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Die Forschung hat Clemens von Alexandria als wichtigen Zeugen für das Verständnis
frühchristlichen Denkens über das Begehren betrachtet, das in einer Übergangs-
phase der Sexualitätsgeschichte aufkam. Clemens bietet Auszüge aus einem Traktat
des Epiphanes, eines konkurrierenden Christen und Vertreters des christlichen
Kommunalismus. Dieser Artikel überprüft die verschiedenen Positionen der beiden
christlichen Denker, um zu zeigen, inwiefern Fragen der christlichen Identität und des
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Geschlechts die Geschichte der Sexualität geprägt haben. In der Vergangenheit hat
die Verwendung essentialisierender Identitätskategorien in der Analyse beider Fi-
guren sowohl den Blick auf ihre Gemeinsamkeiten als auch auf den Kern ihrer
christlichen Lehren verstellt. Ihr Streit betraf nicht allein die Sexualethik, sondern
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bezog sich auch auf den sozialen Wert der Ehe, die Definition von Maskulinität und die
utopische Aufhebung sexueller Differenz.
Keywords: Clement of Alexandria, Epiphanes, sexual communalism, history of
sexuality, gender, utopianism
own treatment of desire seems far less radical than at least some other
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1 Sexual Communalism
and nuanced treatment of different kinds of “desire” in Clement’s vision for proper
procreative intercourse.
2 Strom. 3.5.40. English translations based on J. Ferguson, Clement of Alexandria: Stro-
mateis Books 1–3, FC 85 (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1991);
J.E.L. Oulton and H. Chadwick, eds., Alexandrian Christianity: Selected Translations of
Clement and Origen (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1954). Greek citations from O. Stählin,
ed., Clemens Alexandrinus: Stromata Buch I–VI, GCS 52 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1972).
Gender and the History of Sexuality 321
bulk of his time arguing against this perspective, likely because it posed a
more serious competition with his own view of sexual restraint.
There was a second group of Christians who did not share this moral
vision of continence. Clement provides some of the best information about
the practices of sexual communalism in early Christianity, despite his
polemical interests. He warned against those with “indifference whether
one does right or wrong.”3 Drawing on anti-family teachings in the Gospels
and in Plato, at least some early Christians were redefining kinship and
sexuality in inventive new practices. Some followed antinomian impulses,
including the saying of Jesus that he is the Lord of the Sabbath, and Paul’s
admission that “all things are lawful” (1 Cor 6:12). Others had new takes on
how to battle desires, arguing that one conquered pleasure by practicing
pleasure.4 Still others were motivated by theories of justice. Clement reports
that a man sexually propositioned a virgin with the teachings of Jesus, “give
to every one that asks of you” (Luke 6:30; Matt 5:42).5 Here the ideal of
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teachings. But these were not just individual instances of immoral prac-
tices – he reports that these Christians engaged in ritualized sexual ex-
change. In his account, these people “make holy (ἱεροφαντοῦσι) carnal and
sexual intercourse, and think that it will bring them to the kingdom of
God.”6 According to Clement, they call this mystery Aphrodite Pandemos,
or communal intercourse. The name would have had resonance with
philosophical conversations. In Plato’s Symposium, Pausanias’s speech
distinguishes between the Heavenly Aphrodite and the Aphrodite Pan-
demos, two temples in Athens signifying different kinds of eroticism, a
heavenly and a common one.7 The latter, according to Pausanias, was
simply erotic, vulgar, showing no preference between women or boys, and
was concerned with the body, not the soul. This Christian rite of sexual
communalism was apparently then rooted in the democratic impulse of
Aphrodite Pandemos. Clement charges that this sort of communalism
leads to the brothel and that goats and pigs should be the companions of its
3 Strom. 3.5.40.
4 Strom. 2.20.117–118.
5 Strom. 3.4.27.
6 Strom. 3.4.27.
7 Plato, Symp. 181a–c. Cf. Pausanias, Descr. 6.25.2
322 Taylor G. Petrey
account, Clement notes that Epiphanes was only seventeen when he died.
In spite of his youth, he seems to have made a mark. The young Epiphanes’s
treatise On Righteousness is a rare primary source from a more radical
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8 Strom. 3.4.28.
9 E.g., K.L. King, What Is Gnosticism? (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
2005).
10 J. Knust, Abandoned to Lust: Sexual Slander and Ancient Christianity (New York: Co-
lumbia University Press, 2006).
11 Strom. 3.2.10.
12 Irenaeus, Haer. 1.28.2.
13 T. Whitley, “The Greatest Blasphemy: Sex, Souls, and the Carpocratian Heresy” (PhD
diss., Florida State University, 2016).
14 Strom. 3.2.10.
15 Strom. 3.2.8.
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era. Scholars have described two features of this period: the turn to the self
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16 Strom. 3.2.10.
17 Clement may take this interpretation from Epictetus, Diatr. 2.4.8–10. There Epictetus
argues against a man’s defense of adultery by saying that women are “common [to all] by
nature.” Epictetus defends monogamy.
18 M. Foucault, History of Sexuality, vol. 3: The Care of the Self (New York: Vintage Books,
1986), 51.
19 Foucault, Care of the Self (see n. 18), 80.
324 Taylor G. Petrey
sophical debate was whether the family and the household were a handicap
or an aid to the pursuit of philosophy. In this history, the primary direction
of the history of sexuality for men moved between marriage and the single
life, with sexual restraint as a key goal in both.
When Epiphanes wrote his treatise, sexual communalism was not en-
tirely out of the realm of possibilities in the philosophical history of sex-
uality. He drew on utopian resources in Plato, Stoicism, and early Chris-
tianity. Still, Clement expected his readers to be sufficiently scandalized by
Epiphanes’s text. The effect has often been successful. Henry Chadwick
summarized Epiphanes’s treatise as “the scribblings of an intelligent but
nasty-minded adolescent of somewhat pornographic tendencies.”20 Yet,
this accusation misses the broader philosophical and Christian context for
Epiphanes’s teachings. Notably, his treatise On Righteousness (περὶ δι-
καιοσύνης) may have based on the alternative title of the Republic in an-
tiquity, On Justice (περὶ δικαίου).21 Both texts treated political philosophy
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and sexual ethics. Working within the history of sexuality paradigm, Kathy
Gaca stresses the fidelity of Epiphanes to “the Platonic and early Stoic
blueprints of communal justice.”22 Gaca locates him in continuity with a
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Greek philosophical heritage that saw desire as part of the natural creation
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The sun makes food grow for all creatures. The ontological principle of
unity was central to Epiphanes’s system, which emphasized the goodness of
creation and the Creator. But there has been a break in the system of unity.
Epiphanes contrasts individualism (ἰδιότης) with communalism (κοινω-
νία), which was manifest in the introduction of laws that replaced the
divine law.25 The law that introduced ownership obscured the principle of
common use.26 Epiphanes defined God’s righteousness (δικαιοσύνη) as “a
kind of social equity” (κοινωνίαν τινὰ εἶναι μετ’ ἰσότητος).27 The definition
bears close resemblance to a pseudo-Platonic dictionary, which defined
δικαιοσύνη as “social equity” (ἰσότης κοινωνική).28
Epiphanes’s attack on marriage was vitally connected to his attack on
private property as a misunderstanding of divine law. In order to attain the
ideal society where all things were held in common, he sought to abolish the
practices of kinship-based partisanship and preferential treatment. In this
sense, the abolishment of private property was not a ruse for permitting
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unrestrained sexual access. The family and household were the principle
institutions where ownership existed. To get rid of one – either marriage or
private property – required eliminating both. Epiphanes defined injustice
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as regarding people and property as “that which is mine” and “that which is
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yours.”29 Gaca points out that Plato made the same point in the Republic
when he said that the principle of “that which is mine and that which is not
mine” is “the root of social vices and violence.”30 According to the Republic,
the idea of lineage-based kinship should be abolished. After children are
born, they should be raised by nurses in another section of the city. These
nurses would weed out the deformed children to ensure the purity of the
species.31 No mother should recognize her own offspring.32 In this pro-
posal, the duties of kinship were removed from society to prevent the
problems that arise from favoring one’s own kin over others in the com-
munity, which was part of a larger concern about holding private property
and other possessions.
Though Gaca emphasizes the continuity between Epiphanes and Pla-
tonic/Stoic utopianism, it is worth pointing out some significant differ-
25 Strom. 3.2.7.
26 Strom. 3.2.7.
27 Strom. 3.2.6.
28 Plato, Def. 411e.
29 Strom. 3.2.7.
30 Gaca, Making of Fornication (see n. 22), 277. See Plato, Resp. 462c3–5, 464c5–e2.
31 Resp. 5.460c–d.
32 Resp. 5.461d.
326 Taylor G. Petrey
ences. Epiphanes does not adopt the view of the utopian society in the
Republic entirely. In Plato’s treatment of marriage and the family in the
Republic, he proposes a eugenic alternative to these institutions. Using an
analogy from breeding animals, Plato suggested that the best men should
have intercourse with the best women as often as possible, and the reverse
for the most ordinary men and women.33 The prize for men of great
strength in war or other endeavors should be more intercourse with more
women, so that these powerful warriors will be the fathers of more children.
The overall strength of the human flock is made better through controlled
breeding. These goals lie in tension with the communalistic ethos Epi-
phanes draws from his Christian sources where all things are held in
common and hierarchy is eschewed. Clement also reports that Carpo-
crates, Epiphanes’s father, interpreted Jesus’s saying “give to every one that
asks of you” (Luke 6:30; Matt 5:42) to be about sexual communalism.34
Marriage and property entailed exclusive control of things that really
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and free.”35 A bit later, he restates that God “made no distinction between
male and female, rational and irrational, no distinction of any kind.”36 The
scholarly attention to the hermeneutics of Gal 3:28 in early Christianity has
often focused on its relationship to celibacy. Dale Martin has argued that
Julius Cassian’s ascetic view offered the “dominant interpretation” of Gal
3:28 – no male and female meant no sexual intercourse. Further, Martin
suggests that “we have little evidence that in Paul’s day it would have oc-
curred to anyone to take his slogan ‘no male and female’ as implying
equality between male and female or men and women. Equality was not the
issue; division was.”37 At least by the second century, the picture was far
more complex. Cassian did not offer the only interpretation – the sexual
communalists at least understood Gal 3:28 to mean equality. For Epi-
phanes, the lack of distinction between male and female, as well as other
hierarchical pairings, entailed an end to property, including marriage. It
did not entail, however, an end to sexual intercourse. This egalitarian vision
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did these values play out in actual practice for women’s equality? As James
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Goehring has noted, just as women may have found liberation from the
constraints of marriage in ascetic practices, so too may sexual commu-
nalism have provided similar avenues for women’s power and authority.38
However, there is some scholarly debate about how these values may have
been instituted in the blueprint of On Righteousness. Did Epiphanes mean
that all women were equally available to all men, or that women were equal
to men? The standard English translations of On Righteousness make it
appear as if Epiphanes is saying that men should pass their women around
to one another. Instead, Gaca argues that the phrase “all alike can share”
(δυναμένων κοινωνεῖν ἁπάντων) is not about men sharing their women
but about men and women alike sharing one another.39 She believes that the
egalitarian ethos enabled women’s freedom in sexual relationships.
35 Strom. 3.2.6.
36 Strom. 3.2.7.
37 D.B. Martin, Sex and the Single Savior: Gender and Sexuality in Biblical Interpretation
(Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox, 2006), 87.
38 J.E. Goehring, “Libertine or Liberated: Women in the So-Called Libertine Gnostic
Communities,” in Images of the Feminine in Gnosticism, ed. K.L. King (Harrisburg, Pa.:
Trinity Press International, 2000), 329–344, here 341.
39 Gaca, Making of Fornication (see n. 22), 279 n. 10.
328 Taylor G. Petrey
Rather than seeing mutuality, this language describes one party as joining
to another. It seems to indicate that men shared women, not that women
and men shared one another.
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40 Irenaeus, Haer. 1.25.6; Epiphanius, Pan. 27.6. Even if Epiphanius’s personal story is a
rhetorical fabrication, he mentions that when he met the group of gnostics in Alexandria
called Phibionites, it was the women from that community who tried to seduce him,
suggesting that at least in his imagination there was women’s leadership in the com-
munity (Pan. 26.17.8–9).
41 Cf. Origen, Cels. 5.62.
42 Strom. 3.2.8.
43 Strom. 3.2.8.
Gender and the History of Sexuality 329
lished desire in males? One possibility may be that we are dealing with the
fragment of the text that Clement has created for his readers. It is possible
that in the full text Epiphanes also treats female desire. Citing the Timeaus,
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Gaca takes the view that Epiphanes would presumably follow Plato in
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44 Strom. 3.2.9.
45 Strom. 3.2.9.
46 Gaca, Making of Fornication (see n. 22), 288.
330 Taylor G. Petrey
does he desire?” Socrates answers, “that it may be his,” but she pushes back
on his answer. She explains that they are drawn to reproduce: “All humans
(ἄνθρωποι) are pregnant, Socrates, both in body and in soul: on reaching a
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certain age our nature desires to beget. […] the conjunction of man and
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woman is a begetting for both.”47 Desire, pregnancy, and birth all belong to
males and females alike. She draws on the natural world of animals to il-
lustrate her points: “For you must have observed the strange state into
which all the animals are thrown, whether going on earth or winging the air,
when they desire to beget (γεννᾶν ἐπιθυμήσῃ).”48
The argument here is that desire, particularly the desire to reproduce, is
a feature of all creatures and points toward a higher goal. But this argument
also engages sexual difference in important ways. In his classic essay, “Why
Is Diotima a Woman?,” David Halperin argues that Plato’s Symposium
transforms erotic desire from the feminine to the masculine in two ways.
First, Plato advocates for a mutuality of desire between partners so that they
are both edified, rejecting the eroticized inequality of ancient sexuality. In
the second, Diotima attests that men’s primary desire is to reproduce.
Halperin notes that Plato is deeply committed to a view of erotic intention
as not based in pleasure, but “a model of erotic responsiveness whose
central terms are fecundity, conception, gestation, and giving birth.”49
This has metaphorical as well as literal domains, but the use of these
metaphors is itself instructive. For Plato’s contemporaries, these would
have been feminine concerns, but Plato transforms them into the domain
of manliness. At the same time, Halperin points out that Plato’s trans-
formation of desire is an appropriation of the female into the male, rein-
scribing male identity on what he describes as the female experience.50
Halperin calls this “mimetic transvestitism,” “impersonation,” and “a
cultural fiction,” as a way of critiquing it.51 For Halperin, this is a cultural
misunderstanding of “the basic nonconfoundability of the genders.”52 The
“woman” is something that the male philosopher both lacks and possesses,
as Plato reinscribes male identity in the representation of female difference.
Halperin’s use of essentialist theories of gender to critique Plato on this
point is noteworthy. For our purposes, the blurring of the boundary be-
tween male and female in Plato’s argument is the most significant.
Epiphanes goes far beyond Plato by attributing desire to reproduce to
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men instead of both men and women. Where Plato blurs the difference
between male and female desire and begetting in the ἄνθρωπος, Epiphanes
subverts this erasure by claiming the desire for reproduction as a male trait
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longer male and female, yet also describing desire as given to men. Further,
by limiting this desire to a desire for reproduction, he too assimilates
cultural presuppositions about femaleness into maleness. Poststructuralist
approaches to gender, which pay attention to the ways in which the efforts
to establish difference often break down, might also help to understand the
ways in which difference persistently confounds efforts to transcend it.
Rather than seeing this as a destabilization of maleness and further evi-
dence of the eschatological and utopian erasure of sexual difference, Epi-
phanes marks male difference with this female trait. What he thought about
female desire remains entirely unsaid, but his appropriation of this desire
into the realm of males re-gendered desire in such a way as to represent
male difference in culturally feminine terms.
feel ashamed to have married leaders, nor, as married persons, need they
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exclusive terms, encouraging scholars “to acknowledge not only that there
is not ‘any universal meaning that can be attributed to terms such as
“Roman”, “Greek”, “Christian”, “barbarian”’, Jew, but also that these are
not mutually exclusive categories.”62 In her discussion of the various
models used to describe early Christianity, Lieu invokes “the second
century as the age of the laboratory.”63 Karen King’s efforts to retell the
history of Christianity similarly warn against this assumption: “Essen-
tializing categories tend to reinforce the complex, overlapping, multifari-
ous clusters of material that constitute the continually shifting, interactive
forms of early Christian meaning-making and social belonging into ho-
58 K. Harper, From Shame to Sin: The Christian Transformation of Sexual Morality in Late
Antiquity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2013), 108, 115.
59 Harper, From Shame to Sin (see n. 58), 115.
60 Harper, From Shame to Sin (see n. 58), 109.
61 Harper, From Shame to Sin (see n. 58), 115.
62 J.M. Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2004), 21, quoting from R. Miles, “Introduction: Constructing Iden-
tities in Late Antiquity,” in Constructing Identities in Late Antiquity (London: Routledge,
1999) 1–15, here 4.
63 J.M. Lieu, “Modeling the Second Century as the Age of the Laboratory,” in Christianity in
the Second Century: Themes and Developments, ed. J. Carleton Paget and J.M. Lieu
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 294–308.
334 Taylor G. Petrey
one does not precede the other. “Both have been and remain coeval ex-
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64 K.L. King, “Which Early Christianity?,” in The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian
Studies, ed. S.A. Harvey and D.G. Hunter (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 66–
84, here 71.
65 King, “Which Early Christianity?” (see n. 64), 72.
66 J.Z. Smith, “When the Chips Are Down,” in Relating Religion: Essays in the Study of
Religion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 1–60, here 16.
67 B. Leyerle, “Clement of Alexandria on the Importance of Table Etiquette,” JECS 3.2
(1995), 123–141.
Gender and the History of Sexuality 335
and the Encratite ascetics not only for their misunderstanding of desire, but
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The values of the production of heirs and social legitimation inform his
understanding of what kinds of reproduction are acceptable. Clement
appropriates elite discourses about the family in Greek and Roman society,
such that imitation of these values for the proper and productive family is
part of the Christian identity he is shaping.
There are other benefits to family and kinship besides legitimate off-
spring. Clement was engaged in a struggle against subversive actions to
redistribute social power away from the family structure. It is important to
link Clement’s concerns with sexual practice in the Stromata with his
concerns for household affairs in the Paedagogus. The household for
Clement, and his primary moral target in the Paedagogus, is the prosperous
urban household. Clement offers practical advice on all sorts of topics: how
to respond to invitations, behavior at dinner parties, behavior in the street,
management of slaves, the projection of status and good taste, and behavior
at the bath and spectacles.70 Further, he gives guidance about how to
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manage a wife, children, and slaves.71 When practiced with care, interac-
tions with the wife, the family, and at the symposium, lead to virtue.
In particular, the household was a key institution for proper gender
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solicitude for his family shows himself inseparable from the love of God
and rises superior to every temptation which assails him through children
and wife and servants and possessions. On the other hand he who has no
family is in most respects untried.”74 The household provided a greater
venue to prove one’s virtue and masculinity than the single life. However,
marriage did not convey masculinity – it needed to be earned by controlling
desire. Clement declares, “it is absolutely impossible to combine under-
standing with a failure to show shame to gratify the body.”75 These regu-
lations extended to the marital bed as well: “If a man marries in order to
have children he ought to practice ἐγκράτεια, so that he does not desire
(ἐπιθυμεῖν) for his wife […]. He ought to produce children by a reverent,
disciplined act of the will.”76
While Clement situates his notion of marriage within a broader phil-
osophical context, drawing on quotes from philosophers, poets, and
anonymous maxims, he also wants to distinguish the marriage he envisions
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praise for the joys of intimacy between husband and wife in conjugal love,
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Clement sets another basis for intimacy rooted in shared values. He di-
minishes sexual concord as an inferior foundation of the husband-wife
relationship. A foundation of concord derived from the Logos causes
“women to beautify their character rather than their appearance; [and] it
enjoins husbands not to treat their wives as erotic lovers, making their goal
the violation of their bodies, but directing their marriage to support
throughout life and to self-control at the highest level.”78
Yet this difference was not intended to be visible. Clement’s notions of
humility were very much a part of his notion of continent marriage. He
explains, “continence is a virtue of the soul which is practiced in secret, not
publicly.”79 This idea of a “secret” foundation for Christian marriage is
framed as humility, but it provides still another advantage. The Christian
family of Clement appears to be similar to its neighbors allowing for all of
the social benefits this apparent similarity provides. Yet Clement also in-
sists that the Christian family must be different in order to create an in-
74 Strom. 7.12.70.
75 Strom. 3.5.43.
76 Strom. 3.7.58.
77 Strom. 2.23.143.
78 Strom. 2.23.143.
79 Strom. 3.6.48.
338 Taylor G. Petrey
Clement’s own utopian views of sexual difference are not far beneath the
surface of his locative defense of the household and the masculine
householder. Clement’s commitments to marriage cool considerably in his
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marriage, he sees it only as a duty of human beings, but does not hold a
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80 Paed. 1.4.10 (trans. S.P. Wood, Clement of Alexandria: Christ the Educator, FC 23
[Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1953]).
Gender and the History of Sexuality 339
children.”81 John Behr argues that the ascetic lifestyle after the period of
procreation is “proleptic,” anticipating the life of the resurrection. Mar-
riage, then belongs to that mortal station, something which is necessary, but
only for its bounded utility.
Clement’s ascetic rivals held similar views about the end of sexual
difference in the renunciation of desire – though they did not want to wait
until old age. He notes that many of them rely on the Gospel according to
the Egyptians which states, “I have come to destroy the works of the female.
So here, the ‘female’ is ‘desire’ (ἐπιθυμία) and its works are birth and
corruption.”82 Julius Cassian, whom Clement puts into the Encratite camp,
quotes from another passage in the Gospel according to the Egyptians:
“When you trample upon the garment of shame and when the two become
one – the male with the female, neither male nor female.”83 For Cassian,
desire “feminizes” (θηλυνθεῖσαν) the soul. Clement does not entirely
disagree with this formulation. He indicates that whenever someone resists
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the male impulse of “anger” and the female impulse of “desire,” then the
soul fulfills Paul’s dictum “there is no male or female among you.”84 Desire,
ἐπιθυμία, stood in for the feminine, and anger, θυμός, stood in for the
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81 Strom. 6.12.100.
82 Strom. 3.9.63.
83 Strom. 3.13.92.
84 Strom. 3.13.93.
85 Strom. 6.12.100.
86 D.K. Buell, “Ambiguous Legacy: A Feminist Commentary on Clement of Alexandria’s
Works,” in A Feminist Companion to Patristic Literature, ed. A.-J. Levine with M.M.
Robbins (London: T&T Clark, 2008), 26–55.
87 D. Boyarin, “Gender,” in Critical Terms for Religious Studies, ed. M.C. Taylor (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1998), 117–136, here 125.
340 Taylor G. Petrey
personifies “desire” and alludes to Gal 3:28 about the redeemed ἄνθρωπος
as “neither male nor female.” But, Dunning notes, that desire is never fully
“other” to the male, implicating and embroiling the male along with it,
creating a “fissure” in the drama of creation and salvation, “that cannot be
straightforwardly closed up.”88 Sexual difference, like the faithful Christian,
exists in a liminal state between this world and the next.
In this now familiar failure to transcend or eliminate sexual difference,
we can see just what was at stake in Clement’s opposition to Epiphanes’s
proposal and clarify both of their positions on sexual difference in the
history of sexuality. First, let us consider how the history of sexuality
discourse has used essentializing categories to obscure both of these figures.
Instead, Clement and Epiphanes are Christians set to the task of articu-
lating their positions within the broader intellectual and cultural milieu.
Neither is “purely Christian” nor more in harmony with the pure philo-
sophical tradition – these binaries do not work here. Instead, we might say
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that one shows more interest in locative values and the other in more
utopian values of social structure in the present age.
With these non-essentialist categories, we can see more clearly how
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88 B.H. Dunning, Specters of Paul: Sexual Difference in Early Christian Thought (Phila-
delphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 55. I have found Dunning’s treatment
particularly useful.
Gender and the History of Sexuality 341
Taylor G. Petrey
Kalamazoo College
1200 Academy St.
Kalamazoo, MI 49006
USA
tpetrey@kzoo.edu
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