Blackwell Science, LtdOxford, UKINRInternational Nursing Review0020-8132International Council of Nurses, 200520065315258Original ArticleUse of traditional and modern medicineM. M.

Tabi et al.

Original Article

Use of traditional healers and modern medicine

in Ghana
M. M. Tabi1 PhD, MPH, RN, M. Powell2 MSN, FNP, BC &
D. Hodnicki3 PhD, APRN, BC, FNP, FAAN
1 Associate Professor, 2 Nurse Practitioner, Tybee Island, Georgia, 3 Professor, Georgia Southern University, School of Nursing,
Statesboro, Georgia 30460, USA

TABI M.M., POWELL M. & HODNICKI D. (2006) Use of traditional healers and modern medicine in Ghana.
International Nursing Review 53, 52–58

Purpose: To gain understanding of the use of traditional and modern medicine among the people in Ghana, West
Africa.
Methods: Data were collected from nine participants using a semi-structured questionnaire developed by the
researchers based on review of the literature.
Findings: Data analysis was performed manually using reduction methodology to develop broad themes.
Findings indicated that choices in healthcare modalities by literate Ghanaians included either traditional or
modern medicine, or blending of both. Strong influences on these choices were the level of education and related
themes, influence of family and friends, and spiritual/religious beliefs.
Implications: Findings indicate that traditional and modern medicines will always be part of Ghanaian healthcare
delivery and efforts should be made to integrate traditional practitioners into the national healthcare delivery
system.

Keywords: Ghana, Healer, Modern Medicine, Religion, Traditional Medicine

Introduction Approximately 33% of all reported deaths are attributed to

Like other developing countries, Ghana continues to search for a infectious and parasitic diseases that are preventable (Tabi 1994).
more effective, appropriate and efficient means of meeting the Lack of access to medical facilities, particularly those in rural
health needs of its growing population. Ghana is located in west areas, poor roads and infrastructure, malnutrition, infectious dis-
Africa along the coast of the Gulf of Guinea and borders Cote d’ eases including HIV and AIDS contribute to almost half of all
Ivoire to the west and Togo to the east (Owusu-Ansah 1994; Tabi deaths reported in Ghana (World Bank 2002; World Develop-
& Frimpong 2003). Ghana’s population is reported as 20.1 million ment Indicators Database 2003). The HIV prevalence rate is 3.6 of
(Engenderhealth 2003). English is the official language. Com- the adult population in Ghana (Avert 2001) compared to coun-
pared to more developed countries, the health status of Ghanaians tries in the southern sphere of the continent with more than 20%
remains poor. Life expectancy is below 60 years compared to of the adult population infected with HIV (Tabi & Frimpong
75 years in developed countries (Engenderhealth 2003; WHO 2003).
2004). Traditional as well as modern medicine is integral components
of the healthcare delivery system in Ghana. In a country of scarce
medical resources and transitioning cultural traditions and
Correspondence address: Marian M. Tabi, Assistant Professor, Georgia Southern beliefs, approach to health care is based on a personal under-
University, School of Nursing, PO Box 8158, Statesboro, Georgia 30460, USA; standing of one’s health, life and being (Hevi 1989; Van Eeden
Tel: +1 912 681 5998; Fax: +1 912 871 1159; E-mail: mtabi@georgiasouthern.edu.
1993).

© 2006 International Council of Nurses 52

Use of traditional and modern medicine
The study and significance
The objective of this study was to conduct qualitative interviews
with a small number of Ghanaians to determine personal per-
spective when choosing healers, particularly, Western or tradi-
tional medicine, or blending of both, for health care. The cultural,
family, educational and religious influences on these choices were
of particular interest.
Research questions:
1 What factors influence Ghanaian’s choice of healing for tradi-
tional, Western, or blending of both modalities?
2 What criteria do Ghanaians use to determine the effectiveness
of a specific modality?
3 What are the social, educational, cultural and spiritual factors
that affect these choices?
The study is significant due to a dearth in qualitative documenta-
tion of personal preference and rationale for healthcare choices in
countries with viable traditional and modern medical systems.
The results are important when considering the emphasis on
Western medicine for solutions to health problems in developing
countries.
Review of literature
Healthcare delivery systems in Ghana
Healthcare delivery in Ghana is pluralistic consisting of tradi-
tional and modern medicine (Anyinam 1989; Hevi 1989). The
individual’s interaction with other sectors of health care depends
on how the health problem is perceived or sanctioned by the sick
person, and most importantly, by relatives and close friends (Hevi
1989). Depending on prevalent symptoms of illness, a person may
choose to disregard an illness or health problem, use treatment
modalities known to the individual, friends or family, or make a
decision to use services of a traditional healer or modern medical
practitioner.
Ghana is administratively divided into 10 regions, each with a
regional hospital. Accessibility to health care is defined as living
within 3–5 miles of a health service (Tabi 1994). Approximately
70% of the population lives in a rural area where accessibility to
health service is a problem. In Ghana, the ratio of medical doctors
to population is 1 : 20 000 and the ratio of traditional healers to
population is 1 : 200 (Patterson 2001; Tabi & Frimpong 2003).
Often, for the rural and urban poor, traditional healers provide
the only affordable and accessible form of health care (Cocks &
Moller 2002; Sodi 1996; Tabi 1994). The majority of the time, they
are the first line of contact in the healthcare system in rural areas.
The traditional medical system
Traditional medicine consists of health practices, approaches,
knowledge and beliefs incorporating animal- or mineral-based
© 2006 International Council of Nurses, International Nursing Review, 53, 52–58
53
medicines and spiritual therapies, either used singularly or in
combination to treat, diagnose and prevent illness to maintain
well-being (Craffert 1997; Du Toit 1998; WHO 2004). Approxi-
mately, 80% of the population in Africa uses traditional medicine
for health care (Patterson 2001; WHO 2004).
Traditional medicine has been part of the Ghanaian culture.
The traditional medicine system includes not only herbal reme-
dies for specific diseases, but also folk knowledge, traditions and
values, health behaviour rules and patterns, and identified per-
sonnel and structures for delivery and restorative therapy (Hevi
1989). There are many types of practitioners available in Ghana,
each with a distinctive approach to diagnosis and therapy. There
are secular healers often referred to as ‘traditional pharmacists’
who use herbal medicine prepared from selected leaves, roots or
other parts of plants and animals. There are also plant drug ped-
dlers who travel to towns and villages, as well as sell herbal medi-
cines at workplaces, bus stops and in the streets.
The most common type of healer in the traditional medical sys-
tem is the priest and priestess of deities and gods who use tech-
niques such as divination and rituals in healing practices (Hevi
1989). They cure organic and spiritually based diseases. Others
such as sacred healers are faith healers who usually use prayers,
fasting, incantations, herbal medicines, as well as occultism.
Among these different types of healers are differences in special-
ization. Some healers focus on one or a few illnesses, while others
are generalists. Among the specializations are bone setting, child-
care delivery and psychotherapy. Some healers are full-time prac-
titioners, and others practise traditional medicine as a secondary
occupation (Patterson 2001).
The modern medical system
The modern medical system includes government-operated/
financed delivery systems with medical care provided at hospitals,
health centres, clinics, health posts and maternity homes. Some
quasi-government-operated health services include those pro-
vided by the army, the police, and some large firms and corpora-
tions for their employees. In addition, there are private healthcare
services provided by religious missions such as the Catholic Mis-
sion, the Presbyterian Church and Seventh Day Adventist Church.
The government also supports these mission health services. The
modern medical system is officially managed by the Ministry of
Health, which provides medical care, maternal and child health
services, health laboratory services, mental health, dental health,
nutritional health, environmental health and health education
(Tabi 1994).
Health and religious influence
Predominant religions in Ghana are Christianity 63%, followed
by Islam 16% and Traditionalist 21% (Care International 2003).
54 M. M.Tabi et al.
Although the Christian religion is practised by a greater percent-
age of the population, traditional religion is significant and repre-
sents a value system and social order intrinsic to the cultural
history of Ghana.
Christian missionaries and missionary societies were the first
to bring modern medicine to Ghana in the 19th century. They
were ‘almost the sole providers of modern medicine until after
World War I’ (Owusu-Ansah 1994, p. 110). Today the Ministry
of Health supervises the medical system, as well as control of
drugs, narcotics, scientific research, and professional qualifica-
tions of medical personnel. Warren et al. (1982) attribute mod-
ern and traditional systems with a common goal of protection
and preservation of health in Ghana, but observe that, ‘the
predominant attitude between them has been mutual disregard’
(p. 1873).
Factors contributing to use of traditional and
modern medicine healers
The existence of a dual healthcare delivery system and the use of
either or both traditional and/or modern medical systems have
had a significant effect on Ghanaian health practices. In addition,
the Ghanaian history of strong family and religious bonds has
impacted the choices made by individuals seeking healthcare ser-
vices. Finally, external limitations imposed by terrain and eco-
nomics have isolated a majority of the Ghanaian people from
access to adequate services.
Influence of locale
Bonsi (1980) cites attainment of formal education, acquisition of
new skills, rapid economic development and improved job mar-
kets as reasons to move to more populated areas. His observations
reveal that people are removed from the influence of the tradi-
tional village system and begin to act independently of traditional
values. Thus, a person begins to adopt values and norms of others
within close proximity and leave the village way of life.
Economic and financial factors
The World Health Organization acknowledged the need for inex-
pensive and effective treatment for common diseases in low-
income countries. Most traditional medicine practitioners live
and work in the community level, which makes such treatment
available and affordable to most of the population (WHO 2002).
The ability of traditional healers to alleviate financial burden is
accentuated by Oppong (1989) with his observation of a Nigerian
traditional birth attendant (TBA). Many of her patients lived
within a short walking distance and generally she received very lit-
tle for her services. Patients often paid for her services using a
chicken or piece of cloth following delivery as a token of their
appreciation (Oppong 1989).
© 2006 International Council of Nurses, International Nursing Review, 53, 52–58
Methods
This qualitative study investigated Ghanaians’ use of healers to
manage illness. The purpose of the study is to gain understand-
ing of the use of modern medicine and traditional medicine, or
blending of both modalities among the people of Ghana. The
study was conducted in June 2000 in Cape Coast, a central
region of Ghana. Data collection began after approval was
obtained from the investigator’s institutional review board and
from the community leaders in the locale where the study was
conducted. Recruitment of sample was by word of mouth;
purposive sampling was used as a result of time constraint and
lack of extensive contacts in the area. A contact person in the
Department of Religion at the University of Cape Coast assisted
with recruitment of subjects. Participants were given an equiva-
lent of $10 for partial compensation of their time in the study.
Certain criteria for inclusion in the study were identified as
essential to obtain relevant, reliable and comprehensible infor-
mation: male or female; 21 years of age or older; ability to speak,
read and write in English; willingness to participate and ability
to understand the concept of the study. Participation in the
study was voluntary and informed consent was obtained from
all participants.
Data collection
A semi-structured interview guide (Table 1) developed by the
investigators to probe specifics of personal experience was used.
Each interview was tape-recorded and numbered with additional
identifying information of age and occupation to protect ano-
nymity. Data analysis was generated manually; reduction meth-
odology developed broad, consistent themes. Investigator
triangulation improved transcription comprehension and lim-
ited investigator bias. The three researchers (two experienced in
qualitative analysis) reviewed the data and agreed upon the
themes generated from the analysis. Themes were assigned to spe-
cific categories: modern medicine, traditional medicine, and
choice of modern or traditional, defence of modern and tradi-
tional, power of modern and traditional, and educational, reli-
gious and spiritual elements. Relationships within the data were
identified.
Findings
Findings were extrapolated from the responses of nine middle-
class subjects who originated from a variety of backgrounds.
Some grew up in larger towns or cities, some in villages. Some still
lived in their village of family origin, while others had moved to
larger towns or cities when they became adults. Religious affilia-
tion also varied: some were Muslim, some Christian, and some
had more traditional roots than others. However, common
themes emerged from seemingly different origins.
Use of traditional and modern medicine 55

Table 1 Semi-structured interview guide

1. Tell me about a time when you were sick and you needed modern medical treatment.
2. How well do you think this therapy worked for you?
3. What else do you think they could have done to help you get better?
4. Tell me about a time when you used a traditional healing practice(s) to treat an illness.
5. Do you prefer one method of treatment to another? Please tell me why.
6. Are there any types of problems that you would use only a traditional healing therapy and not a modern medical therapy? Give an example.
7. Are there any types of problems that you would use only a modern medical therapy and not a traditional healing therapy? Give an example.
8. Do you believe one method is better than the other? Please explain why you feel that way.
9. Do you feel one method is better accepted in Ghana than the other? Please explain why you think one method is preferred over the other.
10. What type of barrier is present to the other method that is less accepted?
11. Do you have any other examples that you can share with me to understand how modern medicine and traditional healing practices are used in Ghana to treat
illness?
12. Is there anything else that you would like to share with me to help me to understand the culture of Ghana?

Demographic characteristics External contextual influence

Study participants included five Ghanaian men and four women
ranging in age from 25 to 60 years. All had either sought tradi-
tional healing at some time in their lives or had known someone
who had been treated with traditional medicine. Some had par-
ents or grandparents who had been traditional healers or herbal-
ists. Anecdotal responses indicated that some of the participants
also perceived of themselves as healers.
Seven of the nine participants were married and two were
unmarried. All except the two unmarried participants had chil-
dren. Education and employment demographics included two
university students of religion; one male participant with middle
school and technical school education employed in public rela-
tions at the local university; another male participant with middle
school certification employed as a technician in public relations
at the local university; a male participant with technical school
certification employed as a government clerk; one female clerk
participant with secondary school education; another clerk
participant with two-year post-vocational training; a Roman
Catholic priest with a bachelor’s education; and a professor with
doctor-of-philosophy education.
Description of findings
Data were identified according to contextual influences of either
external or internal origin. Subheadings were developed accord-
ing to themes. External controls were identified as decisions made
according to influence of education and religion, input from
friends or caregivers, employer requirements, or influence of
locale. Internal influences were described as belief of problem ori-
gin, e.g. spiritual or non-spiritual, and previous history of success
with specific therapeutic modality, modern or traditional, and the
power associated with each method.
Six of the participants discussed the influence of family, friends
and employers as significant to their decision-making process.
These influences covered both ends of the spectrum, from over-
riding parental beliefs in traditional medicine to employers who
would accept a work excuse only from a modern medicine practi-
tioner. Four participants offered insights about influence of locale
and economics. Opinions indicated rural areas had more poverty
creating a hardship to travel the distance to modern medical facil-
ities. If service could be accessed, the high cost of treatment would
make it unaffordable. This same isolation served to create a bond
between villagers and their local, familiar healers that increased
their faith in traditional healing.
Education, religion and culture
Participants mentioned education as a contributing influence
when choosing a healing modality. For example, some partici-
pants mentioned concern for hygiene; some thought accepting
information from a traditional healer with lesser education was
demeaning. One participant mentioned that he was born in a vil-
lage and knew only traditional ways until he went to school, where
he learned ‘herbal concoctions are unhygienic’. Two different per-
spectives were offered regarding the effect of education on the
patronage of traditional healers. One man described education as
a barrier to the acceptance of information, when the healer is not
educated in a formal sense, or not as educated as the person
receiving healing. Another spoke of Western education as ‘brain
washing, that everything African is bad. So the educated, the elite,
would not like to take traditional medicine, the herbs’.
Some participants, especially those of Christian or Muslim
faith, associated demonic influences with traditional medicine
and thus preferred to use modern medicine. Others felt cultural

© 2006 International Council of Nurses, International Nursing Review, 53, 52–58

56 M. M.Tabi et al.

aspects were influential, citing pressure from families and friends
to use traditional medicine.
Choice of healing modalities
Several participants believed in the use of modern medicine as
preferred choice of healing modality and described the impor-
tance of laboratory and radiology results to identify the cause of
illness. One man mentioned the necessity of tangible parameters
‘because we are living in a scientific age’. He went on to state, ‘If the
doctor is unable to cure your sickness, then I will tell you to see an
herbalist’. This participant explained how he had treated a previ-
ous personal illness of ‘swelling in the neck and not feeling well’.
He stated that findings from hospital laboratory indicated, ‘There
was nothing to show that I was sick’. He then sought a traditional
healer who told him he had a spiritual illness brought about by
jealousy of other family members toward him. He was given a
‘potion to drink’, and told by the traditional healer ‘the spirits have
been removed’. The subject verified that he was not bothered by
the problem again.
Another participant also identified hygiene as a stumbling
block in the use of traditional medicine, ‘Because the herbalists
often do not use hygiene in preparing their medicines, people
think they are not good. But we make it locally which we just don’t
test it like and measure and say if one teaspoon or a tablespoonful
is needed, we just drink it like that [the way it is given to us]’. He
identified modern concepts of hygiene and the importance of
accurate dosage measurement as influential when choosing
between modalities.
Situational factors
Another determinant when choosing traditional or modern med-
ical healers is the influence of others, such as relatives, friends and
employers. One participant stated public servants in government
institutions often are required to seek treatment in a hospital. She
stated ‘The problem is if you work in a government institution,
you have to go to the doctor first to do some tests and later to the
herbalist. The herbalist cannot give you security’. One participant
remembered her father’s concern with her first pregnancy. There
was a family history of death in childbirth. He urged her to seek
protection from a fetish priest. She stated, ‘In fact it was not my
intention to use a traditional healer, I usually go to the hospital’.
She combined the traditional healing with modern medicine and
sought prenatal treatment with a medical officer. Her rationale for
seeking modern medicine was: ‘I know the doctor, and I wanted to
make sure in case there is an operation needed (caesarian-
section), the doctor can do the operation than [not] the fetish
priest. I did go to the laboratory for tests, because the fetish priest
cannot do any tests’.
Accessibility and affordability of health care
Locality and high cost of medicine seem to be intertwined con-
cepts in choice of healthcare modalities. Familiarity with the local
provider is identified as another factor associated with physical
circumstances. One participant pointed to poverty in rural areas
as a deterrent to the use of modern medicine in Ghana.
You see I feel that they [Ghanaians] use more of herbal medi-
cine because many of them particularly in rural areas are poor,
so they cannot go to or come visit the hospitals. Poverty pre-
vents treatment in hospitals because drugs are very expensive
and hospitals are not easily accessible without adequate trans-
portation. Sometimes you have to give money to the nurses and
the doctor himself to receive treatment, and the medicine is
very expensive, also. There are many people who cannot pay
and so they rely on traditional medicine, herbs. Even for chil-
dren, they use herbs.
Internal contextual influence
Internal contextual influences encompassed the concept of illness
of spiritual or non-spiritual sources. The belief was that spiritual
illness could only be cured with traditional medicine. Those expe-
riencing non-spiritual illness might choose either traditional or
modern medicine; frequently the choice was made according to
faith related to successful past experience with a specific modality.
The perception of personal power vested within a healer, espe-
cially in traditional medicine, played a significant part in deter-
mining choice. Some felt this personal power was essential to the
healing process; others feared the source of the personal power
was demonic and synonymous with evil.
Spiritual illness
Some participants perceived spiritual illness as a reason to seek
traditional care. One participant spoke of a cousin who was cured
of epilepsy by a herbalist. Her personal family experience led her
to believe that there were diseases that required a spiritualist.
According to the participant, ‘Somebody may want to destroy
your life and a spiritualist may help to protect you. Most of these
people have powers’.
Another female participant stated she would ‘seek all other
results with modern medicine, and then seek the herbalist. When
there is no way out you definitely have to use the herbalist’. When
asked for more descriptive information she stated,
Sometimes there is the belief that some of the illnesses are
caused by spirits, or spiritual illness. If taken to the modern
medicine healer, they will treat you based on the physical signs,
like if you’re having pain. But the herbalist, I know they read
and they are revealed certain things to do.

© 2006 International Council of Nurses, International Nursing Review, 53, 52–58

Use of traditional and modern medicine
Personal belief/faith in healing
Some of the participants described illness that they identified in
modern medical terminology. Their approaches varied in the
use of modern medicine, traditional medicine or a combination.
A middle-aged male participant with a family history of hyper-
tension treated his own hypertension with modern medication
from a medical officer. He had never seen a herbalist for his
hypertension. He stated, ‘I take my medication when my pres-
sure is high, and I stop when the pressure is okay’. For him
symptoms of headache and fatigue were indicators to take his
medication.
A female participant diagnosed with rheumatoid arthritis and
sickle cell disease by laboratory analysis first chose modern medi-
cine for treatment of leg pain. According to the participant, mod-
ern medicine did not relieve her pain causing her to seek relief
from a herbalist. When asked why traditional medicine worked
for her, she stated,
I don’t have any motive about the spiritual powers. I believe in
the medicine. It is only by faith. You see using a certain medi-
cine you have to believe that the medicine that you are using
will cure you. If you do not believe that and have no faith in it, it
will not work.
Source of healer’s power
Several participants shared thoughts on different aspects of the
power of traditional medicine and healers. Three participants
believed that traditional powers of healing are passed from one
generation to the next. One male participant expressed it as ‘wise
by experience’. He stated, ‘Herbal medicine is something the peo-
ple know, is handed over the years’. Other participants feared the
power of some traditional healers, because they were unsure of the
source of power. Powers considered to be from a Supreme Being
or God, were perceived to be safe origins of healing. Some consid-
ered powers derived from lesser deities, also called intermediaries,
as demonic power.
A participant in touch with the spiritual life of Ghanaians
offered an alternative perspective:
Our people do not think that [lesser deities have demonic
power]. Now, the hierarchy, the hierarchical structure of the
worshipping lives of our people, they see the Supreme Being,
they see the intermediaries, and then the human beings. Our
people do not see these deities, minor gods, small gods as
devilish or demonic. People living in villages see traditional
healers for illness, birth, bone setting, and psychological prob-
lems. And so, if there is any help, if they need any help from
the minor deities or gods, you know, they feel they represent
God.
© 2006 International Council of Nurses, International Nursing Review, 53, 52–58
57
Discussion
The findings of this study suggest a complex process involved in
making healthcare decisions. This process is responsive to a com-
bination of forces coming together to develop individual and per-
sonal choices of these Ghanaians. The forces of traditional
culture, religion (Traditional African, Christian and Muslim),
finance and economics, education, advice of family and friends,
and introduction of Western systems (educational, medical and
cultural) all have shaped the healthcare choices.
The strength of this study lies in the homogeneity of the sub-
jects, but conversely this is also its weakness. This investigation
was conducted with a small number of participants. The similar
backgrounds, experiences and general profiles of the participants
make it possible to extrapolate theories of perception related to
the influencing forces mentioned above. However, a study con-
ducted with people who have lived in traditional villages in close
contact with traditional healers all of their lives would be expected
to produce different responses. It cannot be concluded that the
findings obtained in this investigation represent the attitudes of a
majority of Ghanaians. However, the participants do represent a
cross section of the population who have influenced by education,
religion and Western systems.
Conclusion
Healthcare systems originate and develop on the basis of health
views. At the core of people’s health views are culturally deter-
mined beliefs and values. Through experience and socialization,
people demonstrate health behaviours reflective of personal
development. Perceptions of health and disease, expression and
interpretation of symptoms, and types of health care available
guide these health behaviours. Globally most cultures, including
the people of Ghana, retain indigenous health beliefs. Even
though people in Ghana may accept modern scientific medicine,
they retain traditional concepts to give meaning to their health
experience.
Practice implications
Implications of the study findings indicate that traditional and
modern medicines will always be part of Ghanaian healthcare
delivery and efforts should be made to integrate traditional prac-
titioners into the national healthcare delivery system. The chal-
lenge for nurses and nurse–midwives is to help people identify
and use the positive elements of traditional health resources. With
integration of modern and traditional medicine, facilitated by
introducing each modality to the benefits of the other, goals of
global improvement in health conditions and realization of per-
sonal abilities may be achieved. A good understanding of tradi-
tional preventative issues by nurses and policy makers could have
enormous public health benefits.
58 M. M.Tabi et al.
References
Anyinam, C.A. (1989) The social costs of the international monetary
funds adjustment programs for poverty: the case of health care devel-
opment in Ghana. International Journal of Health Services, 19 (3),
531–547.
Avert (2001) Adults Living with AIDS and HIV in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Available at: http://www.avert.org/subaadults.htm (accessed on 13
January 2003).
Bonsi, S.K. (1980) Modernization of native healers: implications for
health care delivery in Ghana. Journal of the National Medical Associa-
tion, 72 (11), 1057–1063.
Care International (2003) General Information. Available at: http://
www.careinternational.org.uk/cares_work/where/ghana/ghana_st
(accessed on 5 December 2003).
Cocks, M. & Moller, V. (2002) Use of indigenous and indigenized medi-
cines to enhance personal well-being: a South African case study. Social
Science and Medicine, 54 (3), 387–398.
Craffert, P.F. (1997) Opposing world-views: the border between tradi-
tional and biomedical health care practices. South African Journal of
Ethnology, 20 (1), 1–9.
Du Toit, B.M. (1998) Modern folk medicine in South Africa. South Africa
Journal of Ethnology, 21 (4), 145–153.
Engenderhealth (2003) Country by Country: Ghana. Available at:
http://www.engenderhealth.org/ia/cbc/ghana.html (accessed on
25 January 2004).
Hevi, J. (1989) In Ghana, conflict and complementarity. The Hastings
Center Report, 5–7.
Oppong, A.C.K. (1989) Healer in transition. Social Science Medicine,
28 (6), 605–612.
© 2006 International Council of Nurses, International Nursing Review, 53, 52–58
Owusu-Ansah, D. (1994) The society and its environment. Washington,
DC, pp. 59. In Ghana: A Country Study. (Berry, L., ed.). Library of
Congress–127.
Patterson, L. (2001) 2nd Annual International Conference on Traditional
Medicine in Ghana, Africa. Available at: htpp://http://www.ccnh.edu/
newsletr/holtimesv8n4/conference.html
Sodi, T. (1996) Towards recognition of indigenous healing: prospects and
constraints. Journal of Comprehensive Health, 7 (1), 5–9.
Tabi, M. (1994) Nursing in Ghana. Journal of Nursing Administration,
24 (9), 17–18.
Tabi, M. & Frimpong, S. (2003) HIV infection of women in developing
countries. International Nursing Review, 50, 40–50.
Van Eeden, A. (1993) The traditional healer and our health system. South
African Medical Journal, 8, 441–442.
Warren, D.M., et al. (1982) Ghanaian national policy toward indige-
nous healers: the case of the primary health training for indigenous
healers (PRHETIH) program. Social Science Medicine, 16, 1873–
1881.
World Bank (2002) 2002 World Health Indicators. Available at:
http://devdata.worldbank.org/genderstats/rhealth.pdf (accessed
on 30 March 2004).
World Development Indicators Database (2003) General Information.
Available at: http://devdata.worldbank.org/external/CPProfile.asp?
SelectedCountry (accessed on 5 December 2003).
World Health Organization (WHO) (2002) Traditional Medicine: Report
by the Secretariat. Available at: http://www.who.int/gb/EB_WHA/
PDF/EB111?eeb1119.pdf (accessed on 5 May 2003).
World Health Organization (WHO) (2004) Ghana. Available at:
http://www.who.int/country/gha/en/ (accessed on 13 April 2004).