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Our Identity Starting from Pluralism in the Base
Xavier Albo
Borrowed Identities
Our very name America proves to be an errorof historical propor-
tions, as had been the case of the West Indies before it. Inturn,it has been
the object of new misunderstandings;for many, the name refers above all
to the United States, and, as the joke has it, "the bad thing about South
America is that it comes from the North."Compounds such as Hispanic
or Ibero-America, so cherished in the mother countries, or LatinAmerica,
promoted in the UnitedStates and more accepted among ourselves, do not
prove to be completely satisfactory either, marginalizingmost of the Carib-
bean and the Guyanas and overemphasizing the "Latin"in our identity,as
if it were simply a matterof the transferof the Mediterraneanworldto these
latitudes, which is a half-truthat best.
Perhaps we could arrive at a more positive definition if we start,
instead, with the identity and proposals of those who have suffered and
continue to suffer the history these borrowedidentities designate. In their
diversity, it may be possible for us to find roads that lead us to a common
sion. In 1985, for example, in the city of La Paz, we were able to record
hundreds of organizations that reinforcedthe Aymaranidentityof the capi-
tal of Bolivia in fields as diverse as language, music, art, medicine, the
elaboration of textiles, agriculturaland artisan technology, sports, history,
culturalrecovery, the press and radio, professional organizations, religions
and popular festivals, cooperation with places of origin, and, of course,
politics and popular mobilization.2
The increasingly numerous organisms for the creation and diffusion
of popular culture throughoutthe continent have achieved a great deal in
this search for a new grass-roots identity.There are hundreds, if not thou-
sands, of institutions of popular education and feminine promotion. Also
significant and relativelydeveloped are the networksof alternativecommu-
nication, which reappraise, for example, indigenous languages and popular
music and art. There are also positive developments in the area of "high"
and middlebrowculture (although unfortunatelynot yet in television), such
as the New LatinAmerican Song and the New LatinAmericanCinema.
Littleby little,in the face of the depersonalized avalanche of interna-
tional consumer society, an alternative image that is much more our own
is beginning to be created. In this image, one can perceive the unity,born
in good measure from a common history of at least five centuries dur-
ing which similar processes of exploitation and deculturationhave been
counterpointedby new acculturationsand transculturations,which have led
to a shared language of exchange, to similarsystems of beliefs and values,
and to many shared institutions,such as the national holidays, the com-
padrazco systems, and the ruralcommunity.This is, however, a unitythat
articulates a great varietyof things withoutimposingone as a uniformmodel
on everyone.
Perhaps the most difficultgroups to analyze and to incorporateinto
an alternative model are the intermediatesectors, which suffer, more than
anyone else, the ambiguityof their situation.They are located somewhere
between the poles of "Miami"and the possibilityof a new "LatinAmerican"
identity coming from the base. The solidity of their economic and social
position gives them a greater security and enables them to act with greater
freedom to posit alternatives. On the other hand, their cultural position
almost inevitablyentails a lack of identity,which in turn leads to vacillation
and an unpredictablebehavior of imitationand passivity, on the one hand,
that comes from the most discriminated,but also the most representative
of us, the Indians, with the understanding, however, that their proposals
have already been picked up and assumed by other sectors of the popular
movement.
On the one hand, politicians have recognized for many years that
the "nationalquestion" is one of the most potent mobilizingresources. On
the other hand, social scientists have great difficultywhen they try to give a
universal definitionof nation. Inreality,they have never succeeded in doing
this-a theoretical impasse that suggests the symbolic, almost magical,
force of the national question.
What remains clear in all of this, however,is that nationalisminvolves
seeking a primordialidentitythat the group feels to be above other loyalties
and for which it is preparedto fight. For the same reason, nation, in and of
itself, implies some kindof politicalproject.As in the case of social classes,
the concept acquires its fullforce when it reaches the level of nation in itself.
Unlike social classes, however, it is extremely difficultto indicate a priori
objective aspects (territory,history,language, market,etc.) that are neces-
sary and sufficient to be able to speak of a nation in itself; these can vary
noticeably from case to case.
To be or to constitute a nation, in some instances, will be the result
of previous projects, already crystallized;in others, it will be the mobilizing
memory of a previous realitythat has been stolen froma people; it can also
be something that has not yet occurredbut that one hopes to realize. Inthis
last case, it is unlikelythat the entire group already willfeel identifiedas a
nation. Furthermore,it is possible for various conflictingnationalprojects to
exist withina nation.
For our purposes here, the principalpoint of frictionis probablythe
force with which the modern state wants to monopolize for itself the con-
cept of nation. In its permanent dialectic to consolidate its power with the
repressive and ideological apparatuses, the state considers it fundamental
that all citizens feel themselves to be, more than anything else, members
of that nation whose limits coincide with those of its borders, laws, gov-
ernment, currency, and flag. But in the sense that this same state is in the
hands of a particulargroup, which does not necessarily represent, or even
understand, the interests of others, the marginalizedsectors willnot always
accept this proposal. Insome cases, the interests of "forgotten"or "emerg-
ing" regions as potential nations will prevail;in others, ethnic identityoften
spreads across various states; in others, perhaps internationalproletarian
unity;in others, the common search for "the great LatinAmerican nation."
24 boundary2 / Fall1993
because, withouta doubt, the struggle for power and control predominates
in them. Is this struggle an inevitable law or something that can be over-
come?
A New Name?
Five hundred years ago, when the bearded peoples arrivedon this
continent, it began to fill up with new names, some of which merely cor-
rupted the former names but most of which almost always replaced them
with references to the worldthe invaders came from and to the beliefs and
dreams that animated them. Some three centuries later,when their great-
grandchildren,recognized or not, broke their ties with the mother country
and attempted to begin a new and more independent project, they once
again baptized countries, regions, towns, and squares. The new names
sought to erase the colonial world; but they did not take up the original
names that were there before the conquest. New heroes were evoked and
a new dream of the futurewas projected.The name Indies was erased, and
the name America consolidated in its place; La Plata became Argentina;
New Granada, Colombia; Charcas, Bolivia;the city of Valladolid,Morelia;
and so on.
Years later, small adjustments continue to be made, such as the
name "LatinAmerica,"often enclosed in quotation marks here, consider-
ing that it continues to reflect more foreignthan indigenous interests. Every
country and people has also made constant adjustments in the names of
their streets, squares, or neighborhoods, reflectingthe permanentaccumu-
lation of collective memory, new levels of consciousness or alienation, new
projects, or simply the vanity of those who govern. The underlyingrealityis
not magicallytransformedwitha simple change of name, butthese changes
also remind us of the symbolic power that names have to forge a collective
consciousness and dream.
Now, five hundred years after those first changes, and almost two
hundred years after the second round,we once again feel the need of de-
signing and implementinganother kind of unifyingproject for all of us, not
only for that portion of us which, for lack of a better name, we continue to
call "LatinAmerica."Even though we will not manage to radicallychange
anything by this, would it not be worththe effortto begin thinkingof a new
Albo / Our IdentityStartingfrom Pluralismin the Base 33
name for this great nation we have dreamed of, a nation that would know
how to respect all of the small and varied nations that hope to take shelter
within it?
In reality, these small nations have already made their proposal:
Abya-Yala. The name comes fromthe language of the Cunas, a small, but
dynamic, nation withinthe Panamanian state that knew how to defend its
territoryand identity, even blocking a multimillion-dollar hotel project that
would have destroyed their own paradise. The choice of this name (which
means "landin complete maturity")was suggested by the Aymaranleader
TakirMamani, who proposes that all of the indigenous peoples use it in
their oral documents and declarations. To name our cities, towns, and con-
tinents with a foreign name, Mamaniargues, is equivalentto submittingour
identityto the will of our invaders and their heirs. Perhaps this proposal of
a testimonial people can help all of us in our rebirthas a new people.