under review
would seem to need some revision and curtailment.
The illustrations of formal attitudes in Court manners are well
reproduced. These are, of course, for the inner life of a sovereign
and never insisted on to the inconvenience of the public.
This book and tbe one preceding in this review were mementos
of the cremation of the remains of Mom DviVOlJS' mother the Princess
Udom o·viVOlJS, whose biography is given in both works.
 RECf~N'J' SIAMfiSE PUDLICA'l'IONS 127
375. Mom DviVOIJS: Lecture on Court Ceremonies practised in the
present reign tl11111~1tJL;f.l~'l'l'i~'l"l'lfYirrth~~l~h,u'lfnll:'lU'l'il1Jvu pracand Press,
Bangkok 2510, pages 82 sexa. '
Our traditional culture being a monarchical one a certain
amount of protocol is naturally observed. Even a more democratic
culture, if it values its national ideals, prefers-like France, to maintain
a certain amount of protocol and tradition. The material under
review is longer than could be imagined to be possible in a single
lecture; it has, of course, been dilated in print.
The author describes the ceremonies, their meaning and their
form as now practiced. Closer relationships with foreign courts and
governments have encouraged modifications from time to time. Dr.
Wales dealt with the subject in English some decades ago, but many
changes have occurred since. What is contained herein may be taken
to be the latest developments.

376. Direck Jayanam: Thailand and the Second World War 1'1'wn"u
1Wl'l1!J Ll:'lnm~:.J~ Wtl~ Bangkok 2509,two volumes, pages 1147, illustrations.

This monumental work has been compiled by the author from

notes and official documents accumulated during his connection with
Thai foreign policy and mainly as Minister for Foreign Affairs. From
the beginnings of the war in Europe and then Asia, ably summed in
the first section of the first chapter, the book goes on to a well written
study of Japan vis-a-vis the World War which ended in the invasion
by Japan of south-east Asia, and, finally, the problems of the after-
math and the entry of Thailand into the United Nations.
The style of writing, though often involved, perhaps because
of the necessary condensation of material, is yet commendable, for
hardly anything of importance seems to have been omitted. Indeed,
the author's grasp of the elements of an involved situation which
spread over the greater part of the world is made evident.
The texts of treaties we made in those critical days with
France, Great Britain and Japan, whose interest was paramount, and
other treaties with powers less in direct political context, supplement
this work.
i28 RECENT SIAMESE PUBLICA'l'IUNS
• f
377. Direck Jayanam: Memento of his cremation m;t'lt'l'ltnfflW/11" 1'111'!~

~L'ln •t1:1UllJ Bangkok 2510, pages 160 octo, illustrations.

This book consists of the usual valedictory messages which
need not be considered here, an interesting biography signed by the
wife of the deceased, a sermon, and, what is most interesting, the
lectures delivered by the deceased on various occasions on such
subjects as Buddhism and Freedom, Evolution of Thai Law, the Press
and Diplomacy, and Principles determining Foreign Policy.

378. Sunthorn Bhu: Niras Pra Pradhom U'llf!Yl'l~Unli"lJ New version

edited by the Fine Arts Department 2504, pages 81 sexage, illustrations
and map.
Though not actually stated, this book bears the stamp of the
pen of the learned Director-General, whose admiration for Sunthorn
Bhu is well-known. A niras has been called by French scholars a
po'eme d'adieu which term seems most fitting of all translations. The
name of the locality, Pra Pradhom, Ylntl-r::ll'lJ, was applied to it
through an understanding that it was the site of the deathbed of the
Buddha who, according to tradition, died in the forest near Kusinara,
which has been identified with the village of Kasia in Nepal. King
MoiJkut renamed the site of the monument Pra Pathomacedi, 'the early
monument', by which it is now generally known. But Sunthorn Bhii
lived before that time.
According to the calculations of the editor of this work, the
old poet went to Pra Pradhom in the year of the Tiger almost im-
mediately after his resumption of lay life. The date has been identified
withB.E. 2385. He travelled from Wat RaghaiJ along the Klo!J Bal]k6k
Noy to the Nakon Jai~ri River just above t-:l"iurai ~1'l'ltl and entered
the Kl6IJ Ba1Jkaew as may be traced from the accompanying map.
Many places are noted in the style of a poeme d'adieu with the usual
play on words and references to his multiple loves, many of whom
Dhanit Yupo believes to have been real personalities. The poem
scans well, describes well and possesses not a little pathos. Bhu's
impression of the monument is highly interesting though in those days,
in its ruined condition, the cedi and the seemingly natural promontory
 hECEN1' SIAMESE P\JllLIGA'I'JONS 129

btl which it stood must have seemed quite lofty.

Bhii combined his
trip with a devotion and a sense of pilgrimage. In addition, his
devotion to his former benefactors, King Rama II and his younger son
Pra Pinklao, is touching and real. The poem is one of the most
interesting of his niras pieces.

"'~
379. Yupo, D.: Exhibits worth attention (in the Museum) .I I
L'Hhl'U1"J m
•
WW1i'l1um'fl1.1m'U Sivaporn Press, Bangkok, pages 42 sexa, copiously
illustrated.
As its name implies, this little brochure popularizes the
National Museum. The attempt is deserving of praise, for it is high
time that the public knew more about their National Museum; more
especially now that it has been enlarged by the addition of two sub-
stantial buildings either side of the residence of the Palace to the
Front. This is one in the series of annual presentations to monastic
,
visitors and others during the holiday commemorating the commence-
ment of the rainy season retreat of the Holy Order.
Included in this work is a history of museums in our land and I
a detailed description of the Palace to the Front which now houses
'···
the National Museum. Then is given a history of the development
of the Museum into the National Institute in the Seventh Reign, its
enrolment as a member of the International Council of Museums,
and a definition-as adopted by that international body-of the term
which now includes libraries and buildings worthy of expert archi-
tectural consideration. The brochure also contains an interesting
section defining the art of the Nation and her neighbours. Bringing
up the rear is an identification of Pali classical names as found in the
Mahaniddesa and a list of those nations in the International Council
of Museums.

380. Yiipo, D., Suvannabhumi wi'mmmj,

pages 82 sexa, map and illustrations.
.
Sivaporn Ltd. Bangkok,

The problem of the site of Suvannabhiimi has been one of

age-long contention and would seem to be still unsolved. The author
has here summed up the facts of the case with considerable clarity
though he admits a certain amount of repetition.
 RECEN'f SIAMESE PUBLICATIONS
130
Before going on to present his statement, Dr. Yupo, in his
customary style of the teacher, establishes his assignment of historical
eras, thus:
An early millenium, from the time of the Buddha's life to
B.E. 1000, which should include the time of Suvannabhumi,
the period being called the Funan era;
a second millenium, B.E. 1000 to 2000, to include the art
eras of Dvaravati, Srivijaya, Lobburi, ChieJ]sen and UtOIJ;
and a third millenium from that time to modern days.
His statement of the case is well worth reproduction at some
length. As for site, the Burmese maintain that Suvannabhumi is in
Burma because of mention in the Kalyani inscription and of the
confirmation by the old work Sasanavamsa, which fixes it to a site in
Lower Burma. English scholars accepted this and applied to it the
epithet of the Golden Land. Modern scholars in the west acceded to this
theory though Vincent Smith dissented to a certain extent. Majumdar
seemed inclined to disbelieve that Sona and Uttara ever came to
Burma. There are other scholars too who have been saying that it is
in Siam or covers the whole of the Indochinese peninsula. Parana-
vitana of Ceylon, on the other hand, identifies it with Malaysia.
Coedes does not seem definite, merely maintaining that the lack of
epigrapllical evidence proves neither the site being in Burma nor in
the valley of the Caopraya in as early a period as is contended.
The author then proceeds to discuss Paranavitana's identifica-
tion with.~omewhere in Malaysia. Dr. Yupo's reference to mediaeval
Siamese literature is interesting though hardly a sufficient proof either
way. After a considerable diversion to geographical identification
of Indian names, however interesting, though hardly within the scope
of what he set out to prove, he reverts to the main theme and states
that Suvannabhumi must be in the valley of the Caopraya river and
is none other than the Golden Chersonese. It remained as an empire
till the VIIIth Buddhist century and was swallowed up by the Empire
of Funan.

381. An Inscription from Nanchao, B.E. 1390. 'il17nmrn.nlnumL.f1

YUl. ~<>mGI'o published under the auspices of the Commission for the
Publication of Historical, Cultural and Archeological Material,
Government Press 2510, pages 99 octo, illustrations.
 RECENT SIAMESE PUBLICATIONS 131

The creditable initiative for this publication is due to Khacorn

Sukhapanij, who coming across a French translation of the inscription
by Chavannes in the jaurnal asiatique supplemented it with photostat
copies of a Chinese original. The latter had been pieced together
from fragments seen by Mr. Sukhapanij in the library of Hongkong
University. These were brought to the notice of the Chief Librarian
of the National Library in Bangkok and were subsequently examined
and critically collated by scholars such as Dr. E. Denis, S.J., the Ven.
Yen Kiat and Lia9 Sthirasut.
The publication contains a well written historical preface,
giving a sketch of political history at the time of Nanchao. A
detailed summary follows of the history of Nanchao and especially
of the time of the famous Koh-Lo-Fong who was responsible for
setting up the inscription at the gate of his capital city. The narration
continues to the time when, with the help of Tibetan forces, Nanchao
liberated herself from Chinese rule and according to the inscription
attained great prosperity that, in the words of the chronicler, was to
last till 'the river Ho should dwindle into the size of a waist-belt
and the peak of Taishan become reduced to the size of a whetstone'.
The Chinese text is reproduced in 23 pages, followed by a
description, translated here into Siamese, of the main narrative.
Supplementary material follows and seems to have been written by
the translator, who was obviously carried away by the heroic account
to such an extent that the Siamese text is strewn with verse. And, in
fact, what started out as authentic history becomes now and then
heroic verse inspired by a feeling of exultation which, after all, is
understandable.

382. Damden!Jam, P. : A Biography of the Vm. Pra Svarga V aranayok

and an Inventory of the antiquities of Svargalok t1 1 ~1fivrr~(1Tn !'ll'l'U lEI n'11.'l'1
a memento of the deceased published on the occasion of the cremation
of his remains. Sivabhorn Press, Bangkok, pages 67 octo, map and
illustrations.
From the biography we learn that the deceased was a resident
of Bangkok who in the course of his long life became identfied with
the old capital of Svargalok and Sukhodaya. Any visitor to this
132 RECENT SIAMESE PUBLICATIONS

locality-now officially known by its more famous and older name of

Sajjanalaya-could not have escaped meeting the antiquarian monk
whose photographs have been reproduced in several places in this
biography.
The description of Svargalok, old and new, is well written~
The author has omitted scarcely any reference to the locality in ancient
literature-as the Law Codes and the standard histories.
Added is an invaluable inventory of the 586 antiquities per-
sonally collected by the venerable abbot and now willed to the state.

383. DamrOt.J. H.R.H. Prince: Mission to Europe B.E. 21/34 (1892!

L~~hH1lJL~'il'1 mlJ\"l'i::tJ1'RlJ,)'i"l'l!mmVl Lt'tfi•w1nJ 'fl,f1, lfl<trn<t
I I
memorial book
o11 the occasion of the cremation of the remains of his son, Momcao
DiSiinuvat Diskul, Pracand Press, Bangkok 2511 pages 206 octo,
illustrated.
The year 1890-91 was marked by a triumph of diplomacy for
King Chuli.ilo1Jkorn in connection with the state visit of the heir to
the throne of one of the world's great powers that checked the com-
petition among western imperialists to gain possession of power in
eastern Asia. This visit of the Czarewich of Russia was reciprocated
by Prince DamrolJ's mission herein described. The leader was a
young, brilliant statesman as yet comparatively inexperienced. He was
already Director-General of a government department and a prospec-
tive Minister of State. Prince DamrolJ probably made his mark about
this time, for as soon as he returned home to organise the educational
reform to which he had been assigned, the King changed his mind
and appointed him Minister of the Interior. Long after the incident
the Prince told this reviewer that he had protested to His Majesty
about switching him from a task be had enthusiastically hoped to
undertake and for which he had been studying throughout his six
month journey. The King replied that the work now given him was
all important, for what would_ become of his educational reform if
inefficient administration gave excuse for annexation of the country.
As we all know the Prince became one of the most successful organi·
sers of the administration of those days.
 HECENT SIAMESE PUBLICATIONS 13 3
However, the gist of the book under review is neither Prince
DamroiJ's work as an educator nor his work in the Ministry of the
Interior, but his mission to Europe as personal envoy of the King to
reciprocate the gesture of the Emperor of all the Russias emphasizing
his friendship for our nation. It is in fact a file of correspondence
between Prince Damro9 and his brothers who held offices with which
the Prince had to exchange messages-such as Prince Devavongse,
Minister of Foreign Affairs; Prince Sonapandit, the King's Private
Secretary; and Prince Sommot, Keeper of the King's Privy Purse and
Private Secretary. It is interesting to observe characteristics in their
mode of writing. The Minister of Foreign Affairs was ever careful
about the wording of his letters and translations from the English,
often to the extent of adopting a curious literary style of writing
Siamese which is difficult to understand unless one translate it first
into the original English. Some of Prince Damro9's letters are either
badly copied or written without the least attention to standard Siamese,
such as n1!J for .;,!J in many places. Perhaps Siamese was not yet as
standardised as at present.
It is to be noted that Prince Damro9 was careful to emphasize
that his mission was one of the King's personal undertakings and bad
nothing to do with politics as such. To quote, for illustration of this
point, we take the letter from Singapore dated the 28th July RS 110
{pp. 10-11) :-

This mission of mine to Russia has become a

cause for doubt and speculations among the British here.
The objective of presenting the Order of Chakri to the
Russian Emperor has been presumed to be a mere osten-
sible ruse. Even the Governor went as far as inviting
one of my staff, Mr. Morant, to a separate dinner at
which he tried to discover why Russia having but little
commercial interest and situated far of£ from our land
has been singled out for a special mission. Morant
explained that this is merely a personal mission from
the King to the Russian Emperor to return courtesy and
bas nothing to do with politics. That evoked some
expression of a vague satisfaction. Then the editor of
the "Straits Times" came to seek an interview from
134 RECENT SIAMESE l'UilLICATlONH

me ... I told him the real facts of the case that it was
just a personal affair between the two monarchs and
nothing to do with politics. The editor inserted a report
in his paper in accordance with my statement.
Within six months Prince Damrol) visited the comts of Russia,
Germany, France, Denmark, Egypt, Turkey and India. He devoted
his time to the study of educational systems and he arranged for the
education of the King's older sons.
The account of his journey after arriving in Europe is not so
full as the commencement.

384. DamroiJ, H.R.H. Prince: Correspondence with f(ing Chulalot)korn

while serving the latter as aide-de-camp, before being elevated
to the rank of a Krom '1'1'i"~il'lf111~VltlLC'l'lll ''J. rt. Wi!:il'lf'YllU:IJltlv~UltJW....'"\'11Yn~
e~nLi'l~f11inJJ17 another memento of the cremation of the remains of
his son, Momcao Disanuvat Diskul, Pracand Press, Bangkok 1968,
pages 33 octo, illustrations.
This is a collection of short notes of an informal character
often without dating and occasionally in a humorous vein. One can
see how intimate were the relations between the King and his brother
who was also his aide-de-camp. · The latter was often asked to go and
buy this and that trifle, even a toy for a child.
A very interesting biography of the deceased in whose honour
the publication was made by his sister, Princess Poon, is prefaced to
the book with photographs of him as a very small child. An incident
related therein te.lls us that the young prince lost his mother at the
age of a year and four months. At the age of five the lady who looked
after him died and he was sent into the Royal Palace under the care
of Her Royal Highness Princess Nibha, one of the daughters of the
King. The child was presented to His Majesty who smilingly asked
how old he was and he said he was two years old. He accompanied the
King in the same way as the King's children did till the King died
when he was taken care of by King R'ama VI who later sent him to
America for an education. He later joined the Ministry of Commerce,
remaining there for two years till political happenings forced his
 135
retirement. He was subsettuently employed by the East Asiatic Co
and later transferred to the Thai Bank of Commerce (sic). Her Royal
Highness the Princess Mother made him her Secretary and he remanied
in this office till he died of heart trouble a few years later.

385. Disanuvat Diskul, Moml:ao: Valedictory messages mr111 published

on the same occasion, Si vaporn Press, Bangkok 2511 pages 64 sexa.
We do not as a rule consider valedictory messages in 'Recent
Siamese Publications' though they occur in most cremation-books that
form the bulk of these reviews. However, this collection is made up
of several messages of historical interest. Among these may be noted
one by Mom6aoying Abhasrabha, sister and almost a contemporary
of the deceased, and, therefore, in a position to give a picture of his
time and personality. This she has done with a graphic pen. Disunuvat's
life was pathetic, to say the least, for he was treated both favourably
and badly by circumstances. Sent by his father, Prince Damrot), to
live in the galace, be gained familiarity with His Majesty King
CulaloiJkorn and highly placed personalities who all took a fancy to
the child who had lost his mother at the tender age of two. Later he
was suspected of political involvement and suffered for no reason.
Other contributors of valedictory material also present quite
readable messages.

386. Samaichaloem Kridakara, Momcao: A memento published for

the Prince's cremation. r'>ra~and Press, Bangkok 2510, pages 56 octo,
profusely illustrated.
In addition to matters of professional record, this book contains
a biography of the deceased by his wife, Princess Russiltis, a memo-
randum on the work expected of an architect by the deceased and, of
course, reproductions of his drawings and plans, including full
details of the palace of Bhi.ipiiJ in ChieiJmai and of the Grand Palace
in Bangkok. There is also a memorandum of the scheme of repairs
of various palaces which do not bear names; these were probably of
the deceased for the most part.
The whole has been artistically reproduced and should be an
asset to any library.
D.
1 Feb 1968
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Volume LVI Part 2 July 1968

THE
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51 CIETY
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 The journal of the Siam Society
Contents of Volume LVI Part 2 july 1968

Articles Page
S. Singaravelu A Comparative Study of the Sauskrit, Tamil, Thai
and Malay Versions of the Story of Rama with
Special Reference to the Process of Acculturation
in the Southeast Asian Versions 13 7
J.J. Boeles The Buddhist Tutelary Couple Hariti and
Pancika, Protectors of Children, from a Relief
at the Khmer Sanctuary in Pimai 187
A.B. Griswold and A Declaration of Independence and its Consequences;
Prasert r;ta Nagara Epigraphic and Historical Studies, No. 1 207

Notes
Hans Georg Penth Steinwerkzeuge aus Phrao 251
Udom Warotamasikkhadit A Note on Internal Rhyme in Thai Poetry 269
Peter Bee The Analysis of Thai Tones: An Argument 273

Bhikkhu Khantipalo Arahant Upatissa, The Path of Freedom

(Vimuttirnagga) 289
Hans J. Spielmann Jones, Delmos J., Cultural variation among six
Lahti villages, Northern Thailand 295

Rece11t Siamese Publications

387. l'61JSWet, T., The i'ai Monarchy and Buddhism 299
388, Anuman Rajadhon, Praya, Correspondence with His late Royal
Highness Prince Naris 300
389. Sathien Koses, Retrospect 301
390. Records of His late Majesty King Prajadhipoh's ojjicial visit
to the 11orth 303
391. ViS'alw Puja 2511 an annual publication in English of the
Buddhist Association of Thailand, 303
392. Throl)-Surakic, Cmiin, The Daughters of Mara 304
393, In dedication to the memory of the late Ven. OrJ Sarabhan-Madhuros 304
394. The King's Diary, B.E. 2411 306
395. The Sociological Review 307

Annual Report for 1967 311

 A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE SANSKRIT, TAMIL,
THAI AND MALAY VERSIONS OF THE
STORY OF RAMA
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE PROCESS OF
ACCULTURATION IN THE SOUTHEAST ASIAN 'VERSIONS"'
by

S. Singaravelu
Unirersity of .Malaya

Many popular novelists of these days may claim that their

books are read from one end of the globe to the other at any one
particular period of time. This would indeed be a wide circulation;
but probably a much wider circulation through an infinitely longer
period of time has been achieved by many old popular tales whose
authors, unlike the modern novelists, will probably be never known
by name. I

The popular story of Rama, which is the subject of this

paper, is perhaps one of these widely diffused tales in the south and
southeast Asian regions of the world, and this story is valuable as an
illustration of the great difficulties which baffle, and perhaps will
never cease to baffle the students of popular tales, especially in regard
-------------~---- ·····-------------- -··-·-··-- -----
* Paper Presented to the XXVII International Congress of Orientalists, Ann
Arbor, Michigan, August 13-19, 1967.
1) In the case of even literary versions as against the oral versions, the author-
ship of many popular tales (some having found their way into epics
as well) is still a matter of much uncertainty, controversy and dispute. Even
the traditional names of compilers of popular tales are sometimes believed
to be mythical. For example, it has been pointed out that the traditional
name Vyasa, who is supposed to have been the final redactor of the Indian
epic Mahabharata, simply means 'the arranger'. See Macdonell, A.A., Riima-
ya~a, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics ed. J. Hastings, vol1 0 Edinburgh
1918p574.
13 8 S. Singaravelu
to the problem of accounting for its wide diffusion, acculturation and
2
its continuing popularity since early centuries B.C.
The fundamental idea behind this popular story may be stated
thus: A prince, assigned to succeed his aged father, is banished in
consequence of a court intrigue, his step-mother claiming the throne
for her own son. When the banished prince is wandering in the woods
together with his consort, a giant king of an island kingdom carries
off the prince's consort in revenge of his sister being spurned by the
prince. The prince then sets out to rescue his wife, and he could only
succeed with the assistance of the king of the monkeys who builds a
causeway across the waters reaching up to the island kingdom. After
a violent battle, the prince slays the giant king and recovers his
consort, and later his right to the throne of his former kingdom.
Now, this basic notion or plot of the story is known to have
branched out into a vast variety of shapes. The story itself has many
different 'openings' and various endings in different places. 3 It bas
2) Stories of this kind have been ever popular with eager listeners whose yearn-
ing for information and amusement were satisfied by the tellers of the tales.
Whether it has been for religious edification, incitement to heroic deeds or
release from the monotony of the peoples' lives, the peasant and the war-
rior, the priest and the scholar have joined in their love of the story and
their honour for the man, whether he be a bard, a poet, a priest or the skilled
operator of the leather puppets, who can be relied upon to tell the story well.
The court poets entertained the rulers with the marvels of adventurous
heroes. The royal preceptor had a ready source of traditional ceremonies
in the story. The priests illustrated their sermons by anecdotes from the
stories. The wayang performer recited from inte.rminable chivalric romances
of heroes to the peasants and warriors who whiled away their evenings with
tales of wonder and adventure. It may also be of interest to note that the
story in epic and literary form could have been meant to be used as a fitting
heroic and artistic shape in which to accommodate indigenous customs
and household legends in addition to its being a storehouse of the royal
traditions and ceremonies in the regions concerned.
3) To cite only a few instances, the four versions that form the subject of this
study themselves have different openings and endings. For example, in the
case of the Rumaya'Ja of Viilniki, its first canto, Bala ka~4a, though regarded
as a later addition, begins by narrating the circumstances leading to the
incarnation of Vi~J).U on earth as Rama, as also in the case of the Tamil
version of Kamban. But the Southeast Asian versions concerned are different
in this respect: The Malay version and the Thai versions seem to give
precedence to the story of Raval)-a's youth and his early deeds and achieve-
ments over that of Riima.
 SA1\SKHIT, TA \IlL, TIIAI A'lD ~IALAY VEHSIO~.S OF THE STOHY OF RAil!.>\ 139

various forms of narrative, numerous incidents, different kinds of

characters, 4 and remarkable details of the whole connected series of
events, some beginning with the creation of the world-order itself,
others with the birth of the chief characters or cultural heroes, pro-
gressing through their growth, training, and acquisition of various
powers, their achievements, their marital affairs, exile, abduction,
wars and conquest-all these, or most of these, occurring in diverse,
yet meaningful sequence, to be found in oral and literary forms
extraordinarily popular among the most diverse peoples inhabiting
diverse environments. The Annamese have the tale, the Balinese have
it, the Bengalis, the Burmese, the Cambodians, the Chinese, the
Gujarathis, the Javanese, the Kashmiris, the Khotanese, the Laotians,
the Malaysians, the Marathis, the Oriyas, the Sinhalese, the Tamils,
the Telugus, the Thais and the Tibetans have it. 5
4) An interesting attempt is known to have been made by King Rama VI (King
Maha Vajiravudh) of Thailand to classify the various characters of the
Rama story as represented in the Thai dance-drama KhOn on the basis of
whether they arc of celestial, human, or animal origin, with such sub-cate-
gories as princes, princesses, sages, warriors, titans, horses, and birds, each
character being also symbolically identified with a particular colour. Sec
King Maha Vajiravudh, 'Notes on the Siamese Theatre,' with a brief intro-
duction by I-I.I-I. Prince Dhani Nivat Journal of the Siam Society vol 55 pt 1
pp 1-30.
5) The following works, lis led in the Roman alphabetical order of the names of
the peoples who are known to have the story, may be mentioned in this
connection: Huber, M.E., 'Etudes Indochinoiseit: La Legende du Rama en
Annam,' Bulletin de l'kcole Frangaise de Extreme Orient vol 5, 1905 P 168.;
Gelge!, G.A.P., Gaguritan Utara-lwnda (a modern Balinese poem based on
the last canto ofRamayal).a) mimeographed, Denpasar, Bali 195 S;Dineshchan-
dra Sen, R.S., The Bengali RiimiiYmtas Calcutta 1920; Rama ya-kan (a Burmese
poem by Maung To on the Indian legend of Ram a) ed. U Lu Pe Win, Rangoon
1933; Ream K.er (a Cambodian version of the Ramiiyal).a) ed. S. Karpeles,
Phnom Penh 1937; Yamamoto, C. and Raghu Vira, The R7unaya~w
in China Lahore 19 3 8; Watanabe, K., 'The oldest record of the Ramaya~a
in a Chinese Buddhist writing,' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
(London) 1907 pp 9 9-1 03; Giridhara, RamiiyaJ,w a rendering inGujarati verse,
Ahmadabad 1949; Hooykaas, C., 'The Old-Javanese Riimaya!la Kakawin,
with special reference to the problem of interpolation in Kakawins,' Verhan-
delingen van het Koninldijk bzstituut 1100r Taal-,Land-en Folkenkunde voll6,
140 S. Singaravelu

If the various versions of the story were the same, one

may account for its diffusion by supposing it to be the common
heritage of all those people who are known to have these versions.
But when the various elements relating to the plot and motifs are
peculiar to some versions and are not to be found in all versions, or
when the coincident plot or motif is not at all the same between two
given versions, the hypothesis of translation from an older source
becomes inadequate.
It may also be difficult to argue that the source of a tale as a
£vhole is the country where it is known to have been first found in a
literary shape, for the various motifs that became interwoven in the
story as a whole might have been current in popular mouth in different
and distant regions before they bad won their way into literary forms
in a particular country. Wherever man, woman or child could go,
there a tale might have gone and found a new borne. Such processes
of transmission, the folklorists tell us, have been going on practically
ever since man was man. Thus it is even more difficult to limit the
possibilities of transmission than the chances of coincidence. Yet,
chances of coincidence may also be numerous. The ideas and situa-
tions of popular tales are afloat everywhere in the imagination of
men through the ages. Who can tell how often they might casually
unite in similar wholes independently combined?
19 55 pp 1-64; Ramayana. Oudjavaansch Heldengedicht. Uitgegeven door
H. Kern, 's-Gravenhage 1900; Juynboll, H.H., Kawi·Balineesch-Nederlandsch
Glossarium op het Oudjavaansche Ra.ma:yana The Hague 1902; Divakara
Prakasa Bhatta, Kashmi1·i Ramayana Srinagar 1913.; Bailey, H. W., 'The Ram a
story inKhotanese,' Joumalofthe American Oriental Societyvol59, 19 39 pp460-
68; Deydier, H., 'Le Rimayana au Laos,' France-Asie vol 8 no 78 Saigon 19 52
pp 871-7 3; Shellabear,W.G., 'Hikiiyat Seri Riima,' Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society, Straits Branch vol 70 pp 181-207; Ibid. vol 71 pp 1-285; Zieseniss,
A., The Rama Saga in Malaysia trans. P.W. Burch, Singapore 1963; Madhava
Svami, Sloka-baddha Ramayat}a (a Marathi version of the Riimiiya9a) ed. P.D.
Joshi, Tanjore 1951; Sarala-Dasa, Bilanka Ramaym1a (The fifteenth century
Oriya metrical ve~sion) 2 vols, Cuttack 1958; Godakumbura, C.E., 'The
Riimiiya1,1a. A version of Riima's story from Ceylon,' Joumal of the Royal
Asiatic Society (London) 1946 pp 14-22; Kamparamaya?!am (Tamil version)
ed. V.M. Gopalakrishnamachariyar, Madras 1955; Molla, Ramtiya1J-am (an
adaptation in Te1ugu verse·and prose) Madras 1913; Ramakian (Thai version)
by King Riima I of Thailand, Bangkok 19 51; Thomas, F. w., 'A Ramiiya1,1a story
in Tibetan from Chinese Turkestan,' Indian Studies, Lanmann Commemoration
Volume 1929 pp 193-212.
 SA:\SKI\11', 'l'A\!lL, THAI A~D ~1:\LAY YERSIONS OF THE STOI\Y OF RAMA 141

Furthermore, even granting the existence of the basic idea of

the tale, almost any incidents out of the popular fancy may be employed
to enrich and complicate the plot. Various incidents may be
introduced according to the taste and fancy of the narrators around
central or subsidiary ideas, and heroes or villains. Depending on the
more or less universal nature of the theme, the number of possible
combinations resulting in a story, such as that of Rama, would seem
to be infinite. All incidents of such popular tales, like the bits of
glass in a kaleidoscope, may be shaken into a practically limitless
number of combinations. This is particularly so with isolated
incidents in popular tales where they may recur in infinitely varied
combinations. In addition, common incidents may be variously
coloured. As Sir Walter Scott is said to have observed, a narrator
could never repeat a story without giving a new hat or stick; liberality
on the part of the imaginative story-teller bestows new embellish-
ments and emendations. These are of course generalizations on
popular tales, but they would seem to be equally applicable to the
story of Rarna and its various versions. The differences in the details
and in the conduct of the various versions of the story are indeed
immense.
But the problem is to determine, first, which of the various
versions or any one of the given versions is the original type; secondly,
whether others have adapted that 'first' form or any other later forms,
The story of Rama as found in the RamayaQ.a of Vi:ilmiki and a few
other Indian versions have also been translated into such languages as English,
Dutch, French, German, Italian, Latin, Persian, Russian, Spanish, and
Swedish.
Besides literary representation the story bas also found an ideal,
imperishable medium in sculpture and bas-reliefs in temples, notably in
Ceylon, Cambodia, India, Indonesia and Thailand: see Stutterheim, W.,
Rama-Legenden tmd R.ama-R.eliefs in Indonesien 2 vols, Munchen 1925,
Coedes, G., 'Les bas-reliefs d' Angkor-Vat' Bulletin de la Commission m·cheolo-
gique l' Indochine 1911 atld Przyluski, J., 'La legende de Rama dans les bas-
reliefs d'Angkor-Vat,' Arts et Archeologie khrners vol1, 1921-1923 pp319-30.
For a general survey of the inf4Ience of the story in the literature, drama
and art of South and Southeast Asia, see Singaravelu, S., 'The Ramayap.a and
its influence in the literature, drama, and art of South and Southeast Asia,'
Tamil Culture vol12 no 4, 1966 pp 303-14.
The dramatic representation of the Rama s~ory thro~gh the mask play
(known as Khan in Thailand and W ayang Wong 10 Indonesta) and the puppet
shadow play (known as Nang in Thailand .and 1'Ya'!anf£. Kulft in Malaysia ~nd
Indonesia) is well known in Southeast As1a as 1s tts plctor.tal representat10n
in paintings, for example, in the Emerald Buddha temple tn Bangkok.
142 S. Singaravelu

borrowing little but the main conception and enriching their own
versions with greater embellishments and emendations; thirdly whether
the processes of adaptation have been the result of diffusion by way
of oral traditions and popular fancy, or of literary handling, trans-
mission and acculturation, or of both; fourthly, whether the various
motifs or even the idea of the story itself might not have occurred
independently to the minds of their authors in different ages and
countries; and finally, what evidence the name-forms and place-forms
occurring in these versions provide on the questions of diffusion and
acculturation.
It is of course easy to ask these questions; and it is desirable
to bear them in mind so that we may never lose sight of the com-
plexity of the problem, but it is practically impossible to answer them
once and for all.
Nevertheless, in order at least to illustrate how widely some
versions of the story of Rama vary or agree, and how difficult it is
to answer the above questions with any certainty, an attempt is made
in this paper to examine at least four literary versions of the story,
three of them existing in the form of verse and the fourth in the form
of prose: the Sanskrit epic, RcunayatJ.a (the Career of Ruma) of
Valmiki, the Tamil poetic version, Ramavataram (Rama's Incarnation)
of Kamban, 6 the Thai poetic version, Ramakirti (Rama's Glory) or
6) During the last decade or two it has been open to discussion whether certain
deviations of the Thai Ramakian from the Rumaya~'a of Viilmiki and the
corresponding similarities between the Thai version and certain other Indian
versions are attributable to the South Indian, and particularly the Tamil
literary version of Kamban. Occasional references to Tamil elements are to
be found in: Swami Satyananda Puri and Charoen Sarahiran, The Ramakirti
(or Ruma!~ian) 2nd ed Bangkok 1949; l-I.I-1. Prince Dhani Nivat, 'Mairab the
Magician,' The Standa1·d no 53 June 7,1947 Bangkok pp 15-21; Phya Anum an
Rajadhon, 'Thai Literature and Swasdi Raksa', Thailand Culture Series no 3
Bangkok 1953; Thani Nayagam, X.S., 'Tamil Cultural Influences in South
East Asia,' Tamil Cultm·e vol 4 no 3 1955 pp 203-20.
As for the various deviations of the Tamil version from the Z?.amaya~za
of Vii"lmiki, these have been commented upon by Tamil scholars from time
to time, and some of these significant divergences occurring in the cantos of
the Ramavatiiram of Kamban are summarised in the Introductory Notes and
Commentaries to be found in the editions published by the Annamalai
University and also in the volumes (1-6) edited by V.M. Gopalakrishnama-
chariyar. See also : Ramalingam, Namakkal V., Ka111parum Valmikiyum
Madras.
 SA:\SKRIT, TA\IIL, TI!Al A:\D ~IALt\Y VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF RAMA 143

Ramakian (as it is known in the Thai language) of King Rama I of

Thailand, 7 and the Malay narrative prose version, Hikayat Seri Rama
(the Annals of Sri Rama) of an unknown author. s
Chronologically, the two Indian versions concerned are
separated from each other by approximately eight centuries, whereas
the Thai and the Malay versions would seem to have come into being,
7) The story of Rama in Thailand would seem to have been originally an oral
one; the manipulators of the puppet shadow play (See H.H. Prince Dhani
Nivat, 'The Niing', Thailand Culture Series no 12 Bangkok 1954; Simmonds,
E.H.S., 'New Evidence on Thai Shadow-Play Invocations,' Bulletin of the
School of Oriental and African Studies vol 24 no 3, 1961 pp 542-59) and
later the players of the Mask Play (See H. H. Prince Dhani Nivat and Dhanit
Yupho, 'The Khon' Thailand Culture Series no 11 Bangkok) knew possibly
several episodes of the story from various versions. Such episodes in the
past are known to have contained interpolations by way of much elaboration,
and possibly new episodes of indigenous origin were also added. Finally, the
story of Rlima, known as Raml1irti or Rumallian was composed and edited in
literary verse form by King Rama I (reign 1782-1809), the founder of the
present Cakri dynasty of Thailand. King RamaH (reign 1809-1824) produced
another edition of the Rumakian in the form of a dramatic version. There
is no doubt that the Kings of Thailand had shown keen interest in the story
and its representation in literary and artistic productions in Thailand. King
Rama VI (King Mahli Vajiravudh) has written on the origins of the Ramakian
(Bo K.oct Haeng Riimaldan Bangkok 1960). See also H.H. Prince Prem
Purachatra, Introduction to Thai Literatlll·e Bangkok 1964 and Schweissguth,
P., Etude sw·le litterature Siamoise Paris 1959.
8) H.H. Juynboll in 1899 ('Eeen episode uit het oudindische RiimayaJ?.a vergele-
ken met de Javaansch en Maleische bewerkingen,' Bijdragen tot de Taal-,
Land-en "v' olkenkunde van Nederlandsch-lndie vol 50, 1889 pp 59-66) and
in 1902 ('Indonesische en Achterindische tooneelvoorstellingen uit het
Ramayal}a,' Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-en Volkenkrmde van Nederlandsch-
Indie\vol 54, 1902 pp 501-65) andPh.S. van Ronkel in 1919 ('Aanteekeningen
op een ouden Maleischen Riimlijana-tekst,' Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-en
Volkenlumde van Nederlandsch·Indie vol 75, 1919 pp 379-83) suggested the
possible source of the Malay Hikayat Seri R'iima to be a Southern Indian
version of the Riima story by reason of certain name-forms which they
considered Southern Indian, particularly Tamil.
With regard to the deviations of the Malay Hik'Jyat Seri Rama from the
RZi.mayana of Viilmiki, W.F. Stutterheim in his Ph.D. thesis Rama-Legenden
und Ra,;a.Reliefsin Indonesien 2 vols MUnchen 1925, produced evidence to
show that the deviations of the Malay version from the Sanskrit version
belong for the most part to the popular sagas of India and that the Malay
version originated in Indonesia from the mixed influence of predominantly
oral tradition agr~eing in general with the Indonesian tales. This major
work was followed by a detailed comparative study of the parallels and
deviations of the Malay version from the Sanskrit epic by Alexander
Zieseniss (Die R.7una-Saga bei den !11alaien, il;re Herkunft und Gesta~tung
Hamburg 1928), an english translation of whtch, by P.W. Burch, wtth a
144 S. Singaravelu

at least in the form in which they have reached us, approximately

eight centuries after the Tamil version of Kamban. The de.tails
concerning the probable dates of these works may be set out bnefly
as follows:
In regard to the Sanskrit epic there ~r~ two main the.or.ies
concerning its probable date of composltwn : one ascnbtng
~~~rdby-c:-Hooyk~~~. was publl~~d by-th~-- !Vi~I~y~Ian Soci;logical
Research Institute (Singapore) in 1963 as The Rilma Saga in 1\lalaysia, its
origin and development.
Among the scholars who were instrumental in introducing the various
manuscript versions of the Malay version are: Eysinga van Roorda, P.P.,
Geschiedenis van Sri Rama, beroemd Indisch Heroisch Dichtstul<, oorsj)ron/u!lij/1
van Valmic en naar eene Maleische ·vertaling daarvan ... Amsterdam 1843;
Maxwell, Sir W.E., 'Sri Rama, a fairy tale told by a Malay rhapsodist,' Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society, Straits Branch vol 27 May 1886 pp 87-115;
'Hikayat Seri Rama (Romanized by Sir R.O. Winstedt),' Journal of the Royal
.4siatic Society, Stt·aits Branch vol 55, 1910 pp 1-99; Shellabear, W.G.,
'Hikayat Seri Rama: Introduction to the text of the MSS in the Bodleian
Library at Oxford,' Jounzal of the Royal Asiatic Society, ,'-,'traits Branch vol 70,
1915 pp 181-207; and 'Bikayat Seri Rama (in Jawi text),' Journal of the Royal
.4siatic Society, Straits Branch vol 71, 1915 pp 1-285; Winstedt, Sir R.O.,
'An undescribed Malay version of the Ramayana,' Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society (London) 1944 pp 62-7 3; Barrett, E.C.G., 'Further light on
Sir Richard Winstedt's Undescribed Malay version of the Rumiiyai)a,' Bulletin
of the School of Oriental and African Studies vol 26 no 3, 196 3 pp 5 31-43;
for recent comparative studies involving the Malay version(s) see Francisco,
Juan R., 'The Rama story in the post-Muslim Malay literature of South-East
Asia,' Sarawak Museum Journal vollO no 19-20 July-Dec 1962 pp 468-85;
Singaravelu, S., A comparati1.•e study of the Rama story in South India a11d
Southeast Asia (presented at the International Conference-Seminar of Tamil
Studies, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, April 1966, Kuala Lumpur 1966).
With regard to the Old-Javanese Ramayana and its vital connections
with Indian literary sources and&traditions, Hooykaas's contributions (more
than ten learned papers) can be read with great profit and enlightenment;
the chief among these works being 'The Old-Javanese Ramayana Kakawin
with special reference to the problem of interpolation in Kakawi~s,' Verhan·
delingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land .en V ol!wnlwnde vol 16
's-Gra~enhage 1955 and 'The Old-Javanese Ramaya~a, an exemplary
kakawm as to form and content,' Verhandelingen der Koninldijlw Nederlandse
Alwdemie van W etenschappen Afcl. Letterkunde, Nieu~ve Reeks vol 6 5 no 1
Amsterdam 1958. The following scholars also have contributed to fruitful
studies in this field: Manomohan Ghosh, 'On the source of the Old-Javanese
Ramiiya!la Kakawin,' Journal of Greater India Society vol 3, 1936 pp
113-17; Juynboll, H.H., Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlamlsch Glossarium op het
Oudjavaansche Ramiiya'l}a The Hague 1902; Kern, H., Riimi:iyana Kakawin
Oudjavaansche Heldendicht The Hague 1900; Poerbatjaraka, R. Ng. 'Het
Oud-Javaansche Ramayai_J.a,' Tzjdsch1-ijt ·voor Jnclische Taal., Land-en
Voll<enlumde, uitgegeven door het Bataviaasch Genootschaf' van Kunsten en
Wetenschappen vol72, 1932 pp 151-214.
 SANSKI\IT, ·n\llL, THAI A:\1> \!.\LAY \'ERSJONS OF THE STORY OF HA~H 145

the main portions of the work to the pre-Buddhist period,9 and the
second theory attributing the original part of the epic (i.e., the cantos
2 to 6 of the present work) to the middle of the fourth century B.C.
(the cantos 1 and 7 of the present work being considered as additions
of a later period), the final version attaining its present extent by
the end of either the second century B.C. 10 or the second century
A.D. II
The Tamil version of Kamban is usually ascribed to the end of
the twelfth century A.D. There is, however, another theory which
advocates A.D. 978 as the most probable of the various dates; this
latter view also cannot be dismissed lightly.I 2
The Thai version, Ramakian, is known to have been composed
and edited by King Rama I of Thailand during his reign between 1782
and 1809; the royal poet is also supposed to have based his work on
the existing oral and probably literary versions of the story belonging
to an earlier period.13
The oldest surviving manuscript of the Hikayat S'eri Rama,
whose authorship unfortunately is not yet known, dates from the
beginning of the seventeenth century, but is held to be certainly a
comparatively late recension.14
Let us now consider briefly the first part of the problem posed
above; namely, which of the various versions, or whether any one of
the given versions, can be regarded as the original type.
9) Jacobi, H., !Jas R.amaya~za: Geschichte und lnhalt. nebst, Concordanz der
Gedrullten R.ecensionen Bonn 1893.
10) Keith, A.B., 'The date of Ramayal)a,' .Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
(London) 1915 p 328.
11) Macdonell, A.A., 'The Ramayal)a,' Encyclopaedia of Religion aud Ethics ed,
J. Hastings, vol10, 1918 p 576.
12) Silver Jubilee Edition of Cuntara KaJ?.tam of Kamban's Ramaya~zam,
Annamalai University, Annamalainagar, 2nd edition 1963 P xii.
13) See note 7 above: according to H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat, the composition of
the Ramaldan was commenced by King Riima I in 1798; see Jounwl of the
Siam Society vol 34 pt 1, 1943 p 71.
14) Barrett, E.C.G., 'Further light on Sir Richard Winstedt's Undescribed Malay
version of the Riimayal)a,' Bulletin of tlze School of Oriental and African
Studies vol 26 no 3, 1963 pp 531-4~.
146 S. Singaravelu

In the case of the story of Rama there has been a general tend-
ency to trace the various versions of the story to the Sanskrit epic
Rcmzaya1Ja, of Viilrn!ki, often because it is believed to ba ve been the
first literary version of the story and therefore could well be the source
of all other versions that followed. Though this general view may
well apply to some of the later versions, the authors of which are
known to have based their works on previous sources including the
Rrmzaya~za of the poetic sage Va1rn1ki (who incidentally has provided
a convenient author's label for the librarians to catalogue the various
versions of the story), it would seem that nothing could be further
from the objective view than to state that all versions of the story of
Rama have as their source the Ramaya'!}a of Viilm1ki merely because
his version was one of the earliest literary versions.
This is of course not to deny the fact that several authors of
later versions of the story may well have looked to the epic as the
source of several episodes and many elements of their own versions;
but the reason for which they may have done so must not be misun-
derstood to mean that they have merely tried to translate Valmiki's
ideas in their languages, or that their works are mere translations of
the Ramiiya11a of Vtilmiki. Such an interpretation could prove
misleading.
The main purpose for which acknowledgements were made by
the authors of various later versions to the effect that they had based
their works on such and such earlier works was probably to appeal to
the traditional and, therefore, trustworthy nature of the material of
their own versions. Though modern writers may well strive
for originality of plot and treatment, the tellers of popular tales
are noted to have always been proud of their ability to hand on that
which they had received from the past generation with whatever
embellishments they themselves might have added. Just as this
traditional aspect of popular tales was considered so important that
even in Europe writers like Chaucer are said to have carefully quoted
authorities for their plots, sometimes even to the point of inventing
originals to prove that their stories are not anything new,I5 so also
the authors of later versions of the story of Rama may have tried to
-~--·------:::-----------~--
15) Thompson, S., The Folk Tale New York 1946 pp 3-4.
 SANSKRIT, TA:.IIL, THAI A:~IJ ~IALAY VERS!Or\::l OF THE STORY OF RAM.-\ 14 7

depend upon such a stamp of authority by acknowledging such and

such works on which they based their versions, in spite of the fact
that the individual genius of su~h authors would appear clearly enough
in their own works. This is so, for instance, with the author of the
Tamil version, Kamban, to whom some prefatory verses have
been attributed. In one of these verses he mentions Valmiki's epic
together with two other versions which obviously served as his basic
literary sources.t 6 However, in the absence of such clear-cut evidence
one cannot attribute any particular version to an earlier literary
version unless one can find other kinds of evidence.
Somewhat related to this problem of the original type is the
question as to how long the story is known to have existed, at least
as seen in some fragmentary references to certain events or motifs of
the story in earlier literary works. Though this question cannot be
answered with any certainty, nevertheless it is evident that very old
forms of certain episodes of the story, originally no doubt in popular
form, have won their way into various literary traditions of the
peoples in South and Southeast Asia.l7
In northern India, for example, though there does not seem to
be any evidence to show that the story of Rama existed before the
end of the Vedic period (circa 800 B.C.) the story is mentioned in the
Mahabharata as an episode of Rama (Ramopakhyanam), which of
course presupposes the existence of the extended Ramayar~;a.
Again, a certain section of the tale (namely the one relating
to the prince, Rama, and his banishment as a result of a court intrigue
··-----------
16) T.P. Meenakshisundaram, in his article entitled 'Til taka in other literatures,'
Tamil Cultm·e vol 4 no 3, 1955 pp 221-26,points out that the authors of the
Telugu Ramayagas do not seem to have any 'inclination to follow Kamban
of the Tamil land, probably because of their reverence for the great rishi,
Viilmiki, the author of the adi-kavya, from whom they probably cannot
differ.' The authors of the Telugu Ramaya1:1-as were probably looking for
the traditional appeal of a greater antiquity and authenticity in Valmiki than
in Kamban.
17) C. Bulcke, S.J. in his Ph. D. thesis entitled Rama-katha, utpatti aur ·uikiisa
(The origin and development of the story of Rama) Allahabad University,
Allahabad 1950, refers to the existence of various (about 300 ?) versions of
the story in India.
148 S. Singaravelu

and his subsequent return to the throne after a twelve year period,l 8 but
without mentioning the abduction of the prince's consort by the giant
king, Rava!Ja, and the consequences of that action) is believed to have
been 'incorporated' by Buddhism. Indeed Buddhism is said to have
'annexed' most tales of the ancient times by the simple process of
making the Buddha the hero or the narrator of one of his previous
births.t9 According to the concluding part of the story of Rama as it
is known to have occurred in the Dasaratha}ataka, 'in his previous birth
Suddhodhana was Da§aratha, Mahiimaya was the mother of Rama,
Siti:i was Rahula's mother, Bharata was Ananda, and Lak~mat].a was
Sariputta. The people devoted to Rama were those who have followed
me in this life, and I was Rama.' 20
18) In the Sanskrit, Tamil and Thai versions, the period of exile is mentioned as
fourteen years.
19) Weber, A., 'On the Riimiiya~a,' The Indian Antiquary 1872 pp 239-53.
However. N.B. Utgikar ('The story of Dasaratha Jataka and the the Rama-
yaJ}a,' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Centenary Suj,plement 1924 pp
203-11) is not inclined to accept the view that the Da$aratha .Jataka was of
older date than the Ri.imaymJa of Valmiki. A.B. Keith ('The date of the
Ramuya~a,' Joumal of the Royal Asiatic Society (London) 1915 p 323)
in fact earlier pointed out that the Da§aratha Jatalw was an attempt to turn
the Rama story to pious purposes and that 'it cannot be held to be an older
version or source of the Ramayana. On the other hand, the diversity of the
verses (in the Dasaratha Jataka) and the variants of the epic verse point to
both using an older verse of the same traditional type.'
20) Jiitaka, IV. Ekadash Nipataka ed. V. Fausboll p 130.
In this context, mention also may be made of the devotees of Vi~p.u, who
have on their part included the Buddha as the ninth and last historical
incarnation of Vi~pu (Rii.ma himself being the seventh such manifestation)
'in order to assimilate the heterodox elements into the Vaisnavite fold.
Until quite recently the temple of the Buddha at Gayii was in the hands of
Hindus, and the teacher was there worshipped by Hindus as a Hindu god ... '
Basham, A.L., The ~"Vander That Was India London 1961 p 306.
It may also be of some interest to note in this connection that the Kings
of Thailand belonging to the Cakri dynasty, some of whom having been
known by titles including that of the Buddha, were bestowed the title ofRama
by King Maha Vajiravudh (reign 1910-1925) posthumously beginning from
His Majesty Phrabaat Somdet Phraphutthayotfaa Culaalok, or King Riima I
(reign 1782-1809) who is the .royal author of the Ramakian, and King Maha
Vajiravudh himself being known as King Rama VI. This tradition has been
continued to this day.
 SAI\SKHIT, TA\!IL, THAI, A:-.ID MALAY VERSIO:-.JS OF THE STORY OF RAMA 149

That this is by no means the only mention of the Riima story

in Buddhist literature is attested by Watanabe in his account of
Yuan Chwang's Chinese version of the Mahavibhii~a commentary
(on the Jfianaprasthana of Katyayaniputra) in which the Chinese
scholar is said to have commented : 'As a book called the Ramaya'l!a
there are 12,000 slokas; they explain only two topics, namely, (a)
Rava11a carries Sita off by violence, and (b) Rama recovers Sita and
returns; the Buddhist scriptures are not so simple. Their forms
of composition and meanings are respectively immeasurable and
infinite. •21
The antiquity of at least some motifs which helped to mould
the story of Rama as narrated in literary versions, though in
modified forms, can also be a fascinating subject of study. For instance,
Jean Przyluski in 1939 made an expert analysis of one such motif
relating to the Rama legend : the birth of Sita, as encountered
in at least six different versions of the tale. He pointed out how
differently Sita is represented in (a) the Dasaratha ]ataka as the
daughter of Dasaratha and thus as both sister and wife of Rama; (b)
in the Malay Hihayat Seri Rama as Rava11a's daughter and as later
adopted by King Kali, subsequently becoming the consort ofRama and
in the process being the cause of the downfall of her own father,
Rava11a; (c) in a Tibetan version, also as Raval}a's daughter, but
adopted by peasants; (d) in the Khotanese version, as Raval}a's
daughter, but adopted by a sage; (e) in the Cambodian version (as,
indeed, in the Thai version) as Ravaqa's daughter, but adopted by the
King of Mithila; and (f) in the Sanskrit version of Valmiki, as born out
of the furrow (Sita also means 'furrow') when King Janaka of Mithila
was ploughing the field.
Przyluski interpreted the motif as occurring in the Dasaratha
]'ataka as of probably earlier origin then the others. Later, however,
this was changed in view of the incongruity of the alleged married
relationship of brother and sister, i.e. Rama and Sit[, to one in which
Situ was made to be born in another family; the fusion of the two
separate legends ofRama and ofRavaqa dictating that the other family
21) Watanabe, K., 'The oldest record of the Ramaya':la in a Chinese Buddhist
writing,' Joumal of the Royal Asiatic Society (London) 1907 PP 99-103.
150 S. Singaravelu

be that of Ravaqa. Subsequently this was changed, in view of the

irreconciliable nature of Rava11a's demonic and of Sita's divine
character, to yet another motif in which Situ was made to appear from
the furrow of the mother earth, the great goddess and mother of all
gods since the earliest times. Significantly, the distinguished author
pointed out that the wide diffusion of the episode of the Rama story
and the different ways in which the theme was interpreted are so many
signs of its antiquity.zz
Besides the isolated or single episodes which would seem to
have received varied treatment and interpretation at different hands in
different places and ages, there are also certain traditions relating to
some characters in the story which would appear to have had a greater
hold on people's popular fancy and admiration and thus survived from
very early times. This is particularly so in regard to such characters
as Ravaqa, the giant king of the island kingdom, who is represented
as the villain in most versions of the story, with varying emphasis on
the vileness as well as certain merits of his character, and also Hanu-
man (or Anuman), the monkey chieftain, who is portrayed often as the
faithful ally of Rftma in almost all versions, in addition to being a
great romantic hero in some, notably in the Thai and Malay versions.
Although there is no clear and direct evidence of the existence
of such traditions in the early periods when characters like
Ravaqa were held in high esteem of the people in certain parts of South
and Southeast Asia, it would seem nevertheless that some of these
traditions surviving from one generation to the other through popular
memory have found their way into, and indeed concrete expression in,
later literary versions, particularly in areas south of Deccan in India
and also in some parts of Southeast Asia. This is the case with the
southern Jaina legend of Rama, as narrated by the Jaina scholar and
saint Hemacbandra Acharya (A.D. 1089-1172), in which the character
of Ravaqa is known to have been depicted as noble and grand.23 As
has been pointed out by the Bengali scholar, Dineshcbandra Sen, the
precedence given in the narrative sequence of the story by the
22) Przyluski, J., 'Epic studies: Rajava~sa and Ramayana,' Indian Historical
Q11arterly voll5, 1939 pp 289-99.
2 3) Hemachandra Acharya, Jaina Ramayana ed. Jagannatha Sukla, Calcutta 187 3.
 SA~SKRIT, TA~liL, THAI AND ~IALAY VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF HAMA !51

poetic sage Hemachandra Achary (and, incidentally, also by the

authors of certain other versions such as the Thai and the Malay) to
the description of the births and early life of RavatJa and Jianuman
over that of Rama's birth and early achievements might perhaps indi-
cate that the legends of Rava:qa and Hanuman were previously and
widely well-known among the people of the southern regions of India
and in parts of Southeast Asia and that the northern legend of Rama
might well have been introduced later as a supplementary tale, sub-
sequently giving rise to the fusion of the two traditions to make a
single story. 24
It may also be of some interest to note in this context that
whereas the Daiaratha ]ataka does not mention Rava11a as a character
of the Rama story, the Lankavatara Siitra of the second or third century
A.D. is known to refer to Rava11a as a person of unmatched learning,
noted for his grasp of theological problems, and as having a discourse
with the Buddha himself. Dineshchandra Sen who draws attention to
this fact,2 5 argues that this position of honour bestowed by the Bud-
dhists (of the Mahayana school) on Ravaqa may have had something
to do with the growth of the briihmanical tradition describing Rava:qa
as being hostile to all religions. Although such attempts to 'misre-
present' the character of one who might well have been a kind of
cultural hero of the people who had previously adored him might have
increased through subsequent centuries, it is also a fact that in some
old verses and aphorisms current among the people of Bengal, Rava:qa
is described as a saint and, further, Rava11a still enjoys a significant
place of importance in the esteem of the people in South India in
respect of his great devotion to Siva, his learning and, above all, his
notable skill as a musician and, thus, even a poet.
Again, in regard to the delineation of those characters who take
the role of the villain in popular tales such as that of Rama, there is
another noteworthy tendency on the part of the narrators to leave the
nature of the titanic, or the so-called rak~asa beings, rather vague-
24) Dineshchandra Sen, The Bengali Ramaya~zas Calcutta 1920.
25) Cf. also Overbeck, H., 'Hikayat Maharaja Rawana,' (a Malay version of the
Rava1,1a story), Joumal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Malayan Branch volll,
1933 pp 111-32.
152 S. Singaravelu

sometimes these have human form, sometimes these are frightful

beings. Though this may be partly due to the possibility that the
people who told the tales were not always clear in their conception of
the supernatural beings their heroes had to meet in combat (just what
these forces looked like was never clearly stated except being imagined
by a combination of different concepts), it may also be that the
narrators could not conceive of the villain of their tales in anything
but approximating to human form, though of course endowed with
certain superhuman powers. The outward appearance of such
'villainous' characters (possessing several heads, hands and so forth)
might have been made familiar to the people through the centuries by
writers or story-tellers, and artists.
Be that as it may, it would seem clear that several popular
elements or motifs relating to the story have made t~eir way into oral
and literary traditions of the peoples in South and Southeast Asia since
early times, either in the context of religious legends or even in
connection with purely literary similes and metaphors. With regard
to the latter, for example, in a verse (378) of the Purananu~u
anthology of the earliest surviving Tamil poetry of the Cankam Period,
the happy smiles of those who received gifts from a local chieftain
(l!ancetcenni) are compared to the smiles of female monkeys adorning
themselves with the ornaments that fell during the struggle put up
by Sita when she was being carried away forcefully by Riivaqa. 26
Again, when Jayavarman VII (1181-1215) of Cambodia left his wife,
the charming Jayarajadevi, the inscription of Phimeanakas tells us
of her asceticism, her virtuous conduct, her tears, in short, her
similarity to Sita in the story of RamaP
From what bas been said so far on the question of the antiquity
of particular motifs, of some early traditions of certain characters in the
story of Rama and their continuing popularity among various groups
of people through the ages, it would seem difficult to judge a particular
version as the original type solely on the basis of the fact of its literary
appearance at an earlier period of time. The various motifs and
characters that were to become interwoven in the story as a whole
26) See also Akananuru, 70:15; Mm.limekalai vol27 pp 53-54.
27) Briggs, L.P., The Ancient Khmer Empire Philadelphia 19 51 p 171.
 SANSKHIT, TA\IIL, THAI AND MALAY VllHSIONS OF THE STORY OF RAMA 153

might already have been current in oral or popular traditions before

they had won their way into a literary version, though in modified
forms.
As for the second part of the problem, namely, the question of
adaptation or diffusion and the related process of acculturation, it
would be perhaps desirable to see first what a comparative study of
the four versions, the Ramayat}a of Vi.ilmiki, the Ramavataram
of Kamban, the Ramakian of King Rama I, and the Hikayat Seri Rama,
has to offer by way of material evidence relating to the various episodes,
incidents or motifs of the story. Before considering the data, a few
words may be said about the scheme of presentation of the comparison
and the textual sources utilized.
To accommodate the mass of material in reasonably condensed
form, the major episodes, incidents or motifs chosen for purposes of
comparison are made into summarised lists which are marked by the
letters of the Roman alphabet and arranged under brief descriptive
beadings. It must be noted that no attempt is made in this paper to
present all the episodes, incidents or motifs of each version concerned;
such a huge task will have to wait until there is compiled a compre-
hensive and possibly comparative motif index of the various versions of
the Rama story, perhaps through the collaboration of several interested
workers in this field. For the purpose of facilitating quick comparison,
the lists of such episodes or motifs as are presented in this paper and
which would seem to vary from one version to another are arranged
under the subheading, DIVERGENCES; whereas the lists of mottjs
which agree between one version and the other are placed under the
subheading, PARALLELS. The DIVERGENCES between the Rama-
yatJa of Valmiki and the Ramiivataram of Kamban are summed up first.
This is followed by the list of DIVERGENCES between the Ramaya1Ja
of Valmiki and the Thai Ramakian on the one hand, and between the
Tamil version of Kamban and the Thai Ramakian on the other. The
final list of DIVERGENCES is ·of those between the Hikayat Seri Rama
and the other versions concerned. This is followed by the lists of
PARALLELS between the Tamil version and the Thai version and/or
the Malay version on the one band, and between the Thai version and
the Malay version on the other. The four versions concerned are to
154 S. Singaravelu

be noted henceforth by the following abbreviations : V.R. for the

RamayatJa of Valmiki; K.R. for the Ramavataram of the Tamil poet
Kamban; T.R. for the Thai Ramakian; and H.S.R. for the Malay
Hikayat Seri Rama. The names of characters and of places in the
form in which they are known to occur in each version concerned
appear in their approximate romanized forms and in capitals followed
by their Sanskrit equivalents given within brackets so that they may
be easily recognised for purposes of identification and comparison.
The following are the main textual sources that were used for
this study:

(a) The Ramayatza of Valmiki 3 vols, trans. Hari Prasad Sastri,

London 1952-1959-hereafter cited as HPS.
(b) The Ramaym;.a of Valmiki 5 vols, trans. R.T.H. Griffith,
London 1870-1874; Benares 1915.
(c) Kambaramaya7Jam 6 vols, ed. V.M. Gopalakrishnamachari-
yar, Madras 1935-1955.
(d) Kaviccakkaravartti Kambar iyarriya RamayatJam ed. R.P.
Sethuppillai et al (Annamalainagar 1957-1964):
Pala ka~~am, 2 parts (1957-1958);
Ayottiya kaQtam, 2 parts (1959-1960);
Cuntara karnam, 2 parts (1955); 2nd edition ( 1963 );
Araf!.iya ka~~am, 2 parts (1963- 1964 ).
(In progress)

(e) Ramakian 4 vols, by King Rama I of Thailand, Bangkok

B.E. 2494, A.D. 1951.
(f) The Ramakirti (Ramakian) or the Thai version of the Rama-
ya1Ja (summary translation) trans. and ed. Swami Satya-
nanda Puri and Charoen Sarahiran, Bangkok 1949.
(g) Shellabear, W.G. 'Hikayat Seri Rama,' journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society, Straits Branch vol 70, 1915 pp 181-207; vol
71, 1915 pp 1-285-hereafter cited as Sh.
(h) Zieseniss, A. The Rama Saga in Malaysia trans. P.W. Burch,
Singapore 1963-hereafter cited as Zies.
 SANSKRIT, TAMIL, THAI AND MALAY VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF RAM.\ 155

Details of other books, papers and articles that have been

valuable to this study can be found in the selected bibliographical
notes provided as footnotes to this paper.
Finally, a few words remain to be said on the bibliographical
and textual citations given. The references to the numbers of the
relevant Cantos, Books, Chapters, Verses, or Pages of the respective
textual sources from which evidence is cited are given just below each
corresponding major descriptive heading under which the lists of
comparative data are arranged.
The evidence from V.R. (the Ramayal}a of Valmiki) to be found
in the English translation of that work by Hari Prasad Sastri is
referred to by Volume, Book (Canto), Chapter and Page, in that
sequence.
As for the evidence from K.R. (the Ramavataram of Kamban)
the references are to Volume (Canto), Chapter (pa,alam) and, wherever
necessary, of the Verses to be found in Kambaramayanam, ed. V.M.
Gopalakrishnama chari yar.
The evidence from T.R. (the Ramakian of King Rama I of
Thailand) to be found in the English summary translation of that
work by Swami Satyananda Puri and Charoen Sarahiran is referred
to by Chapters and Pages, in that order. Where necessary, references
to the Thai text of the Ranzakian are also made by Volume, Book
(section) and Pages of the edition concerned.
With regard to the evidence from H.S.R. (the Hikayat Seri
Ranza) the relevant page numbers of Shellabear's and Zieseniss' works
are cited following the abbreviations Sh and Zies, respectively.

l. BIRTH OF RAMA AND HIS BROTHERS

V.R.: HPS. 1. I. 9-18: 24-45; K.R.I. 5: T.R. II. 14-15;
H.S.R.: Sh 51-62, Zies 13-18.

DIVERGENCES
I : V.R.I I K.R. (a) King DASARATHA tells his Prime Minister,
SUMANTRA, of his desire to obtain an heir to the throne./ I
156 S. Singaruvclu

King TACARATAN (Dasaratha) tells his preceptor, VACITTAN

(Vasistha) of his misfortune of not having an heir to the throne.
(b) SUMANTRA suggests to King DASARA THA to approach
R.I~YAS~INGA to officiate at a sacrifice for obtaining a son./ I
VACITTAN suggests to King TACARATAN (Dasaratha) to invite
KALAIKKOTTU MUNP 8 (the sage ~i~yasringa) to officiate at the
sacrificial ceremony. (c) Though there is reference to R.AMA being
the incarnation of Vi~ryu, there is no mention of the regalia of Vi~!}U
also being born as the other sons of King DASARA THA./ I TIRU-
MAL (Vi~qu) is said to promise that he, together with his regalia of
the conch, discus and the serpent shall be born as the sons of King
TACARAT AN (Dasaratha).2 9 (d) The sacrificial meal consists of a
fluid known as payasa./ I The sacrificial meal is said to consist of
cooked rice-balls.

II: V.R./ /T.R. (a) Same as I (aJ./ I King THOSOROT

(Dasaratba) seeks the assistance of four sages, namely, SITTHA
(Vasi~tha), SVAMITRA (Visvamitra), VACHAK (?) and PHARA-
THVACH MUNI (Bharadvaja muni) for the holding of a sacrifice.
(b) Same as I (b)./ I The sages advise that the assistance of the sage
KALAIKOT (~i~yasfinga) be sought for the purpose of officiating at
the sacrifice. (c) Same as I (c)./ I Phra NARAY (Lord Narayaf!a,
or Vi~l)U) promises that he shall incarnate as Phra RAM (Lord Rama)
provided that his regalia also shall be born as the other sons of King
Thosorot: his serpent and conch as LAK (Lak~mal).a), his discus as
PHAROT (Bharata) and his mace as SATRUT (Satrughna). (d)
Same as I (c)./ I The sacrificial meal consists of cooked rice. (e) In
T.R. a titan, KAKNASUN, in the form of a crow sweeps down and
flies off with a portion of the sacrificial meal, while there is no men-
tion of this episode in V.R.

III : V.R./1 H.S.R. (a) Same as I (a).// King DASARA T A

MAHAR.A.JA requests the help of PUROSTA MAHARISI (but there
is no mention of the story of MAI:JARISJ, or the story of MAHA
28) Kamban, Ramavataram vol 1 chap 5 pp 32-33.
29) Ibid., pp 22-23.
 SAI\SKHI'I', 'I'A\!IL, THAI AND MALAY VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF RiiMA 157

BISNlh, i.e. Vi~I}U's incarnation). (b) Same as I (d)./ 1 The sacri-

ficial meal consists of six consecrated balls of cooked rice. (c) In
H.S.R. GAGA~ SWARA, a relative of MAHARAJA RAWANA
(Ravaqa) who attends the sacrifice in the form of a crow robs one of
the rice balls and flies away to give .it to MAHARAJA RAWANA
who eats it; there is no mention of this episode in V.R. (d) Only four
. ,; .
sons are born to Kmg DASARATHA./ I In H.S.R. five children are
born to MAHARAJA DASARAT A: SERI RAMA and LA~SAMANA
(Lak~matJa) by MANDUDARI (Mai).<;Iodari), BARADAN (Bharata),
CITRADAN (Satrughna ?) and KiKEWiDEWI (Kukua ?) a daughter,
by BALYADARI.
IV: K.R./ /T.R. and H.S.R. (a) In K.R. there is no mention
of the episode in which part of the sacrificial meal is robbed by a
titan in the guise of a crow.
PARALLELS
V: K.R. = T.R. (a) King TACARATAN CTHOSOROT in
T.R.) tells VACITTAN (SITTHA in T.R.) first. (b) VACI1'TAN
suggests KALAIKKO'tTU MUNI (KALAIKOT in T.R.) to officiate
at the sacrifice. (c) TIRUMAL (Phra NARAY in T.R.) incarnates
as !RAMAN (Phra RAM in T.R.), TIRUMAL's regalia, namely, the
serpent, conch, and discus as his brothers: ILAKKUMA~AN (Phra
LAKin T.R.), PARATAN (PHAROT in T.R.) and CATTURUKKA-
NAN (SATRUT in T.R.) . (d) The sacrificial meal consists of cooked
rice.
VI: K.R. = H.S.R. (a) The sacrificial meal consists o~ rice ...-
balls. (b) The name-form of PARATAN in K.R. is BARADAN in
H.S.R. and there would appear to be slight resemblance in the name-
form of CATTURUKKANAN in K.R. and that of CITRADAN in
H.S.R. {?)
VII: T.R. = H.S.R. (a) The sacrificial meal consists of cooked
rice-balls. (b) A crow (KAKNASUN in T.R. and GAGA~ SWARA
in H.S.R.) sweeps down and flies off with a portion of the meal.
SUMMARY
(a) In regard to motifs, the divergences of K.R. from V.R. at
four points are also T.R. 's variations from V.R. Indeed, corresponding
158 S. Singaravelu

to these variations, the motifs of K.R. and T.R. are found to be

parallel.
(b) With regard to name-forms, there is striking similarity in
the name of KALAIKOTTU MUNI in K.R. and KALAIKOT in T.R.:
The name-form, KALAIKKOTTU MUNI in Tamil is in fact a form
of loan-translation of the Sanskrit term ~ISYASI,UNGA, meaning a
'sage with the horns of deer'.
PARATAN in K.R. is similar to BARADAN in H.S.R. Though
the name-form of CITRADAN seems to have no direct equivalent in
K.R., it does seem to be a Tamil name-form from its termination, for
'an' is the Tamil masculine, singular termination or suffix, added to
words and names of foreign origin to derive name-forms. Thus Bharata
in Sanskrit is Paratan in Tamil; and Rama is !raman (in this case a
prothetic vowel 'i' also being added to the initial 'r' which does not
begin a word).

2. BIRTH OF SITA AND HER MARRIAGE WITH RAMA

V.R.: HPS. 1. I. 66-67: 126-145; K.R.I. 12-22; T.R.X. 32-33, XII. 35;
H.S.R.: Sh 51-52; Zt'es 15-18.
DIVERGENCES
I: V.R./ /K.R. (a) There is no mention of RAMA AND SITA
seeing each other before the archery contest./1 !RAMAN's eyes meet
with those of CiT AI (Sita) and they fall in love at first sight.3o
II: V.R./ /T.R. (a) The plough reveals SiT A who emerges
from the furrow of the earth./ I sioA. is born first as the daughter
of THOTSAKAN (Dasakal}~ha 'the ten-necked one' i.e. Ravana); she
is later found by CHONOK CAKRA VARTI (King Janaka of Mithila)
who, however, buries her within lotus petals and recovers her after
sixteen years with the help of a plough. (b) Same as I (a)./ 1 Phra
RAM's eyes meet with SiDA:s while the former passes by under the
window of the royal mansion in MITHILA.
30) Ibid., voll chap 10 P 35; a similar motif is to be found in Raghunandana's
Ramarasayana, a Bengali version of the R1ima story, belonging to the
eighteenth century A.D.
 SANSKRIT, TAMIL, THAI AND lilA LAY VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF RAMA 15 9

III. V.R./ /H.S.R. (a) Same as II (a)./ I SITADEWi is born

as the daughter of MAHARAJA RAWANA.
IV. K.R./ /T.R. and H.S.R. (a) Citai (Sitii) is revealed by the
plough of King CANAKAN (Janaka)./ I SiDA in T.R. (SlTADEWi
in H.S.R.) is first born as the daughter of THOTSAKAN in T.R.
(MAHARA.JA RAWANA in H.S.R.).

PARALLELS
V: K.R.= T.R. (a) !RAMAN's (Phra RAM's in T.R.)eyes meet
with the eyes of CiT AI (SiD A in T.R.) and they fall in love at first
sight. (b) The bow of King CANAKAN (CHONOK CAKRAVARTI
in T.R.) is said to have been used once by CIVAN (Siva; ISWAN in
T.R.) to destroy TIRIPURAM (Tripura; TRIPURAM in T.R.).

SUMMARY
(a) In regard to the motifs encountered in this section, one
striking motif, namely, that of Rama and Sita seeing each other for
the first time is to be found in K.R. and T.R. but not in V.R. This
motif is further discussed later in this paper in the context of diffusion
and acculturation; see also Comparative Data, section 8. I (c).
(b) With regard to the name-form, in K.R. TIRIPURAM
(Skt. Tripura 'three cities') corresponds with TRIPURAM in T.R.,
the latter form appearing, however, without the a nap tyxis or svarabhakti
'i' between t and r as in the case of the Tamil name-form; the termi-
nation 'am' is used to derive nouns of neuter singular form in Tamil.

3. THE BANISHMENT OF RAMA

V.R.: HPS. 1. II. 7-64: 164-303; K.R. II. 1-5; T.R. XIV. 37-38;
H.S.R.: Zies 26-27.

DIVERGENCES
I: V.R./ /K.R. (a) There is no reference to RAMA'schildhood
prank in maltreating MANTHARA, the hunch-backed maid of KAI-
KEYI./ / MANTARAI (Mantbara) or KUNI ('the hunch-backed one')
160 S. Singaravelu

is said to recall !RAMAN's (Rama's) maltreatment of her when he

was young and practising archery. 3 1 (b) RAMA is said to be appointed
merely as an heir-apparent to the throne./ I King Tacaratan
(Dasaratha) decides to install !RAMAN (Rama) as King. 32
II: V.R./ /T.R. (a) Same as I (a)./ I Phra RAM's youthful
prank is held ~s the reason for KUCCI's (Manthara or Kubija, 'the
hunch-back' maid) antagonism to Phra RAM being made King. (b)
Same as I (b).// Phra RAM is to be installed as King, not merely as
an heir-apparent to the throne.

PARALLELS
Ill: K.R. = T.R. (a) The maltreatment ofMANTARAI or KUNI
(KUCCI in T.R.) by !RAMAN is remembered by the hunch-backed
maid when she hurries to instigate KAIKEYI or KAIKECI (KAIY A-
KECI in T.R.) to ask for her own son's succession to the throne and
for the banishment of !RAMAN to the forest for fourteen years.
(b) King TACARATAN (King Thosorot in T.R.) decides to install
IRAMAN as King.
IV: K.R. = H.S.R. (a) KAIKEYI (BAL YADARi in H.S.R.)
herself informs IRAMAN (Seri Rama in H.S.R.) of King TACARA-
TAN's decision to banish IRAMAN.
V: T.R. = H.S.R. (a) The maltreatment of the hunch-backed
maid by SERi RAMA (Pbra RAM in T.R.) and LA:f5:SAMAI':IA
(Phra LAK in T.R.).

SUMMARY
(a) In regard. to motif, the maltreatment of the hunch-backed
maid by Rama, whose favourite pastime was archery when he was
young, would seem to have been a popular motif in K.R., T.R. and
H.S.R., but is not to be found in V.R.
(b) Name-form: Kucci in T.R. appears to be of uncertain
origin. However, mention may be made of the Tamil word, cii!cci,
31) Ibid., vo12 chap 2 p 41.
32) Ibid., vol 2 chap 1 pp 73 & 89.

j
 SANSKRIT, TA\llL, 1K\l AND MALAY VERSJO;o,s OF THE STORY OF RA,l:\ 161

'conspiracy, secret plan or design', which also stood as a metaphor

for Mantarai or Kuni in K.R. in connection with her evil designs which
result in the banishment of Rarna. The following Tamil words or
derivations, the meanings of which would seem to have some reference
either to the crooked body or the crooked charaeter. of the maid, may
also be considered : kucci, 'stick, peg, hairpin of crescent shape, sickle-
leaf'; kuccikai <? Skt. kubjika, 'a kind of curved lute'; kuccitam
<kutsita, 'contemptibleness'; Cf also Skt. kubja, kubjita, 'hump-backed,
crooked'.

4. INSTALLATION OF RAMA'S SANDALS

V.R.: HPS. I. II. 50-113: 266-399; K.R. II. 6-12; T.R. XV. 39-40;
H.S.R.: Sh 74-79, Zies 27-31/57.

DIVERGENCES
I: V.R./ /I(R. (a) GUHA, the boatman, does not accompany
.t
Rama across the river Ganges.// KUKAN (Guha) accompanies
IRAMAN on the barge paddled by himself. 33 (b) There is no mention of
KAIKEYI being present with the other queens who accompany RAMA
I
after King DASARATHA's death./ I All the three widowed queens
accompany PARATAN (Bharata) who also introduces them to
KUKAN (Guha). 3 4 (c) BHARATA initiates the funeral ceremonies
for his dead father on the request of VASI~THA.// VACITTAN
(Vasi~tha) forbids PARA TAN (Bharata) to carry out the obsequies
for his dead father, citing the instruction of the dead ruler himself.35
(d) BHARA TA requests merely imprints of RAMA's feet on the
sandals brought by him to serve as symbols of RAMA's sovereignty
during the period of his exile./ I !RAMAN himself bands over his
own sandals to PARA TAN (Bharata) as symbols of his sovereignty.36
II: V.R.// T.R. (al Same as I (a)./ I KHUKHAN (Guha)
himself rows the boat carrying Phra RAM across the river KHON·
33) Ibid., vol 2 chap 6 pp 59-60.
34) Ibid., vol 2 chap 11 p 6 3.
35) Ibid., vo12 chap 9 pp 128-29.
36) Ibid., vo12 chap 12 p 136.
162 S. Singaravelu

KHA (Ganga 'the Ganges'). (b) Same as I (b)./ I When PHOROT

(Bharata) goes after Phra RAM be is accompanied by all the three
widowed consorts of King THOSOROT (Dasaratha). (c) Same as
I (c)./I PHOROT (Bbarata) is barred from performing obsequies for
King THOSOROT (Dagaratba). (d) Same as I (d)./ I PHOROT
(Bharata) asks for and obtains Pbra RAM's own sandals for installa-
tion as symbols of his sovereignty.
III: V.R./ I H.S.R. (a) The name-form of the boatman is
GUHA.// The name-form in H.S.R. is KIKUKAN. (b) BARADAN
(Bharata) receives SERiRAMA's sandals (PADUKA) and wears them
on his head as a diadem.

PARALLELS
IV: K.R. = T.R. (a) IRAMAN and KUKAN (Phra RAM
and KHUKHAN in T.R.) cross the river Ganges on the same barge
(b) All the three widowed consorts of King Tacaratan (Thosorot in
T.R.) accompany PARA TAN (PHOROT in T.R.) when he goes in
search of his brother. (c) PARATAN (PHOROT in T.R.) is pre-
vented from performing the obsequies due to his dead father on the
instruction conveyed by V ACI'fT AN (SITTHA in T.R. ). (d) IRA MAN
(Phra RAM in T.R.) bestows his sandals on the request of PARATAN
to serve as symbols of his sovereignty.

V: K.R. and T.R. = H.S.R. (a) The name-form of the boatman

is KUKAN in K.R., KHUKHAN in T.R., and KIKUKAN in H.S.R.
(for GUHA in Skt.). (b) PARADAN (PHOROT in T.R. and BARA·
DAN in H.S.R.) wears !RAMAN's sandals on his bead as a crown. ·

SUMMARY
(a) In regard to the motifs, the four variations of K.R. from
V.R. are also the four parallels between K.R. and T.R.
(b) Name-form : Kukan in K.R., Khukban in T.R. and Kikukan
in H.S.R. are significantly similar, though derived from Skt. Guha.
 SANSKRIT, TA~IIL, THAI AND MALAY VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF llAMA 163

5. RAMA'S JOURNEY IN THE FOREST

V.R.: HPS. 2. III. 1-13: 3-31; K.R. III. 1-3; T.R. XVI. 41-42;
H.S.R.: Sh 74-79; Zies 28-29.

Generally, there does not seem to be any outstanding deviation

in regard to the incidents in this section.
In regard to certain name-forms, however, two of them occur-
ring in the H.S.R., namely, WEDAM (Veda) and INDRA PAWA-
NAM (Jndra pavana?) would appear to be Tamil name-forms, as seen
from their termination of 'am', which is the suffix added in Tamil in
connection with the derivation of abstract nouns. When abstract
nouns are adopted, the neuter nominative form of a word generally
ending in 'am' is preferred. It may also be noted that the Sanskrit
masculines, with the exception of those which denote rational beings,
are made to terminate in 'am', being treated as neuter. All beings,
whether animate or inanimate, if they are devoid of reasoning power
are placed in the class of 'neuter' in the Tamil language.
j
6. RAMA'S ENCOUNTER WITH SURPA~AKHA
V.R.: HPS. 2. III. 17-41 : 38-86; K.R. III. 5~ 7; T.R. XVII. 43-45;
H.S.R.: Sh 80-82, Zies 41-42.
DIVERGENCES
I: V.R./ /K.R. (a) SURPA~AKHA remains in her own form
of a female titan when she tries to entice RAMA./ I clJRPPANAKAI
assumes the form of a beautiful maiden before approaching
IRAMAN.37
II: V.R./ /T.R. (a) Same as I (a).
III: V.R./ /H.S.R. (a) Same as l (a).

PARALLELS
IV: K.R. = T.R. and H.S.R. (a) CURPPANAKAI (SAMA-
NAKHA in T.R. and SURA PANDAKI in H.S.R.) in the guise of
37) Ibid., vol 3 chap 5 p 30.
164 S. Singaravelu

a beautiful maiden approaches IRAMAN (Phra RAM in T.R. and

SERI RAMA in H.S.R.).

SUMMARY
In regard to motif, tbe one variation from V.R. is common to
· K.R., T.R. and H.S.R.

7. ABDUCTION OF SiTA
V.R.: HPS. 2. III. 42-54: 86-115; K.R. III. 7-8; T.R. XVIII. 46-47;
H.S.R.: Sh 82-85, Zies 44-45.

DlV ERGENCES
I: V.R.//K.R. (a) When sir.A asks RAV Al';lA to tell her
who be is, be at once introduces himself as RAVA'f:'JA, King of
LANKA./1 IRAVA~ AN (RavaQa) does not reveal bis true identity
immediately. (b) sirA. is abducted forcibly by RAV A'f!.A./ I
IRAVA~AN does not use force; he instead uproots the entire ground
on which ciTAI's hermitage is situated and flies off in his chariot
together with the uprooted ground and tbe hermitage with CiTAI." 8
(c) siTA, after her abduction by RAVAI::JA, is first housed in
RAVA~A's palace.// ciTAI (Sita) is taken away by IRAVAt-;l'AN
directly to the acoka grove in ILANKAI (Lanka) and is imprisoned
there.

II: V.R.//T.R. (a) Same as I (a).// THOTSAKAN (Raval)a)

does not reveal his identity immediately. (b) There is no mention
of RAVAJ;-l'A flinging siTA's ring in an attempt to kill JATAYU.//
SATAYU ( Jatayu) receives SID A's ring at the end of the battle
between the giant king, THOTSAKAN, and the king of birds when
the former flings it in order to kill SATAYU. (c) Same as I (c).//
SIDA (Sita) is imprisoned in the pleasure garden of Thotsakan
immediately after her abduction by the giant king.
38) Ibid., vol 3 chap 8 pp 74-75.
 SANSKRIT, TMilL, THAI AND MALAY VEI\SIONS OF THE STORY OF RAMA 165

III. K.R.I IT. R. (a) IRAVA~AN (THOTSAKAN in T.R.) does

not use force in the abduction of ciTAI.I I SiD.A is forcibly taken
away by THOTSAKAN.
IV. H.S.R.I I V.R., K.R. and T.R. (a) Two gazelles (_not one
as in the other versions) attract the attention of SIT ADEWi. (b)
LA~SAMANA (Lak~mal)a) draws a circle around SITADEWI's
cottage before proceeding in search of his brother SERi RAMA./ 1
This is not mentioned in the other versions. (c) SITADEWI drops
her ring into the beak of CATAYU (Jatayu) to be used later as an
indication of her abduction by MAI-L.\RAJA RAWANA.II Though
this matif is not to be found in V.R. and K.R., there is reference
to such a motif in T.R. with slight variation: See II (b) above.

PARALLELS
V. K.R. = T.R. (a) IRAV AI'-;JAN (THOTSAKAN in T.R).
does not reveal his identity to CiTAI (SiDA in T.R.) immediately;
instead he remains disguised as a hermit for some time. (b) ciTAI
is imprisoned in the garden in ILANKAI (LANKA in T.R.) soon
after her abduction by the giant king.

SUMMARY
(a) In regard to motifs there would appear to be more
divergences than parallels between one version and the other;
however, there are two notable points of similarity between K.R.
and T.R. and one point of similarity with but slight modification
between T.R. and H.S.R.
(b) In regard to name-form, SATAYU in T.R. and CATAYU
in H.S.R. would seem to be similar to CA TAYU in K.R., corres-
ponding to JATAYU in V.R. With regard to the similarity in form,
it may be noted that in Tamil the unaspirated and voiced consonant
'j' in borrowings is changed into unvoiced palatal 'c ', sometimes
even answering to the dental sibilant 's '. In regard to Malay
166 S. Singaravelu

CATAYU, there is also another form, namely, JENTAYU, in which

•a' becomes 'e' and there is also 'spontaneous nasalization' by the
insertion of • n' bet ween • e' and • t '.

8. RAMA'S MEETING WITH HANUMAN AND SUGRIV A,

AND HANUMAN'S JOURNEY TO LANKA
V.R.: HPS. 2. IV. 2-37: 171-267; K.R. IV. 2-12; T.R. XIX. 48-50;
H.S.R.: Sh 88-102, Zies 51-56.
V.R.: HPS. 2. V. 1-65: 327-498; K.R. IV. 12-17, V. 1-5;
T.R. XXIII. 58-61;
H.S.R.: Sh 106-117, Zies 58-64.

DIVERGENCES
I: V.R.//K.R., T.R. and H.S.R. (a) SUGRIVA himself
relates to RAMA the story of his enmity with his elder brother
VALl./ I In the other versions concerned, it is ANUMAN (HANU-
MAN in T.R. and MAHARAJA HANUMAN in H.S.R.) the com-
mander of CUKKIRIVAN (SUKHRIP in T.R. and MAHARAJA
SUGRIWA in H.S.R.) who relates the story of his enmity with his
brother VALl (PRALl in T.R. and BALYA or BALIRAJA in
H.S.R.). (b) In K.R. and T.R., when IRAMAN (Phra RAM in
T.R.) unjustly kills VALI (PHALi in T.R.) during the latter's battle
with his brother, CUKKIRIVAN (SUKHRIP in T.R.), VALl, before
be dies, rebukes IRAMAN for his unethical conduct. 3 9 (c) In K.R.
and T.R. (but not in H.S.R.), just before ANUMAN (HANUMAN in
T.R.) leaves for ILANKAI (LANKA in T.R.), !RAMAN (Pbra RAM
in T.R.) reveals to him a secret known only to himself and CITAI
(SIDA in T.R.) namely, that his eyes and her eyes met while he
was on his way to the palace of the King of Mithila and they fell in
love; 40 IRAMAN reveals this secret to ANUMAN so that the latter
can make use of it as evidence of his trustworthiness as IRAMAN's
emissary to ciTAI. (d) In K.R. and T.R. CITAI is said to hang
39) Ibid., vol4 chap 7 pp 76-91.
40) Ibid., vol 4 chap 13 p 67.
 SANSKRIT, TAMIL, THAI AND MALAY VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF RAMA 167

herself in despair, but she is rescued from the tightening grip of the
noose around her neck in the nick of time by ANUMAN. 41 Neither
of these details (c and d) are to be found in V.R ..
II. H.S.R/ /V.R., K.R. and T.R. (a) In H.S.R. MAHARAJA
HANUMAN is first BALYA or BALiRAJA's retainer, not MA-
HARAJA SUGRIWA's as in the other versions. (b) MAHARAJA
HANUMAN drops the ring into one of the pitchers carried by the
women in LAN"KA taking water for SITADEWI to bathe, so that
SITADEWl may recognise his presence in the city as SERI RAMA 's
emissary./ I This motzj is not found in the other versions.

PARALLELS
III. K.R. = T.R. (a) - (d) Same as I(a) - I{d).

SUMMARY
(a) In regard to motifs, The K.R. and T.R. have similar motifs at
four points, which also happen to be their variations from V.R.
(b) The corresponding name-forms are: SUGRlV A, VALIN,
HANUMAN in V.R.; CUKKIRiVAN, VALl and ANUMAN in K.R.;
SUKHRIP, PHALi and HANUMAN in T.R.; and MAHARAJA
SUGRIWA, BALYA or BALi RAJA and MAHARAJA HANUMAN
in H.S.R.

9. THE BATTLE OF LANKA

V.R. : HPS. 3. VI.9-91: 21-266; K.R.VI.2-27; T.R.XXVIII.77-82,

XXIX, 83-86, XXX.87-90; H.S.R.: Sh 155-218, Zies 72-86.
V.R. : HPS. 3. VI. 97-111: 281-318; K.R. VI. 30-36; T.R. XXXI.
91-95, XXXII. 96-97; XXXIII. 98-101, XXXIV-XXXVI. 102-
114; H.S.R. : Sh 218-243, Zies 87-93.

DIVERGENCES
I: V.R./ /K.R. and T.R. (a) In V.R., RAMA and LAK~MA~A
are struck down by the serpentine darts of INDRAJIT A even before
41) Ibid., vol 5 chap 4 p 23, vol 5 chap 14 p 7 5.
16 8 S. Singara velu

the combat and fall of KUMBHAKAR~A, and SiTA is brought to the

battlefield during the first phase of the battle itself to witness her fallen
relatives./ I In K.R. and T.R., however, KUMBAKAR~AN (KUM-
PHAKAN in T.R.) enters the combat before INTIRACITTU (lndra-
jita); only after KUMBAKARl';'~AN is killed does the command of the
army fall on INTIRACITTU, and it is during the second phase of the
battle that ciTAI (SiTA) is brought to the battlefield to witness
IRAMAN and ILAKKUMA"t'JAN (Lak~maqa) lying on the ground as
if they were dead as a result of the hard-hitting INTIRACITTU's
(lndrajita's) brahmastra (a magic weapon).
II: H.S.R./ /lf.R.,K.R. and T.R. (a) In H.S.R. MAHARAJA
RA WANA does not die in the battle of Lanku, unlike the other
versions concerned.

SUMMARY
(a) Motif: The sequence of events during the battle of Lanka,
as outlined above under l(a), are common to K.R. and T.R. and
differs significantly from V.R.
The variation in H.S.R. concerning MAHARAJA RAW ANA
(Ravaqa) who does not die in the battle, though defeated by his
adversaries, is also interesting, for it would seem to be linked with
the popular belief that while heroes may cease to exist physically, their
ideals live on forever. Probably to stress this point, he is made to
live on physically.
(b) Name-forms: The name-forms of major interest in this
section are (i) AKAMPANA in V.R., AKAMPAN in K.R. and
KAMPAN in T.R.; (ii) MULABALAM in K.R. and in T.R.; and the
following four in H.S.R., namely, (iii) BiBUSANAM, (iv) NANDA
PARWATAM, (v) PATALA MAHARAYAN and (vi) TRISULAM.
In regard to (i) KAMPAN in T.R. might be due to the elision
of both the initial 'a' and the final inherent vowel 'a' in AKAMPANA
of V.R. or it might have been from Tamil AKAMPAN in K.R.; for it
is interesting to find the latter form as AKAMPAN instead of
AKAMPANAN as it should be if the form is a derivation froni Skt.
AKAMPANA, when the Tamil termination 'an' would have been
added.
 SANSKRIT, TA'.IIL, THAI AND MALAY VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF llAMA 169

With reference to (ii), MULABALAM would seem to be a Tamil

name-form derived from Skt. mu/abala 'foremost or basic power or
force' by the addition of suffix 'am'. However, it should be noted
that the term as used in T.R. refers to a titan, whereas in K.R. it refers
either to the 'reserve' troops (of RA VA~ A) or to the members of his
armed forces whose ancestors had fought on the side of his ancestors
for many generations in the past. ln the Tamil context, the term
miilaba/am is also said to refer to six kinds of troops, namely, troops
stationed in developed areas like towns and cities, troops of 'guerrilla'
type, auxiliary troops, enemy troops, mercenary troops, and troops for
basic self-defence.
With regard to (iii), BiBUSANAM in H.S.R. may also be
regarded as a Tamil name-form, though derived from Skt. bibu~aiJa.: it
would seem however that the second part of the name-form, namely,
bu~a1Ja has been probably misconstrued to be the same as 'bi~a11a'
in BIBi$A~A or VIBi~ANA, which is the name of RAV A~ A's
brother in the story.
With regard to (iv) and (v), namely, NANDA PARWATAM
and TRISULAM, these may also be interpreted to be Tamil name-
forms, derived from Skt. nanda parvata and trisula, respectively, by the
addition of the suffix 'am'.
Finally, (vi) PATALA MAHARAYAN in H.S.R. is another
Tamil name-form, curiously enough existing side-by-side with other
titles like MAHARAJA; for the form MAHARAY AN itself is a
variant of the form, maharaja or maharajan, the voiced palatal 'j'
sound being changed to either the semi-vowel 'y' (as in this case), or
palatal unvoiced 'c'.

10. SITA'S ORDEAL BY FIRE AND

HER RETURN TO AYODHYA
V.R.: HPS. 3. VI. 116-130 : 332-372; K.R. VI. 37-39; T.R.
XXXVII.ll5·ll7, XXXVJII.118-121; H.S.R.: Sh 243-257, Zies 94-96.

DIVERGENCES
I: V.R./ /T.R. (a) LAK~MA~A is said to prepare the pyre
for SiTA's ordeal by fire./ I SUKHRJP (Sugriva) makes the pyre.
170 S. Singaravelu

(b) There is no mention of the kingdom being divided./ I Phra RAM

(Rama) divides his vast kingdom among his allies and helpers and also
builds new cities to serve as capitals of the new kingdoms.
U: K.R./ /T.R. (a) ILAKKUMAl';l'AN (Lak~maf!a) makes the
pyre for CiT AI./ I SUKHRIP (Sugriva) makes the pyre. (b) !RAMAN
only distributes gifts of precious jewellery etc., to his allies and
helpers./ I Phra RAM divides his kingdom among his allies and
constructs new cities for this purpose.
III: H.S.R./ jV.R., K.R. and T.R. (a) SERi RAMA stays on in
LANKA for a longer period of time before founding a new city known
as OUR YAPURI NEGARA and taking up his residence there. (b)
HANUMAN erects the fire for SITADEWi's ordeal.

SUMMARY
(a) Though there is no significant parallel between one version
and another in this section, the divergences seem interesting,
particularly the mottj concerning the division of the vast kingdom
and founding of new cities, for this would seem to be an innovation
relating to local conditions in the countries concerned. Kingdoms won
through the help of allies were to be divided among allies at least for
the purpose of administering vast areas. The designations conferred
on the rulers of various principalities of the vast kingdom, as found in
the Thai version for example, would seem to be related closely to the
nomenclature of provincial overlordships in the actual governmental
system.
As for the founding of new cities, this motif again would seem
to be common in the context of Southeast Asian popular tales, and is
also to be found in T.R. and H.S.R. Though it would seem to have
been a general practice and policy for rulers during the ancient and
medieval periods to clear new areas and to found their new capitals
in the newly developed regions, this would seem to be particularly so
with Southeast Asian kingdoms. It may be of interest to note in this
connection that in the case of Thailand, before Bangkok or KRUNG
THEP, as the present capital is officially known, there have been other
capitals, namely, Thonburi, Ayuthaya (named after A YODHYA of
the Rama story), Sukhothai, and even Cbiengmai (itself meaning
'new city').
 SANSKRIT, TA\l!L, THAI AND MALAY VERSIONS OF THE STOHY OF llAMA 171

Now, to sum up the divergences and parallels under the ten

major beadings in the preceding pages : For the twenty points of
variation of the Tamil version and the Thai version from the
Sanskrit version of Valmiki, there are no less than nineteen corres-
ponding parallel motifs to be found in the Tamil and Thai versions.
(1. V.a,b,c,d; 2. V.a; 3. III.a,b; 4. IV.a,b,c,d; 6. IV.a; 7. V.a,b; 8, III.a,b,
c,d; and 9. I.a.)

The main points of variation of the Tamil version from the

Thai version are noticeable in regard to six motifs (l. IV.a; 2. IV.a; 7.
II.b; 7. III.a; 10. II.a,b), five of which (exception being 7. III. a) are not
to be found in the Sanskrit version either.
Therefore, the possible source of the five motifs (concerning
conception and birth of Sita, Ravat;~a's attempt to kill Jatayu by fling-
ing Sita's ring or Sita throwing her ring into the beak of Jatayu,
Sita's ordeal by fire, particularly the question of who erects the fire,
and, finally, the division of the kingdom by Phra RAM after victory
over THOTSAKAN or Ravaqa) is to be sought possibly in other
versions of the story, but not in the Sanskrit version of Valmiki. The
question is whether the Malay version could provide any clues in
this respect.

Indeed it would seem that the Malay version, Hikayat Seri

Rama, has some interesting evidence which may throw some light on
this problem. Although the corresponding motifs to be found in
H.S.R. are not exact parallels of the above-mentioned five motzfs of
the Thai version, there would nevertheless seem to be clear connec-
tions between the two versions, especially in regard to the five mottfs
concerned. To show how closely the motifs appear to be similar,
these may be mentioned in brief outline form: (a) In T.R. a titan in
the form of a crow (the name-form is KAKANASUN) sweeps down
and flies off with a portion of the sacrificial meal which is then eaten
by MANDO, wife of THOTSAKAN, and she gives birth to a girl
{later to be known as siDA), who is quickly cast away, because
of evil premonitions, later to be rescued and adopted by King
CHON OK ( Janaka) of Mithila. In H.S.R. GAGAK SW ARA, a
172 S. Singaravelu

relative of MAHARAJA RAW ANA, in the form of a crow robs one

of the six rice balls and flies away to give it to MAHARAJA
RAWANA who eats it; when MAHARAJA RAW ANA's wife MAN-
DODAR-I brings forth a beautiful daughter and it is feared that the
child will cause the death of her own father, she is cast away in the
waters to be rescued later by King MAHARiSi KALi. (b) In T.R.
King CHONOK recovers sio.A after sixteen years with the help of a
plough. In H.S.R. MAHARisi KALi finds the casket containing
the child when he is engaged in morning worship. (c) When SATAYU
(Jatayu) boasts that he can be killed only with SIDA's ring as a
weapon, THOTSAKAN (Ravaqa) removes SIDA's ring and flings it
at SATAYU. SITADEWi herself drops her ring into the beak of
CATAYU to serve as a sign of her forceful abduction by MAHA-
RAJA RAW ANA. (d) In T.R. SUKHRiP (Sugriva) is said to make
the pyre for SIDA's ordeal. In H.S.R. it ts HANUMAN who
erects the fire. (e) In T.R. Pbra RAM is said to divide his vast
kingdom among his allies, at the same time conferring titles denoting
overlordships of the various principalities of the kingdom. In
H.S.R. though there does not seem to be specific reference to the
division of the newly enlarged kingdom, there are indications to
suggest that in addition to bestowing rich treasures on his allies who
refuse to return to their homes because of the affection they bear for
him, SERi RAMA does acknowledge the assistance he has received
from his allies by such gestures as bestowing a throne of equal height
on JAMA MANTRi (the chief counsellor of MAHARAJA RAW ANA)•
assigning posts to the courtiers in accordance with their lineage,
making LAKSAMANA heir to the throne and HANUMAN his com-
mander-in-chief. Thus, as seen in the near-similarities of the motifs,
the Thai version and the Malay version would seem to have had
notable connections with each other.
Finally, in this section of comparative material relating to the
four versions of the Rama story, the points of similarity in regard to
certain name-forms may be summed up as follows: KALAIKKOTTU
MUNI in the Tamil version and KALAIKOT in the Thai version;
 SANSKRIT, TAMIL, THAI AND MALAY VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF RAMA 173

TIRIPURAM in the Tamil version and TRIPURAM in the Thai

version; MULABALAM in the Tamil version and MULABALAM in
the Thai version; KUKAN in the Tamil version, KHUKHAN in the
Thai version and KIKUKAN in the Malay version; CATAYU in the
Tamil version, SATAYU in the Thai version, and Catayu in the
Malay version; PARADAN in the Tamil version and BARADAN in
in the Malay version would seem to show connections of Tamil name-
forms.
Lets us now turn to the problem of adaptation or diffusion 42 and
acculturation4 3 in the Southeast Asian literary versions of the story.
The question before us is how far could we consider that the parallel
motifs encountered in, say, the Tamil and the Thai versions, might
have been the result of adaptation or diffusion from an earlier version
and subsequent acculturation in a later version.
In an attempt to throw some light on this rather complicated
question, an episode is chosen from the Tamil and the Thai versions
and the motifs as represented in the selected passages are compared
in the following pages. The episode concerned is one to which a
brief reference was made in section 2 of the comparative data above,
namely, the one which describes how Rama and Sita happened to see
each other for the first time and fell in love at first sight. First let
us look at the Tamil passage, translated into English, followed by the
translation of the passage containing the corresponding episode in
the Thai version :
42) A.L. Kroeber ('Diffusionism,' Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences vol5, 19 31
pp 139-42) defines 'diffusion' as a 'process by which elements or systems of'
culture are spread, by which an invention or a new institution adopted in one
place is adopted in neighbouring areas ... in some cases ... until it may
spread over the whole world.'
43) According to the definition published by the Sub-Committee of the Social
Science Research Council in: Redfield, R., Linton, R. and Herskovits, M.J.,
'A memorandum for the study of acculturation' American Anthropologist vol
38, 1935 pp 149-52, an outline of which is reproduced as an appendix
to Herskovits, M.J., Acculturation Gloucester, Mass. 1958 PP 131-36,
acculturati6m comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of
individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact,
with subsequent changes in the original cultural patterns of either or both
groups.
174 S. Singaravelu

RAMAVATARAM: I. Piila-kiiQtam, 10. Mitilai-1{-kajci-p-pa~alam

(The Sights in the City of Mithila)

Verse 1.
Now that the goddess of wealth (Sri), leaving her erstwhile
abode of the spotless lotus-flower, has come down to reside in
the city (of Mithila) in fulfilment of a reward for the city's
past penance, the flags fluttered from sturdy poles as though
the fortified city extended her arms and was bidding welcome
to the red-lotus-eyed lord (Rama) with the message, 'Come
Thou quickly, Come Thou quickly !'

v. 2.
They saw those pretty flags and streamers adorning the multi-
sculptured mansions, and the flags fluttered as they were
dancing like angels in the heavenly space, rejoicing that the god
of virtue himself, seeing that there was no other being fit
enough except Rama to wed the maiden of boundless beauty,
had gone as emissary to escort him hither, and here he comes.

v. 3.
They saw the elephants with white tusks, hard as diamond, and
with eyes emitting sparks of fire, fighting with one another
furiously, like huge mountains heaving against each other.

v. 5.
Rama and others entered the city of Mithila, the golden waUs
of the city shining like red lotus-flower because the beautiful
Sita was dwelling there.

v. 6.

They proceeded along the long stretch of the royal avenue of

mansions where young maidens with crescent-like foreheads
bad flung away their golden ornaments because of their dislike
for them when they were in the company of their young men.
SA\SKRIT, TAMIL, THAI AND ~!ALAY \'ERSIO:\S OF THE STOHY OF RAMA 175

v. 7.
The a venue bad become muddy and dusty because of the effusion
of must of rutting elephants and of the froth of the speeding
horses' mouth, and of the ceaseless movements of chariots on
its path.

v. 9.
There were theatrical stages along the avenue where young
maidens with slender waists were dancing to the tune of the
makara vina.

V. 11.
There were long stretches of shops with a variety of goods
including gems, gold, pearls, yak's tail, agaru wood, peacock
feathers, and ivory, along streets meandering like the river
Kaviri.

v. 13.
The horses were ceaselessly in motion with great speed, like the
revolving potter's wheel and the everlasting friendship of great
men. Yet one could not see one horse from the other because
of their great speed, just as to the discerning sages variously
changing phenomena of the earth appear to be the same.
(The royal visitors stop at the courtyard below the upper-storey
of the royal ladies chambers)

V. 14.
The windows of the upper-storeys of the royal mansions shone
with young maidens whose eyes were sharp like the spear; their
eyebrows resembled the bow of the god oflove. Their hair was
dark as the beatles; their lips were red. They appeared at the
window like so many moons.

v. 22.
The visitors saw the moat which surrounded the golden palace
of King Janaka. It was as deep as the Ganges river, and it
showed the splendour of the Naga land (or the heavenly land)
by reflecting in its waters the rows of mansions that were fit
enough for the gods to stay.
176 S. Singaravelu

v. 23.
They saw the courtyard where the swans walked majestically,
by the side of the upper-storey of the mansions where Sita of
golden splendour, flowery fragrance, honey-like sweetness and
song-like happiness was to be seen.

V. 24.
Now that the peerless goddess of wealth (Sri) herself is here as
Sita there is none to choose and to compare with SitU.

V. 35.
The young maiden of unimaginable charm, standing by the
window of the lofty mansion, and the lord standing below, he
looked and she also looked; their eyes ate into each other; their
hearts were united.

v. 36.
Her spear-like eyes penetrating the sturdy shoulders of Rama,
Rama's red lotus-like eyes too made a deep impression on the
goddess-like Sini.

V. 37.
They were bound to each other by their looks, their hearts
drawing each other together, they entered each other's heart.

v. 38.

Sita with an invisible waist and faultless Rama became one

soul, though of two bodies. There is no need to say much
about their love after their reunion now since their parting at
their abode on the dark sea with the great serpent as their bed.

v. 39.

Sitii was standing like a painted picture for she looked at Rama
without winking her eyes even once. Rama soon moved on with
the sage, with his mind full of thoughts of the beautiful Sita.
SANSKRIT, TAMIL, '!'HAl AND MALAY VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF RAMA 177

v. 40.
As Raroa vanished out of sight, Sita felt helpless and unable to
control her passion for Rama, like any other maiden who is in
love; her mind now sought after Raroa.

v. 42.
Sita suffered from love-sickness. Not being able to confide in
anybody else, she sobbed within her own heart.
v. 51.
Her maids-in-waiting asked what caused this illness, but they
were not able to know.
v. 53.
Sita began to moan and lament, remembering the image
of Rama, his appearance, his hair, his pillar-like arms, his red
lotus-like eyes; his resemblance to the cloud with the bow of
Indra (rain-bow).
v. 60.
During this sickness of love, Sita would utter words that made
no sense. Sbe would prattle to herself, 'here he is; alas, he is
gone now.'
V. 61.
The sun, the source of ancient heat, withdrew his long arms of
rays towards himself and being unable to bear the heat of Sita's
passion sank beneath the ocean.
V. 62.
As the evening descended it brought no relief to Sita. Her
love-sickness grew worse; the fire of the passion now raged
with great intensity.

RAMAKIAN: Book 14 (in Vol.l) pp. 381-382.

'Phra Ram (together with Phra Lak and the sage) crossed,
over the stream and proceeded winding along the meadow in
their journey through the great forest and arrived at the mighty
city of Mithila, and directly entered the city's gates.
178 S. Singaravelu

Thus Phra Ram looked intently at the city of Mithila

which was gay like the joyful heavenly land. There were
edifices, mansions and shops situated neatly along the avenues.
There were gay and noisy crowds of citizens, both men and
women.
There were also stables for elephants and horses. There
were arenas too in which the mighty elephants tested their
strength.
There were rows of flags (hoisted upon) the poles and/or
of the tiered royal umbrellas; the flags were waving and shining
forth as though they were beckoning the royal visitor (with the
words), 'we beseech Your Majesty to be gracious enough to
make haste and proceed; Your Majesty will have the gracious
maiden, Sida (Sita).'
Bewildered and being in a doubtful frame of mind as to
what was in store for him, the royal visitor walked on, at the
same time casting his glance to look at the royal palace which
was like the mansion of Indra. Its five towers of crystal
combined with gold shone with the gabled roofs and golden
images on four directions, supported by the figures of naga motif
standing upright.
Phra Ram admired the golden crystal gem at the royal
window, unforgettably beautiful like the goddess. Phra Ram's
eyes met with those of Sida; glamorous charms combined to
bind their hearts tightly together.
Thus, the youthful Sida, on the upper-storey oft be mansion,
rejoicing and glancing furtively through the aperture of the
latticed window while being hidden, triumphantly met her royal
eyes with those of the four-armed Phra Ram. Love, till then
restrained, gushed forth, as Sida was indeed accustomed to be
seated at the feet of her lord in her previous existence.
Boundless love and longings sprang forth in the heart of
the young and beautiful maiden just now.
Thus, Phra Ram conferred his blessing of boundless love
on the auspicious maiden, like fire touching her heart. Phra
 SANSKRIT, TAMIL, THAI AND MALAY VERSIONS OF THE STORY OF RAMA 179

Ram could not stop to gaze intently, but looked only for a
moment and at the same time not seeming to look, before Phra
Lak could call him to attention; he turned and walked, at the
same time having a glance at the balcony window with longing
and love, and proceeded along with the sage until they arrived
at the hall of ceremonies.
Thus, elegant Sida fell in love at the very first sight of
the Ruler with the Wheel (Cakri), upon whom she bad not
placed her eyes directly, but only glanced sideways through the
corner of her eyes, looking furtively. She now suffered much
from great pangs of love; she disliked everything; she moaned
and groaned. She did not see Phra R'iim returning the same way
(again). The youthful maiden was sorrowful and longed for
him.
When she was questioned by someone who wanted to
know (what was wrong with her) she felt bashful and could not
utter any words. Countless memories bf the earthly lord came
into her mind. Love bound them both together.'

COMPARISON OF MOTIFS
The chief characters of attraction in this episode as described
by the authors of both versions are obviously RAMA and SiT A. The
motifs employed by the Tamil poet, Kamban, to convey the images of
the two characters are the following: (a) Rama had lotus-like eyes.
(The relationship of lotus blooms with the godhead, Vi~1;1u or Tirumal
as in Tamil, whose 'seventh' manifestation Rama was supposed to be,
is further stressed in a subsequent reference to the goddess of wealth,
that is, Sri or Lak~mi, or Tirumakal in Tamil, the consort of Vi~q.u,
leaving the lotus flower to dwell in the city of Mithila as SiUi). (b)
Sita is described as a young maiden of boundless beauty, of golden
splendour and of so slender a waist as to be invisible. (c) The city
of Mithila is made to appear as a busy and gay capital city of a
powerful kingdom; it was fortified with walls that glowed and shone
as though by reflection of the golden splendour of the royal resident
of divine origin. (d) The moat which surrounded the royal mansion
180 S. Singaravelu

seemed to reflect the multi-sculptured mansions around, which looked

like the abodes of the gods in the naga land or in the heavens. (e)
The flags and festoons were seen fluttering from poles as though they
were bidding welcome with the actual words of 'Come Thou quickly'
addressed to the royal visitor. The various sights in the royal avenue
along which the visitors were passing attracted their attention:
(f) the great mansions from the windows of which young maidens
were watching the sights below; (g) the shops where a variety of
goods could be obtained; (h) the royal sporting arenas for the elephants
and horses to prove their prowess; (i) the wayside theatrical stages
where dancers were performing; (j) the ceaseless movements of
chariots raising a cloud of dust. (k) As the visitors were thus on
their way to the palace of the king of Mithila, Rama stopped for a
moment in the courtyard right below the window of the upper-storey
of the royal ladies' chamber; ( 1) his eyes encountered the eyes of Sitii
who adorned the window as a goddess of light. (m) That very moment
their hearts were united; though of two bodies, they became of one
.. and Tirumakal
soul. (n) It was indeed a reunion of Tirumal (Visnu)
~

(Sri or Lak~mi) whose manifestations they were in the present birth.

(o) As Rama moved on with his companions and his mind full of
thoughts of beautiful Sita, she herself became hopelessly ill with love
and longing for Rama. (p) She groaned and lamented over the
absence of Rama. (q) She could not answer the questions of her
anxious lady companions who wanted to know the reason for her
illness. (r) Sita, delirious with love, seemed to imagine that Rama
was still around and so she would prattle such words as 'Now here
he is; alas he is gone now!' (s) She sun-set brought no relief, in
fact it was more agonising to Sita who was in love with Riima, and
in his absence she loathed everything else.

King Rama I, the royal author of the Thai Ramakian, bas

chosen to present the episode with the following motifs: (a) Rama
who was a manifestation of Narayal)a, entered the mighty city of
Mitbila with his younger brother (Lak~ma11a> and the sage (Visvami-
tra}. (b) The powerful city looked gay like the heavenly land, (c)
with mansions such as those of Indra, (d) with shops, (e) stables for
 SANSKHIT, TA~llL, THAI A'>D MALAY VEHSJONS OF THE STOHY OF RAMA 181

elephants and horses, situated neatly (f) along the royal avenue,
which was thronged (g) with noisy and gay crowds of men and
women; (h) there were also arenas where the elephants fought to
prove their strength. (i} Then, there were the flags, hoisted upon
the poles and tiered umbrellas, fluttering as though they were welcom-
ing the divine and royal visitor with the words 'May it please Thy
Majesty to hurry and proceed to receive the princess Sini'. (j) The
mansions, such as those of Indra, with five towers and gabled roofs
with naga or makara motifs, were fine structures of architecture
admired by the royal visitor. (k) At the latticed window of the royal
mansion there stood a golden, crystal gem, SitlL (l) It was then that
Rama's eyes met with the furtive glance of Sita, unleashing countless
charms which combined to bind their hearts together, (m) for after
all, she was already accustomed to be seated at her lord's (Naraya11-a's)
;
feet in her former existence as Sri or Lak~mi. (n) SiUi's heart was
aglow with love as though it bad been touched by fire as indeed it was
by the rays of the divine Rama. (o) She suffered much from longing
for Rama, who however did not seem to return to pass by the same
way again. (p} Again she was too bashful to say anything to her
lady companions who wanted to know what bad caused her illness
(of love). (q) Her heart and mind were full of countless impressions
and remembrances of the lord with whom she had fallen in love at
the very first sight. 44
Now, in comparing the motifs occurring in the above two
passages, it would seem that though similar motifs have been used in
44) The author of this paper wishes to acknowledge with deep gratitude the
valuable help and assistance extended to him by Mr.· E.H.S. Simmonds,
Reader in Thai, and Mr. P.J. Bee, Lecturer in Thai, at the School of Oriental
and African Studies, University of London, when he attended the extremely
valuable courses given by them on the Thai language and literature in the
Department of Southeast Asia during the year 1966-1967.
He also wishes to thank Mr. E.H.S. Simmonds for his valuable help in
interpreting some passages in the Thai Ramakian. The author, as a complete
beginner in the field of Thai language and literature, would like to seek the
forgiveness of scholars for any errors made in the translation of the passage
concerned, for which he alone should be held responsible.
182 S. Singaravelu

different combinations both passage·s have also some different motifs

of their own. Among the motifs that appear to be similar is at least
one which is more striking then the others, namely, the motif refer-
ring to the flags fluttering from poles (and the tiered umbrellas) as
though they were welcoming the royal and divine visitor to the city
of Mithila to receive Sita. Though this mottj is so strikingly similar,
it would nevertheless seem to have received an added refinement at
the hand of the royal poet King Rama I, to the effect that the image
conveyed is one of flags fluttering from the tiered royal umbrellas in
addition to the ordinary flag-masts. The additional refinement is
understandable in view of the fact that, though the white umbrella
has been a common emblem of royalty in South and South-east Asia
since early times, the tiered royal umbrella is particularly a noteworthy
feature of the Thai royal regalia. (The multi-tiered royal umbrella
is believed to have been a development from the traditional practice
of kings symbolically adding their own umbrellas on top of those of
former rulers). 45

Again, to cite another motif in the Thai version, the description

of the royal mansion as having gabled roofs decorated with the naga or
makara mottj is obviously in consonance with a style of architecture
which has been typical of the Thai tradition.
From these two instances it would seem that in literary
acculturation as indeed in artistic or even linguistic acculturation, the
final treatment often rests with the people who choose to adopt
elements from other sources.

Now, as for the motif of a man and a woman falling in love

at first sight. This is probably one of the oldest mottjs in the cultural
traditions of the world's peoples, and especially so in the Tamil
literary tradition and probably in the Thai literary tradition as well.
It is also of some interest to note that this motif would in fact seem
to be in contradistinction to an opposite motif, which we may come
across elsewhere, namely, the prohibition against seeing the prospective
bride or the bridegroom, which is known to be enforced even by
supernatural sanction of punishment for infringing such a taboo. In
45) See Quaritch Wales, H. G., Siamese State Ceremonies London 1931 pp 93-95.
 SANSKHIT, T:U!IL, THAI A:liD MALAY \'ERSIONS OF THE STORY OF RAMA 18 3

view of the fact that such a taboo is known to have existed in the
northern parts of India, 46 can we surmise that the possible existence
of such a taboo probably prevented the inclusion of its opposite motif
(namely, that of the prospective bride and groom seeing each other
before marriage) in the Ramayal).a of Valmiki who seems to have
confined himself merely to the narration of how Rama won the hand
of Sita at an archery contest which was a special form of the svayam-
vara ('self-choice') type of gcmdharva marriage, though concluded
subsequently by the performance of the rites of religious marriage? Be
that as it may, it is nevertheless a noteworthy feature that both the
Tamil and Thai versions have seen fit to include such a popular motif
in keeping with their ancient traditions.
The problem of adaptation or diffusion and acculturation is
indeed beset with many complexities, and it is not at all easy to
pin-point the diffused elements and the manner of their acculturation.
It has been argued by folklorists that, given a similar state of
taste, fancy, similar beliefs, similar circumstances, a 'similar' tale
might conceivably be evolved in regions remote from each other.
Just as similar patterns of art have been independently evolved, so
similar cosmic myths, similar fables, riddles, proverbs, customs, and
institutions may have been independently evolved.

However, where the similar incidents, similar motifs, and

similar details are more numerous (as we have seen is tbe case in the
foregoing pages of this paper), independent invention may be difficult
to argue but some form of diffusion may be considered possible.
When the chain and sequence of events or motifs keeps close to a
given type, one may regard such elements of the story as probably
borrowed or transmitted. In the chain of such sequence of motifs
one may see borrowing or transmission of the elements concerned so
far as one cannot reason from possible coincidence.
But, whatever be the agreement (or variation) in regard to
given motifs or sequence of events in the various versions of the story
concerned, we cannot be indifferent to the individual literary merits
of the works concerned and to the constructive art which is bound to
46) See Basham, A.L., The Wonder That Was India London 1961 PP 165-70.
184 S. Singaravelu

be displayed in the composition of these works. In other words,

though there may be numerous similar elements diffused among several
versions, one cannot argue that the works possessing the same
or similar motifs are the same, for the combination of motifs and
incidents may indeed take almost any form. Even if the same plot and
motifs are used in two given literary works we may still be able to
observe and appreciate the original qualities of combination of those
elements in different guises. Various motifs may appear in various
combinations and these may undergo kaleidoscopic change. The
incidents or motifs would be the bits of coloured gems; shaken, they
would fall into a variety of attractive forms.
There is also another feature of diffusion and acculturation
which is worthy of note. Though incidents or motzfs of the
common store may be interwoven in any form, at the same time
certain forms or combinations may in the course of time gain
currency as the fittest, and these may be retained and more widely
spread than the others. In other words, some form of the motifs
may be judged by the skilled narrators or composers as the fittest,
and they would survive. The story-tellers are known to have always
been making varied combinations, the best and the most dramatic of
which often survive: a good type of motif, once bit upon, is diffused
widely, though we cannot be so fortunate as to be aware of the name
and home of the combiner or the date of the combination.
Again, with all the many variations to be found in several
versions of a popular tale, it is remarkable that the tale should retain a
definite enough quality to be considered a real entity. This is perhaps
because the characteristic incidents or motifs of the story, though
varied, are still so constant that it is not difficult to recognise their
type in spite of the almost kaleidoscopic variations they have
assumed. It is also of interest to note that the variations deal with
materials handled in different fashion; sometimes appearing as part
of local environment, legend, and traditions, and at other times
receiving local literary treatment.
As Stith Thompson has observed so aptly, the telling of tales
is not uniform in various parts of the world. Like other elements of
culture, tales are not mere creatures of chance; they exist in time and
space, and are affected by the nature of the land where they have been
 SANSI\HIT, TAMIL, Tlll\1 AND ThiALAY I'EHSIONS OF TilE S'J'OHt Ol•' RAMA 185

current, by linguistic and social contacts of its people, by lapse of

years and their accompanying historic changes. 47
Finally, we may conclude this paper with a few observations
on the name-forms in the context of diffusion of a tale and its motifs.
As far as popular tales in oral traditions are concerned, the characters
in such tales are usually anonymous; similarly the places are vague
and often nameless. However, this very fact that the tales are first
told of 'somebody' later enables people in various regions to add
names to such characters and places. The characters thus may have
new names attached to them and obtain a new local habitation
wherever they may 'wander'; often the stories consisting of such
characters crystallise around a famous name, human, heroic, or divine.
The characters of literary versions, on the other hand, would
seem to be named more often than not; indeed they are usually
identified as national or regional cultural heroes. Similarly the events
are localized. (Even if the events should occur in distant parts, the
narrators have their own ways of placing emphasis on the immediate
environment in relation to the distant regions.) Therefore we may
not be far wrong to say that in literary versions of popular tales such
as that of Rama, the names and places, particularly their forms, may
well be and often are the latest and not the original feature. This
would probably explain the diverse name-forms to be found in the
various versions concerned. At the same time if certain name-forms
occur in similar form, it would be reasonable to surmise that the
similarity may be due to diffusion or transmission from an earlier
literary work.
47) Thompson, S., The FolMale New York 1946 pp 13-14.
48) This study is restricted to the story of Rama from his birth to his return to
Ayodhya. It must be mentioned however that in the Ramaya~za of Vlilmiki,
the Thai Ramakian and the Malay Hil<ayat Seri Rama the story is continued
further to include the birth of Rama's sons, Lava and Kusa, the descent of
SitU into the earth and the ascent of Rama to heaven. In the Ramaya~za
this extension is contained in the seventh canto ('uttara kal}~a, 'the last
section') and is regarded as a later addition to the original work. In Tamil
language there exists also a work by the name of Uttara-llli~z!am, attributed
to a poet by the name of OHakkiittar, which nanates the story of Rama
after his return to Ayodhya and until his ascent to heaven.
 THE BUDDHIST TUTELARY COUPLE HARiTi
AND PANCIKA, PROTECTORS OF CHILDREN,
FROM A RELIEF AT THE KHMER SANCTUARY
IN PIMAJI
by
J.J. Boeles
Bangkok

The representation of the Buddhist tutelary couple Hariti and

Paficika, neither gods nor human beings, but iiik~asa by origin, is
well known in the iconography of mahayana and vajrayana in India,
Nepal, Tibet, China, Japan and Java (Chary9i Mendut) but so far not
encountered in Thailand or, as far as we know, in Cambodia.
The lintel above the northern inner door of the main prasada
of the recently restored Khmer sanctuary at Pimai, however, seems
to show a representation of this tutelary couple in the two figures,
male and female, standing in opposite corners of its upper part or,
rather, just outside the ma1Jqala (laukika)-see figure 1.
1) Research for this paper was made possible through a grant received from
the Netherlands Foundation for the Advancement of Tropical Research
(WOTRO) of the Netherlands Government. Several visits were made to the
Khmer sanctuary at Pimai, situated on the right bank of the Mun R.!ver some
350 kilometres by road from Bangkok, and the author is much indebted to
Acharn Dhanit Yupho, Director General of the Fine Arts Department for
his permission, each time readily granted, to visit the monument which is
still closed to the public and for the Department's hospitality. The restora-
tion of this monument is being carried out by the Fine Arts Department
under Prince Yachai Chitrabongs of the Fine Arts University, supported by
a SEATO grant under Dr. B. Groslier. Sources for the iconography of Hariti
and Plincika: Foucher, A., l' flrt Greco-Bouddhique du Gandhara Paris 1918
vols 1 & 2 parts 2, 3 & 4 pp 102-154 and The Beginnings of Buddhist Art
London 1917 chapters 5,8 & 9 (The Buddhist !Ida donna); Lulius van Goor,
M.E., 'De Kuwera in het voorportaal van Tjandi Mendoet' Handelingen van
het Eerste Congres voo1· Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde V<lll Jt1va 1919 (1921) PP
3 25-48; Krom, N.J., lnleiding tot cle Hindoe-Javaanse Kunst The Hague
1923 vol 1 p 315. Getty, Alice The Gods of Northern Buddhism Paris 192 7
Tokyo reprint edition 1962 pp 84-8 7&156-60; Bernet Kempers, A.J., Ancient
Indonesian Art Amsterdam 1959 plates 56 & 57 pages 39 & 40.
188 J.J. Boeles

Identification of the figures inside the nta1J4ala-though repre"

senting one system in the vajrayana-has not been established satis"
factorily through lack of a relevant text, sadhana or tantra. 2
Nevertheless, it seems fruitful to describe here two 'minor' figures of
the relief for which several authoritative Buddhist texts are available
in attempting a satisfactory identification.

Description of the Yak~i Hariti (see figures 2 & 3):

The female deity with a peaceful face but bulging eyes is seen
standing in the upper left corner of the lintel. A vertical crack
in the sandstone monolith splits the figure in two. The deity
wears a crown (muku[a) consisting of a band with pearls that
holds her curly hair in sections. She wears no ornaments that
one can see and her only garment is a long skirt with designs
and a flap hanging down to the left, the end of which is held
by the kneeling child in front. The breasts of the deity are
partly damaged by the vertical crack; the right breast is touched
by one of the children and it seems that the left breast is long
and flabby, characteristic in representations of yak~i, rak~asi or
yakkin"i. Her nose is prominent and her mouth is very full and
wide; at one time opened to devour small children. From behind
her, the long bent stalk of a plant rises above her head, bearing
a fruit that as yet defies identification-apparently not a pome"
granate or taptim as this red fruit is called in Thailand. It
seems as if this stalk with fruit is her only attribute. The deity
is carrying three children and a fourth is half kneeling in front
of her with raised left leg and with the right hand holding the
inside of the deity's right leg. One child seems to stand on
the deity's right shoulder, keeping a balance by resting the right
2) For a tentative identification: Seidenfaden, E., 'An Excursion to Pimai, a
temple in the Khorat province' Journal of the Siam Society vol 17 pt 1 pp
1-19 and 'A Siamese account of the construction of the temple on Khao
Phanom Rung' Journal of the Siam Society vol25 pp 83-106 (for Pimai see
pp 102-03); Manit Vallibhotama, Guide to Pimai and Antquities in the Proviilce
of Nagam Rajasima (Khorat) Bangkok 1961; and Boeles, J.J., 'Two Yoginis
of Hevajra from Thailand' in Essays offered to G.H. Luce, Artibus Asiae vo12
1966 pp 14-29.
 Figure 2
Hlirrti and her children, Pimai. Part of sandstone lintel, figure 1, after damage.
Photo courtesy of M. Pierre Pichard.
 Figure 3
Hiiriti and her children, Pimai. Detail of figure 2. Inside the maq~ala, a cfiiki~li
is dancing on the stiff corpse of a slain Hindu deity.
 THE BUDDHIST TUTELAHY COUPLE HARhi & PANC!KA 19 3

hand on the head of the child below who is held in the deity's
right arm as if carried on her right hip. Another child is seated
on the deity's left shoulder. The hair of all children is combed
back and they seem to be of the same sex: one wears a
string around the neck, ending possibly in a knot or ornament.
It seems that one child wears a piece of cloth between the legs
held up by a string around the hips. (The kneeling child js not
wearing a short skirt). The deity is protecting this child with
the large toe of her right foot.
The total impression is that of a female deity as a mother
protecting four very young children of equal age and sex. We propose
to identify her as the Y akfi Hariti, transformed by the Lord Buddha
from a devourer of small children into a protectress of children,
particularly against diseases.

The Yak~a Pancika as a Brahman (see figure 4):

Her bearded male opposite number with bulging eyes and long
beard, stands on the same level in the upper right corner of
this monolith lintel, and is portrayed also protecting four
very young children of equal age and the same sex, possibly
male-though they look rather frightened. This personage is
a Brahman judging from his long pointed beard and from the
jafa, with a broad band holding his hair together in conical
shape. This Brahman then, wears only an undergarment (sampot)
with a short flap in front. In combination with the female
deity on the opposite side we identify him here as her husband,
the Yak~a Paficika in his aspect as protector of children in
accordance with authoritative Buddhist texts such as
the Mahavarpsa. Though, admittedly, we do not know of any
other representation of Pancika as a Brahman. The four
children protected by Paficika are arranged around his figure
as are the four children of Hariti. The crack through Pancika's
figure does not obscure the scene. Two children seem to
straddle his shoulders; the child straddling his left shoulder
holds the left hand on the ja(a while its left leg is held by the
diety's right hand. Pancika carries the third child on his left

...
194 J.J. Boeles

hip. The fourth child is squatting in front of the deity with

both arms raised holding Pai'icika's right leg. Like Hariti, Pancika
carries three children (he is rather stooped as a result) and also
protects the squatting fourth child. Each child seems to wear
a kind of band around the head and no hair seems visible.
The arrangement of hair, then, is quite different from that of
the four children of Hariti and may indicate a different sex.
Though Pi'iii.cika's children look rather like boys, we do not
feel justified to say that Har1ti's children are girls; they also
could be boys though with different attire. The texts say that
Hariti bas 500 or even 1000 sons of equal age. All children
wear a kind of loin cloth and show no ornaments. Above the
head of the Brahman we see a large bird in flight with spread
wings. In its beak is a twig from which three unidentified
fruits (mangos?) hang that touch the head of the dancing
qakini placed next to the Brahman. The bird could be a parrot.
It is not certain whether this bird is connected with the Brahman
or with the two dancing qakini to his right; each dancing
on a dead body in rigor mortis and belonging to the ma7J4ala
proper. There are actually two parrot-like birds flying toward
the outstretched right bands of the two qakin'i each of whom
is holding an empty receptacle. On the opposite side we see,
however, only one parrot-like bird flying above the outstretched
right band of the second qakini. The texts dealing with
Pai'icika and Hariti give no clue in this regard so that the
positions of the birds cannot be defined with more certainty. 3
Thus, the rough description of the tutelary couple as seen on
the lintel above the northern inner door of the main prasada of the
Khmer sanctuary at Pimai. The main inscription of this sanctuary
gives as a latest date 1112 A.D. equivalent.

The legend of the yaksi Hariti and the yak!}a Paiicika

The ancient legend of the ogress Hariti, devourer of small
children, her conversion by the Lord Buddha and her ogre husband
3} The same type of bird is noticed above the figures of Ha.riti and A.tavaka,
also called Piiiicika, on the north and south walls, respectively, of Chandi
Mendut in Central Java; cf. Bernet Kempers, of'· cit. plates 56 & 57. ..
 Figure 4
P1iiicika and his children, Pimai. Detail of figure !.
 Figure 5
Two yaksi devouring small children. Part of a sandstone relief from Prasiit Khao
Panom Rung, Northeast Thailand. Possibly early 12th century. Photo by J.J. Boeles.
 THE BUDDHIST TUTELARY COUPLE HAHi'l'i & PANCJKA 197

the yak~a Paiicika, also converted by the Lord Buddha, is well attested
in several Buddhist texts including the Mahavat:nsa where it says:
A certain yakkha called Paficaka together with his wife Harita
and five hundred youths, attained sowan (the first stage of
sanctification). He then thus addressed them: 'Do not hereafter,
as formerly, give way to pride of power and vindictive anger;
but evincing your solicitude for the happiness of living
creatures, abstain from the destruction of crops; extend yo11r
benevolence towards all living creatures; live protecting mankind'.
They who had been thus exhorted by him regulated their
conduct accordingly.

This legend is recorded in the twelfth chapter in the Mahavat:nsa,

entitled 'The conversion of the several foreign countries'.4 It is this
very chapter that also records the mission of the disciple Sona accom-
panied by the thera Uttara to SuvaJ?.J;labburni. According to Thai
tradition this 'Land of Gold' may have covered the whole Southeast
Asian Peninsula. The introduction of Buddhism in this country is
traditionally attributed to the monks Sona and Uttara and their voyage
was a result of the missionary efforts of Asoka, Emperor of Magadha
in India. 5 An exhaustive monograph by Peri entitled 'Hariti, La
Mere-de-Demons', gives the full story and its several variations. 6
The most recent summary of the legend is given by Lamotte,? a
Buddhologist, from whom we understand that the couple Hariti and
4) TheMaha:va~1sa trans!. L.C. Wijesinha and G. Turnour,Colombo 1909 chapter
12 pp 47-49. The first fruit obtained by Harm and Paiicika is the
srotaapattiphala, here called sowan and of which the first of the five
precepts forbids the killing of 1i ving creatures.
5} Dhani Niwat, Kromamun Bidyalabh, A History of Buddhism in Siam Bangkok
1965 p 2.
6) Peri, N., 'Haritf La Mere-de-Demons 'Bulletin de !'Ecole Frangaise d'Extrl!me-
Orient vol17, 1917 pp 2-101.
7) Lamotte, Etienne, Histoire du Boudclhisme Indien Louvain 1958 pp 368,448
& 763-64. Lamotte mentions that Piincika when represented on the monu-
ments at Gandbiira may also appear 'Sous l'aspect d'un genie adulte, barbu,
hirsute, plus qu'a demi nu'. See also Foucher, l'Art Greco-Bouddhique du
Ganhara, op. cit. vol 2 p 102 sq & Lamotte, op. cit. p 763.
198 J.J. Boeles

Pancika may be considered as tutelary deities or i~~adevata. In con-

densed form Foucher 8 renders the legend as follows :
Buddha in person had once converted the yakshi1Ji who deci-
mated, or (as is metaphorically written) pitilessly 'devoured',
the children of the town of Rajag!'iha (now Rajgir, in Behar).
In order to convert her to more human feelings, he decided to
deprive her for a time of Pitigala, the last and most loved of
her five hundred sons. Some even relate that the Master bid
Piilgala under his inverted alms-vase: and on Chinese paintings
we do, in fact, see hordes of demons vainly endeavouring by
the help of cranes and levers to turn over the huge bowl, in
which tbe little genius is imprisoned. However this may be,
the stratagem succeeded. The grief caused to Hariti by this
momentary separation made her return to herself, or, better,
put herself in the place of simple. mortals whom she had at
times robbed of their sole offspring: she swore never to do so
again. However, every one must live, even the wicked who
repent. As soon as she is converted, the ogress mother
respectfully calls the attention of the Master to the fact that
the first precept of his morality, by interdicting all homicide,
really condemns her and her five hundred sons to die of hunger,
and Buddha, much struck by the justice of this remark, promises
that henceforth in all convents his monks shall offer a daily
pittance, of course on condition that she and hers faithfully
observe their vows ....

This monastic legend, very skilfully composed. endeavours, as

we see, not merely to conciliate the contradictory notions
attached to this deity, at once both cruel and propitious : in
order completely to reassure the faithful, it also stands as a
guarantee against any relapse of the converted yakshitfi into her
ancient errors. Last and in regard to decorum most important,
it claims to vindicate, under colour of a contract long ago made
with the Master, the installation of this former ogress in the
convent, and the propriety of the worship offered to her. It is,
8) Foucher, The Beginnings of Buddhist Art, op. cit. pp 280-81.
 THE BUDDHIST TUTELARY COUPLE HARiTi & PAN,~IKA 199

in fact, only too clear that it is from pure concession to popular

superstitions that, according to the testimony of the Chinese
pilgrim Yi-tsing, the image of Hariti was to be "found either
in the porch or in a corner of the dining-ball Indian mon-
asteries".

As regards the representation of Hariti in Pimai, it seems that

she is to be considered less a giver of fertility than a protector of
small children and, in particular as in Nepal today, a protector
against diseases like smallpox, a dreaded killer in Asia. In Pimai we
see Hariti and her husband Pancika each in the act of protecting four
young children with their bodies. The 'Madonna' aspect becomes
vague and, as regards the figure of Hariti in Pimai, this is indicated
by at least one flabby breast which accentuates her origin as yakfi..
And as a yak~i (yakkini) she is a powerful figure to worship as a tutelary
deity. Under these circumstances we are not permitted to make a
comparison between the Hariti at Pimai and Foucher's concept
of the virgo lactans. In Pimai we do not see Hariti suckling her last
born son and dearest child Pingala. The identification of the
yak~a Pancika rests mainly on the fact that his position on the
lintel at Pimai warrants him to be Hariti's husband who is usually,
but not always, identified as Pancika. In this case we base
ourselves on the Mahava1p.sa. We admit that Pancika in the aspect
of Brahman is unusual and supporting pictorial evidence from else-
where seems unavailable. Piincika is often portrayed as a general
(Senapati) and later we see this deified yak~a develop into Kuvera,
the Buddhist god of riches and a guardian of the North, also known
as the lokapala Vaisravana. According to Valmiki's Ramayat.Ja,
Kuvera is a descendent of the god Brahma and this seems some
justification for portraying Pancika in Pimai as a Brahman. Since the
position of the yak~a Pancika in Pimai as consort of the yak~i Hariti
is well established, both in the text as in the Buddhist iconography
since the Gandhara style of art, it seems justified to give the name
Pancika to our Brahman in Pimai who is protecting four children-most
200 J.J. Boeles

likely borrowed from Hariti. In her turn Hariti may have borrowed
the lemon (?) fruit placed behind her from Paficika. The Paficika in
Pimai shows no connection with the God of Riches: no money bags,
no attributes and no fat belly.

The two Yak~i from Prasat Khao Panom Rung 9

It appears that not all yak~i from Thailand have been converted
by Lord Buddha from their evil habit of devouring human flesh. 10 A
fragment of a stone lintel from Prasat Khao Panom Rung' in Province
Buriram in Northeast Thailand makes this clear-see figure 5. We see
here two uncrowned female ogres or yak~i, each in the act of devouring
a small child with great gusto. Their main characteristics are: a
broad face, bushy eyebrows, broad nose, wide mouth with prominent
display of upper frontal teeth and both upper incisors protruding.
They have long wavy hair-the left figure shows curly hair; heavy,
round ear pendants for ornament; and a broad heavy necklace and
large upper and lower armbands on an otherwise naked torso. An
undergarment showing patterns, with a fold at the top, covers the
lower part of the body. The joyful expression on their faces indicates
the great delight of gluttons having just devoured two live children
of which only the legs of their victims remaii1 in their hands. Another
characteristic of the yak~i is the pair of long, hanging and pointed
breasts. Two folds go around each torso between the breasts and
the navel.

9) This monument dates possibly from the early part of the 12th century and
as such would be contemporary to the sanctuary at Pimai with which it has
several elements of Khmer style in common. At one time there was a road
leading from Pimai, passing Prlisat Khao Punom Rung, over the Dang Rek
mountains-where the author encountered more than one Khmer sanctuary-in
the direction of Angkor Thorn. For the monuments situated in Thailand see:
Report of the survey and excavations of Ancient 11ionuments in North-eastem
TlwilandPart2: 1960-196l,Fine Arts Department, Bangkok 1967. For
the lintel with the two yak~i see ibid., fig 13. On the reliefs in Pimai the
deities are not yet represented with the pnzbha-mat;qala (nimbus).
10) In that sense the western expression 'cannibalism' is not applicable here
and these ferocious giantesses are better described as 'eaters of human flesh'.
 THE BUDDHIST TUTELARY COUPLE HARiTi & PANCIKA 201

This haunting scene, sculptured alrn9St in the round, of two

roaring giant ogresses seen in the inhuman act of devouring two small
children alive-yak~a and yakfi or yakkini are not considered human
beingsll-was intended to frighten the beholder.
The ancient and almost global substratum of authochtonic
giants as eaters of human flesh is well established.l2 In India
ya~a and yak~i as eaters of human flesh existed long before
Buddhism. The Lord Buddha himself converted the yak~i Hariti.
In the Jataka more conversions are to be found, and of these the
Sutasoma Jataka has been of particular importance in Southeast
Asia as was demonstrated by the late Heine-Geldern. 13 Recently,
Kraisri Nimminahaeminda has explained how the ancestral and
11) In our interpretation of this act it seems unjustified to attempt further
conclusions since the sculpture is only a section and we are, therefore, not
permitted to see as yet a possible sequence. In view of the magnitude of
this mountainous Khmer sanctuary and the 'grandeur' of its setting on the
lava strewn Panom Rung, we may hope for a reconstruction as in Pimai.
12) See 'cannibalism' in Hastings, J., Encyclopaedia of Relig1'on and Ethics
Edinburgh 1910 pp 194-208.
13) Heine-Geldern R., Eine Sze11e aus dem Sutasoma-Jataka auf llinter-imlischen
tmcl imlonesischen Schwertgriffen Ipek (Jahrbuch fur pdihistorische und
ethnographische Kunst) 1925 pp 198-238. Ensink, J., On the old Javcmes~
cantakc1parwa and its 'f'<lle of Satosoma The Hague 1967. The description of
Puru~ada on page 21 : 'The hairs on the body on this son were iron needles
...• ' reminds us of the image of Prall Bua Kem ( vmti1L;1J) from Thailand.
This image is of wood, black lacquered and gilt. It shows a Burmese type
of a seated Buddha(?) with a lotus leaf on his head, raised on a stem along
the back from a simple pedestal on which one or more fishes are usually
seen. We have noticed images that show also long, thin iron needles sticking
from the shoulders (and also all over the body) like tattoo needles. Ac-
cording to tradition the PTtd!- Bua Kem (the Lotus Buddha with needles) is
worshipped when placed in the centre of a bowl with water, symbolizing a
lotus pond. The images are venerated also for their sacred power or sahit
( fi'n~ii\1 ;). On the basis of the Sutasoma texts it seems justified to interpret
the Prah Bua Kem images either as the converted man-eating. ogre
Purusad; or as a product-figure, combining the Bodhisattva Sutasoma with
the ;onverted yak~a Puru~ada or Porisada. The conversion of Puru~ada is
told in the Mahii-Sutasoma-Jataka number 537.
202 J.J. Boeles

guardian spirits of Cbiengmai, Pu Saeb (yui'(t) and Ya Saeh (thtti'(t)

and their sons-originally called yak (giants)-at one time took great
delight in consuming human.flesh and were converted by Lord Buddha.
Their connection with the buffalo sacrifice still being made in some
places in North Thailand opens a new avenue for research. 14 In
Thailand naughty children who do not obey orders to go to bed are
still often warned by servants that they better come inside the house
quickly and go to sleep, as.otherwise in the darkness the yak~i will
come to eat them. And young flesh tastes so sweet ! In general, the
Thai believe that all Yak are basically eaters of human flesh yak kin
kon (tifl~nu11u).

In Indonesia the ancient legend of the conversion of the Y ak~i

Harili and her husband Pancika or Atavaka (Alavika) identified also
as Kuvera, is represented on ChaQ<;li Mendut in Central Java (situated
not far from the Barabu9ur) as early as the beginning of the 9th
century. Hariti is portrayed on the north wall of the an tech amber
and Pancika or Atavaka on the south wall of the antechamber
that leads to the inner sanctum of this Buddhist monument dedicated
to the mahayana-see figures 6 & 7. Hariti is in the aspect of a
protector of children but her original character as yak~i is hardly
recognizable. The relief shows many small children playing around
her and one child is on her lap. Her husband Pancika is seen also
with many young children playing around him, but his yak~a character
is preserved in his long curly hair. He is here also the God of Riches
as shown by the money bags or pots in front of his seat.l5 Thus, at
14) Kraisri Nimmanabaeminda, 'The Lawa Guardian Spirits of Cbiengmai'
.Joumal of The Siam Society vol 55 pt 2 pp '!85-225.
15) A complete description and interpretation of this tutelary couple on Chal}gi
Mendut bas been given by Lulius van Goor, op. cit. pp 325-48.
Her identification of the figure-by Krom also interpreted as Kuvera-as the
yak~a A!avaka or Alavika, rests on her reading of Peri's fundamental
treatment of the tutelary couple: 'Hariti La Mere-de-Demons' op. cit.
The reading of this source, in the author's opinion, leaves sufficient evidence
that would justify an identification of this yalz~a figure with the money
bags as Piiiicika and, therefore, we shall continue to follow here our inter-
pretation of Peri's essay. We may not exclude, however, the possibility of
an identification as A ~avaka or Alavika or Kuvera. See Krom, op. cit. voll
pp 315; for a later discussion see Bernet Kempers, op. cit. pp 39, 40 & 116.
 Figure 6
Chaq.~iMendut (Java). Hariti on the north wall of the antechamber.
From A.J. Bernet Kempers, Ancient Indonesian A1·t plate 56.

Figure 7
Cha~~i Mendut (Java). The yak~a Paiicika or Atavaka on the south wall of the
antechamber. From A.J. Bernet Kempers, Ancie11t Indonesian A1·t plate 57.
 Figure 8
Men and Pan Brayut. Drawing by I. Dewa Njoman Moera. Height: 34.5 em. Batuan,
about 1927. From: Verrre naasten naderbij vol I no 3 page 18-19 fig 9. Courtesy
of the State Museum for Ethnology, Leiden,
 THE BUDDHIST TUTELARY COUPLE HARiTi & PANCIKA 205

once he is the protector of children and the guardian of wealth.

In any case, that these figures represent Hariti and her husband
Pancika as a tutelary couple and protectors of small children
has long been established with certainty. As such, a comparison with
the Hariti and Paficika representaions at Pimai is justified in a general
sense. Today in Indonesia, the tradition of the representation of this
tutelary couple, some thousand years after Cha1:1<;ii Mendut, is still
alive, though now known by Indonesian names, Men and Pan Brayut,
and specifically in Bali. The couple appears in a drawing of 1927-
see figure 8. The Indonesian development of the tutelary couple from
Char;~~i Mendut to Men and Pan Brayut is told in a recent study in
Dutch from which we also owe the above mentioned drawing.t6
The similarity to the tutelary couple at Pimai is evident. To
the left Men Brayut protects five male children, of which one is still
being suckled on the left breast. The long banging breasts show her
origin as a rak~asi but her hair ornaments show her as a devi. The
figure to the right, her husband Pan Brayut, protects also five male
children one of whom holds a flower in his right hand. Pan Brayut
betrays his origin as rak~asa by his large bulging eyes and his hairy
appearance. Is it a coincidence that two parrot-like birds are placed
above his head? One bird is sitting on a branch of a tree and the
other is flying hither. The tree itself grows, magically, from a gourd;
the tree is thought to be a symbol of fertility . 17 This may be the case
because the gourd in Southeast Asian folklore is often the origin of a
miraculous birth; the gourd-luk nam tao (~nJmi'1) may in that case
resemble the womb. The hilltribes of North Thailand use the gourd
as a water container. It is not surprising that the figures of Men and
Pan Brayut are here represented both as protectors of small children
and symbols of fertility.ts

16) J, Terwen-De Loos, 'Brajoet of het nieuwe leven' Verre naasten naderbij
voll no 3 pp 9-21 fig 9, 1967, Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden.
17) Ibid., p 20.
18) Men Brayut is also known to have a demonic aspect and as such is often
sculptured in wood-see ibid., fig 8; consideration of this aspect would bring
us outside the scope of our present subject.
 A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
AND ITS CONSEQUENCES
Epigraphic and Historical Studies, Number 1
by
A.B. Griswold & Prasert l)a Nagara

1. Prelude
In the late 13th century, under Ram Kamh?ng, the kingdom of
Sukhodaya reached its apogee, covering virtually all of Siam except
tbe states of Uln Na and Lavo, and controlling the Malay Peninsula
and Lower Burma as well. But after his death it dwindled rapidly;
and when his grandson Lidaiya Mahadharmaraja I (Lil Tai, Li Tai)l
came to the throne in '1347, very little was left of it beyond the
provinces of Sukhodaya, Sri Sajjana1aya and Bi~l}uloka. 2
Contrary to the opinion generally held until recently, J;-idaiya
was an able statesman and a competent soldier. 3 By attracting a
number of the vassals who bad broken away, and by subduing others,
he recovered a territory stretching from above Uttaratittha on the
north to Nagara Svarga on the south, from the valley of the Ping on
the west to that of the Sak on the east. 4 If his gains were modest
1) We retain the usual numbering, according to which ~idaiya was Mahadhar-
mariijndhiraja I. His father Lodaiya (La Tai) bore the title Dharmaraja
(Inscription JI).
2) In the present paper we have followed Mr. Coedes's example in Recueil
des inscriptions du Siam in using the Graphic System to transcribe loan-words
from Sanskrit or Pali, as well as any other words in which it seems desirable
to show the exact Siamese spelling. But as the Graphic System is admittedly
awkward for Siamese words of Tai origin, we have substituted more
familiar forms in many cases where the original spelling is of no particular
consequence for our present purposes. See Appendix pp. 35-36, Words
transcribed according to the Graphic System are printed in ordinary type
(or bold-face); whenever there seems to be any risk of confusion, words
transcribed phonetically are printed in italics the first few times they appear.
3) See Prasert 1}-a Nagara in SSR, June 1966, p. 44 f.; Griswold, Towards a
History of Sukhodaya Art pp. 30-42. For the bibliographical references, see
below, p. 243.
4) Inscription VIII, III/ 19 f. and IV /6 f. For the references to the inscriptions,
see p., sub verba 'Inscriptions'. Inscription VIII, long attributed
to I,.idaiya's son Mahadharmaraja n, really emanates from J;..idaiya himself.
See the correspondence between Prasert 9-a Nagara and Professor Coedes,
SSR, June 1966, p. 52.
lNOIAN OCEAN

GULF OF SIAM

Map 1
 A DT\CLAT\A'I'fON OF INDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES 209

compared with those of Ram Kamlzeng, they were nevertheless

impressive, for he was faced with a limiting factor which did not exist
in Rfim Kambeng's time: the territory south of Nagara Svarga now
belonged to so powerful a ruler that ~idaiya had to dismiss all hope
of recovering it. Instead he cultivated friendly relations with him.

This ruler was Ramadhipati (Prince 0 Tong), who founded the

kingdom of Ayudhya in the mid-14th century by amalgamating two
rich principalities. One, inherited from his father, was Lavo (Lopburi),
which had been an independent kingdom in Rfim Kamheng's time; the
other, inherited from his father-in-law, was Subar!).apuri, which had
been among Rfim Kamheng's vassal states but broke away after his
death. The combination gave Ayudhya control of everything south
of Nagara Svarga from the Burma frontier to that of Cambodia.

It is possible, but by no means certain, that Ramadhipati was

related to the Sukhodayan royal family. In any case he wanted to
have a free hand for conquests elsewhere, notably at the expense of
Cambodia; and as he could best do so by keeping on good terms with
~idaiya, it was in the interest of both to respect each other's frontiers. 5
But Ramadhipati's turbulent vassal-his brother-in-law Prince Vattitejo
of Subarqapuri- was of the contrary opinion, believing it essential to
get control of Sukhodaya before risking any other adventures. 6

5) A passage in an account by the Chinese merchant Wang Ta-yiian has often

been interpreted to mean that Lidaiya capitulated to Riimadhipati in 1349,
but as Professor Wolters has suggested, the passage more likely means that
the principalities of Subarl)apuri and Lavo (LojJburil were amalgamated in
that year to form the kingdom of Ayudhya (see SSR, June, 1966, 95 f.).
This is a much more satisfactory explanation; all our evidence indicates that
Sukhodaya remained independent until1378. For J;.idaiya's relations with
Riimadhipati, cf. Griswold, Towards a History of Sukhodaya A1·t, pp. 31,
32, 37-39,
6) Cf. O.W. Wolters in SSR, June 1966, p. 97 f. In the Siamese chronicles
Vattitejo is called Pa-ngua (not a personal name, but a term meaning he
was the fifth son of his father). For a discussion of this prince, see
Griswold and Prasert p.a Nagara, On Kingship and Society at Suk/zodaya, to
appear in the Felicitation Volume for Professor Lauriston Sharp, Cornell
University Pre$S.
210 A.B. Griswold & Prasert l)a Nagarn

Ramadbipati died in 1369, leaving his throne to his son Rame-

~vara, the Prince of Lopburi. The next year Vattitejo seized the
throne, sent Ramesvara back to Lopburz as governor, and embarked
on a policy of expansion toward the north.
Paramadijadhira:ja I, as Vattitejo is known to history, opened his
campaign against Sukbodaya in 1371 with a series of raids on various
cities. The next year, it seems, he captured Nagara Svarga; in 1373
be attacked Gamp'eng Pet (Katp.beii Bejra), but retired after inflicting
heavy losses on the defenders; in 1375 be captured Bi~f!.uloka; and in
1376 be again attacked Gamp'eng Pet, but retired after inflicting further
losses.7
By this time ~idaiya had died and been succeeded by his son
MaMidharmaraja IJ.S The exact date is not known, but it cannot have
been before 1368 or after 1374.

* * *
In 1378, upon receiving intelligence that Gamp&ng Pet was about
to be attacked for the third time, Mahadharmaraja II himself hastened
to the defense of the city; but though he fought bravely be could not
drive off the invader this time, and he was forced to submit. 9 In
accordance with the usual custom, Paramaraja did not depose him,
but made him swear allegiance and sent him back to rule Sukhodaya
as his vassal. By this means Paramaraja obtained suzerainty over a
kingdom he was unable to conquer by force arms.
It has generally been assumed that that was the end of Sukho-
daya as an independent kingdom, that the cities along the Ping fell
7) AA/LP, sub annis 733-36. {For this and other references, seep. 243). The
name of the place he captured in 1372 is given as Pang-kli (vt~nl)j for its
identification with Nagara Svarga, see Porii'olavatthusthiina p. 86; the
identification is almost certainly right, as Paramariija would have to have a
firm hold on Nagara Svarga before he could attack either Gamp~ng Pet
or Bi~quloka. The name of the place he attacked in 13 7 3 and again in 13 76
is given as Jiikati.rav ('lf1n".J<l1), a variant of Jakanrav ('lllmt':il1), mentioned
in Inscription VIII (IV /8 f.); generally believed to be the old name of
Gamj;?mg Pet.
8) Mahiidbarmariija Il's personal name is not known; cf. below, note 28,
9) AA/LP, sub mmo 740,
 A DECLAHATION OFlNil!CPENDENCE AND I'I'S CONSEQUENCES 211

under the direct rule of Ayudhyii, and that Mahadharmaraja II went

to reside at Bi~q.uloka, from where he reigned as a vassal of Ayudhya
over a much reduced domain.' 0 This opinion must now be revised.
It is true that he lost some of the cities on the Ping, but not true-as
we shall see in a moment-that Ayudhya was able to hold them very
long. The territory he ruled as a vassal was practically the same be
had ruled as an independent monarch. There is every reason to believe
that he continued to reside at Sukbodaya until his death. Though he
probably never renounced his oath of vassalage, the forces of freedom
were gathering strength.

The Governor of Gamp'eng Pet soon began plotting to shake

himself loose from Ayudhya, probably with the assistance of Lun Nfi.
If we may believe Jinakiilamiili, he bad been appointed to the gover-
norship by qdaiya, remained in office after Gamp'eng Pet fell to
Ayudhya, and later made a secret pact with Prince· Mahabrahma of
Chieng Rai.II We are not told the date, but the context shows it must
have been between 1380 and 1384.
In 1385 King Gil Nfi of LEin N a, who was Mahabrabma's bro-
ther, died and was succeeded by his son S'en Muang Ma. According to
the Chieng Mai Chronicle, Mahabrahma tried unsuccessfully to wrest
the throne from him, then fled to Ayudhya to ask for the help of King
Paramatraicak (i.e. Paramaraja), who thereupon invaded LanNa at his
instigation but was defeated at Lamp?mg.t2 The AA/LP-the Hlvail
Prasrot.h (Luang Pramt) Recension of the Annals of Ayudhya__:.
gives a slightly different version of the same campaign: in 1386
Paramaraja, having set out to conquer Chieng Mai, fails to take

10) Wood, History of Siam, p. 72. Bi~l!uloka, which was known to have been the
capital of Ayudhyii's S1.1khodayan provinces from the 1420's or 1430's on,
was assumed to have become such at the time of Mahadhannariija II's
capitulation in 1378.
11) Coedes, Docu/Jlents, p. 100 f.
12) Notton, III, p. 86 f. No date is given for this campaign, but it is
placed between the death of Gii Na and the investiture of Sen Miiang
Ma Ubi d. p. 88). The Chieng Mai Chronicle (ibid. p. 89) gives an impossible
date for the investiture (Culasakaraja 762 was not a got jai year), but says
it was within 6 months of Gii Na's death, which may \veil be right. We know
from Jinaltiilamiili that Gi.i Na died in 13 8 5.
212 A.B. Griswold & Prasert t:a Nagara

Lampflng by force but receives the homage of its governor, and then
returns home.t3 Apparently his purpose was not so much to hold
any Uln Na territory permanently as to neutralize the threat to his
possessions on the Ping; but even in the latter he was not very suc-
cessful.
Later on, says the Chieng Mai Chronicle, Mahabrahma, having
fallen into disgrace by making love to Paramatraidik's wife, was
sent home under escort. Paramatraicak thereupon transferred his
support to Sen Miiang Ma, and made an alliance with him against
Sukhodaya. The two allies, it seems, intended to make a concerted
attack from the north and the south. Sen Milang Ma invaded from
the north and camped outside the city of Sukhodaya, waiting, we may
suppose, for Paramadija who failed to appear. While Sen Mtiang
Ma was hesitating whether or not to attack, the King of Sukhodaya
(i.e. Mahadharmaraja II) fell upon him and routed his forces.l 4 This
was a stroke of luck for Sukhodaya. If, as seems likely, Mahadharma-
raja II felt bound by his vassal's oath not to take any action against
Paramaraja, he was under no such restraint toward Sen MUang Ma.
By defeating Sen Miiang Ma before Paramadija appeared on the scene,
he effectively freed himself from any serious interference by Parama-
raj[.I5 No date is given, but it must have been either 1387 or 1388.
In all probability it was the revolt of Gampeng Pet that
prevented Paramaraja from moving on Sukhodaya as planned. In
1388 he attacked Gampeng Pet, but he was taken ill during the
campaign and died on his way home,I6 Although the general opinion
thinks of him as a great conqueror, it is clear that his attempts to
pacify the kingdom of Sukhodaya ended in frustration.
His reverses seem to have discredited the house of Subar11apuri
and prepared the way for its partial eclipse. A few days after his

13) AA/LP sub anno 748. For the date, cf. note 12.
14) Notton, op. cit. p. 89.
15) The Yonaka History's version of these events portrays the King of
Sukhodaya's behavior as both treacherous and idiotic (Yonaka History,
p. 205; translation at Notton, of'· cit. p. 89 note 1).
16) AA/LP :mbannn 750,
 A DECL,\HATION OF INDEPENlmNCE ANillT:O GONSF.(JlJI\NCES 213

death the throne of Ayudhya was seized from his young son by the
ex-king Ramesvara, who swooped down on the capital from Lopburi
and put the boy to death.l 7 The AA/LP tells us nothing about
the events of Ramesvara's second reign (1388-95), and the other
versions of the Annals of Ayudbya are scarcely more informative. Is
The extreme reticence of the Annals suggests that Ayudhya was on the
verge of civil war. The feud between the two houses had become the
cardinal fact of Ayudhyan political life, which was doubtless why
Ramesvara thought it necessary to kill Paramaraja's young heir instead
of relegating him to a governorship.
While the house of Ramadhipati bad regained the upper hand,
the house of Subarq.apuri not only remained powerful in its own
province but doubtless also had a large body of loyal supporters at
the capital with whom Ramesvara would have to reckon. In such
circumstances any concerted action against Sukhodaya was out of the
question. Riimesvara would need Sukhodaya's good will in order to
survive; it is clear that, by force of circumstances and very likely by
inclination as well, he abandoned Paramaraja's aim of crushing
Sukhodaya and reverted to Ramadhipati's policy of friendship; but it is
not clear just how far he went. He would have to proceed with caution;
to relinquish all claim of suzerainty over Sukhodaya might be just as
disastrous to him as the frustrations of the military campaign had
been to the rival house.

* ;f:·
*
We can get some idea of the situation of Sukhodaya in 1390
from an inscription commemorating the founding of a monastery
called the Asokarama in 1399 by the widow of Mahadharmaraja II,
17) Ibid.
18) The Royal Autograph Edition of the Annals attributes campaigns against
Chieng Mai and Cambodia to Riiroesvara, but the AA/LP says nothing
about them. The campaign against Cambodia may be real; but Mr Wood
considers the passage regarding the campaign against Chieng Mai as spurious
(History of Siam, p. 76 note 2).
214 A.B. Griswold & Prasert ~m Nagara

who had apparently died severaL months before.I9 Face I, which is in

Siamese, seems to have been composed by the donor herself; Face
II, in Pali, was drafted on her behalf by her younger brother, the
Kavirajapat}qita SriDharmatrailoka. 20 Her name was Tilakaratanaor
Trailokaratna: in the Asokarama Inscription (I/3 f.) she is called
Saqltec Bra~ Rajadebi Sri Cu!alak~a11a Arrgaraja ( mahesi '?)
Debadho ra (qi) .•. karatna,2l while in Inscription XL VI (1/3) she is
called Sa111tec Bral;l Rajajanani Sri Dharmara:jamata Mahatilakara tana
Rajanartha. As we shall see (p. 220), she was a daughter of J-.idaiya,
and consequently a half-sister of her husband Mahadharmaraja II.
By him she had two sons. One was Mahadharmaraja III, who acceded
upon his father's death; the other was a prince named Asoka, of
whom we know nothing.22
The Pali face is in part retrospective. A mutilated passage
(II/5 f.) seems to say that in 1368, at the age of sixteen, Maha-
dharmaraja II completed his education, and that when he was 38
years old- which would therefore be 1390- his kingdom was great
in extent and free from danger.23 Then comes a list of its boundaries
(II/10 f.), which shows Mahadharmaraja II in possession of all the
territory that belonged to pdaiya at the height of his career except
Nagara Svarga.24

19) See A.B. Griswold and Prasert !).a Nagara, The Asokcn·ama Iuscr·ijJtion of :L.'J.'J!I,
to appear in JSS.
20) The last line of the Pali face says it was composed by Sri Dhammatra iloku
Kavirajapal)~ita. He was a monk, who also appears in Inscription IX
(1406 A.D.) under the name Pii Dharmatrailoka (III/10), and again in
Inscription XLIX (1418 A.D.) under the name Mahathera Dharmatrailoka,
etc. (l/7 f.), where we learn that he was her younger brother.
21) The editor of the inscription, Mr. Prasara Puiipragbn, restores this part or
the name as Lokaratna (S'ilpakara, VIII/2, p. 61).
22) They are named in the Asokiirama Inscription (II/20 f.).
23) See Griswold and Prasert, The Asok'fwama Inscription of 1399, op. cit.
24) Ibid. The list even includes '':fiikapura', i.e. Old l)ak ( mn ), which Su,
khodaya had apparently lost in the 1330's and did not regain until around
13 7 3; see Griswold, 'l'owards a IIistory of Sukhodaya Art, p. 41.
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216 A.B. Griswold & Praserlt)a Nagara

Why does the author of the inscription pick out the moment
when Mahadharmaraja II was 38 years old to allude to the happy
condition of his kingdom and to define its limits? It must be either
because its condition had been less happy just before, or else because
the kingdom had been less extensive. The date, as we have
suggested, was probably 1390, which would be two years after
Paramaraja's death and Ramesvara's second accession. As it seems
unlikely that Mabadharmaraja II's kingdom had expanded apprecia-
bly during the interval, we must look for something else that might
make 1390 a notable year in his reign. The text contains no hint that
be was a vassal ruler; he is called (1/5) Saqttec Mahadbarmadijiidhi-
raja, a title which up to that time seems to have been reserved for
a sovereign monarch with vassals of his own. Perhaps Ramesvara,
who was probably related to him by blood or by marriage, granted
him permission to resume this title in 1390, in exchange for a nominal
acknowledgment of his overlordship, together with some help in the
feud with the house of Suban~apuri.

*
Inscription XLV records a treaty made in 139 3 bet ween
Sukhodaya and Ncm, in which both parties seem to be acting as
sovereign states. Nan had been a vassal of Sukhodaya in R£hn
Kamh€mg's time, and a loyal ally ever since !-idaiya's. Like Sukho-
daya, Nfln had suffered from Ayudhyan aggression. A prince of N::1n
had been murdered in 1361 by a person described as 'Khun Inda of
the southern country' (Vt~UYilL~1lJ 1~), who was probably a member
of the Subarp.apuri faction. 25 Pa Gong (riln1lJ), the son and successor
of the murdered prince, helped Mahadharmaraja II in 1376 to defend
25) Nan Chronicle, sub anna 725. Note that the dates in this part of the
chronicle, as expressed in Cu!asakaraja, (CS), have to be reduced by two
years in order to correspond to those given in terms of the twelve-year
cycle; in converting to the Christian Era we have made the neces;;ary
deduction. Cf. The Nan Chronicle (English translation), p. 16 note b. For
lhe treaty, sec Griswold and Prasert na Nagara, 1'/ze ['act between Su!dwd<tycz
a!_Jd Nau, to appear in JSS. This is the same treaty referred to in Griswold,
Towards a History of Sukhodaya Art, p., where the date is wrongly given as
1392. The correct date, as calculated by Mr Roger Billard of the Ecole
Fran~aise d'Extreme-Orient, is Thursday, 2 7 February, 139 3 A.D. (Julian).
 A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEQUF.NCES 217

Gampeng Pet against Paramarilja, who inflicted heavy losses on the

Nan troops. 26 Pa Go1zg died in 1386 and was succeeded by his son
Kam pan (~lfluH, r. 1386-96). 27 Kam .pan is evidently the person
subscribing to the treaty on behalf of Nan, though he is not named
in it but called 'the Brana who is the grandfather' (I/3, 'WTqJlc.Jtl).
~ ~

The person who subscribes to it on behalf of Sukhodaya is called

~ .
'the grandson' (I/8, NV111'U, for ~VIt'IHL), The text opens with lists of
the ancestors of the ruling houses of the two states (I/l-11); neither
list contains the name of any living person; the ancestral spirits are
being called on to witness the treaty and to impose sanctions if either
side should break it. Then come lists of the tutelary spirits dwelling
in both states, who are also being called on as witnesses. Unfortunately
a good deal of the text is lost, so it is not clear what the two parties are
contracting to do, other than to observe certain rules in the conduct
of routine affairs which hardly seem important enough to warrant
such an impressive list of witnesses.

* *
Inscription LXIV, discovered at Wat Chcmg Kam at Nan,
should help us to understand what the real purport of the 1393 treaty
was, for it seems to be the counterpart of Inscription XLV. It looks
like a close military alliance, in which each party promises to come
to the other's aid in case of need (I/11-19). The ruler of Niln is
called 'Grandfather the Prince Brafia' (J/9, llwnum!UL'\11 ), while the
•
person subscribing to the treaty on behalf of Sukhodaya speaks in the
first person: 'I who am named Brafia pdaiya' (I/9, ~~iW1tlJ1IJlLYm),
and 'I the grandson' (II/1, nNvH'l1'U). Of course this Brana pdaiya is
••
not Mahadharmaraja I, who had died many years before; it must be
either the reigning King of Sukhodaya or someone acting on his
behalf. It is almost certain that Mahadharmaraja II was King of
Sukhodaya in 1392; but he may have felt himself still bound by his
oath of vassalage to Ayudhya, and therefore unable to subscribe to
- - - - - - - - ..·--·-----------·----·-
26) AA/LP, sub anno CS 738.
27) Nitn Chronicle, sub mmis 750-760,
218 A.B. Griswold & Prasert !la Nngarn

the treaty; if so, he might voluntarily step aside by entering the

monkhood for a few months, naming his son as regent. It would
therefore be Mahactharmadija II's son-whose personal name, as we
shall see (p. 229), was Sai pdaiya (Sai Lu Tai)-who is called 'the
grandson' in both texts.2 8 Apparently the 'grandfather' had never
taken the oath of vassalage, and so could subscribe to the treaty
without hesitation.
'Grandfather' and 'grandson' should not be taken literally.
Probably Mahadharmaraja Il's mother, one of pdaiya's queens, was
a sister of Kam Dun,
/
which would make Kam Dan I
a paternal
grand-uncle of Sai pdaiya.

The military clauses of the treaty might not need to be invoked

as long as the friendly Ramesvara was King of Ayudhya, but he died
in 1395. He was succeeded by his son Ramadtjadhiraja (r. 1395-1409),
regarding whom the Annals of Ayudhya are almost as reticent as
they were about Ramesvara. It is clear, however, that Ramaraja
was not so firm a friend of Sukhodaya. If, as seems likely, he was
not a man of strong personality, he may have been forced or tricked
by the house of Subarl}apuri into taking certain actions against his
will.
In 1396, the Nan Chronicle tells us, 'a southern Brana named
Khun Hlvan (Kun Luang)' arrived at Nan to perform the abhi~eka on
Prince Kam J?an.29 Coming as it does the year after Ramara:ja's
accession, this sounds like a reassertion of Ayudhyan suzerainty
which Ramesvara had allowed to lapse. The 'southern Brafiii' must
have been an envoy sent by Ramaraja or by some member of the
Subarqapuri faction pretending to act on his behalf.
28) Alternatively we might suppose that Mahadharmaraja II had died before
1392 and that Mahadharmariija III (Sai ~idaiya) was already on the throne;
but the tenor of the Asokarama Inscription of 1399 suggests that Mahli·
dharmarajii II had died only a few months earlier. The commonly held belief
that Sai ~idaiya was Mahadharmarii ja II is wrong; see pp. 220-1. Mahadharma-
rajii II's personal name is unknown.
29) Nan Chronicle, sub mmo 760,
 A DECI.AHATION OF INDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEC)UENCES 219

Whoever be was, he murdered Kam pan by pouring poisoned

lustral water on his head, and then escaped in the confusion. Kam
Qan's son and successor, Sri Caudal), ruled for less than a year, when
Prince Thera of Pre invaded Nfin, put him to death, and seized the
throne for himself, while the rightful heir, a brother of Sri Candal)
named Hung, fled to Chalieng.3o
Hung's purpose was to get help from Sukhodaya, evidently in
accordance with the military clauses of the treaty of 1393. The town
of Chalieng adjoined Sri Sajjanalaya, which was the second city of the
kingdom and usually ruled by the Upad'ija, in this case probably Sai
Lil Tai himself. Having raised an army at Chalieng, Hung returned
to Nan in 1398 and recaptured the city. 3 1 The dynasty thus restored
with Sukhodayan help ruled Nan for the next half century.n

* * *
Inscription XXXVIII, discovered in 1930 near the center of the
city of Sukhodaya, records a visit of the King of Ayudhya in 1397, and
an edict issued by him on that occasion, dealing with fugitive slaves,
abductions, robberies, and other matters. 33 This king, of course, is
-·---·-------
30) Ibid,
31) Ibid., sub anna 762. By this time Thera had died and been succeeded by his
brother Un Miiang. Hung took Un Mi.iang prisoner and sent him as a present
to 'the sowthern Brarm,' in whose custody he remained until his death ten
years later. Presumably in this case 'the southern Braifa' means either the
King of Sukhodaya or the Upariija.
32) Ibid., sub annis 762-812. In 1432 Sukhodaya was again called upon to
intervene, when the ruling prince, Indaklln, was ousted by his two brothers.
Indak~m was restored with the help of an army raised at Chalieng. He reigned
until 1448, when Niin was captured by Tilokaraja of Llin Na, whereupon
Indaken and his family took refuge at Chalieng.
3 3) See Griswold and Prasert, A Law Promulgated by the King of Ayuclhya in1.'3.97
A.D., to appear in JSS. Note that the date of the inscription is wrongly given in
the printed edition (Prajum, III, p. 26). An examination of the stone itself
shows that the Sakaraja year at I/1 is completely illegible, so there is no
justification for reading the last digit as S; and the Tai name of the day is
,dl + JO!I +
lJ~LVIlJl, not Wi1.:1LlJ1. The other elements of the date are correctly given.
The only year which would satisfy all the conditions is Cula:Sakariija 759,
i.e. 1397 A.D.
220 A.B. Griswold & Prasert tta Nagara

Ramaraja. In the inscription he calls himself Saq.1tec Pabitra

Maharajaputra ....... raja Sri Paramacakrabartiraja, 'H.M. the King,
royal son [i.e. of Ramesvara, whom he had succeeded less than two
years before], ....... raja, thes upreme Cakravartin King.'. The mutilated
name should probably be restored as Ramad'ijadhiraja. The style
is reminiscent of Ramadhipati's, who in promulgating the Law on
Abduction in 1356 called himself Satptec Bral:t Cau Ramadhipati
Sri Paramacakravartirajadhiraja Paramapavitra. 3 4

The purpose of the edict, in addition to promulgating the

law, was to reassert Ayudhyan authority over Sukhodaya, just as
in the previous year it had been reasserted over Nan in a far more
drastic manner. In the edict the Sukhodayan provinces are treated
almost as if they were an integral part of the kingdom of Ayudhya.
The provisions of the edict were reasonable enough; but so
conspicuous an exercise of Ramaraja's authority was hardly calculated
to please the Sukhodayan royal family.

* *
Mahadharmaraja Ill (Sai pdaiya) succeeded to the throne upon
his father's death, probably c. 1398. The Queen Mother, in her inscrip-
tion recording her construction of the Asokfit'iima in 1399, asks that
the merit accruing from her work be distributed to her father,
to her mother, to her husband Mahadharmarajadhiraja, to her
husband's mother, etc., etc. 35 She does not mention her husband's
father as such, as he was also her own father whom she has just
34) Lingat, L'esclavage prive dans le vieu.r. droit siamois, Paris, 1931, p. 360.
Tt is possible that RamiTdhipati and his heirs took the title cakravarti from
the old kings of Lavo; cf. Jinakilamlili (Coedes, Documents, op. cit. p. 7 5 ),
in which Cammadevi's father, the King of Lavapura (Lavo), is called
Cakkavatti. The element parama was perhaps more characteristic of
Subar~1apurr.

35) Griswold and Prasert, The Asokar'iima Inscription of 1899, T/38 f., 1/61 f.,
JI~66 f., II/71 f.
 A DECJ.AHATION Of<' !NJJEPENDENC!o: AND lTS CONSEQUENCES 221

included, referring to him as 'His Majesty the Grandfather Brai'ia, my

. .
father' (1/38, ~lL~<ati'l'l'dtyl'l'l!l!ln), i.e. Lidaiya. 36

2. The Declaration of Independence

Inscription XLVI was discovered in 1956 in the ruins of the

Bicitrakirtikalyarama (Map 3, No. 29) by Mr Chin Yu-di of the
Department of Fine Arts. It is now in the Manuscript and Inscription
Division of the National Library at Bangkok.
The stone is a slab of greenish schist 68 em. wide, 6 em. thick,
and, in its present broken condition, 72 em. high. It is agee-shaped
at the top, and edged with an engraved decoration of rosettes and
beading (fig. 1). The text is engraved on one face only. The survi-
ving portion consists of two lines of Pali verse (anutthubha) written
in Khmer characters, and 15 lines of Siamese written in Sukhodaya
characters. It has been edited by Maha Cham Dongal}lvar'}a (Prajum,
III, p. 70 f.).
The nominal object of the inscription is to commemorate the
founding of the Bicitrakirtikalyarama by the Queen Mother in 1403.
In addition it records Sukhodaya's Declaration of Independence
in 1400.

TEXT
1. buddhatit pathamakari1 vande dhammaril vande dutiyakari1
sathgbarh tatiyakam vande acariyai'icatutthakam

2. ratanattayarh namassitva sirasa januyuggale

antarayampi ghatattham sabbasatrii vinasatu

36) Cf. Inscription IX, which refers to l,.idaiya as 'Mahadharmmaraja the Grand-
father' (I/15, I/28, I/30, II/3, :WV!l1'i'HI:Wil'll'1 NU) in contrast to the reigning
u •
monarch, 'Mahadharmmarajadhiraja the Grandson' ( III/8, lJV111'i'i'l:Wil'lf1
imr NV1('11U) •
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226 A.B. Griswold & Prasert {Ia Nagara
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'ff11l u ~A' '.i lJ '111
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(i wn ) .................. wb b 3Jfl~hln'ff~':ilJJflfl

TRANSLATION
[In Pali :] I salute the Buddha first, the Dhamma second, the
Sangha third, and my teacher fourth, bowing with head and knees
before the Triple Gem to dispel danger. May all my enemies be
destroyed!
[In Siamese:] In Sakaraja 762, year of the Dragon 37 , Satl)tec
Bral;l Rajajanani Sri Dharmarajamata Mahatilakara!anarajanartha, the
Queen Mother, and Saqltec Mahadharrmadijadhipati Sri Suriyavansa
her son, strong to subjugate [their foes], bold and intrepid, led the
army forth to fight and marched over the territories of numerous rulers.
[The son] has succeeded to the enjoyment of supreme sovereignty as
King 38 of the land of Sri Sajanalai-Sukhodaiya. Jointly they destroyed
the host of their enemies, 3 9 extending the royal frontiers .......... to take
lJlJ 1'"both mean 'year of the Dragon'.
37) niiganak§atra and "'I The date is
equivalent to 1400 A.D.
38) dav bral}na mahaksatr(iya).
39) This passage might lead us to think that the King was still a minor and the
Queen Mother was acting as his regent; and we might get the same impression
from Inscription IX, III/8, dealing with the events of 1406 (cf. Wood,
History of Siam, p. 61; Coedes, Recueil des inscriptions du Siam, I, p. 9). In
fact he was already a grown man (see p. 229). It seems to have been
the custom for a Queen Mother, no matter what the King's age might be, to
take an active part in affairs of state. In 1449, for example, when Tilokariija
of LCm Na was 40 years old, his mother participated with him in a military
campaign against Nc1n and Pre (see Notton, III, p. 110 f.; we take the
dates from Jinakalamili). Again King Muang Geo of Ltm Na, born in 1482
(r. 1495-1525), acted jointly with the Queen Mother in numerous works of
merit when he was 3 3 years old or more (e.~. Coedlls Documents, pn, 130
132). 1 . V I
 II. I>I•:CLAHATION OJ.IINDEl'Jo:NfJENCU: AND ITS CONSEQUENCES 227

in Bra~ Pah 40 with its hundred and twenty thousand lakes and streams,
and Phre4t ......
Then the Queen Mother resolved to invite Sarptec Bra~ Maha
Sri Kirti, the leader of the throng of monks who have recently taken
the vow to attain Buddhahood, 42 to come from his permanent abode,
namely Bajrapuri Sri KatJ?.ben Bejra, 43 in order to found the good
monastery named Sri Bicitrakirtikalyadima as a place where all
worthy noblefolk shall perform afijali, obeisance, namaskara and
salutation.
Later on, in Sakadija 765, year of the Goat,44 the days and
months having revolved to the eighth day of the waxing moon
of the first month, Thursday, the auspicious day and time, in the
afternoon when the shadow of the gnomon marked exactly six padas,
Sa.rptec Bra\1 Sri Dharrmariijamata Mahatilakaratanaraja, the Queen
Mother, planted the lord of trees, the Sri MaMibodhi ................ 766,
year of the Monkey .................... 45

* *
The object of the campaign against Pre may have been to end
a recurrent threat to N2m. Inscription LXIV (I/ 13) implies that Pre
was a dependency of Nan in 1393, but four years later Prince Thera
of Pre temporarily reversed the relationship; Sukhodaya was now
doubtless restoring it after a period when the two states were
separate.
40) Pm Bting, i.e. Nagara Svarga.
41) um, for LLVfi, P1·e.
42) Bnddhiitkura, 'a sprouting ;Buddha', means a person who has taken the vow
to become a Buddha in some future life; tarup.a, 'fresh', must imply that
the vow was recently taken.
43) i.e. Gampeng Pet.
44) A.D. 1403.
"I
45) makkatanak~atra and li1Eln both mean 'year of the monkey'. The date is
equivalent to A.D. 1404. As the rest of the inscription is missing, we cannot
tell what happened in that year. Apparently the dedication ceremony of
the Bicitralcirtikalyariima was held in 1403.
228 A.B. Griswold & Prascrt 1,1a Nagara

Nagara Svarga (Pra Bang), at the junction of the Ping and the
Nan, was the key to Sukhodayan riverine communications. As long
as the King of Ayudhya held it, Sukhodaya's effective independence
rested on his good will or his extreme weakness. Inscription XLVI
shows that the Queen Mother and Mahadharmaraja III-who evidently
did not consider himself bound by his father's oath -took it from
Ayudhya by force of arms, not by receiving it as a friendly concession
from Ramaraja. Ramesvara, as we have guessed, had been friendly
to Sukhodaya partly because of good will and partly because his feud
with Subarq.apuri made any other course impossible. Ramaraja, of
whose reign the Annals of Ayudhya teH us nothing except the
circumstances of its termination, was either unwilling or unable to
show the same friendliness. Probably the house of Subarpapuri,
having begun to emerge from its eclipse and to gather strength during
the later years of Ramesvara's reign, was able to keep Ramaraja
under fairly strict control, but unable to seize the throne from him
without risking civil war. However that may be, the extreme weak-
ness of Ayudhya caused by the feud gave Mahadharmaraja III and his
mother a chance to get a key city and bastion that would be indis-
pensable if Sukhodaya was to have any hope of protecting itself in
future against a stronger Ayudhyan monarch.
But they were not content to commit open aggression by seizing
a province which had long been in tbe possession of Ayudhya-and
more particularly of Subar!]apuri. Mahadharmadija HI, his mother
declares, 'succeeded to the enjoyment of supreme sovereignty' (maha-
mahaisvariya agaraja, 1/6), which can only mean that he threw off the
ties of vassalage. If Ramaraja angered them by his visit in 1397
when he asserted something more than nominal overlordsbip, the
remedy was to break off all ties with him and make Sukhodaya in-
dependent in name as well as in fact. But it was a rash move.

Mahadharmaraja IU now assumed a further commitment. He

intervened in the affairs of Lcm Na, whose ruler Sen Miiang Ma died in
1401, leaving two sons by different mothers. The younger son, Sam
 A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSILQUENCES 229

FElng Gen, succeeded to the throne, which exasperated the elder son,
Yl Gum Gam. According to the Chieng Mai Chronicle, Y£ Gum Gam,
after an unsuccessful attempt to seize the throne, went to Sukhodaya
to get help from Pray aSai Lii, i.e. Mahadharmadi:ja III. 4 6 The latter
then invaded U\n Na in order to put him on the throne. After some
initial successes he saw an evil omen and decided to retire, taking
Yi Gum Gam with him. When they reached Sukhodaya he gave Yi
Gum Gam a town as an apanage, where Yi Gum Gam eventually
died.47
The last glimpse we have of Mahadharmaraja III as an inde-
pendent monarch is in Inscription IX, in which he is presiding, jointly
with the Queen Mother, over an assembly of counselors and promi-
nent members of the Sangha held in 1406 to investigate charges
brought by two monks against the Mahathera Mangalavilasa, Abbot
of the KalyaiJ.avana Monastery (III/8 f.).

3. The Consequences
The audacity of Mahadhannaraja III and his mother in 1400
started a chain of events in the kingdom of Ayudhya which even-
tually proved disastrous to them. The loss of Nagara Svarga, follow-
ed by Sukhodaya's Declaration of Independence, must have been
deeply humiliating to both factions; the ruling house of Ayudhya
would be held responsible, and the Subarpapuri faction would be
46) Notton, III, pp. 92-95. The Yonaka History, in recounting the same events,
calls him Sai Lii Tai. It has commonly been believed that Sai Lil Tai was
Mahadhannari.ija II (cf. Wood, llistury of Siam, p. 61 ); but the dates will not
do. Sai Lii or Sai Lii Tai can only have been Mahadharmariija III, who calls
himself Brana 1:-idaiya (Praya Lii Tai) in Inscription LXIV (see p. 217; also
Prasert lJ.R Nagara, Social Science Review, June 1966, 44 f., 47 f.).
47) Notton, III, pp. 93-95. The Chieng Mai Chronicle (ibid., p. 95) gives the
name of the apanage as Miiaizg Suak; the Yonaka History calls it Miiang Sak
Yom.
( 'if1n) and says it was on a river of the same name, un affluent of the
A ,_, (

The !11JVI1'll'Jl1~f1, according to a manuscript in the National Library con-

sulted by Prasert !}a Nagara, says it was at Jagrav ( 'Jl'lfl111 ). Is this a
scribal error for Jakanrav ( 'Jlln1flTl ), which is generally identified as
Gamj>"elzg Pet (cf. page 4 note 7)?
230 A.B. Griswold & Prasert I) a Nagnra

emboldened. Nevertheless nine years passed before the house of

Suban;tapuri actually regained the throne.
The Annals of Ayudhya, after their long silence, give us a terse
account of the events of 1409, when Ramara:ja 'became incensed with
his chief minister (mahasenapati) and tried to arrest him.' We are not
told who the minister was, but we may guess that the Subar1;1apuri
faction had forced him on Ramaraja with the intention of tightening
their control over him still further. The minister, according to the ., _j
Annals, escaped across the river to Pada Gii Cam (ll~l~11Ul), and sent
a message to the Prince of Subarl_1apuri, Indara:ja, inviting him to take
the throne of Ayudhya. The minister's forces then seized the capital,
and Indaraja mounted the throne.4s
Indariija (r. 1409-24) was a nephew of Paramaraja I. It is not
difficult to imagine how he had felt about the events of 1400. Almost
the first order of business after he became King of Ayudhya was to
put an end to Sukhodaya's independence. This he did within three
years after his accession, but we do not know how or exactly when.
The Annals of Ayudhya give us no hint; but we know from Inscrip·
tion XLIX that Mahlidharmaraja III had been already reduced to vas-
salage by 1412.

Inscription XLIX, now in the Sukhodaya Museum, was discov-

ered by the Department of Fine Arts in 1955 in the ruins of Vat
Sarasakti (Map 3, No. 12), near the northwest corner of the pond
called Tratban So. The text is engraved on one face only of a stone
slab 1.38 m. tall and 1.03 m. wide. The top of the slab is ogee-shaped,
and the sides curve inward before reversing themselves to form the
necks of nagas whose heads are now brokenoff (Fig. 2). The edge
of the stone is richly engraved with the serpentine bodies, covered for
48) AA/LP, sub anno CS 771. Ramaraja was not executed, but given Pada.Gu
Cam as an apanage. The location of Pad~ Gii Cam is not known, but it
sounds as if it were somewhere between Ayudhya and Subarl)apuri,
doubtless in a plnce where the deposed monarch could be kept under strict
surveillance.
 A llEC:LAHATION OF INDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEC)UENCES 2 31

the most part with multiserial dorsal scales, but with the uniserial
ventral scales glimpsed in a narrower band; the serpents' spines bristle
with tongues of flame, and their necks are hung with foliage. The
bottom of the stone is engraved with lotus petals and decorative
motifs. The text is unusually clearly written, and, except for a few
lacunae, it is complete. It consists of 35 lines of Siamese, written in
Sukhodaya characters. It has been edited by Maha Chiirp. Doriga~p.­
var!)a ( Prajum, III, 82 f.).

Aside from No. XXXVIII, which itself doubtless caused resent-

ment ( p. 13 ), this is the first stone inscription from Sukhodaya
emanating from anyone other than a member of the Sukhodayan royal
family or a monk. It is also one of the largest and most splendidly
executed of all.

The author, who calls himself 'a certain gentleman named Nay
Inda Sarasakti,' 49 -or Soras1ik, as he writes the name-was almost
certainly the Ayudhyan Chief Resident, sent by Indara:ja to look after
his interests at Sukhodaya. 50 His references to the King of Sukhodaya,
while friendly enough, seem rather unceremonious in a formal docu-
ment. He speaks of him, in the first instance, as ~tWV11u1V~l~!HJn~11i"iilJ
•
71'11'1, 'the King Qk-ya Dharmadija' (l/5 ); and farther on as ~'lwn~~1,
'Cau Bral~ya' (I/8 ), vl~V11"wn, 'the King' (I/8 et passim), or some
combination of these terms. The old title Sa1]1tec Mabadharmaraj-
adhiraja, indicating a sovereign ruler with vassals of his own, has been
significantly truncated; and ok-yii here may have the specific meaning
of 'vassal ruler'.
The object of the inscription is to record the building of Vat
Sarasakti by Nay Inda Sarasakti with the help of the Mahathera
Dharmatrailoka, the younger brother of the Queen Mother whose
rashness was the indirect cause of Sukhodaya's downfall. The Queen
Mother is not mentioned. If she was not already dead, she had pre-

49) 'r1l~!!TUJ~U 1 tlfl'U~I:1EJ1t't"n (1/3). In transcribing the name we have regularized

•
the spelling to Sarasakti.
50) Sarasakti was an Ayudhyan title; Pra .lao Siia, King of Ayudhyii 1703-09,
W!lS Hlvari Sarasakti (J"uang S'iirasal~) before coming to the throne.
232 A.B. Griswold & Prasert !la Nagara

sumably gone into strict retirement. At least we cannot imagine her

on speaking terms with Nay Sarasakti.
Among other things, the inscription tells of a visit to Sukhodaya
made by the King of Ayudhya in 1417, accompanied by his mother
and his aunt (1/17 f.). The text calls him BraJ:t Paramarajadhipati
Sri Mahacakrabartiraja;si of course he is Indaraja, whose title is here
copied in part from his uncle Paramaraja and in part from his prede-
cessor Ramaraja. He and his mother did not stay long; but the
Princess Aunt spent several months at Sukhodaya, during which time,
to the great satisfaction of Nay Sarasakti, she visited his monastery
more than once.
Nay Sarasakti writes like a bureaucrat who wants to make sure
that everything is in order, so that no one can call into question the
excellence of his motives or the propriety of his actions. His flat and
repetitive style comes as an anti-climax after the headlong quality of
the Queen Mother's Declaration of Independence. Yet his faults as a
stylist are a virtue for the historian, for be tells us much that a brisk-
er writer would omit; and he unconsciously reveals something of his
own personality.
The text is characterized by several orthographical peculiari-
ties which are not usual in the inscriptions ofSukhodaya. The vowel
1 is used in place of 1. The 1~Lfln is often used to indicate the short
A which in modern times would be shown as ~ or omitted altogether
( e.g. ~' for 'iiZ, and lJ~1
' for lJ~l).

TEXT

51) Written Bra~ Porramarajiidipatti SirMabac!lkbattiriija.

A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES 233
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234 A.B. Griswold & Prasert 1?-a Nagara
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236 A.B. Griswold & Prasert t.m Nugara

TRANSLATION
May it be of good omen! At the beginning of Sakaraja 1334,
year of the Dragon, seven-seven-four Saka, Thursday the fifth day of
the waxing moon of the fifth month, in the year of the Dragon, fourth of
the decade, 52 a certain gentleman named Nay Inda Sarasakti, being
full of faith in the Buddhist religion, requested [title to] this piece of
land which he owned-measuring 45 fathoms on the east and west, and
39 fathoms on the north and south-from the King Ok-ya Dbarmaraja
who upholds the Traipitaka, saying that he intended to build a
monastery on it and transfer the merit to the King.s 3 Then the King
gave his consent to the said Nay Inda Sarasakti, who came and leveled
the ground off, making it nice and smooth. At that time a Mahathera
who was the King's mother's younger brother, named Mahathera
Dharmatrailoka ... iianadassi,s4 resident in the township of Tav
Khon, 55 came up to ask for news of his nephew the King. When he
arrived here it was the full-moon day of the sixth month. The King
received him and took him to stay at Vat Tral)kvans6 first. Then the
King gave an instruction to the Chief Sanghakari57 to go and tell Nay
Inda Sarasakti to arrange a good, suitable site [on the land in question]
and go and find some kutis to erect on it, as he intended to invite the
Mahathera to go and spend the rainy season at that place. The Chief
Sanghakari, having received the King's instruction, came and told

52) 1412 A.D. (Mahii:sakaraj,1 1334, Culasakaraja 774).

53) !lvUfl~, (I/4) must mean 'which he owned' in the sense that he had acquired
the right to occupy it for himself and his heirs, but the actual ownership of
the land-like that of all other lands in the kingdom except those belonging
to the Saiigha-remained vested in the King. Nay Sarallakti needed the
King's consent in order to make it over to the monastery; for land given to
the Sangha was given in perpetuity and could never be legally taken away
even by a later king.
54) Written dharl:'matriiiloka ••. ya 1nadaksi; the mutilated portion of the
name appears to be something like -gacunavaciir-.
55) D?w Kon ( ml'll!:l't-1 ).

56) Wat /.)raguan ( -r\11\ll'l'~Wl't-1, 'ipomea aquatica' ); Map 3, No. 10.

57) The chief of the officials charged with looking after relations between the
Crown and the Sangha.
 A L>ECLA!\ATION Ol<' lNll!o:l'ENDI<:NGE AND l'l'S CONSI~~l\JllNG!•:s 237

Nay Inda Sarasakti that the King had given him an instruction to come
and tell Nay Inda Sarasakti to arrange a good, suitable site, a11d go
find some ku~is to erect on it, and that he would ask the Mahathera
to come and stay here for the rainy season. Nay Inda Sarasakti was
filled with extreme joy and delight. Then he fetched some kutis and
erected them.5s Then be asked the Chief Sanghakari to inform the
King. Then the King instructed the Chief Sa~ighakari to go and
invite the Mahatbera to come and occupy his kuti on an auspicious
day, and [to invite] his seven disciples and the other monks living
with him who had come to give the Mahathera their blessing [to
occupy the kutis prepared for them]. Then the King invited him to
associate himself with the monks of the Jetubana.S9
Later on when the auspicious day came, the Mahathera, after
much reflection, came to supervise the construction of a mahacetiya
surrounded by elephants, together with an image of the Buddha
with his feet down,6o as well as a vihara and an image-house. 61
Then [the buildings] were finisb~d [according to his design].
58) The ku~is must have been huts of 'pre-fabricated' wooden paneling, just as
.they usually are today; that is why he fetched them first and then
erected them, instead of fetching the materials and then building the kutis.
59) Apparently some of the monks from Vat Jetubana (Map. 3, No. 27) were
to be invited to spend the rainy season at Vat Sarasakti with the Mahathera.
They may have belonged to a different sect; if so, certain formalities would
be required for the Mahiithera to 'associate' himself with them in order to
participate with them in the performance of rites. The Jetubana monks
were presumably 'forest-dwellers', the Mahathera a 'village-dweller'; Vat
Sara!l'akti of course was in town.
60) i.e. seated in the 'European' fashion (pralambaniisana), rather than with legs
folded (viriisana) or crossed (vajriisana). The design of a stupa surrounded
by elephants recalls HI at Chang Lom at Sajjanalaya, built by Rlim Kamhcng
in 1290. If the Mahathera chose the design so as to remind Sukhodayan
patriots of the days of freedom and greatness, the Ayudhyan Chief Resident
outwitted him. The image seated in the European fashion-the only
example we know of in Sukhodayan art-is surprising until we recall the
enormous statue at Vat Piilileyyaka near Suban~apuri, which is perhaps the
largest image in that posture ever built. The Resident may have insisted
on adding a copy of it in order to symbolize the house of Subart].apur!'s
supremacy.
61) The term V!~Yrr:: has more than one possible meaning; in the present context,
'image-house' seems the most likely.
238 A.B. Griswold & Praserll,la Nagaru

When the Sakaraja increased to nine, in the year of the Monkey,

ninth of the decade,62 King Paramarajadhipati Sri Mahucakrabarti-
raja,63 with the Princess Mother and the Princess Aunt, 64 came up to
present a white elephant and a royal vehicle to the Sangha in each
city, and to redeem them in the matter of course. 65 When they came
here the Princess Aunt came and stayed in the residence at the upper
end of the Old Esplanade west of Vat Sarasakti. She came and
affixed some gold leaf in the vihara, and gave the land of that
residence as an endowment to the monastery.

62) Culasakariija 778, Mahasakaraja 1338, was a year of the Monkey, whereas
Culasakarlija 779, Mahasakaraja 1339, was a year of the Cock. ~u the
transition from one year to another, it was the custom to change the animal-
name of the year on the first day of Citra {March-April), but not to change
the date in Culasakaraja until the 'saka-change dfiy' ( ·rt.ILtl~~l'ln ), which
came later. As 'Culasakariija 778, year of the Monkey', would become
'Culasakaraja 77 8, year of the Cock' on 1 Citra, and would then become
'Cula&akaraja 779, year of the Cock' on baka-change day, there was no time
when the date could be called 'Culasakaraja 779, year of the Monkey.'
But apparently the Mahasakaraja worked differently, the digit and the year
of the decade being changed before 1 Citra when the animal-name changed.
There would therefore be a certain period when the date was 'Mahasakaraja
13 39, year of the Monkey'; it doubtless corresponded to the early part of
1417 A.D. Cf. Inscription XV, in which there are two similar cases: at
I/12, Mahasakaraja 1434, year of the Goat, though Mahasakaraja 1433
was the year of the Goat; and at I/29, Mahasakaraja 143 8, year of the
Boar, though Mahusakariija 1437 was the year of the Boar. In both these
cases the numeral has been advanced. while the old animal-name remains.
The other dates in Inscription XV {I/2, II/ 14, III/ 8 f., and IV /2) are normal.
63) The King of Ayudhyii, IndariiJa.
64) Indariija's mother and aunt.
65) At l/19 the printed edition gives 1mn", but an examination of the stone
shows the right reading is 1~LfJ1 {for 1~ Llll, 'redeemed'). Instead of giving
money directly to the Sai1gha, the King gave them a white elephant and a
royal vehicle, which he then 'redeemed' or 'bought back'. The purpose
was to increase the merit of the gift and the reward that the King would get
in future births. By giving the Sangha his white elephant, the emblem of
sovereignty, he was' giving' them his kingdom. As a result he could look
forward with confidence to being a king in his next incarnation.
 A DECLAnATION OF INDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES 239

Later on when the Sakaraja increased by one, in the year of

the Cock, last of the decade, 66 the Mahathera and Nay Inda Sarasakti
made an estimate in cooperation with each other to arrange for gifts
[to be invited] in connection with the dedication of the mahacetiya,
the vihara, and the image-house. When the auspicious day arrived,
they informed the King of the matter. He rejoiced with them, and
undertook to supply trestles of fireworks for three days.
He came to listen to the Dharma, together with the aforesaid
great Upasika. 6 7 Then the MahEfthera asked for rice-lands to be
allotted as an endowment for the monastery in accordance with the
King's zeal. Then the King gave an instruction to allot 400 rai for
the monastery, and the Queen 68 allotted 335 rai of rice-lands in
different parcels.69 Nay Sarasakti asked the King for forest-land to
convert into rice-fields in the township of Pan Suk Born Noy (Bun
Sul~ Pam NOi), and the King gave an instruction to detach forest-land
in the amount of a thousand rai adjoining the aforesaid rice-lands to
be allotted to the monastery.
Later on the Mahathera apportioned the [revenues of] the
rice-lands [as follows]:7o
- for the mahacetiya, 40 rai at Pan Ti (Ban Dl);
- for the vihara, 140 at Pan PMii Lum (Ban Pai Lom) and
Pun Hot (Btm Hot);
- fields for food for the monks, 200 [rai] at Pan Suk Born Noy
(Btin Suh Pam Nbi), 20 at Pan VaJ Tat (Bfln Wang Dat), 20 at Pan ~a
Kham (Ban l}D Ktzm), 30 at Pan Jan Col). (Btm ptm ]o), 40 at Pan
Hnon-pua Hlvari (Bun Nong-bua Luang);
-- fields for the image-house, 70 [rai] at Hnot'l Yan Noy (Nang
Yang Nui), 35 at Hvva Fhay Son
Vay (Hua FUi Sbng Wcli);
66) Mahasakariija 13 39 was a year of the Cock, Mahasakaraja 1340 a year of
the Dog. The time was probably in the early part of 1418 A.D. See note 62.
67) The King of Ayudhya's aunt.
68) The King of Sukhodaya's consort.
69) Probably LthL'UlLLiln means the land was in several parcels not adjoining
one another.
70) There are several mistakes in the printed edition: 20 for 30 at I/29, 25 for
35 at J/30, 400 for 600 at I/30, 20 for 30 at 1/31.
240 A.B. Griswold & Prnsert DO Nagnra

_fields for the Sangha, 350 [rai]7t, 600 at Rai Jon (RaiSon),
80 at Pan tLakan Ndy (Bcm Lagan Noi), 80 at 1Lakan Hlvail (Lagan
Luang), 30 at Pan Tan (Btin Dong)- five bushels for the lord
samm;eras, ten bushels for the lord bhik~us 72 •
Later on Nay Sarasakti asked for the revenues from four
pieces of land: 2 pieces at the village of Vat Bayab (W at Payap), one
of them for the image of the Buddha with his feet down, on~ for tb~
image of the walking Buddha; and 2 pieces at the village of Isaravat
(i.e. isanavat) for the vihani.-amounting in all to 40,000 fcowries]. 73
The Mahathera and Nay Sara~akti have placed the record of
the endowments in this inscription to last until the end of the kalpa.
All of us are striving to act in accordance with this religion in eve;y
birth in our desire to meet with the religion of the Bodhisattva Sri
Ariyamaitri.7 4

* * *
71) It is not clear why the location of these 3 SO rai is not specified, when that
of all the other lands is. Perhaps most of them were amo_ng the 335 mi
'in different parcels' presented by the Queen, and hence too numerous to
specify.
72) The land whose revenues the Mahathera is apportioning adds up to a total
of 1735 rai, which corresponds to the amount (400+335-l-1000) presented by
the King and Queen. The 'five bushels' for the samal.).eras (novices) and
the 'ten bushels' for the bhik~us (fully ordained monks) must be a ration of
rice for a certain period to supplement the food they received as daily alms
(one Siamese bushel, l'rVI, equals 20 litres). Are these figures based on the
average yield of the 1130 rai whose revenues were apportioned to the
Sat'lgha? And how are they related to the yield from the 300 rai apportioned
for 'food for the monks' ( U1'\l,rVl!i')?
73) B:iyab means northwest, IS!ina means northeast.
74) In the present aeon or kappa (Sanskrit: kalpa) there have already been four
Buddhas : Kakusandha, Ko~ii'gamana, Kassapa and Gotama. The religions
founded by the first three disappeared ages ago; the present religion, founded
by Gotama, will disappearin the year 5000 of the Buddhist Era. After that
there will be a long, long interval with no religion. Ages hence, but still in
the present aeon, Ariya Metteyya (Sanskrit: Arya Maitreya) will descend to
earth, become a Buddha, and re-establish the religion. Meanwhile he is a
Bodhisatta (future Buddha), who has already passed through all the required
incarnations except the final one, and who is waiting in the Tusita heaven
 A f@~LAHA'l'ION OF INDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSE(.lUENCEtl 241

In 1419, the year after making his gifts to Vat Sarasakti,

Mahadharmaraja III died. His death was followed by serious
disturbances, caused apparently by a contest for the throne between
his son Praya Ban Muang (mm~v-l) and another prince, Prayu Ram.
In order to settle it, the King of Ayudhya, Indaraja, proceeded to Pra
Bang (Nagara Svarga), where be received the homage of both princes,
and awarded the throne to Ban Muang (Mahadharmadija IV),7 5
Inscription XII, executed in 1426, gives the latter's name in
Pali form (1.l'n.11JH'l), and his full style as Sirisuriyavamsa Paramapa:la
Mahadharomarajadhidija (1/4). Evidently rajadhiraja by that time
no longer denoted a sovereign monarch and was hardly more than
part of a proper name, for there is no doubt whatever that he was a
vassal of Ayudhya. 76 The provenance of the inscription is not
recorded, but a passage in it (I/5) shows that it was executed at
Sukhodaya, and that Mabadharmaraja IV was still residing there in
1426. He probably transferred his capital to Bi~l)uloka not long
afterward, marking the occasion by casting the great bronze statue
called Buddha Jinaraja.77
He died in 1438. Upon his death, Indariija's son Paramariija-
dhiraja II- who had succeeded to the throne of Ayudhya in 1424-
for the proper time for his last rebirth. As Professor Malalasekera says,
'it is the wish of all Buddhists that they may meet Metteyya Buddha, listen
to his preaching, and attain to Nibbana under him.' (Dictionary of Pali
Proper Names, vol II., p. 662, sub verbo Metteyya.)
7 5) AA/LP, sub an no 7 81.
7 6) Probably the habit of applying this epithet to Mahadharmarlijli III, despite
Nay Sarasakli's refusal to do so, had become too strong to break; for even
the Annals of Ayudhya (AA/LP, sub auno CS 781), in recording his death,
call him Mahadharmarajadhiraja.
77) See Griswold, Towards a History of Sul1hodaya Art, pp. 53-55 and Fig. 56.
Prince Damrong attributed the Jinariija to I;.idaiya; but the discovery of
several dated images in recent years has made a more accurate dating possible
on the basis of stylistic comparisOJts. The real date cannot be far away
from that of the four images cast at Nan in 1426 (ibid, figs. 55-a, 55-b,
and p. 54). The date given in 'W~f111m'i'LVI~fl, B.E. 1500, is of course
nonsense.
 A.B. Griswold & Prasert l)a Nagara
242
abolished the vassal kingdom ofSuk:hodaya, incorporating its territory
into his own kingdom, and sent his own son Ramesvara (the future
King Paramatrailokanatha) to rule it as Viceroy at Bi~t}uloka.n
When the new Viceroy arrived, tears of blood were seen to flow from
the eyes of the Buddha Jinanija.7 9

78) Acc?rding to the poem Yuan Pai, he was born c. 1431, so he would still be
a child when he became Viceroy in 1438,
79) AA/LP; sub anno 800. For the subsequent events see Griswold Prince
Yudhilfflu'ra Artibus Asiae, XXVI, 3/4, pp. 215 ff. ' '
 A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OND ITS CONSE()UENCES 24 3

Abbreviations and Bibliographical References

AA/LP. Annals of Ayudhya, Hlvai1 Prasroth ('Luang Prasert')
Recension, ll!t~lJVHFfl'll'lllml'l~ "'· There is a mediocre English translation
in JSS VI/3.
BE. Buddhist Era.
BEFEO. Bulletin de l'Ecole Franyaise d'Extr&me-01·ient.
Chieng Mai Chronicle. See Notton, III. So far as we know,
this chronicle has not been printed in Tai.
Coedes, Documents. Documents sur l'histoire politique et religieuse
du Laos occidental, BEFEO, XXV.
CS. Culasakaraja.
Griswold, Towards a History of Suhhodaya Art, Bangkok
(Department of Fine Arts), 1967.
Inscriptions. The numbering of the inscriptions from I to XV
corresponds to that in Coedes, Recueil des inscriptions du Siam I, and
lbt'lliJffnmimt!J1lJflll'l~ .,, Bangkok, 1924; from XXX on, to that in lla'lllJftl'll
' '
1ninmr1~ "'' Bangkok, 1965. The Roman numeral before the slant
indicates Face I, Face II, etc., while the Arabic numeral after the
slant indicates the number of the line.
Jinakalamali'. The portion of the text dealing with Siam,
together with a French translation and a valuable commentary,
appears in Coedes, Documents. The complete Pali text was published
in London a few years ago by the Pali Text Society. English translation
by N.A. Jayawickrama, London, 1968; Siamese translation by Maba
Serl Manavidura, ;JumnJJ,riumn1, Bangkok, BE 2501 (1958).
JSS. Journal of the Siam Society.
MS. Mahasakaraja.
Nan Chronicle. WHI'nl'llll~fl~\h\1, ll1t'lllJW~f1111'llH111'1~
GlO ( unmJW~ftl'J~U
' '
ll.uimv'fflJI'lUH~'lfl~ LnlJ o:, Bangkok, BE 2507). English Translation: The
'
Nan Chronicle, translated by Prasoet Churatana, edited by David K.
Wyatt, Data Paper No. 59, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell Univer- ·
sity, Ithaca, N.Y., 1966.
244 A.B. Griswold & Prasert !)a Nagara

Notton. III. Annales du Siam, 1/le volume, Chronique de Xieng

Mai, traduction de M. Camille Notton, Paris, 1932.
Poranavatthusthana.
2500 (1957).
. .
tm,m1~o?lmHl1mtll'llmml1l~ni, Bangkok, BE

RE. Ratanakosindra Era.

Silpakara. ilm.hm (Bulletin of the Department of Fine Arts),
Bangkok.
SSR. Social Science Review (i~mJm!l'~it!lrirH1), Bangkok.
Wood, W.A.R. History of Siam, Bangkok, 1933.
Yonaka History. wlt~uh~·~nn1l1l1l·nL ~~fl~w~BmmTmln, Bangkok, RE
126.
 A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES 245

APPENDIX

Transcription
In transliterating passages from the inscriptions, we follow the
Graphic System used by Professor George Coedes In Recueil des in-
scriptions du Siam, modified in a few minor respects to facilitate
printing. See Table I.
This system has many advantages. It is in general use for
epigraphic work in India and Southeast Asia. For Siamese it is the
only practical system by which it is possible to show exactly how a
word is spelt in a given inscription so that a reader can re- transcribe
it into Siamese letters without alteration. A great number of the
proper names and other words that occur in the inscriptions are bor-
rowed from Sanskrit or Pali, and when they are rendered in the
Graphic System their sense is readily apparent to anyone with a
smattering of those languages (e.g. 11UJI'111, Ramesvara; 1-Lfld"i"l'llalJ·J,
Nagara Rajasima; 11'll~1, Rajapuri; l.ljJJL'JflU, Pathamacetiya; 'I'P11if!.,nJ1'll,
Buddhasakaraja). True, it does not give the English reader much of
an idea of the Siamese pronunciation of these words; but neither do
the more popular systems, which in addition have the disadvantage of
concealing both the sense and the spelling ('Ramesuan', 'Nakhon Ra-
chasima', 'Pathom Chedi', 'Ratburi', 'Phuttbasakarat').
Though the graphic system is admittedly awkward for words of
Tai origin, it is nevertheless the only reasonable way of Romanizing
them in epigraphic work, and in general wherever the spelling has to
be made known.
When it is more important to show the pronunciation we use
the 'Common-Sense' system. 80 See Table II. We often use this system

80) In this system consonants are to be pronounced as in English; but note the
following: Gas in background (not as in gin), J as in bootjack, !?as inPiltdown,
? as in scrapbook, NG as in singer (not as in.fingw), S as in sit (not as in mse).
Vowels are to be pronounced as in Italian; circumflex indicates length; Eand
6 are the Italian 'closed' sounds (cf. English freight and note), E and 0 the
'open' ones (cf. English land and long); U and 0 approximately as in German.
See Griswold, !lfterthoughts on tlze Romanization of Siamese, JSS XLVIII.
246 A.B. Griswold & Prasert !}a Nagara

for Tai names in discussions of history, and whenever ease of reading

is more to be desired than fidelity to a textual spelling.
Words transcribed in the graphic system are printed in ordinary
type or in bold-face. Words transcribed phonetically are printed in
italics, at least when we use them for the first time.
Sanskrit and Pali words, wherever they occur, are transcribed
in the graphic system; when they occur in an inscription, we usually
transcribe them exactly as written (e.g. dharrma or dharmma as the
case may be), but if such precision would be more tedious than help-
ful, we regularize the spelling and call attention to the alteration in a
footnote (e.g. Notes 51, 54). In our comments and historical discussions
we habitually regularize the spelling of such words. 8 1 For names
of mixed origin, we generally give both the graphic and phonetic
forms at their first appearance (e.g. nltL'W~LW'lf'l', Karpbei1 Bejra,
Gampeng Pet), and thereafter whichever of the two is more convenient.
For such 'naturalized' lndic words as '"r'fl and 'W1~, we use one form or
the other, depending on the word that follows (e.g. ·rmJVl11ilfl,I Vat
Mahadhatu; m~vp11ioiu·n'lf, Bra).l Buddhajinaraja; 1~1W7~un\ Wat Pra
Geo). For the names of modern Siamese writers, we use either the
graphic system or the forms that they themselves prefer. For such
familiar names as 'Bangkok', we use the popular spelling, though it is
neither graphic nor phonetic.

~----:------------·----·-·
81) As 'fl and f1 both stand for Sanskrit and Pali t, we write m 1 n~~ as Tiivatinisa,
and til~ as dhatu (rather than dhii!u), except when there is some good reason
to. m&ke the distinction, Similarly with u and tJ (P).
 A DECLAHAT!ON m· INDU:PENDENCE AND ITS CON::il':<,lUI~NCIIS 247

Table I
THE GRAPHIC SYSTEM
Consonants

I ~ ta f1 ta I 1J pa
I £J ya VI ba
n ka '1J ca I lJ ta lfl ta I tl ~a I 1 ra w
-
Ia
'll kha 'iA. cba j tha bl tha I ~ ph a I t'l Ia u a
'] lgla I ~ fha I 1 va
fl ga 'lf ja I 'i'1 da 'Yl da I 'V'I ba I r1 sa
f)
~a "1f ja I I
~ fa I
~ ~a

6J,J gba QJ jha n.J dha 1i db a I 1l bha I t1 sa

\1 na qJ n.a rn na '1--L na I dJ rna I

Vowels and Diphthongs

,.
n ka n ki Ln ke nu ko n11 kvva
---- ~ -....- - - - -
n"" ki
0

n kaJJ;J. LLn ke Lnu kce n1 kua

n~ kab
- .
n ki Ln kai
A

Ln ko
-------
"" kiyya
mw
... ... ·--- ... "" kia
n ldi n k'i 1n kai Lnu koa Lnt.J
m ka n I
ku 1n ko
0

nl karp n ku
~
Lnlkau

Semi vowels Accents~'*

I l-
n ka
-~--2--

n ka
+ +
n ka
* When the mai-hlin-akasa ( " ) appears in Sukhodayan inscriptions, it is usually placed over
the final consonant of the syllable instead of the initial one; in transcribing, the same thing
can be done with the breve (e.g. ban for vm~ modern 'l'l"u).
**To facilitate printing, these accents are placed before the consonant to which they apply.
248 A.B. Griswold & Prascrt t)a Nagara

Table II
THE COMMON-SENSE PHONETIC SYSTEM
Consonants
·-·--·~·~-.---.,····-·-· -

Initial Final Initial Final

------- ---~-··" --------- -----····----~-- ------~1

n g k u b p
------ 1-------- -----------------
"llfl'il k k :U
- - - - - - - ---"'-·---
b p
----~-1

~ ng ng ~ 'VUl p p
----
"\) j t f
--- -------------1
Q')J'QJ ch t m m
----
tjJ y n tJ y
- --------- - - - 1
{] rl d t r n
-----
lj]
lJ d
________!':"___________
t
1----1·----- -----
~ 'rHJJ 1 w
t t
tl'Vlli
s t
1----------------- -~
ffi'l-1 n 11 '7i'Vl'J s
---------
Vlef h
 A UECLAHATJON OF INDEPENDENCE AND l'J'S CONl:iEQUENCES 249

Table II (continued)

Vowels

cv
+tJ
+
' +"'"' a l+ 6 ~
ui
+1 it +fl
....
0 1+tJ 6i
0 ... ---~--~--

+1 am L+, L+El 0 + tltl oi

-----
A
+ i
""' tl
L+ ia L +tl oi
.... ------
.<II
----·-
.<II
+ i L+ tl tia L +tltl tie
.<II
""
+
---
+
-~--
il l +, 1+ ai
--
+ltl
--~--~-
ue
1-----
A
+ u + ltl ai + 1 iu
~ ·~~------ --------------
A
+ u L4 1 ao
'IJ
d
L+ e +11 ao
--..,..,---- ----------·
L+ e L + til io
·-··- · · · · · - - -

LL+ e
Vowels which are left unwritten in Siamese are to be added in accordance with the
pronunciation; e.g. 1i\-11Jfi, tanabOdi; fl\-1, kon. The letters fJ are 111 are to be written as ri, 1·ii
or ro, and the letters 11 and 111 as li or lU, according to the pronunciation.
 NOTES

STEINWERKZEUGE AUS PHRAO

by
Hans Georg Penth
Chiengmai

,•
Wahrend eines Aufenthaltes in Phrao (Djangwat Tschieng Mai)
im Februar 1968 sah ich im Temple Wat Klang Wieng und bei privaten
Sammlern mehrere steinerne, polierte und mit Schneiden versehene
Werkzeuge. Diese Objekte wurden in den letzten Jahren in der
Umgebung von Phrao gefundenl und gelten der i:irtlichen Bevolkerung
trotz unterschiedlicher Formen einheitlich als Stein-Spaten (siam hin)
einer vergangenen Zeit. Nach den tiblichen Kriterien von Bearbeitung
und Form handelt es sich bei einigen oder sogar allen Objekten urn
Artefakte neolitbischer Kulturen Stidost-Asiens. Soweit ich weiB,
sind ahnliche Funde aus Phrao bis jetzt nicht bekannt.
Die im Folgenden naher beschriebenen Artefakte zeigen im
Uingsschnitt, quer zur Schneide gesehen, entweder eine konvexe plus
eine ebene, eine konvexe plus eine konkave oder zwei verschieden
stark konvexe Seiten. Die (starker) konvexe Seite bezeichne ich als
die Vorderseite des Werkzeugs, die andere entsprechend als seine
Rtickseite. Mit Querschnitt-Oberseite meine ich eine Linie entlang
der Vorderseite, parallel zur Schneide; mit Querschnitt-Unterseite
entsprechend eine Linie entlang der Rtickseite. Als Hals bezeichne
ich den oberen Werkzeugteil, welcher dem unteren Teil mit der Schneide
gegeniiberliegt. Die Photos zeigen sieben der acht Objekte in je zwei
Aufnahmen, einmal senkrecht von oben und einmal seitlich von oben. 2
Objekt 3.2 konnte nicht im Photo, sondern nur als AufriB seiner
Langs- und Queransicht dargestellt werden.
--------~-----

1) Die Angaben beziiglich der Fundumstiinde verdanke ich Herm Puangkham

Tuikhio, welcher his Januar 1968 Abt des Tempe!s Wat Klang Wieng war.
2) Ausnahme: Die zweite Aufnahme von Objekt 4.1 zeigt das Werkzeug von der
Seite.
1.1 Schulterbeil

Gri:i/:ite Lange: 15,5 em

Gri:iSte Breite : 7,5
Starke 1,0
HalsHinge 3,0 (die vordere Halskante ist etwas abgeschlagen)
Halsbreite 4,0
Querschnitt Flaches Rechteck mit abgerundeten Kanten.
Fundstelle Tempel Wat San Mon, Tamb6n Pa Nai.
Fundtiefe Etwa 2m
Bemerkung Schwarzlicher Stein, unregelm~i})ig mit weiHen
Flecken durchsetzt.
Objekt 1.1
Objekt 1.2
1.2 Schulterbeil
Groj1te Lange : 8,0
GroBte Breite : 4,5
Grome Starke: 2,0 (etwa in der Mitte des Artefaktes)
Halslange 2,0 (die vordere Halskante ist halbelliptiscb
abgescblagen)
Halsbreite 2,8
Querscbnitt Trapez. Hals: Die Oberseite ist Hinger als die
Unterseite.
Klinge Die Oberseite ist kUrzer als die Unterseite und
verkleinert sich sowohl vom Hals wie von der Schneide her
zur Klingenmitte bin, so da/:1 die klirzeste Trapez-Oberseite
etwa mit der Stelle gro(:1ter Klingenstarke zusammenHillt. Die
beiden oberen Ecken des Querschnitt-Trapezes sind unterbalb
des Artefakt-Halses nabezu vollkommen abgerundet, gewinnen
zur Klingenmitte bin an Kontur und sind von der Klingenmitte
bis zur Scbneide deutlich ausgepragt. Unter- und Oberseite sind
leicht konvex.
Fundstelle Tempel WatTon Han Luang, Tambon San Sai.
Bemerkung ( 1) Schwarzer Stein mit querligenden wei/1en Ad ern;
(2) Sehr sorgfaltige Politur.
2.1 Vicrkantbeil

Lange 16,2
Breite 3,0 (Hals) bis 3,8 (wenig oberhalb der Schneide}
Starke 1.7 (Hals) bis 2,5 (Beginn des unteren Werkzeug-
Viertels)
Querschnitt Trapez. Die Oberseite ist kUrzer als die Unterseite
und verkleinert sich sowohl vom I-lals wie von der Schneide
her unregelma,l3ig zum unteren Artefakt-Viertel hin, so da/1 die
ktirzeste Trapez.Qberseite etwa mit der Stelle gro(1ter Klingen-
starke zusammenfallt. Die Unterseite ist Ieicht !convex. Die
Oberseite ist am Hals Ieicht lconkav und im unteren Werkzeug-
Viertelleicbt !convex.
Fundstelle Tempel WatPa Dang (verlassen), Tambon Wieng.
Bernerkung (1) Schwarzer, barter Stein, teilweise Uberzogen mit
grau-wei.R-brauner (nachtrUglich angesetzter ?)
Schicht;
(2) Die vordere Halskante ist schr~ig nach links
abgeschlagen und anscheinend auch an dieser
Stelle poliert.
 j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j

i
'

i
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
Objekt 2.1
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
j
Objekt 2.2
2.2 Vicrkantbeil
Lange 7,2
Breite 2,0 (Hals) bis 3,2 (im unteren Werkzeug-Viertel)
Gro8te Starke: 1,5 (am Beginn des unteren Viertels)
Querschnitt Trapez. Die Oberseite ist ktirzer als die Unterseite.
Die heiden rechten Ecken sind sHirker ausgcpr~igt
als die beiden linken.
Fundstelle Ampho Phrao, ohne nahere Angabe.
Berner kung Gelblich-wei/:ler Stein.
2.3 Vict·kantbcil
Liinge 10,4
Breite 3,3 (Hals) his 4,0 (Schneidenrand)
GroBte Starke: 2,5 (am Beginn des unteren Drittels)
Querschnitt Rechteck. Die heiden rechten Ecken sind starker
ausgepragt als die heiden linken.
Fundstelle Tempel Wat Dong Khilek (verlassen), Tamhon San
Sai.
Bemerkung (1) Schwarz-grauer, langsgeriffelter Stein;
(2) Der Hals schlie/~t schneidenahnlich scharfkantig
ah.
Objekt 2.3
Objekt 3.1
3.1 Walzenbcil?
Uinge 9,5
Breite 3,0 (Hals) his 4,3 (Scbneide)
Starke 1,2 (Hals) bis 0,9 (oberhalb der Schneide)
Querschnitt Flaches Oval
Fundstelle Tempel Wat Dong Khilek (verlassen), TambOn San
Sai.
Bemerkung Die Oberflache ist nicht so glatt poliert (polierbar ?)
wie die der tibrigen Artefakte. Kleine, schwarze
Gesteinskorner stehen von dem sonst schwarzlich-
grauen Werkzeug ab und losen sich, soda/~ der Stein
ein narbiges Aussehen aufweist.
3.2 Walzenbeil ?

Uinge 7,3
Breite 2,5 (am Hals unterhalb des abgesplitterten Teils) bis
3,7 (an der Schneide)
Grti/3te Starke: I ,4 (etwa in der Artefaktmitte)
Querschnitt Oval. Die Unterseite ist nahezu flach. Die Oberseite
besitzt in der Mitte eine deutliche Ecke, vom Hals bis zum Ende
des zweiten Artefakt-Drittels reichend. Von dort his zur
Schneide hat sie rechts und links zwei Ecken mit geradem, in
Richtung Scbneide Hinger werdendem Zwischenstiick.
Fundstelle Ampho Phrao, ohne nahere Angabe.
Bemerkung ( 1) Schwarzer Stein;
(2) Sehr sorgfaltige Politur.
 I ~

, •..
,
,, '.
'.

I
'

Objekt 3.2
Objekt 4.1
4.1 '!
Lange 7,8
Grti/:lte Breite : 4,1
Gro/,te Starke: 4,1
Querschnitt Am Hals kreisformig, zur Schneide hin schwache
Ellipsen-form annebmend.
Fundort Tempel Wat Dong Khilek (verlassen), Tambon San
Sai.
Be mer kung (1) Der Stein besitzt wei/:le, dunkelgrtine und braune
Komponenten und brockelt in Kornern ab;
(2) Das Artefakt zeigt die Form einer abgeplatteten
Halbkugelmit angefiigtem Kegelstumpf. Dieser
ist an seiner Spitze abgeflacht und seitlich
gerundet, so da.8 cine gebogene, wenig aus-
gepragte Schneide entsteht.
 A NOTE ON INTERNAL RHYME IN THAlPOETRY 1
by
Udom Warotamasikkhadit
Unil'ersity of Pittsburgh

There are five major types of verse in Thai poetry: klon ( n,rou),
hlong (Tmt~), kap (m)'j~), chan ( liu~) and rai (iw), 2 but this note is limited
to the internal rhyming structure of klon only. The compulsory
external rhyming structure can be represented as follows: 3

Line 1 A1 A2 A13 A1 A5 AG A7 As
!
Bl B2 Pu B, B5 Bu B7 ~8
I I
Line 2 c1 C2 c:.; cct c 13 c 0 c 7 C8 0 1 0 2 0 3 0 4 0 5 D6 0 7 0 8

Line 1 al a;! a.. act

"
ati au a7 ?s bl b\l ?3 b4 b5 b(j b7 b,,
Io
Line 2 I I
cl c\l c:J c1 c5 cu c7 cs dl d\l d~ d, d5 du d7 ?u
E~_l:;mrple

.c!\. 6 6 'J) 'J) t!J:V 6 "\ <V 'J)

tl_ {.1 tiUJf11 UVllHN 'il~1fl~ A'H 11WA1 'Jty~nu '11'J'Wrlft'l1t1U
..... ~ <!1, 4 <!.\ r:1 'J) V5 'J) 'J) r:;/, ..,\ <V

.L flU1:JJI9lfi li'll'Jtfi(;'HJ'W L\?lfl~!fiflrltiU 1-AlfiNUtll:l Ll:l14111 'l1ti:JJW1

d ~ ~ ~ -4 ~ "\ "\ ~
'Fi1-.11'J tlU~J tl! "lJt 1 flU l Qtii:JLu fltl"lf 14 ';j~l'Jti'H! 1'1-1114 fi'O'I-Hfiff'J
'J) <!\ -4 <! cf 'J) 'J) I "'
u aun\lff11 1J114t1fiW tWfl'W'Vl'WtJW 'il~ti1"J'Jill tll\1-:11~ mn\lt 'J\1
'IJ

Stmthoru Poo
-- - - - - - - - · - - - - - - -
·---·------ ·---------------
1) Tllis paper was supported by the Unites States Department of Healtll, Edu-
cation, and Welfare, Office of Education Contract OEC-1-7-070045-2639.
2) Mosel, James N., 'Sound and Rhythm in Thai and English Verse.' Phasalaa
Nangsu (Language and Roob) voll no 2 Bangkok 1960 pp 28-34, and Trends
ancl Stmcture in Contemporary Thai Poetry Data Paper Number 43, Cornell
University 1961.
3) The number of syllables in one hemistich may vary from six to nine, bullhe
usual number is eight. In a six- or seven-syllable hemistich lhe caesurae
normally appear after the second and fourth syllables; in an eight-syllable
hemistich after the third and fifth syllables; in a nine-syllable hemistich
after the third and sixth syllables. The diagram shown represents an eight-
syllable hemistich.
 A.; must rhyme with H syllable in the set.:und hcmi:>til.:h,4
preferably B:l but never B:,· A.i ~houltlnot ha \ c a mid tunc.

B, 1 must rhyme with C., and also any :->yllublc in thl.! fourth
hemistich, preferably l\ but never D. C, normally has a mid tunc
but never a rising tone. Although a rising tllliC is prcfcHed, B1, can
have any tone except mid.

Dt> must rhyme with b,, of the ::.ccund hemistich of the

following stanza. Although a mid tone b preferred, D .., muy have
any tone except rising.

The beauty uf /don dcpcuds largely upon the effct.:ti vc selc~.:tion

and placement of internal rhyme which im:lutks {H.:rfcct rhyme 5 and

alliteration or head rhyme.

The optional perfect rhymes arc illmtratcd in the fulluwing

syllables: A;; and A 1; C.; and <..: 1; A;, and A1; ur A·,; B1, ami Bti or B·;;
C 1, and C1; or C.1; D 1, and D 0 or lJ,,. which all arc :;yllablcs immediately
preceding and following a caesura or next to the~) liable immcdiatdy
following u cac::;ura.

E.mmple:
d ~ ·\ ·'I"' d
e1:-~ 1 'I ern 1 fl , 1mJ
'1!1! n-:~ H
~ r r! ~ ~
'Vf.l'"'AVH'J'I~ Li.1'1!1~fl'J'HU 'J'Dtmn clJJl'I'JJt)J1 LL tf,1i.l''J1H'l 9fl!nJ
N. M. S. ( p.wutlouym)

4) One stanzu or /Jot (uH) is divided into two line~ or /(i:it (um), and each line is
divided into two hcmistichcs or wu/; (H1rr). The fir;t line is called l•ilt Cl!
(llll11fl11), the second line /'<it t(j (!J1n1n). The first hcmisth:h is called "''"'
''"'•tf> ( ·mmr·..iu) or '<C'alt wl.1jJ hlhn!tlll), the second hemistich ,..,JI! ruj>
( 1lltlltJ), the third hemistich ,,·a/1 rung ( mrrl.r~) and the fourth hemistich
~c:ah song ( 1llflrr~),

5) Examples of perfect rhyme arc: sec nnd he; hit and sit; soon and noon.
 A :\IITF 0\ 1\TFII\1\1. HliY\11-: l'i TIL\[ I'OFTIIY :271

I '}) Jll
'1J""'u 1i! ~J11 r11nnnu 1rTJ1f.l 'J v~~
1

~1~?~1il"111\?l D'J1'Hl1!1111ff,1i~?~
Sunthoz·r~ Poo

It must he remembered that /1.,; should not rhyme with AH; nor
B7 with BH; C7 with C:;: D 7 with D"; B:: with B:l or B 1; D: with D.! or
D.1; Be: with any syllable except CHin the third hemistich.
The optional head rhymes 6 are illustrated in the following
syllables: A.r and A1,; C 1 and C;,: B:; and B. 1; D:: and D 1• If possible,
other syllables which do not have perfect rhymes can have head
rhymes.

Example:
""~ ~~ 0~ .L too!\"'\~
'JL 'J tlWJ\?1 f1 'J\?11 'ff~ ~ 'ffltlW \l C1'l!l! ~H'l \1 lTu'1
All 9HJ 1l tJ H9J '1
9JI/"'' I I •'\ cf Jll ~ •t
t 'M'IT) 11 11J flJS11JV1 'J1·1 ~ 1'N 1 \l ·1·1 t1'JJ 11! 'Hfl 'JlJ C1''II 1·1 tl'M'IJ W,1
Swzt/Jm·n Poo
"' 111 Jll 111 "' !lf' Jll "' I Jll "f'
'Jf1UJJf1 tJJ ttlfl~1 'Jf1W1ml,1 aflUJ9tW'J1\I vn11Jm "U1H"lllml
cv 91 9J I cv 91cv.L"' <!\ ~ "\
'Jflll 01Hl~ 'El'El\?l'El till 1 l'J'f.JH flU 9J1'Jf13Jl! 'Jf1L H3J 'Ell! L'VHJH'lf"Jl
Kula.wp Rrmgnuli

Other highly regarded techniques in the utilization of internal

rhyme are to repeat the same word in different positions in the stanza
and to use alternate head rhymes.
Example:

'iJ:r,111fl'n Yr1nm~11 ~1141fln 1~1t~1Yr1n A"il'l'ni"n mtitJw:imnJ1

I "' 111
"'1 ""' ~ ""' d111 -<!\ "' "'
'il~11'1illfi 'Mhlfl'El~ ~1 lHl14\?l'f.lU t:l'HY,1CU'J f) ~~Jl1~!f11'1ilJilhllf1f11~
I ""

Nai Mee
6) Head rhymes ure used more in !dong than in !don. Initial I (n) and r (1) in
the words like mwi'n are considered semi-head rhymes.
272

{ jjt•lli (p.lt'Udonym)

It must he pointed out that any pncrns viulating the external

rhyming rules are not acceptable as JdiJn. In traditional Thai
poetry where contiguous, synonymous WPrth frequently appear, the
phonological aspects seem to take precedcm:c over the meaning. The
current trend of Thai poetry, however, is t1> eliminate unnecessary
words and place more emphasis on the meaning, yct l'ltill to obser\'e
the compulsory external rhyming rules.
THE ANALYSIS OF THAI TONES: AN ARGUMENT
by

Peter Bee
.C,'choo/of' Orientuland .'1./i'ican Stwlin

In the recent publication by .!lrtibus Asiae in honour of G.H.

Luce (vol I, 1966), the contribution by R.B. Jones 1 can be looked upon
as a challenge. Although it purports to be a review of work on Thai
diachronic reconstruction so far, it in fact incorporates comments,
analyses and proposals that do not conform to the usual train of
thought in Thai dialectology. This in itself deserves praise, for it is
never too late to mend, and a shrewd point, well taken, might put us
all on to a different track-might conceivably bring about a re-align-
ment of basic premises or procedural methods, analogies or models,
that would benefit scholars by trcn<.:hant observations of fact or by
climactic deductions.
My purpose is not to present an apologia on behalf of the
scholars cited by Dr. Jones in his article. It is for this distinguished
band of researchers themselves to accept or refute Dr. Jones' findings
on the basis of their extensive field work and analytical prowess.
What I propose to do is to accept the findings as data and to examine
tbe intemal consistency of Dr. Jones' ideas and their repercussions on
theory in general. I must here avow at the outset that my conclusions
do not concur with those of Dr. Jones. The upshot of my conclusions
is a reluctance to see a breakthrough: I think that the new theory is
specious. I must apologise for this word and immediately qualify it
thus: by 'specious' I mean that an evident rigour of investigation has
led to a false economy of terms. Clarity has been won at the expense
of subtlety. Inherent in my use of this word is that the older pro-
cedures and analyses are less specious: I would go so far as to maintain
for them at least a Scottish verdict of 'not proven', seeing that these
old ideas have, as it were, been accused of misrepresentation yet, to
my mind, emerge as less guilty than the prosecution.
1) Comj>m·ative Thai Studies: a Critique.
27·1 Peter Bee

I take Dr. Jones' inspiration tn dcrire frnm On:am's raz()r, He

desires to cut nut those hypothetical superfluities that tt:"nd to multiply
in direct proportion to tht~ complexity of the problem and, rcgrcttubly,
to the number of scholars interested in it. Sniking another note, we
might say that the critic sets up to be a Copernicus, appealing to
simplicity and elegance to justify a theory, in opposition to un old
Ptolemaic system of cycles and epicycles whereby the movements of
the solar system's members had had to be c.xplained hitherto. He
asks why a set of four initial consonant cntegodc1; have to be hypo-
thesized when only three occur us n ~et in all Thai dialects. He asks
why a hypothet icul nine tones utleust must be reconstructed when he
finds only a maximum of six occurring in uny Thai diulect he has
investigated. Arc we not here in the realm of epicycles'! Arc we not
in the grip of u system of analysis which needs props at every stage
of its argument and insists on mnki ng out these props to be either real
data or legitimate constructs?

Though Dr. Jone~ does not use those terms, the impact of his
Critique is strong and invigornting. But how long does this invigoration
last? For me, it was the table of initiuls and tone clas~es (Table 1
below) that sobered the mind precisely because, in sLa.:h unencapsulated
presentation, Dr. Jones invites us to be as enterprising and open-minded
as he has been. For me, then, after urranging and re-urranging initials
and tones and sets of one or the other or both in us rigorous an
experimental mode as was given to me,2 I f~>und 1 did not come to
Dr. Jones' conclusion. I found the old arguments still to he cogent
and Dr. Jones' presentation to lack the prerequisite that u simple and
elegant proof ought to have-the demonstrable logic that the theory
is right because it answers more all at OtiC't! than the old-fashioned
theories could answer stage by stage.

Here is the key postulate for our discussion laid out in Dr.
Jones' table:
2) I acknowledge the valuable help of Dr. Robert Fxcll of the Mathematics
Department, Chulalongkorn University.
 2'75

p :: ph 123

ph:: ph 4 5G

p p 156

b b 1 56

Table 1

We have to be persuaded that there are but six numbers (tones)

to be entertained in our analysis, and, likewise, but three phonemes:
p ph b. 3 On the face of it the table assures us that no further proof
is needed. Against this is placed the 'epicyclic' construct of four
initials and three tones. A pause for calculation, however, will give
the respective products for all possible items produced by pairings to
be eighteen as against twelve. Clearly, Dr. Jones does not permit
eighteen pairings (syllable types): he restricts the number by sets-
overlapping sets-so that the total can be reduced to eleven or twelve
distinctive occurrences, depending on the dialect.
At this point, however, not forgetting that we still owe it to
Dr. Jones to explain how he does this, 1 must insert a caveat. It is
simply that Dr. Jones' singling out of the chief bugbear or comparative
dialectology does not coincide with what I myself would choose. The
burden of the whole article is the desirability of a plausible 'reading'
for the reconstruction of low class consonants in Thai. In other
words, how is the starred form of low class consonants to be written
down? Now, it must be granted that this is a problem but, in my
own experience, it rates second to the dilemma of the partition of mid
class consonants among the tone sets in different dialects. 4
3) We arc speaking here of initial phonemes relevant to sets of tones. Taking
the bilabials as characteristic for the phoneme inventory of initials, the full
row of articulations would, of course, be p ph b m f w. But for lone, m f w
are members of the ' set of all the sets' and hence not critical for tone
allocation. Although it looks as if b is a member of the p-sct, the possibility
of a p occurring with tones 2 and 3 (top row of Table 1 ) indicates thut b
should be kept separate.
4) This will be discussed more fully towards the end of this article.
27b !\:ttl Hn

Whut exercises Dr. Jones' mind is the switdl of low class

t:onsonants in different dialects between phonc.mi\: a~pirutcs on the
one hand and phonemic norHtspirates on the t•ther. lo the 'old'
analysis this problem was stntighlforwnrd: what can we puslulutc as
original common ground if aspirutiun/non . :t!~piration was destined
to be the distinctive contrast betw<.~en di:dct~!s that it yielded. The
allegiance of the mid clllSS, htlwevcr, was bewildering: why did some
dialects group mid with high and some with hnv'! V/hy, within a
certain dialect, did the mid class break up as a set, the members going
individually high or low'! Now,prcferencc for thb problem as against
that is a question of emphasis that is more imponmH than one might
think. I um reminded of the talc t)f tw~> trumps \\Ill> were given a
cake. The first tramp asked the st~cond, •Do you like the ends or the
middle?' The second tramp replied, '! like the middle,' whereupon
the first tramp cut the cake in two.
But let us get back tu the Tuble again, the data of which we
have agreed to accept. The distributinn of the numbers (tones)
can obviously be diagrammed thus:

Set p/ph Set p Set ph

and
Set b
Diagram A

Clearly, with 1 5 6 as members of an overlapping set, we might expect

the three remaining numbers to act as markers, showing unequivocally
which set we were dealing with. But what are they marking? .-sets
of what? Diagram A has taken the tones as the criteria for distribution.
 TilE \'\.\L\:-.1~ 01 Tll:\1 TONE:-: .\:-; \Jit,l~\11-'0 I 171

A set diagram that shows the distribution or the initial phonemes as

well as the tones will be different. Il can be drawn only after expanding
the Table to account for all possible occurrences and then plotting
the distribution that is found:
ph can take tones 1 2 3 4 5 6
p can take tones 1 2 3 5 6
b can take tones 1 5 6
The possibility presents itself, then, that ph is a member of the set of
all sets. Tones 2 and 3 occur in a set, the other members of which,
viz. 1 5 6, are gathered together in a sub-set characterised by their
ability to take initial b as well as the other initials.

1 5 6 2 3 4

taking taking taking

p b ph p ph ph

Diagram B

Apart from 4 appearing as a u11ique tone, produced only in the environ-

ment of one initial, ph, the diagram permits us to coin the terms
maximally tonal-i.e. ph takes all six tones-and maximally im'tiated--i.e.
tones 1 5 6 take all three phonemes.

We must present the count in a more refined way, however,

since what looks like a set containing both p and ph has, in fact, a
necessary choice: one or the other but not both. It means that some
dialects have p as sole member and some have ph. Let us call the
former dialects Dl and the latter D2. The count now shows:
 Till\!

271:1 l't~lfl lit~

Dl 2 3 ·~ 5 6

p X X X. X X

ph X X X 11 items
b X X X
\
D2 2 3 4 5 (1

~
p X X X

ph X X X X. X 12 items
b X X X

We wish to get back to •DO--the parent of Dt and D2 so we now try

to mark in cornmon ground, this time marking ,-..:for common occur-
renee of items and o for common non-occurrence :
~oo
1 ~~ 3 4 b 6

p 0 :X X

X X X

b X 0 0 0 :r. X

Tables Dl, 02 and DO

So far it looks as if there were two tones, 5 and 6, that were maximally
initiated. This is an important point, for if the six tones are not to
be reduced in number in any way as we extrapolate backwards
through *DO and beyond, then we should expect to find more and more
confirmation of their full status as free phonemes (or tonemes} by their
occurrence with a bigger selection of initials. At the •no stage, 5
and 6 satisfy this expectation and can therefore be set aside for the
time being.
 TilE ANALYS!li Ill' TIIAI TONFli: A:>i AHC\i\IE:\1' 279

Tone 4 was certainly reserved for outright, unequivocally

ph-initiated syllables and no others. Could it be, perhaps, that Tone
4 is going to be one of a set of tones in complementary distribution~
three allotones of one toneme, one unique for ph-syllables, one for P
and one forb-syllables? The likelihood of complementary distribution
within such a tone~set encourages us to look for other unique occur-
rences, one each for rows p and b. Is bl going to be unique, for
instance? We can find out only by considering the shaded rectangle
on Table DO.
A conflation of this same portion for Dl and D2 does yield
something like a set p/ph proposed by Dr. Jones. Between Dl and
D2 the sequence of numbers 123 seems to jump back and forth frorn
row pin Dl to row ph in D2. Now, ifthis jump were complete-a clean
switch across from one row to the other without any remainder --then
there would be nothing to sway our choice in reconstructing *DO. But
let us examine the switch again:

Dl 1 2 3 02 2 3

p X X X p X

ph ph X X X

Table 2

Clearly, something in 02 seems out of line with any explanation in

terms of a complete switch across. Item pl refuses to jump. Another
thing about item pl, by the way, is that it dooms any hypothesis of
complementary distribution of unique tones. For the initial b Tone
1 is far from unique. Moreover, 2 and 3 seem to be a strange sort of
'unique pair' -unique for different initials in different dialects (now
for p and now for ph). The point is that these two tones can be
interpreted as marking a set (for tonal behaviour) irrespective of what
happens about initial aspiration or the lack of it.
02, then, has 12 items marked x for occurrences as against Dl
with 11. The likelihood is that 02 resembles *DO more closely than
does l)l. This is becaqsy it is preferable to assum.y reduction by
2SO Peter lice

nssimilntion . all nther things bcinl( equal us n mme likely process

to have occurred than dissimilation in fuvour nf a particular pl
occurrence. We mean the likelihood is that the phoneme p in "'DO
took tone I. Lotter this was overlaid in Cllllrse of the change
ph->- p in Dl and resulted in the 'adding' of two sets now both
pronounced with an initial p. N(:> matter lmw many identical sets we
add, the total will always remain one.
Since we shall now take D2 us ctJuivalcnt to *DO, we must add
another maximally initiated tone to the tones 5 and() noted above.
There will now be tones 1 5 and 6, all mu:dmal!y initiutcd. Keeping
this point in mind, therefore, a possible unalysi!; for D2 •DO would
show:

Mnximally initi~ttcd~5 6 (Inking p b ph)

Unique 2 3 4 (Wking ph only)
"'"""""""" .
............, .,.,.....,,.,.._,.....

Table J

Although such an analysis at first sight looks fuir and informative, it

will not satisfy any linguist; certainly not Dr. Jones this is not the
table he proposed·"·nor docs il resemble nny other f\)rmat for the
analysis of tones in Thai dinlectology that has ever been <.)ffered. The
objection to taking 2 3 4 as a set is thut it fails to predict why tones 2
and 3 'jumped' or switched up to row p Inter in some clinlects (01)
whilst Tone 4 never did in any.
Central to the whole issue, of course, is the question whether
there was u conditioning of tones 'subtended' by differences of
initial phonemes or whether; on the whole, ph<.)nematic tone and
phonemic initial were independent of each other. Dr. Jones certainly
seems to think that the six tones as phonemes pre-existed any splits or
assimilations that the initial phonemes might undergo. More than
that, he implies that phonemes that came to alternate between one
dialect and another (p/pb in particular) were marked off as different
from original p and ph precisely by their ability to occur in one tone
class (1 2 3) as against another two classes (4 56 and 1 56).
 In the DO table of tones and initials, the numbers 2 and 3 stand
out as remarkable. They are what I shall call varia tors. This means
that they permit of a change in initial phoneme (p or ph exclusive)
whilst still remaining, as a pair, in unique distribution. This remains
true whichever preference one has, whether it be D 1 or D2, for the
dialect which is nearer to *DO. (Dr. Jones' reconstruction of *ph for
the set p/ph seems to favour D2, the same choice that we have made
too.) More remarkable than that, they can tolerate p as one of their
variations but can never associate with b. All the evidence from the
tables leads us to think that for tomtl groupings original p and b were
indistinguishable. Indeed, there is no unique tone for original p and
bat all. We can put it another way and say: whereas tones 2 and
3 were primary for the recognition of a word and the articulation of
the initial phoneme only secondary (i.e. it could be either p or ph and
still not run the risk of homophony with other 'original' p or ph words
where articulation zvas a distinctive feature of the first order), this tonal
primacy in distinctiveness would be endangered or lost if ever the
initial b were allowed to co-occur! Also remember that 2 and 3 do
occur with initial m! Surely it cannot be that b controls the distribu-
tion of tones 2 and 3 in a negative way (it alone repclls them), whilst
ph controls tone 4 in positive way (it monopolizes it)'! If tone 4 is
limited to co-occurrence with ph, are tones 2 and 3 limited to non-co-
occurrence with b '? If so, why'!

Another very similar rule of non-co-occurrence will have to be

found for initial ph with tone 1 in Dialects like Dl. Here it is a case
not merely of either-or type variation but also of loss. D 1 has one
less x marked for occurrence than D2. Why should ph commence to
repel association with tone 1 in the developement of these particular
dialects'! Why should words with tone 1 beginning with old ph now
be homophonous with words beginning with old p? The linguist
answers assimilation. But why assimilation of only some ph initials?
The linguist answers that only those in the environment of tones 1 2
3 were allowed to assimilate. This led to a phoneme 'overlap' in the
case both tone and initial for item pl.
 If the environment was su t'ritit':tl, thcrt:f<.IH', can it not be said
~·crtain tones were pcrmis~>ivc nf L'CI!ain dWlJ~C~ '.' ·r hey <.lid not
cause change in initial ankulatinn (fur, aft.:r all, we arc pustulating
initial devclopcmcnt ami tonal dcl'clnpcrw:nl as t \\1l independent
processes) but merely allowed dHl!lge to happt•n ur not happen, as the
case might be. Yet two ul' these 'permh:.in:' tones are Ycry narrowly
restricted in occurrence(.: and 3, the tmiqlll' pair, never occurring with
b). The other one, tone 1, permits it~clt' w be repelled in all the DJ
dialects by an initial phoneme (ph) with which it had hitherto always
associated, wl!i 1st rna intaining tolcram:c 1\lr i ni tiat ion with b. A
strange kind of permissiveness! On this line of argument it becomes
clear that the idcu of the environment of six fully plwncmatic tones
exerting selective patterns of' behaviour upnn initial phonemes is well
nigh inadmissible. If there was an a~similatiun nf *ph !\l pin certain
dialects, then all the $ph set had to g(l, not ju~! those with certain
tones. To have it otherwise hits at the basis of the thc~is: that there
were originally six tones und three ph(lllcmc categoric~. and thut they
were mutually independent.

The restricted occurrence of tones :! 3 and 4 also hits at the

crucial fuctor of supposed original indt~pcndcnce ot' initiuls and tones.
Why should they be so restricted'! For instanc(~, tone 4 is clcurly
restricted by the occurrence of ph and not \'i<.:c-ver~a. As we have
observed, 2 and 3 arc restricted by the notH.:o-tH.:c:urrencc of b and~ in
Dl only, tone I is restricted by the non-co-occuncnce of ph. Yet if
we are to postulate a Proto-Thai stage Hntcccdcnt tu •no (which we
muy ca11 10 DP),lhcn the implications of' a plumiblc "'IW tublc, such us:

*DP 1 4 .'
f"
5

p X x..,_ X X

ph •' X '•
•
X""ff' X X X
.. #

b X
000 X X

Table DP
 '1111': .\\ \J.);dS IIF TJIAI'III\1·:~;: .\\ .\J:i,J ',IJ.:\1 -~ ii J

are eithn:
that certain tones later rid themselves of' certain initial
phonemes \~J> others rid themselves of some in some dialects
only ®, whilst others alternated bet ween the two according to
t
dialect ( )---a spontaneous reduction of statistical spread sup-
posedly happening independently of any influence from the
articulation of the syllable-initial;
or:
that there was interdependence-action and rcuction
mutually- between tones and initials, e.g. tones 2 and 3 'allowed'
the p/ph alternation whilst tone 4 suppressed it (this is tone
influencing possible change of phonemes); ph repelled tone 1
in Dl dialects and b repelled 2 and 3 in all dialects (this is
initial phonemes influencing possible tone);
or:
that there was a one-way influence only ... tlmt of the initial
phonemes over a reduced number or 'basic, tones, the appro-
priation of additional tone phonemes being in direct proportion
to the loss of distinctive features in the inventory or initial
phonemes. This we can call the theory of' compensation.

Here the middle way is not the right one. It docs not Qffcr a
system so much as an easy way out seized upon as an opportunist':;
route from •»Dr through *DO to Dl and D2. Though JUSt plausible,
it is not internally consistent.
The first explanation demands belief in the inherent selectivity
of certain tones, this tendency developing even against scope of their
own statistical coverage as phonemes. It can be said to be a pro-
gressive specialization or concentration on certain initial phonemes
by certain tones. Its logical conclusion is the 'unique' tone. This is
a process not known to most linguists. What is known, on tbc
contrary, is the isolation of unique tones because they have not been
overlapped (or overlaid) by assimilation. In other words, where one
view is of unique tones as the newest end-product of increasingly
drastic refinement and narrowing of scope, the other view is of unique
 J't'IU Jl;·c

tones ll$ ru~~il:; frnm the past alive thank~. tn

I i\ hKky c:.~.·;tpc fmm the
a~.:crctions or ~hange (l!ld inten:hangt~.

The third and last way pte!;l:nts dillkul!ic~ 111' recun!>lruction

for drafting a fuller inventory 1lf' inittal phun~.:n:cs ill tht.~ Pruto-Thai
stage, some of which lind no cxponenb in the pn·~,(~nt-day dialects.
But we do know of a plethora 11!' c~;ampk' in other langu;tgcs for this
sort of' phenomenon. We also know ot' cxamph:~ where tone~ were
affected by it (Chinese).
A final blow against the migin:ll imlcpcndcnce 1lf ;dl six tones is
the 'three-ness' of Dr. Jones' distribution table. Cir.tntcd he demands
all six for •m (and •r and "'w, of cuur~c) nnd can he unJentnod ns
having demanded all six for 'ph (his Pwtu-Thai 1\>rm), yet he must
seltle for three, and always and only three, li1r b a~ far as the evidence
shows. Likewise for h. But if "'ph, an a~.piratl~, 1:an originally take
all six, why does the evidence show has taking only three'!
In a parndigrn of ·4 initials and 3 tone:> (a total nf 1:'. items} a
loss by assimilation of' any one initial creates a demand ror com·
pensatory distinctiv.; features. The total of itern~ at this ~tage would
be, of' course, 9, so the number 3 need~ to he added f'ro111 an alternative
source, tones. The original three tnnes mu!>t therefore submit to a
demand for a minimum or three extra distingui!-.hing features, bringing
the total to six truly phoncmutic tones. The !>implcst account is to
be seen in tubular form:

11
DP Original '!goes to ph Tunal Compcn:.ation ( ~'DO}
I 2 3
·-------·
p X X X p
I 1 ') •
---:--··-·'-.
X X X p
_
·- ..._..') 3 4 5 6

X X X
--~··

ph X X X ph X X X ph X X X X X X

b X X X b X X X b X X X

'? X X X
---·-
12 items 9 items 12 items

Table 4
There are three kinds of initials, then, in *DO: there is one set made
up of those unvariant originals tlwt have been overlapped or masked
by later variants. Such zmvariant but non-unique forms can be termed
set U. The variants that have come to be assimilated, i.e. the newly
switched, overlapping initials ( e g.'! -7 ph above) will be called set V.
The others that have no problems about identity or distinguishing
features at all will be set D. The 'new' tones, after compensation,

't~
by their raison d'etre, must distinguish U from V, but the D set can, in
theory, cover any three tones it likes since distinctiveness can be fully ;...
l
assured by initial phonemes. l

I
~J
3
~
(~

This was our first diagram (Diagram A) for tone distribution:

1 2 3 will be members of set V; 4 5 6 will be members of set U; and
1 5 6 will be the D set which, as we have said, can in theory be
redrawn to include within itself any three tones at all. This is the
stage at which Dr. Jones began his Critique. The argument against
him can be presented in the following diagrams:

If U and V at one stage go back to common '»ph (alike for both

the Critique and this argument), and if Dr. Jones insists that *ph is an
irreducible unit phoneme (unlike the argument), then what prevents
the diagram
 ··~

1\:lt"l llcr

*P nnd *tl
from stabili1.ing itself' by permitting 111 p and "'b similar LTl\'Ctal!C
to ~ph'! Why only t/zrer members of thl: overlapping ~el '! Why
nut ruur, five or finally six, ultimatc.ly reaching a pwto-stagc

•p and •ph and 'b

which corresponds to our Table DP'! I can not find ans\Vc.m; to my
questions either cxplictl y or implicitly in the (.'ritiqtu•.
rn the 'old' analysis, U and V would diverge because of
reconstructed distinction between their initial phonemes nt some
earlier stage. The initial categories U V b p would now all be
distinctive. There are good grounds for reducing the number of tones
by half whilst retaining the same total of clearly distinguished
items. But the problem of which tones were nearest to the original
 Till·: A\AI.YSIS OF TIL\1 Tll\FS: .\:\ .\Ht.l'~IF\T 2R7

'basic' three is vexed by the chance that the D set might have moved
anywhere in the dialectal dcvelopcmcnts for the overlapping of sets
of three. The third paradigm in Table 4 (Tonal Compensation) is,
then, naive in the extreme. If the unique tones always stood out as
the V set, our troubles would be over. But arguments directed against
just such a proposition in Table 3 show that any simple solution docs
not match the facts-certainly not the data accepted for investigation
here. This is the reason for emphasizing the mid class as the overriding
difficulty in tonal analysis in dialectology as against the low /high
classes (U and V) that form the 'legs' upon which most of our analysis
has to stand. We simply cannot account for tbe vagaries or mid class
allegiance. It is all very well to say that tone assimilation is the key
to this problem but, after a conspectus of tone charts in many dialects,
we must admit that we are not even sure of the favourite assimilations
or overlaps (Is 1 5 6 really the favourite set'!) let alone the reason why
they were favoured.
The total number of possibilities for sets of three out of a row
of six numbers is 20. With such large combinatorial possibilities for
mid class analysis with six present-day tones, would not the tendency
be for the researcher to look for lexical, orthographical and general
'etymological' clues to cut down the tedious process of the statistical
digestion of raw data? Particularly if the actual combinations
occurring seemed fairly limited, whilst the mathematical possibilities
in theory amounted to a score.
Is there some co-efficient or moderating principle that keeps the
D set from exhausting all20 combinations'? Is this principle connected
with different qualities of tone, of initial phoneme, or of both. Is it
constantly applied as a kind of law, or did it function only at some
critical stage of dialect developement? I hope that Dr. Jones and
those eminent scholars he pays tribute to will join me in deeming these
questions worthy of attention.
 REVIEWS

Arahant Upati<>Sn, The Path of Freedom ( Vimuttimagga) Translated

into Chinese by Tipitaka SanghapUla of Funan. Translated from
Chinese into English by Reverend N.R.M. Ebara, and Vcnerables
Soma and Kheminda Thera. Published by Dr. D.R.D. Weerasuria,
Colombo, Ceylon. Pages LXI and 363 with Indices and Appendix.
rn this review of the Vimuttimagga, an ancient and very valuable
treatise in the Theravada tradition, three approaches will be made to
the subject: historical, doctrinal and practical. Each of these aspects
has value to the understanding of this book and therefore of the
Theravuda exegetical tradition.
What then of the Vimuttz'magga's history'! As in the case of
many other works originating in or near rndia, we have only a few
bare facts. Both the identification of the author and the precise
period when he lived are in doubt. We know only that both Pali and
Chinese sources agree in ascribing it to one venerable bhikkhu, by
name Upatissa, honoured by having the word 'Arahant' placed before
his name. Now who was the Arahant Upatissa? Putting aside the
idea that the Vimuttimagga was the composition of Lord Buddha's
great Marshal of the Dhamma, Venerable Saripulla (also known as
Upatissa), according to the Venerable Kheminda's Introduction, only
one known possibility remains, an Upatissu Thera mentioned in the
Commentary to the Vinaya (Samantapiisadiku). He was an expert in
the Vinaya and lived in Ceylon in the reign of King Vasabha
(609-653 BE). We cannot be sure, in fact, that this Upatissa was the
writer of this treatise and the late Venerable Nyanamoli Thera
supposed that it was composed by an 'unknown' author of this name
in the ninth century of the Buddhist Era. In any case, it is agreed
that this book was written before the Visutldhimagga (or Path of
Purification) which was composed by Acariya Buddhaghosa in the
tenth century B.E.
In its long history, Ceylon was subjected to all sorts of
onslaughts which meant that from time to time, when weak kings
were unable to defend their country, hordes of invaders ra vagcd the
290 nn n .<. :.

land and took whatercr they pleased. The \ ihuras were especially
liable to attack, rHlt sn much ll\lt uf' rcli~u(·tJ·, h;t!led, as from the
greed for wealth contained in their ~brine filUm~. •llld M!t about the
stiipas honouring both the lllCill(lf)' \If' and the !elks ur L(Hd Buddha.
At such times manuscripts were very easily dc-,tr<l)'Cd and as these
were all band-scribed upon nla (palm) !cares, su copies were few and
made only after the long labours of bhikkll ~trihcs. A lHJl)k known
only by name and evidently lost in this way wa~• the rimuttimagga,
since it was ussurned that all copies of it had been dc~•twycd.
However, scholars, when they began to explnrc the treasures
contained in the Chinese Tripitaka, remarked on a certain treatise
whose ti tic they rendered into Sanskrit as the f"imoJ,•.ramtJtfia. One
or two speculated that it might be the ~arne W11rk as the Piili Vimulli·
magga but there the matter was dropped. It wa~ not until Venerable
Soma Thera and Venerable Kheminda Thera, br•lh from (\:ylnn, were
in Japan that the chance came tt> translate into Fng.li~h the Chinese
text of the Vimuttimagga. For the interc~ting dctaih pf lww this came
about, renders are referred to page 14 of the 'In mcmtH·iam' which
prccecds the actual translation of the Vimuttima~rga.
Here we may pause to consider how the Vimuttimagga got
itself into Chinese. We have already shown how eusy ViliS its
destruction as a manuscript in PalL The only way for Pali works to
survive the occasionnl disasters which ovcrwnk Ceylon, Burma and
Siam was for them to be copied and sent to one of the other countries.
Thus in modern times Thai bhikkhus after the fall of Ayudbyu had
recourse to manuscripts preserved in Ceylon, while stillmore recently
Sinhalese bhikkhus have searched Siam for wre works not tn be had
in Ceylon. In the case of the Vimuttimagga. however, it seems to have
been preserved in no Theravadn country and one may surmise that in
the eyes of scholars it was overshadowed by the more C(.)mpendious
Visuddhimagga. Still, at least one scholar hud a liking for it and
enough regard to trunslate it into Chinese. He was a bhikkhu by the
name of Sangbapala and according to Chinese records (see pages
42-43 of the Introduction) he came from Funan. The identity of the
Funan peoples seems as yet undecided. Were they Mon or Thai or
 HE\' IE\\ li :!91

some other group now disappeared'! At any rate this Venerable

Sanghapala translated, together with many other Indian manuscripts,
the Vimuttimagga from Pali to Chinese.
Due to the efforts and enthusiasm of the translators, the
Reverend Ebara of Japan and the two Venerable Theras from Ceylon,
we now have this book in the English language. One must say that
the English rendering is clear and usually free from obscurities. But
its history is not yet finished. After the present edition of the work
had been published, a group of bhikkbus at the new NIT!anda Pa!i
College in India began to translate it back into Pali, a work not so
difficult to undertake, since the Pali of the Visuddhimagga contains
many parallel passages. They had proceeded some way with their
labour when it was announced that the manuscript of the Vimuliimagga
in Pali had been discovered in Ceylon. The reviewer does not know
whether this is yet published. It seems that though neglected, this
work has nevertheless survived in Piili. It is to be hoped that a Thai
edition of the Pali will be published as well as a Thai translation.
The Sinhalese translation has already been undertaken and presumably
is now in print.
We should now take up briefly doctrinal points from the
Vimuttimagga text. It should be said from the start that the work is
thoroughly Theravada, with not the slightest trace of Mahayana
ideas. It does, however, contain a few divergent points which have
led some scholars to attribute it to the Abhayugirivasins, a rather
restive and so-called 'progressive' sub-sect of Theravada in the long
distant past of Ceylon. However, although there are small differences
between the Vimuttimagga and the Visuddhimagga, which is the great
work of Mahavihara orthodoxy, still there seems to be nothing of
vital importance and certainly nothing revolutionary in this work.
This bas led the late Venerable Nyapamoli Thera to state that this
work was perhaps an early effort on the part of the Muhavihara
teachers to assert their authority by the possession of a definitive text
for teaching.
The differences between Venerable Upatissa on the one hand
and Venerable Buddhaghosa on tbe other are just the sort of small
292

d ivergcnces one would expect where the Buddhadhamma is flourishing.

Indeed, the reviewer knows of mtH.:h greater (appun:nt) divergences
among teachers in present --day Siam, nil of whom arc undoubtedly
Theravada, than con be found from a comparison of t hcsc two works.
As to the actual content of the Vimuttimagga it may be seen that it
does not differ greatly from that of the Visudcllzimagga except that the
former treats its subjects briefly and to the point, while the latter has
a much more complicated construction and elaborates at length upon
subjects, often introducing or referring to stories for the illumination
of particular points. While both treat the same basic topics called
the Three Trainings (Virtue, Collectedness nnd Wisdom), our work
does so apportioning space more or less eve!lly bet ween Collectedness
and Wisdom (Virtue, has much less); while in the risuddhimagga, the
Wisdom section is huge and over-elaborate.
This brings us to pructiculmattcrs. Firstly, this book like the
more bulky Visuddhimagga is a work written for bhikkhus, as may be
seen in the extensive sections in both on the Austerities. h>r a
Theravftda work on lay practice those who do not read Puli must wail
for a translation of the TJ f'asalwjaniifmtll;7ira ( rJnwment t~f (}!/ the
Layman), the Pali text of which has recently been published by the
Pali Text Society. Nevertheless, lay-people may learn much good
Dbamma from both these works. The reviewer would place the
Vimuttimagga into the hands or one ready for a comprehensive Thera-
vada treatise rather than the Visuddhimagga. Our work u voids many
Abhidhamma technicalities, regarding which one may be suspicious
as to their practical application. For this reason the Vimullimagga
has been described by Venerable Kheminda Thcru, \Vho has undertaken
the production of the present edition, as 'hadayailgnma' going 1.0 the
heart. Its directness in teaching Dhamma is plain from even a brief
reading, and in this directness lies its merit.
There are places in the work, however, where it tends to too
great an elaboration of categories. In this it follows the general
tendency of commentaries (which after all are written to make points
quite clear) and it is at these rather wooden junctures where one may
justly wonder whether an Arahant has written the Vimuttimagga. An
Aruhnnt is one who bas made the Dbamma his own hy the direct
seeing or insight of his mentality-materiality as the Dhamma. Being
free from all mental-emotional stains, he is free to express the Dhamma
in any way suitable for his pupils to understand. This he may do in
ways which, while they do not depart from the Buddlw \VOrd, usc some
striking method demanded by the situation. Just as Lord Buddha
taught by word of mouth (and not by book) so Arahants very likely
will also usually instruct in the same way. The reviewer bases
these observations upon the ways of teaching adopted by great
meditation teachers in Siam at the present time who very rarely
commit their teaching to the written word. This is one reason which
the reviewer presents for doubting the 'Arahant' title.
Again, this is brought out most strongly in the chapters on
Collectedness which are sound scholarstic presentations, but really do
not have the touch of life given them such as would characterise the
direct instructions of a great meditation teacher. The formal
presentation of some of these subjects illustrates this very well. For
instance, kasina-practice which the Viumttimagga recommends should
be bused upon exterior objects of earth and so forth, arc in Siam at
the present time wholly interior and there seems to be no idea among
meditation teachers to encourage even initial reliance upon an object
of the eye. Much the same might be said of corpse-gazing which,
according to scholastic tradition, is essential for the beginning of
AsubhakammaHhama (meditations on the unlovely). But many
teachers in Siam even deprecate this, saying that for many it is no usc
gazing at a corpse which is after all just Sanila-khandha-" the heap t1f
perceptions. They stress that it is o11e's rnon body that is to be seen as
bloated, putrid or dismembered, for then the practice on the unlovely
becomes really fruitful. Of course, it is possible that practice in this
respect has changed from the Buddha time to Siam now-a-days, although
the reviewer does not believe that this is so.
However, to criticize the Vimuttimagga in this light is probably
to expect too much of it. The book is really an excellent presentation
of Dhamma by a profound scholar who has a thorough knowledge of
Theravada exegetical tradition. In the hands of an intelligent and
294

pesevcring person, a great deal of extremely useful inft>rmation on the

Dhamma can be gathered. As a book intended for bl!ikkhus' educa-
tion, it will have been explained by a competent teacher who would
elaborate upon difllcult points and, of course, be able to answer the
questions of his pupils. This is a point to bear in mind while reading
the book, for a reader will still profit from expert guidance.
r:inally, a few words on this edition of the Vinwttimagga. We
have said that the English of the translation is clear and readily
understandable. It now remains to add that the fine work of the
translators is enhanced by the great scholarship of Venerable Kheminda
Thera who has added many valuable footnotes in which nrc quoted
passages in M1igadhi from the PU!i and Aglwkatha (texts and com-
mentaries) showing how the work is solidly bused upon the contents
of the Pali Canon and its exegetical literature. Occasional quotations
in the Vimuttimagga arc not traced and seem to refer to 'lost' traditions
of the Buddha word.
The good type, spaciousness of the setting and the excellent
headings are very creditable. Also worthy of mention are the quality
of paper, the splendid indexes both of subject and of Pali words, as
well as the bibliography and table of contents. Mention has been
made of the 'In Memoriam' written by Venerable Khemindu in
honour of his co-translator, the late Venerable Soma Thern, and of the
Introduction. Together with a preface to this edition, they contain
much interesting information on the Vimuttimaggtl.
It is fitting to close this review with the final words of Venerable
Upatissa with which he has rounded off his labours. In translation
they read:
Vast, boundless, past all thought and praise
are the good words and knowledge set forth here,
and none but the Yogin knows and grasps
the Essence of the Dhamma full and clear.
Best is this Path for skilful deeds;
for it away from ignorance does steer.

Bltiklclm Khantipato.
Jones, Delmas .T., C'ulturalvn.riation amrmg si...; [,aim villagt•s, Norlhl'm
Thailand PhD thesis, Cornell University, Ithaca 1967, Jl)J pages.
Jones' thesis is based on field work he conducted during 1964-M>
in Northern Thailand, mainly in a Lahu village near Fang in Province
Chiengmai; from here he made reconnaissance trips to five other L.ahu
villages. Of the six villages, three were inhabited by non-Christian
'Black Lahu' one by Christian 'Black Lahu' and two by Red Lahu.
Jones' main aim is 'to describe the range of cultural variation
among six villages of a single ethnic group-the Luhu'. Yet 'the
limits of the Lahu population are unknown. Thus, the findings
of this study can only be suggestive.' To 'provide information on the
organization of cultural behavior in the hills of Northern Thailand'
he describes one village and then compares selected features with
those encountered in the five other villages. Assuming some variation
in customs among the villages, he tried to elicit in which aspects, in
what quantities, and in what significance variation is found.
To reach tllis goal he confines himself to the material
presented in his thesis; for in many cases his descriptions me somewhat
thin and we would like to know more about many features he only
touches. As the literature on the Luhu in general is scarce and on the
Lahu inThailand still more so, his study could be a valuable source
of information. Since Young ( !96 1) pre sen ted some chapters on the
Lahu in Thailand, nothing worth mentioning has been written on
this group--the exception being a PhD thesis by Mati~off who did
linguistic research among the Lahu. This is why Jones' thesis deserves
consideration.
First, the Jones describes the research design, the history of the
Lahu in Fang, the physical environment, technology and economy. Then
he denls with kinship problems: 'The kinship system .•. is bilaterul'.
The table in which he lists kinship terms contains many errors. He
is right when stating the residence pattern as uxorilocal and the
criterion of age as being most important for the classification of the
people in a society, where role differentiation is low. There are
'spirit-groups' which, he believes, are composed, generally, of a num-
ber of households regardless of kinship tics. This is uot true, for
2% II F\'11-:\\ S

membership depends on belonging to households of distinct descent

groups, of whose existence he is not aware it seems. 01' the religious
ofilcials, the 'priest' and the 'spirit-doctor', the 'priest' is mm:h more
important-contrary to Jones' statements (see pages 75, I 10 and 120).
Not every villager may become 'priest' or headman as Jones believes;
this depends on descent.
The religious rituals arc characterized as (a) corrective and
(b) preventive, and arc for (c) maintenance and (d) thanksgiving.
Jones obviously faces difficulties when designating the rituals with the
proper Luhu terms; also his description of the ceremonies should be
more accurate. He does not fail to recognize the relationship between
economy and ritual. So he states: 'the offerings which are made to
the spirits can be viewed in the same terms as the fines which are
paid for civil offense'.
In later sections he compares the other villages with Red Lnke
Village (as he terms his village ncar Fang) and with each other, using
'features found to be true', 'so that similarities and differences arc
dramatized'. 'Since some differences are greater than others, each
difference has been given a score ranging from 0 through 3' (0 no
difference, 3> ,some new element invol vcd). 65 selected charactcri~­
tics should 'reveal the nature of the settlement pattern, socio-political
organization, and religion·. lie knows quite welt some elf the weak-
nesses of this concept: 'the question always nrises as to how much
weight another scorer would give to the same differences'. He is
right when writing 'the village of Doi La Muang does not differ as
radically from Doi Mussuh as it does from Red Lake', for the Omkoi
(Doi La Muang) and Tak (Doi Mussuh) villages arc composed of
relatives to whom are related also the people of Wiang Papao. It is
quite clear that among the 'Black Labu' villages, most different from
the others is that of the Christian Lahu ncar Chiengdao. But Jones did
not examine whether the different religion alone is responsible for the
obvious present-day differences, i.e. whether the animist ancestors of
the Christian and non-Christian Lahu had essentially the same reli-
gious, social and political patterns. If he had done so, he would have
seen that this was not the case. Differences in social, religious, and
political patterns as well as other factors indicate that the Lahu of the
 HI\ IF\\;, -~'I I

four villages belong to distictly different groups. In the three animistic

villages live Labu S!zehleh (whereas Jones believes 'Shehleh' is just 'the
Red Lahu name for the Black Lahu') and in the Christian village,
Lahu Na (Black Lahu).
This may be his most serious error, probably partly due to the
fact that he visited only four villages of the 'Black Lahu' to study
variation, a small number of the 27 villages of Shehleh and 7 of the
Na. When writing on the subject 'variation' be at least should have
tried to elicit 'the limits of Lahu population' and to get a control on
the distribution of the villages of these 'Black Lahu' in Thailand. He
has a vague idea : 'Black Lahu are found in other areas of Northern
Thailand'. In some details also be did not do thorough research.
Let us cite some examples: (a) spirit-corners in the houses are not
always on the left side as he states, but on that side closer to the
ground; (b) the sex of the pigs offered in sacrifices is important, for
some ceremonies only male, for others only female nrc appropriate.
Some descent-groups have to kill a male pig and dance on the following
night, whereas another group kills a female pig on the same occasion
and abstains from dancing; (c) girls are said to dance only at New
Year's time-this is untrue.
To sum up: The author of this review cannot agree with
some of the suggestions set forth by Jones, because his own research
obliges him to different statements. In view of the ethnographic
literature on the Lahu being scarce, Jones' thesis i5 nevertheless a
valuable contribution which is to be read carefully and critically.

llans J. Spit!lmulltt
 RECENT SIAMESE PUBLICATIONS
, / 4
387. Tt'3IJSWet, T., The 1'ai Monarrhy and Uwldhism lHiltlmntHn~fli'r;

' ' .
1mHi'tmnnrt 111111, l1tlnllllllldHi'm,runiHmiVJi'r~, tilt i;;,rltl'\I.JlH1th;luu
Bangkok 25 I 1 pages 72 and 26.
Ti ranasli r Press,

The initiative for this publication belongs to the Young Buddhist

Association, which, considering the success of Buddhism in the land
to be derived from the royal patronage of successive kings, organised
research on the subject, and invited a distinguished panel of schnlars
to judge the results which took the form of essays in the national
language. The essay under review has been published by the Siwara
family in dedication to their ancestors on the occasion of the cremation
of their remains. The father of the family, Lt. Jit Siwara, was a long-
standing member of the royal household of His late Royal Highness
Prince Chira of Nakon Jaisri-·a distinguished commander-in-chief or
the Siamese army in the reigns of Kings Chulal<.liJkorn and Rama Vf.
and among his sons is General Kris Siwarft, deputy commander of the
army, who has sponsored the publication under review.
Six chapters deal, respectively, with: a well summarised
historical sketch of monarchical patronage of the Church in general;
the building of church monuments in the form of monasteries in the
days of Sukhodaya with emphasis on its artistic character; this same
topic in the succeding period of Ayudhyi\; again in the period of
Dhonburi and Bangkok including the monumental boarding sehoul
initiated by King Vajiravudh now known as Vajiravudh College; the
successive restorations of the Cunon of Buddhism, the Tijdtalw, and its
commentaries under the patronage of the first, .fifth and seventh
kings of the ruling dynasty; and the relationship of the nutionnl
religion with education.
The style of writing is clear and misstatements are rare.
However, one rather important error should be recorded. In
describing the monument of Pra Pathom, the author mentions the Pra
Pradhon, a few kilometres east, as if it were part and parcel of the
former. Both are, of course, within the radius of Dvaravati
monuments that abound in the locality.
:wo
Then follows the Monarchiml Institutiom by Dhammnsaro
Bhikkhu, a series of historical and sociological studies of the Thai
monarchy. In tracing the development of the Thai monarchy from
the early Buddhist duys in India, the Venerable gentleman might have
included a sketch of world culture other than the Indian·, for the
monarchical institution existed everywhere else. There can, of course,
be no contradiction to the fact that our cultural tradition originated
from India and that to a great extent our monarchical ideal is
traceable from that quarter.
The article is provided with an extensive and well chosen list
of references. It is a pity, however, that works other than in our
language have not been made use of.
At the end of the book is a study of Napoleon Bonaparte
written some thirty years ago by the late LmliJ Vicitra-Vudakiirn.
In an introductory note to this addition, his widow says that the
study was requested by the sponsor of the publication. The
Khunluarj's brilliant style is well known, though, in view of' the material
preceding, the inclusion of the study is somewhat unexpected.

388. Anumun RITjndhon, Praya, Corresponde11ce 2oith l!is late Royt1l

Highness Prince Naris on matters of know ledge tiuiin,~oltrnuivlu;
.
Sivaporn Press, Bangkok 2506 in 5 volumes, illustrated.
In the preface, the author defines the Fine Arts ns consisting of
five branches: architecture, sculpture, painting, music and literature.
The last two include between them dramatic art. In his life's work,
the late Prince evinced his excellence in four of the Fine Arts. The
uposoth of Wat Bei'icamabf>f)it alone is a proof of his complex talent.
From the year 2479 to 2486 (Buddhist Era) the late Prince was
in the habit of corresponding with the author about various aspects of
art and allied topics. The correspondence accumulated to five octavo
velumes totalling over 1,500 pages, Each volume is provided with
an index of subjects and one of names as well as a list of references.
The range of subjects dealt with is far too wide for generaliza-
tion-architecture, history, philology, Court and popular rites and, of
course, fine arts in the more limited sens.e, being but a few of the topics
discussed.
 JOl

As a rule the laCe Prince wrote to consult or inform huyu

Anuman on matters which came to his attention, They were mostly
philological. The author was by this time in fulL charge of the
National Library where encyclopaedic information collected by the
late Prince DamrOJJ became available to the author. Being a :;cbolar
of the encyclopaedic type, he would look up answers to satisfy
the Prince's scholastic enquiries and, moreover, enlarged upon the
discussion, A translated excerpt of a passage not quite encyclopaedic
from Book I page 128 :
The most important point raised in your letter, that
writers are apt to coin words according to their will, made me
realise something already evident to my mind but as yet never
formulated. When I was young nobody seemed to be nware
of the existence of Sanskrit at all. I subscribed too to that
misunderstanding. Words from the Sanskri l were regarded as
an alternative way (uwH) of writing PalL No one realised the
truth till Sanskrit dictionaries began to arrive in our country.,
ConsCLJuent to this generalisation the Prince went on to discuss
words which posed problems of interpretation or even spelling.
The series was published in dedication to the lute Prince on
the celebration of the centenary of his birth by the joint effort of the
Thai government and UNESCO. The get-up has been planned with
appropriate care and artistic inspiration, Included is a very well
written biography from the pen of Prin\.:css Dual)citm who was her
father's constant companion.

389, Sathien Koses, Retrospect ~lltllllllni~ Si vuporn Press, Bangkok

2510 with an appendix and two indices octo pages 513.
Having been looked upon for some time past as an acan, it is
no wonder that the author has been urged, time and again, to write
an autobiography of his long and varied career. One is not quite
certain whether the rendering Retrospect for his book carries the
full meaning intended, for other interpretations would seem possible.
In whichever way it is labelled in English, the book is sure to receive
every attention from Thai and foreign cultural circles.
302

The Jive hundred-odd pages of the long nurrati vc com mcm.:e \Vith
his birth, his childhood in the busy commercial centre of Bangkok
which offered the boy varied opportunities for a broad view of life,
and then goes very fully into his education which wus practical rather
than classical. In l'uct, the chapters on education continue and
occupy some three quarters of the narrative, though inter:.-;perscd with
numerous observations of the maturer personality he was at the
time of writing. The contents of this long narrative include matters
topographical for Bangkok, especially commercial Bangkok downtown,
as well as historical, philological, soda! and cultural mutters. The
style of writing is anecdotal, evincing the keen observation of a clever
youth expressed in the language of' a maturer elder broadened by a
wealth of general knowledge acquired during development into a
savant.
It is interesting to note that the author learnt his Siamese !'rom
such conservative text-books as the XIX century series or the A·1iilabot,
condemned nowadays as being out-of-date. And yet these text-books
have not succumbed to the artificial style of an adopted Aryan
grammar of Siamese. Judging from Suthien Koses' clearly written,
good Siamese it would seem that the lack of a knowledge of' the
artificial grammar of the language has not hindered his ability to use
the 'King's Siamese'.

It is impossible to summarise the content of this narrative for

it ranges widely. Besides an index of terms and an index of names,
there is a long appendix (pages 437-506) entitled 'When I presented
myself to His Royal Highness'. The exalted personality referred to is
His late Royal Highness Prince Damrong, then President of the Royal
Institute of Arts and Sciences. It introduces to us the ambitious
young ofllcial of His Majesty's Customs Service who eventually
transferred to the Royal Institute, finally becoming its chief executive
under the title of Vice-President. If he had cared to, he might have
become a leading member of another honourable cultural organization
-the Siam Society.
 JU;I

390. Records of Hi!> late Majesty King Prajndhipol~'s t~lfidal visit to

"
the nurt I1 ~l'llHJJUttl~mtumliiHIII~llltllnlltt~t~>fttttllu\J ~ ~ 1liiJ· s;.1 vaporn
~ • ~ ... tHumtll::t'lHH ·
Press, Bangkok 2510 pages 116.
These records are not merely intere!iting for the sociologi!il in
search of descriptions of' rites and ceremonies of the ClnHt but supply
us also with features of northern custom and of the world or hereditary
rulerl:i in the north which was then about to terminate. The enthusiastic
welcome, in 1925, from our northern kinsmen of' all walks of life must
have been an encouragement to the guests and hosts alike. It has
been compared often to the dumb surprise and sullen acquiescence of
the nation seven years later to the new regime.

391. Viial~ha Fiija 2.5 I I an annual publication in English of the

Buddhist Association of Thailand. Si vaporn Press, Bangkok 2511
pages 120.
The publication is intended frankly for the foreign public which
has in recent years shown a marked interest in Buddhistic subjects.
The present number is in fact a great improvement on past issues. A
glance at the table of contents reveals well known foreign scholars as
well as several high dignitaries of the Buddhist Church. It is prefaced
with an illustrated resume of the Vesscmtm·a}atalw, which is, of course,
the most widely known of the texts of the Thera vat! a School of
Buddhism.
The Editorial Note puts before us the wherefore of the
Organisation of' the above-mentioned Association by giving a sketch
of its history, its aims and its programme of activities, which includes
a. commemorative service on the anniversary of the death of the late
King Mol)kut who, the editorial note points out, was responsible fnr
laying the foundation of modern Siam. His reform of the Church
regarding the Holy Brotherhood is duly held up as n progressive step.
The contents include Bhikkhu Khantipula's article entitled the
Wheel of Wandering, an expose of the philosophy of Saysara, a
feature of ancient India accepted into Buddhism. The same author
is responsible for several other contributions which are well worth
reading, since these are presented in good and clear English.
The number includes reviews of books, thus keeping us up-to-
date in Buddhist literature,
304

392. ThfOIJ·Surukic, Cm lin, 'I'he Daughters of Mara in verse nl'ltlmr'IHiin'i

and Essays on Spiritual Wanderiug Navy Press, Bangkok 2510
pages 91.
The first part of this work is an original versified version of
the figurative scene of the temptations of the Buddha written by the
nobleman whose name appears above, whilst the essays are from the
pen of three members of the Holy Brotherhood. The publication is
dedicated to the author of the poem and his wife at whose cremation
the book was issued.
The theme, though based on a phase of the Buddha's life as
fancifully told in literature and in respresentations of art, is just a
poem of imagination, somewhat resembling the epic of A~vughosha's
Budtllwcarita. Written in good literary Siamese, it is, however,
couched in extremely erotic language with scenes perhaps unequalled
in Siamese literature, though reminiscent of Kalidiisa's erotic scenes
in Kumarasambhava.
The essays arc interesting in an unorthodox way, and deal with
the problet:ns of the arter-lif'e.

393. In dedication to the memory of the late Vcn. 0JJ Sarubhrin-

Madhuros, a deputy abbot in the Vietnamese Mahliy~inist Church of
Siam, the leading members of that Church published a set of four
books, most of which had been published but had become rare.
These are:
1.History of the Vietnam Church ill Thailand JlainHa.r~iimiiJiluw
PrayuraWOlJS Press, Bangkok 2511 pages 268;
2. The Five Hundred Arahats from the pen of Sathien Ko~es
and Nagapradip with illustrations and a very useful introduction
1{wilt<hJJfu ~~ll<l'll:::lll!tUMlmJ PrayurawOIJS Press, Bangkok 2511 pages 43;
3. OIJ Sarabhan Madhuros' Lectures 1hJ1nm~w~tH'IJll•tN<Ylm•ulJ~H1
PrayuraWOlJS Press, Bangkok 2511 pages 134;
4. Pam Kov Kul~ Fa rl11Jn~nn~, an Historical Romance, from
'
the Vietnamese, Pruyura WOIJS Press, Bangkok 2511 page 228.
 I>rngrli Gananam-snmlwacarya, Chief Abbot of 1he Vietnamese
Church in Thailand, author of the llistory ... (l above), is both a
learned scholar and chief mourner of the venerable gentleman, also a
scholar, whose learned lectures form the material of the book (3 above).
Each volume is prefaced by a biography of the deceased, whose
photograph is attached.
The History of the Vietnamese Church extends through the
period of the present regime of KrUIJtep or, in Siamese, the eru of the
Ratanakosind. Pages 25 to 268 are devoted to a history of the
relationship between the Vietnamese and our people. It is a political
account which is well summarised, covering the period corresponding
to the era noted.
The Five llumlred Aralzats according to Sathien Koscs, author of
its Siamese translation, was 'picked up' accidentally during a stroll in
the SampetJ quarter, later translated into our language, and, finally,
rendered in polished Siamese by the two authors Sathicn Ko~es and
Nagapradip for publication as a number in the series Our Ndghbours'
Beliefs. In the form of what in modern days would be called cartoons
with explanations, these are interesting nevertheless and readable.
The Introduction has been written with a scholarly knowledge
and diction and is supplemented by an appendix on the term Sattapnrna,
a second appendix on the famous pilgrim ~~~u11~·~--written in Romun
characters Hiuen Thsiang or Yuan Chwang or in some other ways. A
third appendix is devoted to the pilgrim Fa Hian. Both pilgrims have
left accounts of their pilgrimages to the Middle Land and Yuan
Chwang's work has been helpful to scientific identifications of Indian
geographical names such as Sravasti or Snvatthi.
The Lectures are interesting, especially in that they were from
the pen of the deceased. These deal with topics of Mahayanist belief
with special reference to spiritualism-a topic apparently studied
deeply by the deceased.
The romance is said to be a translation from classic Vietnamese
literature. Bearing a striking resemblance to Thai versions of the
Chinese classical romances (such as the Samkoh) in its style of
writing, which may be described as 'slow movements and dignified
phraseology', one cannot hope to glance or skip through the contents
in the modern habit of reviewing.
306

394. The King's Diary R.E. 21 I I ~l'lmmllll~l·nell'llilmuiu 11o~1. ),,,.,.,

memento of the cremation of Her late Serene Highness Momchuo
Vimoi~Padmaraj Chirapravat 2508 se.tag pages 41.
There have been from time to time publications of sections of
the King's Diary. The King's Diary was originally understood to
have been initiated by the late King ChulalOIJkorn who personally
entered his diary at first, later continued by his Private Secretllry and,
finally, by a mere clerk in the latter's office. King Rama VI, however,
carefully kept his private diary up to the time of his death; but this
was confidential and never published in full. The discovery of a
diary commenced in the reign of King MOIJkut was not expected and
is interesting on that account. Unfortunately, the diary found dates
only to the last year of the King's life. It is highly interesting
nevertheless.
It is well known that King rviolJkut was up und about and in his
usual health up to the time or the expedition to the coast to observe
the solar eclipse; that is, two months before the actual date of his
demise. He contracted an illness--said to have been malaria--and
rallied several times but finally died on the 18th October; in lunar
calculation in use at the time, the 15th or the waxing moon of the
eleventh month.
The diary records an account of the meeting immediately after
the Kings death of the Council of the Realm, consisting of the royal
family, the senior members of the government and the clergy. His
Royal Highness KromaluatJ -later promoted to Kromn{mt---Deves
proposed that an invitation be extended to the late King's eldest son,
Prince Chulalol)korn, to succeed to the throne. This was agreed upon
unanimously. The same prince then proposed that the omce of the
premier Prince of the Palace to the Front be offered to His Highness
Kromamtin Boworawijaijan, eldest son of the former Prince who
had since died. Nothing more is recorded here of the discussion
which is known to have occurred.
The oath of allegiance to the chosen princes was taken by
the entire court at a meeting held after that meetin'g at which was
made the choice of the King and of the Prince of the Palace to
the Front.
 307

Then follows an account of the coronation or His Majesty King

ChuliilorJkOrn in some detail.
It is noticeable from this diary that on his return from the trip
to observe the eclipse King MO!Jkllt was irritable perhaps feeling
unwell. During the illness however which later developed into
something quite severe he kept a clear mind. He was able to compose
a farewell in Pali, addressed to his fL)rmer colleagues in the Iloly Order,
and spoke to lay colleagues in government and members or the Roytll
Family without difl1culty.

395. The Sociological Revic?JJ Jl'imHrl~ffHllJtflillll~ 3rd special number,

devoted to history from the modern viewpoint. Sociological Sciences
Press 2509 pages 137.

In publishing a special number devoted to history from the

modern viewpoint, the Editor deplores the Jack of intcre!>t in
historical studies of a scholarly standard und attempts to stimulate
interest. Due honour is paid, and quite rightly, to the national flttber
of historical science by reproducing, in colour, a photograph or
His late Royal Highness Prince DamroiJ. Prayfi Anuman Rujadhon
contributes a preface emphasizing that the study of history docs not
end at taking note of facts. It should encourage logical judgment;
one should, for instance, realise how historical points arise and how
they develop. History, unlike most other sciences, is not fixed by
well proved theories, and yet awaits definite decisions within its own
scope as well as within allied sciences like archeology.
The contents of the number present a wide range of topics
bearing 011 the scholarly study of the subject. Prehistory is well
represented by F.W. Mote's Prehistory of the Thai People in a Siamese
as well as English version. It sums up research in prehistory
to-date. Dr. Sud Sl?r)vijian's Examiuation of the Humarz Slwletom of
Banl~ao devotes attention to chronological data in order to solve
the problem of origin or migration of the Thai, which previously had
not been attributed to such an early date. The Language of Suldzodaya
by J.M. Brown in English deals with the venue and spread in Siam of
308 HE< :ENT HIA~tr·:HE 1'11111 .lt :A'! I< 1:\t:

the race. Examining the llistory of Suldwdaya, in Siamese, by Dr.

Prasroeth na Nalwn follows and is worth going into in some detail.
Taking various aspects of the cnse, one~by-one, the author concludes
that:
l. Historians agreed formerly that King Liiai fought a long
time before he gained his throne in B. E. 1897; but in his
opinion, supported by definite epigraphical proof, that king
had been reigning in SajjaniTlaya in B.E. 1888 and acceded
to the throne of Sajjanalaya Sukhodaya in I 890;
2. It was formerly thought that Litai was so devoted to rdigion
that he neglected the defense of his country's interests
and that this resulted in serious disintegration. The author
argues that the state had already disintegrated before this
king came to power, to wit the cpigraphical evidence that
the states of i1 rabflrJ, ChiaiJtfnJ Barn)un had assumed inde-
pendence. Lifai, in fact, was respomihle for the restoration
of the land between the valleys of the PITsak and the
Me{>irJ as far as Nun.
3. The former notion of Lifai's successor, Sai!li(ui. moving his
capital to Sfl1Jkwe for 7 years is repudiated by the author's
epigraphical evidence of Litui being responsible for the
seven years' sojourn in SO!Jkw6, pcJssibly to guurd against
encroachments by Ayudhya between 1905···191 L
4. The author does not accept the former notion of Sailuiai
being Litai's son, is inclined to interpret the term ~1111111
(phl.ilun) as grandson and accepts another monarch in his
place.
As regards the line of succession to the throne of Sukhodaya,
the author points out that M.R. Sumonajat, supported a
list on the authority of Prince DamrolJ of eight kings,
which Khacorn Sukhapanij increased to 10 in conformity
with Inscription 45. To both of these the author rejoins
that the list should be limited to 9 independent monarchs.
Generally speaking a clearer statement of facts by the author
seems necessary for a reader's decision.
 309

New data presented in the next article from Dr. J. Boisselicr

Nouvelles J)onnees du Siam carries us buck of that accepted as authentic
history of Siam. It should be noted that the epigraphical evidence
is culled fromt he north-east, up to now a comparatively little known
source area. There is no reason to reject the conclusions of this
scholar of world-wide repute. Moreover, unlike some of those
preceding, these are clear and succinct.
S. Wallibhodom's llyodhya iu History is almost startling. It
has the merit too of being clear and succinct. Hitherto our history
has been written on the hypothesis that our ancestors came from
somewhere in the north; and, after successive settlements, established
themselves in a state called ·f·er1anak0n, or in classical exactitude
'devanagara'. After some time we were driven by an epidemic
to move cast to the marsh of the sana, a willow plant, under the
leadership of a King of Ut(JIJ to found a new city named Knl!JLCI)-
Twuruwadi-Sri Ayudhyu. This bcca me the starting point of a new
'i'ai state to be known in later years as Siam·--in classical exa<.:titude
Syam.
The article under review, if correct, will revolutionise all this.
It admits, of course, of the existence of the state of Ulc'h) which has
been proved by archeology to have been an extensive centre of'
civilisation to the north of [>ra Pathom. In view or the fact, however,
that archeology has proved that its remains belong to the Dviira vnt i
period of art, it was too old to be the immediate predecessor of that
exodus which resulted in the founding of Ayudhya at the marsh of
the willows. Now, on the east bank of the river east of the modern
town of Ayudhya there are ruins of Dvaravati remains, as also those
of later periods, known by the name of Wat Docm, meaning the 'Wat
of former days' There is also, one might add, the Wat of the Lord of
the cross-legs, officially named Wat r>anafichoeiJ, which, according to
reliable records, predates tbe founding of AyudbyiT. These facts
should prove at least that there were habitations on the east bank,
round the present-day railway station of Ayudhya, which might be
remains of our Tepanakon. All this, in fact, is suspected to be the old
Ayodhya, if such a name ever existed in our country. That is the
crux of Wallibhodom's suggestion.
31 ()

Another study of old Ayudhya, by W.O. Wolters, in English, is

also well and clearly written under tile title of History fif Early
ilyudhya.
Kachorn Sukhapunij's J)ocuments of the time of King Narai is a
sum of material for reference. Four documents arc enumerated as
recent French publications, namely: de Fontaney's Tmvels in Siam
and China (Shanghai 1942), the Memoirs of de Bezc, concerning the
life and death of Constance Phaulcon (Tokyo 1947), Rome and the
Missions of Indochina in the XV lith century (Paris 1948) and the
journey to Siam of Father Bouvet (Leiden 1963). All this source
material is in French and the one of de Beze has been translated into
Thai. The author goes on to discuss other sources, including one from
Persia which is written in Arabic character and as yet undeciphercd.
Mention is made also of other sot~rce materiel in French, the most
important being those of the French diplomatic and missionary
missions to the court of King Narai, such us Chamhord, Tachnrd and
Laloubere.
What then, it is asked, was the result of this comparatively
extensive intellectual intercourse with the French. The answer:
cartography. With regard to other fields of knowledge, such as
medicine and engineering, the author has not been able to detect much.
He attributes this deficiency to the political turmoil of the time.
The final article Thoughts in Connection yoith the Science of
IIi story by Nidh Eow~ri WOIJS could perhaps be dcscri bed as historical
truisms.
The special number under review may be said to be the most
informative issue of The Sociological Review published to date.

D.
31 July 1968
 ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1967

The Annual General Meeting of the Siam Society terminating

the year 1966 was held at the Society's Home, 131 Asoka Road
(Lane 21) on Wednesday, 22nd March 1967 at 8.15 p.m. with His
Highness Prince Prem Purachatra in the chair. The meeting was
attended by some 200 members and guests.
In accordance with the agenda, the Minutes of the previous
Annual General Meeting held on 14th March 1966 as well as the
Annual Report for 1966 and the Financial Statement for 1966 were
adopted. Mr. Yukta na Thalang was re-elected Honorary Auditor
for 1967.
The meeting then re-elected the standing Council for 1967
en bloc and approved raising the life membership fee to Bnht 3000.
The meeting was followed by a lecture by Dr. Clark E.
Cunningham on 'Physicians, Doctors, Curers, atJd Quacks: An
Anthropological View of Health Arts in Rural Thailand.' The
lecture was accompanied by a showing of slides.

STANDING COMMITTEES FOn 1967

1. Finance Committee
The Senior Vice~Presidcnt (H.S.H. Prince Ajavudis Diskul)
Chairman
The Honorary Secretary (Luang Thavil Sethpanijkarn)
The Honorary Treasurer.
2. Editorial Committee
The Honorary Editor of the Journal (Dr. Lawrence Sternstein)
H.H. Prince Dhaninivat, Kromamun Bidyalabh
Mr. J.J. Boeles, Director Research Centre
3. Natural History Committee
Lt. General Phya Salwidhan Nidhes, Chairman
Mr. Ariyant Manjikul
H.S.H. Prince Piyarang Rangsit
312

4. Exchange Committee
H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul, Chairman
Phya Anuman Rajadhon
H.H. Prince Sukhuma Paribatra
Mr. J.J. Boeles

5. Travel Committee
H.S.H. Prince Ajavadis Diskul, Chairman '.
H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul
Mr. Kruisri Nimmanahaeminda

6. Research Committee
H.H. Prince Prem Purachatra, Chairman
H.S.H. Prince Ajavadis Diskul, Deputy Chairman
Mr. Kraisri Nimmanahaeminda
Luang Thavil Sethpanijkarn
Dr. Lawrence Stcrnstein
The Director of the Siam Society Research Centre (Mr. J.J. Boeles)
During the year the Council co-opted Mr. S. G0nge as Honorary
Treasurer to replace Mr. V.F. Hemmingsen who was forced to resign
under pressure of work after having served tbe Society for a number
of years. The Council is particularly grateful to Mr. Hemmingsen
for his having placed the finances to the Society on a solid foundation.
The Council also co-opted H.E. Monsieur A. W. Kgnigsfeldt us
Honorary Editor of the Natural History Bulletin to succeed H.E.
Monsieur Ebbc Munck who had left the country.
The year 1967 saw publication by the Society of the following
periodicals and monographs:
The]oumal of the Siam Society volume 55 parts 1 and 2;
The Natural I-lt'story Bulletin of the Siam Society volume 22
numbers 1 and 2;
Erik Seidenfaden, The Thai Peoples (third edition); and
Larry Sternstein and Carl Springer, An Annotated Bibliography
of Material Concerning Southeast Asia from Petermanns j
.:1
Geographische Mitteilungen 1855-1966. 1
l
I
I

l
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313

The Council is pleased to report that our publicutions have

proved of greater interest than ever before.
The Council held 11 business meetings during the year. The
Society's membership at the end of 1967 reached a new high at 1,299
as compared to 1,208 at the close of 1966.
The classification of membership is as follows;
Royal Patron and Vice-Patrons 4
Honorary Presidents 2
Honorary Vice-President
Honorary Members 3
Free Members 4
Corresponding Members 16
Life Members 231
Ordinary Members 103R
Total 1299

The Society has also 56 subscribers to its joumal and Natural

History Bulletin.
The Society elected 244 new members and recorded R4 rcsignn-
tions and deaths. The number of visiLors to the Lihrnry and
Research Centre increased f'rom 2,154 in 1%6 to 2,67H in 1%7. The
Kamthieng House Museum wns visited by 647 persons in J%7.
Outgoing ofrice mail, including circulars to mcmhrs, umount<:d
to 15,024 pieces.
The financial position of the Suciety, under tbc laudable
direction of the Honorary Treasurer, remains satisfactory as is
rcf1ected in the balance sheet for 1967.
Accrued benefits from the Society's capital of the Endowment
Fund (Baht 2.3 million) are expected to become available for the first
time in March 1968. This additional source of regular income will
make it possible to finance the greater part of present operation a I
expenses and, therefore, continuity or performance seems reasonably
assured. It will be possible also to liquidate tbe present bank
314 A~:-ll'AI. HFI'OHT FOil 19fi7

overdraft shown in the balance sheet at 31st December 1967. In the

coming years, however, additional capital donations from other
institutions and private sources will be required. The Kamthieng
House is not able to take care of itself financially and the Society,
during 1967, could not budget for essential library acquisitions.
During tile year the Society saw an extension of the Kamthieng
House Museum through the construction of a simple Sala that both
protects and allows the display of wood carved teak panels acquired
with funds from the John D. Rockfeller the Third Foundation.
' .
During 1967 the Society's librarian and first museum assistant,
Mrs. Cbucheep Tiarabongse Boyle went to Denmark and later to the
Netherlands on a State scholarship to study museum techniques for
a period of five months. The Council is most grateful to the Danish
and the Netherlands governments for making this training program
possible. More than four months were spent in Denmark where
study concentrated on the several open air museums.
Meetings and excursions arranged by the Society during the
year were as follows:
16th February Lecture by Mr. Chun Prabhuvi~Vadhana: 'The
Poetic Siamese.'
22nd March Lecture by Dr. Clark E. Cunningham: 'Physicians
Doctors, Curers, and Quacks: An Anthropological
View of Health Arts in Rural Thailand' with
slides.
11th April Lecture by Dr. O.P. Agrawal: 'Introduction to
the Conservation of Art Objects'.
11th May Lecture by Miss Elizabeth Lyons: 'International
Art in Asia' with slides.
14th May Excursion to Pimai.
3rd June Visit to the new galleries at the National Museum.
28th June Lecture by H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul,
'The Cosmic Sleep of the Lord Vishnu in Khmer
and Khmer-Lopburi Art> with slides.
19th July Lecture by Dr. Boonsong Lekagul: 'Common and
Rare Civets of Thailand' with slides.
 \

AM:t"AI. HFPOHT FOil 196 7 315

16th August Lecture by Mr. Victor Kennedy: •Murals of

Ayudhya' with slides.
29th October Excursion to Ayudhya for the Royal Kathin
Ceremony at Wat Suwan Dararam.
It is gratifying to note that lectures and excursions were much
appreciated by members.
5th March 1968
I