3/19/2019 Alliance, Partnerships, And The Philippines’ National Security Strategy – Analysis – Eurasia Review

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Alliance, Partnerships, And The Philippines’

Kamala Harris National Security Strategy – Analysis
Opines On Life  December 3, 2018  Mico A. Galang*  0 Comments
And Death –
OpEd
 March 19, 2019
By Mico A. Galang*
 0

Strategic Outlook
A Malaise In
South East In July 2018, for the rst time in its modern history, the Philippines publicly released its National
Europe – OpEd
Security Strategy (NSS). Against the backdrop of a seemingly unconventional approach to foreign
 March 19, 2019
policy, the document nevertheless provides an insight on how Manila—particularly the security
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establishment—perceives the geostrategic environment, as well as how to navigate the
challenging currents of international relations.
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“The Philippines’ current external security environment,” the NSS provides, “is marked by
Time: Children,
increased uncertainty and unpredictability.” Driven by the rise of China, the rivalry of major 
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3/19/2019 Alliance, Partnerships, And The Philippines’ National Security Strategy – Analysis – Eurasia Review
School Strikes And Global Climate powers has been identi ed by the document
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as “the most important long-term strategic
 March 18, 2019  0
concern” of the Indo-Asia-Paci c region. The
NSS also recognizes the geographical
Iran Appointed To
vulnerability of the country. Situated between
UN Women’s
Rights Committee the South China Sea (SCS) and the broader
– OpEd Paci c ocean—essentially the grand
 March 18, 2019 chessboard of Washington and Beijing—the
 1 Try Checklists app for free Philippines, particularly its location and
With Multiple Checklists natural resources, have “provided a strong
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temptation to expansionist powers.”
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The Convergence Cognizant of its security environment, the
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NSS identi
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on our challenge to the Philippines’ sovereignty and
website.
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has openly expressed its
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 March 18, 2019  0 Accept a ection for the Chinese leadership, the strategy document describes Beijing’s presence in the
SCS as “aggressive,” which is partly spawned by the Asian power’s “increasing demand for energy
The Economic resources, and renewed stirrings of nationalism.” As a result, the NSS admits that Manila
E ects Of Brexit “suddenly [gave] the same attention to territorial defense as it does to internal security threats.”
In The ‘Campo De The document candidly acknowledges that the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is “one of
Gibraltar’: An
the weakest in Asia” which places “doubt [in Manila’s] ability to protect and defend [the]
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Approach – Analysis sovereignty and territorial integrity” of the country.
 March 18, 2019  0

Philippines-US Alliance
Recent Comments
To address these concerns, the NSS underscored not only the importance of developing the
AFP’s “credible defense capability,” but also strengthening its alliance and partnerships in the
Polo Merguzhis on Stalin Considered
region. Shortly after coming to power in 2016, the current Philippine government has repeatedly
Giving Hitler Ukraine And Baltic
threatened to downgrade Manila’s alliance with Washington. Indeed, in his rst presidential trip
Republics? – OpEd
to China, Rodrigo Duterte announced the Philippines’s “separation” from the United States (US).
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Critical of US foreign policy, Duterte also threatened to abrogate the Enhanced Defense
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Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) with Washington.
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By contrast, the NSS has a more nuanced assessment of the US. Noting that America is the
world’s “only superpower” and the Philippines’ “sole defense treaty ally,” the strategy document
emphasized that US security presence in the Indo-Asia-Paci c region is a “stabilizing force.”
Mindful of US President Donald Trump’s vision of a “Free and Open Indo-Paci c,” the NSS
rea rmed Manila’s commitment to work with Washington on a whole range of security and

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Together with their US counterparts, Philippine o cials have worked, with less fanfare, to
improve bilateral relations. In May 2018, key gures from the Philippines’ national security
apparatus, led by Executive Secretary Salvador Medialdea, visited the Hawaii-based US Indo-
Paci c Command. The Philippine delegation included the foreign, defense, and interior
secretaries, as well as the ambassadors for the US and the United Nations (UN). During the
September 2018 meeting of the Mutual Defense Board and Security Engagement Board (MDB-
SEB), the allies agreed to conduct 281 security cooperation activities for 2019, an increase over
2018. In October 2018, US and Philippine marines conducted the “Kaagapay ng mga Mandirigma
ng Dagat” (KAMANDAG) or “Cooperation of Warriors of the Sea” amphibious landing exercise.
Later that month Admiral John M. Richardson, US Navy Chief of Naval Operations, visited the
Philippines. His itinerary included a trip to Palawan, where Admiral Richardson received a SCS
situation brie ng from Lt. Gen. Rozzano Briguez, Commander of the AFP’s Western Command—
the military unit in charge of defending the Philippines’ territory in SCS.

 Washington has also supported the AFP Modernization Program (AFPMP). In 2018 alone, the US
provided the Philippines with Scan Eagle Unmanned Aerial System (UAS) and the Special 
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3/19/2019 Alliance, Partnerships, And The Philippines’ National Security Strategy – Analysis – Eurasia Review

Airborne Mission Installation and Response

(SABIR) system, both of which aim to boost
the intelligence, reconnaissance, and
surveillance capabilities of the AFP. In
addition to providing the Philippine Marine
Corps with personal protective equipment,
the US also announced that it will transfer
four OV-10 Bronco light attack planes to the
Make your own todo lists Philippine Air Force (PAF). In an apparent
With Multiple Checklists move to further improve relations, US
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Defense Secretary James Mattis announced
stay on top of your todos
the returned of the Balangiga Bells to the
Philippines. Duterte has publicly criticized
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Washington over the issue of the bells, which he described as reminders of “gallantry and
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heroism” against “American colonizers.” On the economic front, the allies have also agreed to
Accept negotiate a free trade agreement.

Partnerships
Beyond the Philippines-US alliance, the NSS called on enhancing ties with security partners.
Japan and Viet Nam are the Philippines’ “strategic partners,” while Australia is a “comprehensive
partner.” Acknowledging Tokyo’s “proactive contribution to peace” initiative, the strategy
document rea rms the “strengthened strategic partnership” between the Philippines and Japan.
I have argued elsewhere that Duterte has thus far sustained his predecessor’s initiative of
forging close security cooperation between Manila and Tokyo. Indeed, in 2018, Japan has
completed the turnover of all of the ten multi-role response vessels (MRRVs) to the Philippine
Coast Guard (PCG), an initiative under the Maritime Safety and Capability Improvement Project
funded by the Japan International Cooperation Agency. Participating in the Philippines-US
KAMANDAG exercises, Japan donated military training aircraft to the Philippine Navy (PN), as well
as spare parts and maintenance equipment to the PAF. President Duterte, who declared that the
Philippines-Japan strategic partnership has entered a “golden age,” personally welcomed a
visiting Japanese otilla—which included helicopter carrier JS Kaga (DDH-184)—last September
2018.

While not explicitly mentioned in the NSS, the Philippines-Viet Nam strategic partnership is a
crucial security relationship between two ASEAN member-states. Both SCS claimants, the two
countries have developed con dence-building measures, particularly the military interaction in
Southwest Cay—previously occupied by the Philippines and is currently under Viet Nam’s control
—where o cers from both countries play sports and share information on topics like maritime
security.

The NSS identi es Australia, along with other states like India, South Korea, and Russia, as
“crucial in the peace, stability, and prosperity of the broader Indo-Asia-Paci c region.” Similar to
Viet Nam, the Philippines-Australia comprehensive partnership was not explicitly mentioned in
the NSS. Nevertheless, Manila’s partnership with Canberra is crucial as both are part of the US-
led hub-and-spokes system of bilateral alliances in the region. Moreover, Australia is the only
country, apart from the US, with which the Philippines has a Visiting Forces Agreement.

Strengthening the Alliance and

Partnerships
Recognizing that the Philippines is a relatively small country with limited geopolitical options, the
 NSS underscores the importance of Manila’s alliance and partnerships in promoting national

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3/19/2019 Alliance, Partnerships, And The Philippines’ National Security Strategy – Analysis – Eurasia Review

security. In furtherance of the strengthening these key relationships, Manila may consider the
following options.

First, a careful assessment and recalibration of Manila’s strategic communication should

promote a perception of coherence and lessen possible misperceptions of its foreign policy.
Mindful of the US-China rivalry, the Philippines should not be viewed as abandoning one power
over another through its pronouncements. Neither should Manila issue statements that could
diminish opportunities for managing foreign policy challenges, particularly the SCS issue.

Second, the implementation of the EDCA must be fast-tracked. While the rst major project
under EDCA was initiated at Basa Air Base in April, broader implementation of the pact appears
to have been delayed. As other observers have argued, further postponements—particularly at
Antonio Bautista Air Base in Palawan, which is near the Spratlys—means that Washington may
nd it challenging to assist its ally in the SCS if needed.
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Third, the Philippines may continue to negotiate a VFA with Japan to further promote closer
Accept security cooperation and interoperability. A similar framework may also be explored with Viet
Nam.

At eve of the 2018 North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) summit, European Council
President Donald Tusk, in response to the criticisms from President Trump, reminded
Washington to “appreciate your allies, after all you don’t have that many.” Tusk also called on
Europe “spend more on your [defense], because everyone respects an ally that is well-prepared
and equipped.” The same message is also true for the members of a network of alliances and
partnerships—particularly for relatively smaller and weaker states, as well as their leaders—in
the Indo-Asia-Paci c, a region facing immense foreign policy challenges against the backdrop of
major powers competing for geopolitical preeminence.

*Mico A. Galang is a researcher at the National Defense College of the Philippines (NDCP). The
views expressed are the author’s alone and do not necessarily re ect the o cial position of
NDCP.

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