Professional Documents
Culture Documents
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the Bosnian War Crimes
Chamber
Claire Garbett1
Introduction
During the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia much media attention focused on the men (and
women) being held by armed groups in prison camps and detention facilities. Images of men
imprisoned behind barbed wired and living in deplorable conditions was a central aspect of this
media coverage. While the men at the centre of these images were identified as being both
civilians and military personnel at the time of their capture, the influential Bassiouni Report
confirms that military personnel were held in large numbers in prison camps.2 The Bassiouni
Report describes that there was a ‘large number of purposeful and indiscriminate killings . . .
committed against civilians and prisoners of war, both inside and outside of detention facilities’.3
Although the prevalence and patterns of the unlawful treatment of prisoners of war varied
between the camps established by the different parties to the conflict, the Bassiouni Report
determines that ‘military personnel were targeted for destruction’ as a category of persons.4
This short article examines the legal representation of POWs as the victims of unlawful
killing during the Yugoslavian conflicts. Specifically, it explores the legal regulation of crimes
1
London-Based Project Co-ordinator and Researcher, ‘Bosnian Bones, Spanish Ghosts: ‘Transitional
Justice’ and the Legal Shaping of Memory after Two Modern Conflicts’, ERC funded project with Sari
Wastell as Principle Investigator.
2
Final Report of the Commission of Experts Established Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 780
(1992), UN Doc. S/1994/674 (1994) [hereinafter ‘Bassiouni Report’]. After a re-organisation of the
Commission due to the resignation of the first Chairman, Fritz Kalshoven, M. Cherif Bassiouni acted as
the Chairman of the Commission until completion of its work. The Commission was established by UN
Security Council Resolution 780 (1992) to examine and analyse information on the evidence of violations
of international humanitarian law committed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. The Bassiouni
Report is commonly understood to be an influential account of the crimes of the Yugoslavian conflict. For
discussion see W.J. Fenrick, ‘In the Field with the UNCOE: Investigating Atrocities in the Territory of the
Former Yugoslavia,’ Military Law and Law of War Review 34 (1995): 33-72.
3
Bassiouni Report (1994), Part III (B).
4
Bassiouni Report (1994), Part IV (A) (6).
1
committed against this category of persons, and how POW victims of unlawful killing appear
within the different categories of cases heard by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the War Crimes Chamber of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BWCC).5 As I
have argued elsewhere, few cases heard by the ICTY involve the unlawful killing of POWs.6 To
date, however, there have been no similar analyses of cases involving POWs as victims heard
by the BWCC. Nor have there been any comparative analyses that consider the legal regulation
of this form of criminal conduct by these different mechanisms of criminal justice that both work
to found accountability for crimes committed during the conflict. In order to begin to address
these gaps, this paper examines the completed cases heard by these institutions that involve the
unlawful killing of POWs to consider the patterns of prosecution of each of these institutions, and
their similarities and differences. The ICTY has tried, or is in the process of trying, the highest-
level accused charged with violations of humanitarian law committed during the conflict. In
contrast, with a few exceptions, the BWCC has tried ‘less complex’ cases involving ‘suspects at
lower levels of the military, police or political hierarchy’.7 This analysis suggests that there is an
emerging problem of cases involving POWs as the victims of unlawful killing being represented
Established while the conflict was still ongoing in the former Yugoslavia, the mandate of the
ICTY is to ‘bring to justice those responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian
law committed in the former Yugoslavia since 1991 and thus contribute to the restoration and
5
This paper follows Kirsten Campbell’s methodological approach of analysing patterns in cases and
counts. It analyses cases where the status of the victims as POWs is clearly defined in the counts of the
final indictment brought against the accused, and the charges relate to the unlawful killing of these
persons. As such, it does not include cases that refer broadly to military personnel, or POWs, as the
victims of the conflict situation but does not specify these categories of persons or the crimes allegedly
perpetrated against them within the counts of the final indictment. Kirsten Campbell, ‘The Gender of
Transitional Justice: Law, Sexual Violence and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia,’ The International Journal of Transitional Justice 1 (2007): 411-432.
6
Claire Garbett, ‘The Legal Representation of the Civilian and Military Casualties of Contemporary
Conflicts: Unlawful Victimisation, its Victims and their Visibility at the ICTY,’ The International Journal of
Human Rights, 16 (2012): 1059-1077.
7
Bogdan Ivanišević, The War Crimes Chamber in Bosnia and Herzegovina: From Hybrid to Domestic
Court (New York: International Center for Transitional Justice, 2008), 10.
2
maintenance of peace in the region’.8 This ad hoc tribunal has authority to prosecute and try
individuals on four categories of offences: grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions,
violations of the laws or customs of war, genocide and crimes against humanity.9 The ICTY has
indicted 161 persons for such violations and completed proceedings for 113 persons to date.10
As part of its ‘completion strategy,’11 the ICTY has transferred 13 persons to national courts in
the region for adjudication of their alleged crimes. Through its trial adjudications, the ICTY has
proven beyond reasonable doubt that the mass killings at Srebrenica was genocide, that the
Bosnian Serb forces inflicted ‘terror’ against the civilian population of Sarajevo through a
campaign of sniping and shelling and of the perpetration of mass killings of civilians and POWs
and other methods of persecution within the notorious camps of Omarska, Keraterm and Foča,
amongst others.
In contrast to the ICTY, the BWCC figures as a permanent mechanism of criminal justice
for founding accountability of the perpetrators of violations of humanitarian law during the
conflict. Formally opened in 2005, the BWCC comprises Section I of the Court of Bosnia and
Herzegovina. It hears cases brought by the Special Department for War Crimes of the
Prosecutor’s Office of BiH (Special Department) relating to war crimes committed on the territory
of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the armed conflict from 1992 until 1995.12 Of the courts in BiH
that try war crimes cases, the BWCC has heard the greatest number of cases to date, and
received the highest number of transfer cases from the ICTY (all of which are now completed).13
In similarity to the ICTY, it holds jurisdiction over war crimes, crimes against humanity and
genocide as set out in the Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Over time, a ‘horizontal
8
ICTY, ‘Mandate and Jurisdiction,’ http://www.icty.org/sid/320 (accessed 1 February 2012).
9
Ibid.
10
Information correct as of 1 February 2012.
11
Since 2003, the ICTY has been urged by the UN Security Council to initiate measures to allow for its
closure. As part of these measures, the ICTY has worked to develop the capacity of regional courts in the
former Yugoslavia and to transfer lower and intermediate accused to them. See, ICTY, ‘Capacity Building,’
http://www.icty.org/sections/Outreach/CapacityBuilding (accessed 1 February 2012).
12
For the activities of the Special Department for War Crimes see
http://www.tuzilastvobih.gov.ba/?opcija=sadrzaj&kat=2&id=4&jezik=e (accessed 1 February 2012).
13
Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, Delivering Justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina: An
Overview of War Crimes Processing from 2005 to 2010 (Sarajevo: OSCE Mission to Bosnia and
Herzegovina, 2011), 99. The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Report refers
to the completion of 50 war crimes cases by the Court of BiH from January 2005 until September 2010, 22
cases by the Republika Srpska, 48 cases by the Federation of BiH and 3 cases by the Brčko District.
3
working relationship’ has been developed between the BWCC and the ICTY.14 In particular,
there has been the establishment of links between the courts on issues such as the access and
transfer of public and confidential materials and information, specific case files, certification
issues of evidence and organising video links with protected witnesses.15 While concerns have
been raised as to the types of cases being indicted by the Special Department,16 the BWCC has
been praised for bringing a significant number of cases to adjudication and judgement, and for
The rules of international humanitarian law prohibit the intentional and deliberate killing of both
civilians and prisoners of war (POWs). Hayashi points out that ‘international humanitarian law
calls upon individual combatants to determine the legal status of their opponents and direct their
military activities accordingly’.18 During the conduct of armed conflict, that legal status of the
potential targets of military action figures as either civilian or combatant (military personnel).19
Civilians are all persons who are not combatants. This category of persons is ‘not allowed to
participate actively in the fighting; if they do, they lose their status as civilians’.20 In turn, civilians
may not be the object of an intentional direct attack – military operations should be directed
solely against military objectives.21 In contrast, military personnel are permitted to take a direct
part in hostilities and, as such, they may be attacked. 22 However, the rules relating to the
14
Alejandro Chehtman, ‘Developing Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Capacity to Process War Crimes Cases:
Critical Notes on a “Success Story,”’ 9 Journal of International Criminal Justice 9 (2011): 570.
15
Ibid., 558.
16
Claire Garbett, ‘Transitional Justice and “National Ownership”: An Assessment of the Institutional
Development of the War Crimes Chamber of Bosnia and Herzegovina,’ Human Rights Review (2012) DOI
10.1007/s12142-011-0209-8; David Schwendiman, ‘Prosecuting Atrocity Crimes in National Courts:
Looking Back on 2009 in Bosnia and Herzegovina,’ Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights 8
(2010): 269-300.
17
Tarik Abdulhak, ‘Building Sustainable Capacities – From an International Tribunal to a Domestic War
Crimes Chamber for Bosnia and Herzegovina,’ Criminal Law Forum 9 (2009): 333-358; Chehtman, supra
n 13.
18
Nobu Hayashi, ‘The Role of Judges in Identifying the Status of Combatants,’ Acta Societatis Martensis
2 (2006): 69.
19
Yoram Dinstein, The Conduct of Hostilities under the Law of International Armed Conflict (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2004).
20
Ibid., 27.
21
Ibid., 115.
22 nd
A.P.V. Rogers, Law on the Battlefield 2 ed (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), 8.
4
legitimate attack of military personnel do not allow for such an attack in all situations and
circumstances during a conflict situation. The rules of humanitarian law determine that military
personnel are afforded the status of POW when they fall into the hands of the adversary during
an international armed conflict, most typically, upon their surrender to the enemy or through their
capture by opposing forces.23 As Rogers describes, the ‘general rule is that members of the
enemy armed forces, other than medical personnel and chaplains, are entitled to prisoner-of-war
status on capture’.24
Prisoners of war thus constitute a category of ‘protected persons’ under the rules of
international humanitarian law. 25 Formal provisions on POWs are primarily regulated by the
Hague Regulations of 1899 and 1907, the 1929 Geneva Conventions Relative to the Treatment
of Prisoners of War, Geneva Convention III of 1949 and Additional Protocol I, and are limited to
international armed conflicts.26 The protection and humane treatment of prisoners of war ‘is
rooted in the realization that captured combatants no longer pose any threat to the lives of the
persons that capture them nor to their army’.27 Broadly put, POWs ‘cannot be killed, used as
human shields, held hostage, or used to clear landmines’ during the course of an international
armed conflict.28 They ‘should be protected against acts of violence or intimidations and against
insults and public curiosity’.29 Measures of reprisals against prisoners of war are prohibited.30
These particular acts of violence are prohibited against this particular category of persons within
an international armed conflict. As such, these acts constitute crimes of war that may be subject
to the legal processes of accountability mechanisms of criminal justice. In the case of the conflict
in the former Yugoslavia, these mechanisms include the ICTY and the BWCC, alongside the
other regional courts of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro.
23
Horst Fischer, ‘The Protection of Prisoners of War,’ in The Handbook of Humanitarian Law in Armed
Conflicts, ed. Dieter Fleck (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 321.
24
Rogers, supra n 21 at 52.
25 nd
Marco Sassoli and Antoine Bouvier, How Does Law Protect in War? 2 ed (Geneva: International
Committee of the Red Cross, 2006).
26
Natalino Ronzitti, ‘Prisoners of War,’ in The Oxford Companion to International Criminal Justice, ed.
Antonio Cassese (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).
27
Fischer, supra n 22 at 321.
28
Michael Byers, War Law (London: Atlantic Books, 2005), 127. There are no formal provisions on POWs
for non-international armed conflicts. Ronzitti, supra n 26 at 47.
29
1949 Geneva Convention III Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, Article 13 [hereinafter ‘GC
III’].
30
GC III, Article 13.
5
The BWCC and the ICTY: Categories of Crimes involving POWs
The Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina (CC BiH) contains a specific category of crimes
involving prisoners of war as its victims. Article 175 of the CC BiH, ‘War Crimes against
shall be punished by imprisonment for a term not less than ten years or long-
term imprisonment.
While crimes committed against POWs do not fall under the categories of ‘War Crimes against
Civilians’ (Article 173) or ‘Crimes against Humanity’ (Article 172),31 they can be charged as
evidence of the perpetration of Genocide in accordance with Article 171 of the CC BiH.
In contrast, the ICTY does not contain a similar category of crimes focusing specifically
on POWs as their victims. Rather, crimes committed against POWs can be charged through the
Statute of the ICTY as Grave Breaches of the Geneva Conventions 1949 (Article 2), Violations
The question of whether the victims of the events under adjudication were POWs at the
time of their perpetration has been the subject of factual debate in relation to cases heard by the
ICTY. For example, the Prosecutor v. Mile Mrksic et al case concerns allegations that the three
accused acted together to achieve the murder and mistreatment of prisoners of war from the
Vukovar hospital in November 1991.33 Although the status of these victims was the subject of
31
It should be noted that it is a matter of ongoing jurisprudential debate as to whether crimes against
humanity can include POWs as well as civilians as the victims of the crime. Antonio Cassese, International
Criminal Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).
32
Ibid.
33
See The Prosecutor v. Mile Mrkšić et al, IT-95-13/1. Case Information Sheet.
6
contestation, the Trial Chamber found that they were POWs at the time of their violation due to
their status as members of the Croat forces. However, as commentators point out, this finding
appears problematic as the Trial Chamber did not clarify whether the conflict at that time was of
an international character.34 As Pinzauti points out, ‘the holding that the captured Croats enjoyed
POW status appears somewhat simplistic, given the Trial Chamber’s failure to characterize the
nature of the conflict in Croatia’.35 That holding appears problematic as there is no POW status
The ICTY
As of 1 February 2012, the ICTY has completed proceedings in 49 cases. Of these cases, 6
include charges that involve POWs as the victims of unlawful killing.36 While these cases all
involve POWs, their indictments and judgements variously describe the victims as POWs,
‘captured soldiers’, ‘surrendered soldiers’ and ‘imprisoned soldiers’. Four of these cases involve
HVO soldiers, that is, members of the Croat Defense Council as the victims of the events under
adjudication, and two cases involve Bosniak military personnel as the victims of the accused.
The BWCC
To date, the BWCC has completed proceedings in 81 cases through the rendering of a Final
Verdict. Of these, nine cases completed by the BWCC involve charges of ‘War Crimes against
Prisoners of War’ as either the sole basis of the indictment, or in conjunction with other charges.
Of these cases, seven involve charges relating to the unlawful killing of POWs with the other
cases involving other acts of violence committed against this category of persons in
34
Giulia Pinzauti, ‘Protecting Prisoners of War: The Mrkšić et al. Appeal Judgement,’ Journal of
International Criminal Justice 8 (2010): 199-219.
35
Ibid., 204.
36
It should be noted that other cases heard by the ICTY include charges involving other acts committed
against POWs, for example, of torture or inhumane treatment.
7
contravention of the Bosnian Criminal Code. These seven cases charge the accused with the
unlawful killing of members of the parties to the conflict, including the Army of Republic of BiH,
the Army of the Serb Republic of BiH, the Croat Defense Council and the Army of Srpska
Krajina.
A further six cases that involve charges of genocide also include acts of the unlawful
killing of POWs. These cases all involve the unlawful killing of Bosniak male persons, both
civilians and prisoners of war, during the events of Srebrenica. Several of these cases involve
multiple accused charged with these crimes. Overall then, 13 cases completed by the BWCC
Patterns of Prosecution: The Legal Representation of the ‘Serious Offences’ and the
In its capacity as a judicial accountability mechanism of international criminal justice, the ICTY
focuses upon the most serious crimes and highest-level criminals of the conflict. In order to
obtain the necessary evidence to try these high-level accused, the Office of the Prosecutor
(‘OTP’) of the ICTY has followed a distinct ‘pyramidal’ approach to its investigations and
prosecutions. The OTP began by ‘starting at the bottom, in other words, with crime base
evidence and lower-ranking persons who actually committed or ordered the crimes’.37 As Carla
Del Ponte, former Chief Prosecutor of the ICTY points out, the early cases generally concern
‘persons holding higher levels of responsibility for physically committing exceptionally brutal or
otherwise serious offences’.38 These cases are typically characterised as ‘camp’ cases as they
involve crimes committed within prison camps or detention facilities against civilians or POWs.39
Once sufficient evidence was obtained to indict higher-level accused, the investigators then
‘began working up the pyramid to the persons who could be regarded as the most responsible
37
See ICTY, ‘Investigations’, http://www.icty.org/sid/97#investigationsstrategy (accessed 1 February
2012).
38
Carla Del Ponte, ‘Investigation and Prosecution of Large-Scale Crimes at the International Level: The
Experience of the ICTY,’ Journal of International Criminal Justice 4 (2006): 542.
39
Interview with a staff member of the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY, 28 June 2006. Semi-
structured interview conducted at the ICTY, The Hague, The Netherlands.
8
for the crimes’. 40 These later cases involve ‘very high-level persons suspected of being
responsible for the most serious crimes’.41 They focus on persons who are alleged to ‘have
ordered, planned, implemented or facilitated key parts of a common scheme, strategy or plan’ in
the commission of the crimes.42 These cases are typically defined as the ‘ethnic cleansing’ and
genocide cases that have been, or are in the process of being, brought to legal adjudication and
judgement.
Cases heard by the BWCC have, therefore, been characterized as ‘less complex’ cases
than those heard by the ICTY.43 The BWCC will not try the highest level accused as they have
been heard, or are in the process of being heard, by the ICTY. The prosecutorial policies of the
Special Department that guide the cases that come before the BWCC are set out in the National
War Crimes Strategy of Bosnia and Herzegovina of 2008 (‘Strategy’). The Strategy determines
that ‘the most complex and top priority cases’ should be prosecuted within 7 years (so by 2015)
and other war crimes cases within 15 years (so by 2023). 44 It describes that the Special
Department will analyse the gravity of the offences to determine whether cases will be heard by
the Court of BiH, or the district and cantonal courts of the Republika Srpska and the Federation
of BiH, respectively. The Court of BiH will hear cases of genocide, crimes against humanity and
war crimes that involve ‘mass killings’, ‘severe forms of rape’, ‘serious forms of torture’ as well as
In this sense, it can be seen that there are four ‘ranked’ levels of cases heard by the
ICTY and BWCC. If we use the analogy of the ‘pyramid’ structure employed by the OTP of the
ICTY to understand the ‘ranking’ of the seriousness of the cases of both these institutions
overall, the BWCC’s cases will figure below those of the ICTY. The first ‘rank’ of cases, those at
the top of the pyramid structure, are the genocide and ethnic cleansing cases of the ICTY that
try the highest-level accused, with the second ‘rank’ being its camp cases. As the BWCC
40
ICTY, Investigations, supra n 36.
41
Carla Del Ponte, ‘The Role of International Criminal Prosecutions in Reconstructing Divided
Communities,’ (2003) Public Lecture at the London School of Economics, 20 October 2003.
42
ICTY, Investigations, supra n 36.
43
Ivanišević, supra n 6.
44
National War Crimes Strategy, 2008.
45
Annex A, National War Crimes Strategy, 2008. It should be noted that concern has been raised as to
whether the Special Department is effectively concentrating on cases that can be characterised as the
‘most complex and top priority’ cases of BiH. For further discussion see Garbett, supra n 15;
Schwendiman, supra n 15.
9
generally hears cases involving lower-level accused than the ICTY, the third rank is its ‘most
complex and top priority’ cases and then, on the bottom level of the pyramid, the final rank is the
How, then, do crimes committed against POWs figure within these ‘ranks’ of cases heard
by the ICTY and BWCC? Where do these cases fall within the overall pyramid structure of the
ICTY and BWCC’s prosecutions? The patterns in the prosecutions of the ICTY and BWCC
suggest that cases involving POWs are being represented as ‘less serious’ cases. These
patterns suggest that the BWCC will hear the majority of these cases, and not the ICTY. Firstly,
the number of cases involving the unlawful killing of POWs appears low when viewed in relation
to the total number of cases heard by these institutions. Together, the ICTY and BWCC have
heard 19 cases involving this category of victims, out of a total of 130 completed cases. As such,
only 14.6 percent of the completed cases heard by these institutions of criminal justice for the
The second notable pattern in the prosecutions is that the ICTY has heard far fewer
cases involving POWs as the victims of unlawful killing than the BWCC, as seen below in
Figures 1 and 2. Six cases heard by the ICTY involve POWs as the victims of this offence, while
13 cases including these charges have been completed by the BWCC. The BWCC has,
therefore, heard more than double the number of such cases than the ICTY. When viewed in
terms of the percentage of cases at each respective institution, it can be seen that 16 percent of
the BWCC’s completed cases involve charges of the unlawful killing of POWs, as opposed to 12
46
It should be noted that other cases involving crimes committed against both civilians and prisoners of
war will be heard by the district and cantonal courts of BiH.
10
Figure 1: Victims in ICTY Cases Figure 2: Victims in BWCC Cases
The third, and perhaps most significant, pattern in the prosecutions of this offence is that the
BWCC has heard the majority of cases involving the unlawful killing of POWs. As noted above, a
total of 19 cases that involve this offence have been heard by these institutions. The ICTY has
heard 6 of these cases, while the BWCC has heard 13 cases. As seen below in Figure 3, this
translates to the ICTY hearing approximately a third of the cases involving the unlawful killing of
POWs, while the BWCC has heard two-thirds of the cases involving this offence:
11
If we consider the context of the cases, the patterns in the prosecutions show that the cases
heard by the ICTY that involve this offence and category of victims are predominantly ‘camp’
cases. The six cases that have been completed by the ICTY involving POW as the victims of
unlawful killing were indicted in 1995 (two cases), 1998, 2001 (two cases) and 2005. Combining
qualitative analysis of the nature of the context of these cases (as set out in the indictments and
judgements) with the time of their indictment shows that three of these cases can be understood
to be ‘camp’ cases, with a further two cases involving features of a ‘camp’ case in that the
victims were held in detention facilities by the accused alongside other acts. As seen below in
Figure 4, five cases, that is 83 percent of the ICTY cases involving the unlawful killing of POWs,
As such, if we follow the narratives of Del Ponte and the ICTY more broadly, these five ‘camp’
cases involving POWs as the victims of unlawful killing can be broadly characterised as cases
involving ‘less serious crimes’. They are conceptualised as involving crimes of a less serious
nature, on the second ‘rank’ of the pyramid structure of prosecutions, in comparison to the
These significant patterns in the prosecutions indicate that there is an emerging problem
of cases involving POWs appearing most frequently as those cases characterised as ‘less
12
complex’ cases heard by the BWCC rather than the higher-level cases heard by the ICTY. It
shows that at the ICTY, this offence falls most often within its camp cases, and not those
involving genocide or ethnic cleansing. Given the pyramid structure of prosecutions adopted by
the ICTY this is a pattern of prosecutions that will have ongoing significance for the
representation of the ‘seriousness’ of this type of case. It is probable that few further cases
involving POWs as the victims will come to completion by the ICTY, as its remaining cases are
predominantly ‘ethnic cleansing’ cases which do not typically include such charges.47 As such,
the proportion of ICTY involving such charges will not vastly increase, but may well decrease.
The unlawful killing of POWs will not, therefore, figure as a key aspect of the ICTY’s cases and
counts.
In contrast, however, the patterns in the prosecution of the BWCC’s cases suggest that it
will go on to hear a significant number of cases involving this charge. There are a number of
cases under indictment, or that have been subject to the rendering of a First-Instance Verdict,
that involve the unlawful killing of POWs. For example, the cases of Kličković and Others,48
Memić and Others49 and Selimović and Others50 all include charges of War Crimes against
Prisoners of War. If the BWCC goes on to hear cases involving the unlawful killing of POWs, as
its patterns of prosecution suggest it will, the proportions between these institutions in respect to
hearing such cases will become even more pronounced. The overall proportion of cases
involving POWs as the victims of unlawful killing will increase before the BWCC, while
decreasing before the ICTY. That pattern in the prosecutions constructs a picture of such cases
as being ‘less serious’ crimes to be heard by the BWCC rather than the ICTY. It figures cases
involving the unlawful killing of POWs as belonging to the bottom levels of the ‘pyramid’ of cases
47
Garbett, supra n 5.
48
The Prosecutor v Klicković, Gojko and Others, X-KR-06/213.
49
The Prosecutor v Memić, Mensur and Others, S1 1 K 003369 09 KRI.
50
The Prosecutor v Selimović, Mehura and Others, X-KR-08/552.
13
Conclusion
Together with the overall lack of cases involving this category of victims and the higher number
of such cases heard by the BWCC then, the patterns of prosecution of the ICTY and BWCC
represent the unlawful killing of POWs as a ‘less serious’ offence of the Yugoslavian conflicts.
The legal representation of this offence does not figure the unlawful killing of this category of
persons as one of the most serious crimes to be heard by the ICTY. Rather, these acts arise
more frequently in the ‘less serious’ cases heard by the BWCC. Further analysis of the crimes
brought to judgement in completed cases by these institutions of criminal justice will either lend
further credence to this form of the legal representation of crimes against POWs or, conversely,
challenge this claim. For this reason, the patterns of prosecution in the remaining ICTY cases
and the ongoing cases of the BWCC figures as an important object of analysis to fully
understand how these institutions represent the different categories of victims and violence of
the conflict.
14