THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
Form and Substance in Indian Politics — V
The. overwhelming influence of the party system on the functioning of all political institutions in
the country has been stressed in this series. The consummation of the substantive political process in the
two networks of party and administration and their mutual interaction were the theme of the last instalment
The analysis is carried further below by focussing attention on the working of the party system itself.
It will be shown that the system as it has developed is in many ways unique and without parallel in other
countries.
The Constitution and the electoral system point to a development of the party system along conven-
tional lines; in practice, its development has been along different lines and in the process, it has affected
the working of the Constitution itself.
T H E influence o f the party system
in politics is largely a result
of our historical development. In
many Asian countries, political
institutions have developed under
quite different auspices under an
administrative bureaucracy or a
m i l i t a r y elite. In India, the move-
ment for national independence
was allowed to be openly organised
by the B r i t i s h ; second, and this is
very i m p o r t a n t , it was spread over
a p e r i o d ; thus there was enough
time to b u i l d up a well-designed
organisational n e t w o r k ; t h i r d , the
need was felt quite early to give
the movement a mass basis thus
t u r n i n g a "microscopic minority"
of Swarajists into a nationwide
organisation. Max Weber's "stages"
of p a r t y development' f r o m aristoc-
ratic cliques to parties of notables
and finally to mass parties do not
a p p l y to the I n d i a n case where al-
most f r o m the beginning the party
had to be. consciously organised
and given a popular basis at a
later stage. The I n d i a n National
Congress had emerged as a h i g h l y
organised p a r t y long before I n -
dependence, achieving what Sir
I v o r Jennings has called "organisa-
tion in depth". 2 I n d i a was, there-
fore, in a very fortunate position
when Independence came. The
leadership of the " m o v e m e n t " look
over the government of the country
and sustained it at all levels. A l o n g
w i t h the administrative hierarchy
inherited f r o m the B r i t i s h , this
made for p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y , avoided
p o l i t i c a l disintegration and ruled
out any p o s s i b i l i t y of the m i l i t a r y
t a k i n g over.
The "organisation in d e p t h " of
the Congress party also ensured
that its a u t h o r i t y w o u l d not be se-
riously challenged. W h i l e acute
Party System
Rajni Kothari
differences w i t h the official line of-
ten developed w i t h i n the Congress,
the dissenting members could either
try to influence the party from
w i t h i n or leave the party and go
into wilderness. Attempts at b r i n g -
i n g about an open s p l i t have been
frustrated and although each break
has meant the w i t h d r a w a l of some
very capable men from the Con-
gress, thus weakening the p a r t y ,
the dissidents have lacked the p o l i -
tical support that could make for
an effective opposition.
Eclecticism of the Congress
This was so before Indepen-
dence; it has been even more so
since. The position is s i m i l a r to
thai in B r i t a i n and America where
the f o r m a t i o n of a new party is an
almost impossible task, except that
in India the dissidents f r o m the
Congress do not have the alterna-
tive of j o i n i n g another equally w e l l -
o r g a n b e d party. Besides, differen-
ces w i t h i n the Congress d i d not
always mean a complete and deci-
sive breaking away of the dissidents
f r o m the p a r t y . Thus, when the
Socialists in the Congress differed
f r o m the party's official leadership,
there was considerable difference
of o p i n i o n among the socialists,
one group advocating a complete
break and the other pleading
for changing the Congress f r o m
w i t h i n . 3 The argument has conti-
nued ever since between those in
the Socialist party (now the
P S P ) . who have, sought " c o -
operation " w i t h the Congress, and
those who have advocated socialist
m i l i t a n c y , in the process further
s p l i t t i n g the socialist opposition
( f o r example, the breaking away
of the Lohia Group f r o m the
P S P ) . The only major merger
847
June 3, 1961
among opposition groups (between
the Socialist party and the K M P 4 )
made for a d i l u t i o n of the socialist
p l a t f o r m and turned the P S P i n -
to a feeble replica of the Congress,
w h i c h could provide no real alter-
native to the r u l i n g party. On the
other hand. the decision of the
K i d w a i C r o u p to continue w i t h i n
the Congress strengthened the
hands, of the Prime Minister against
the rightists in the Congress.
Manx of the weaknesses of the
Cong less party arise f r o m its eclec-
t i c i s m ; so does its strength. The
Congress has shown a f l e x i b i l i t y in
its p o l i t i c a l programmes w h i c h has
defeated all attempts at p r o v i d i n g
real alternative to i t . By adopting
the socialistic pattern resolution, it
stole the thunder from the P S P;
by m o d i f y i n g its agrarian policy
in prat lice, it prevented the Swa-
tantra party f r o m m o b i l i s i n g the
land-owning classes against it.
Even the Communists are forced to
choose between " c o o p e r a t i n g w i t h
Nehru " or going all-out against
the parliamentary system. In this
latter sense what the Communist
party offers is an alternative to the
present political system. rather
than to the r u l i n g party, the A m r i t -
sar thesis notwithstanding. The
Congress party (as well as some
opposition parties) treats the
Communist party as alien to
the existing political order and Is
in no wax reconciled to its parlia-
mentary status : the Kerala expe-
rience demonstrated this beyond all
doubt. The understanding between
the parties, which is necessary for
the C P I to function as a parlia-
mentary opposition, just does not
exist.
Political developments in the
Western w o r l d have led to the class.
June 3, 1961
fication of political systems into
one-party systems (used widely to
describe' the dictatorships) and
nmlti-pavty systems; the latter
b r i n e further divided into the p o -
part) systems and systems where
there are more than two parties.
Complementary to this broad classi-
fication is the distinction made on
the Continent between the party of
action and the party of p l a t f o r m
depending upon the degree of
p r o x i m i t y to power. There is also
the distinction between the party
of programme and the party of
personages, broadly a p p r o x i m a t i n g
to the distinction between institu-
tional and personal government.
F i n a l l y , theorising about the B r i -
tish system has led to a division
between the conservative party and
the progressive party. 6
H o w to Classify the Congress ?
None of these classifications is
completely relevant to the I n d i a n
situation. Although the opposition
parties are remote f r o m the exer-
cise of authority, thus making for
much preoccupation w i t h ideologi-
cal issues, the Congress party is
also preoccupied w i t h such issues
to a marked degree, largely because
of frustration w i t h action program-
mes. S i m i l a r l y , I he Congress party
claims to be as " progressive ' as
most of the opposition parties.
A g a i n . the dominance of personali-
ties and the lack of institutional
leadership is evident in a more or
less equal dearer in all Indian par-
ties. The more general classifica-
tion into one-party and multi-party
systems also loses much of its
meaning when applied to I n d i a .
The fact is that we have neither a
one-part v system which assumes
not only the absence but also the
illegality of other parties nor a
multi-party system w h i c h assumes
that no party is sufficiently power-
ful to f o r m the government by it-
self. Nor is it a "multi-party sys-
tem in theory but a one-party
system in practice' as it is often
described. Attempts to fit facts i n -
to a preconceived pattern are mis-
leading as they fail to take into
account the most important facts
about the Indian situation. The
party system as it has emerged is
unique and should be analysed in
terms of itself. Most important for
this analysis is to .understand the
relationship between the Congress
and the opposition parties. We
must, therefore, start with the
latter.
The role of opposition parties in
I n d i a is quite distinctive. Instead
of p r o v i d i n g an alternative to the
Congress party, they function by
influencing sections within the
Congress. They oppose by making
Congressmen oppose. Groups w i t h -
in the r u l i n g party assume the role
of opposition parties, often quite
openly, reflecting the ideologies and
interests of the other parties. The
latter influence p o l i t i c a l decision-
making at the m a r g i n . C r i t i c i s m
from the platform or in the legis-
lature has often found response
among Congressmen and been
echoed in the deliberations of the
party. The p o l i t i c a l stature of an
opposition leader and his personal
relations with the high-ups in the
Congress have often given h i m an
influence w i t h the Congress w h i c h
has prevented frustration and bit-
terness which would otherwise re-
sult from his party being in a posi-
tion of permanent m i n o r i t y . This
also explains why there is such a
wide gap between the leadership
and the rank and file of the opposi-
tion parties and p a r t l y accounts
for the lack of unity among these
parties.
Opposition Fragmented
The fragmentation of opposition
parties has baffled observers. It has
been observed that in a social order
w h i c h is in the process of disrup-
tion, militant political parties pro-
vide a sense of belonging to the
educated youth, who are also more
often than not unemployed. 7 T h i s
is true to some extent and accounts
for the anxiety of the rank and
file of opposition parties to main-
tain the separate identities of their
respective parties. The importance
of this factor should not, however,
be over/stressed. For it is also true
that p o l i t i c a l parties in India have
failed to inspire young men who
are t u r n i n g increasingly indiffer-
ent to politics. Their ranks are
being slowly depleted and the op-
position parties are becoming l o p -
heavy with much personal r i v a l r y
among leaders. The reasons for
fragmentation have, therefore, to be
sought in other factors.
One reason which has already
been mentioned is the position of
the Congress and its front-rank
leadership in I n d i a n politics. The
impression has, therefore, gained
g r o u n d that only if the Congress
848
THE ECONOMlC W E E K L Y
breaks up is there any chance for
any other party to come up. Ram-
pant factionalism w i t h i n the Con-
gress has given the opposition hope
that such a break up is in the ofl-
iug. Meanwhile, duly by entering
into some arrangement w i t h the
r u l i n g party can the opposition
parties taste power. This is possi-
ble in States where the Congress
does not have an absolute m a j o r i t y
in the legislatures,
Reasons for Divisions
T h i s points to another and a
more important reason for the
continuing divisions w i t h i n the op-
position. The fact that no single
party has been aide to challenge
the Congress led each party think
that it is more capable than the
others to eventually replace the
Congress and that the others should
therefore merge themselves. This
attitude in turn ensures that no
party can really replace Congress.
Meanwhile, i n d i v i d u a l politicians
contest the elections to get themsel-
ves elected, not to put their party
in power. This has led to lack of
concern for b u i l d i n g up the p a r t y ;
it has also made for the absence of
a common outlook among the mem-
bers of the party in different parts
of the country. Instances where
regional units of these parties have
flouted their national leadership
are not lacking. The P S P for
instance, was forced to change its
stand three limes in two years on
the question of coalitions w i t h
other parties, and in the end had
to approve rather than condemn
deviations f r o m the official line in
the States." While discipline am-
ong the rank and file is stressed
w i t h almost totalitarian thorough-
ness, disunity among the leadership
ha s become endemic. Disunity am-
ong opposition parties is reinforced
by disunity w i t h i n each party and
the result is to reduce politics to a
sort of personal sport for i n d i v i -
dual politicians. (The Communist
Party, however, prevents a marked
contrast with other opposition
groups in all these respects but
the Congress is determined to pre-
vent it f r o m corning to power. In
this, the Congress can confidently
count on the support of other op-
position parties.)
Opposition to the r u l i n g party
does not take the usually expected
f o r m . It takes quite different forms
in this country. There is much
irresponsibly criticism, a chronic
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
habit o f c o m p l a i n i n g and s h i f t i n g
a l l blame to the Government, spo-
radic compaigns o f personal v i l i f i -
cation and an i n c l i n a t i o n to wash
d i r t y linen in public. T h e mono-
polistic position of the Congress,
the unorganised and fragmentary
nature of the opposition w h i c h can-
not even adequately ventilate .popu-
lar grievances, and the atmosphere
of c o r r u p t i o n and jobbery have
given rise to a negative attitude
among the general public. It goes
further : antipathy to the r u l i n g
group turns into antipathy to
politics itself. Politics is not for
good men and it is only for oppor-
tunists and careerists. Such reac-
tions are common among the m i d -
dle class and more so among the
intellectuals. The net result is that
organised opposition is discounted
and centralisation of power conti-
nues unchecked. T h i s is aggravated
by opposition politicians who,
frustrated with the existing situa-
t i o n , plead for en-operation w i t h
the r u l i n g group, in effect refusing
to oppose. The "compulsions of a
back ward economy" thesis'' is a
rationalisation horn out of a basic
weakness of the opposition. Here
too. the Communist Party's strategy
is very different viz to w a i t for a
general exasperation w i t h the party
system that would give it its real
chance. Such exasperation is a l -
ready noticeable among i m p o r t a n t
sections of the people, and is often
expressed by men w h o are till
yesterday outstanding politician?.
T h e fanciful plea f o r "unanimous
elections" is another indication of
the anti-party bias in recent p o l i t i -
cal t h i n k i n g . Such an ideology,
shared as it is by part of the oppo-
sition, means that the latter is
withdrawing from p o l i t i c a l strug-
gle in precisely those areas, such
as local government where if has
most chances of success. A l l this
adds to the confused and fragmen-
tary state of p o l i t i c a l o p p o s i t i o n in
the country. The net result is that
the only alternatives w i t h w h i c h the
country is left are the c o n t i n u i n g
exercise of power by the Congress
which works through an internalis-
ed opposition system hut w h i c h , if
continued for long and under the
leadership of less scrupulous lead-
ers, w o u l d turn t o t a l i t a r i a n ; and
the Communist rise to power w h i c h
w o u l d b r i n g an end to the p a r t y
system itself. It is an impossible
choice.
T o d a y almost the whole of the
p o l i t i c a l process is t a k i n g place
w i t h i n the folds of the Congress.
The Congress is more than a p a r t y ,
it constitutes an entire p a r t y sys-
tem. T h e conflicts and alignments
w i t h i n the Congress are of greater
political import, than its conflict
w i t h the opposition groups. The
operative political categories in
India are factions w i t h i n the r u l i n g
party, organised on different lines
and interacting in a continuous
process of pressure, adjustment and
accommodation. The true opposi-
tion that emerges is not against but
w i t h i n the Congress. In this, the
opposition parties themselves play
their part at the m a r g i n us indicat-
ed above.
The Political Process
This also means that a large part
of political conflict and competition
for power take place before and
after rather than d u r i n g the gene-
ral elections. Before, in the selec-
tion of candidates and the regional
and group pressures that
such selection and after, in the for-
mation of ministries and the dis-
pensation of patronage. Also in
eases where the Congress has not
returned w i t h an absolute m a j o r i t y
in the legislature, the real process
starts after the elections. Attempts
are made to obstruct other parties
f r o m assuming or c o n t i n u i n g in
power for long by mustering the
strength of the Congress f r o m all
sides, by invoking interference
f r o m the H i g h Command or the
Central Government, by coalitions
and united fronts and by the hold-
i n g of new elections under more fa-
vourable circumstances. W h a t the
elections (and re-elections) do is to
endow such a process w i t h legal
sanction. The elections are very
i m p o r t a n t on other counts also.
They provide a channel of p a r t i c i -
pation to the general public thus
l e g i t i m i s i n g a u t h o r i t y , force the
r u l i n g party to make bargains w i t h
organised interests, and generally
spread p o l i t i c a l consciousness am-
ong the electorate.
The upshot of the above analysts
is that the w o r k i n g of factions w i t h -
in the Congress provide the sub-
stantive context of the p o l i t i c a l p r o -
cess that goes on in this country.
Further, it is at the level of factions
that the true nature of the Congress
and its distinctiveness f r o m other
parties is also revealed. For it is
849
June 3, 1961
at this level that one can see how
close the Congress is to society: it
reflects a l l the major social d i v i -
sions and interest groups. It is also
at this level that traditional insti-
tutions find entry into the p o l i t i c a l
process. T h e factions have their
own structure and lines of commu-
nication and constitute an intricate
system of decision-making. They
give rise to forms of political be-
haviour that cut across the formal-
ly established institutions and pro-
vide a clue to the otherwise baffling
twists and turns of I n d i a n political
l i f e , they can. w i t h some intensive
study, be as precisely located as
the more formal institutions?
Broad and tentative observations
can here be advanced.
The faction system (factionalism
is an emotive t e r m and has no place
in an analysis of institutions) works
at a l l levels of the Congress organi-
sation. Generally, however, the
lower down we go. the more perva-
sive the system becomes in condi-
t i o n i n g the political process. It is
affect also found in more unalloyed forms
nearer the base. Once we leave the
rarefied atmosphere of parliament
and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and the W o r k -
i n g Committee and go down, say,
to the Mandal Committee level, we
see that the whole picture changes.
The issues d i f f e r ; the understand-
i n g of politics d i f f e r ; the norms dif-
f e r ; and although the formal pro-
cedures bear resemblance to those
found in the higher levels, the ac-
tual process of a r r i v i n g at decisions
differs. There is much that the pu-
rist would find deplorable at this
level but it should not be forgotten
that what happens here determines
to a large, extent the tenor of Indian
political life.
At the Lower Level
Factions at the local level are
based on caste, k i n s h i p and peiso-
nal loyalties, ihe last being the
most i m p o r t a n t . Dominant persona-
lilies provide the t a l l y i n g points of
opposing factions. As factional
loyalties are, however, based on
expediency and are thus inherently
unstable, k i n and caste ties are
brought into p l a y to impart stabi-
l i t y to personal followings. These
are then reinforced by the dispen-
sation of patronage and the per-
sonality of the leader. The result
is clear divisions of the party that
are openly avowed and that give
rise to constant conflicts and ad-
justments. Of course, the factions
 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
June 3, 1961
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
June 3, 1961
sometimes d i s r u p t and make for Mandal-level factions are, however,
total f r u s t r a t i o n . P o l i t i c a l adjust- sert its independence quite openly.
w i t h groups w i t h i n the D i s t r i c t and
ments are often confined to the do- Those in charge of the organisation
the Pradesh Congress. It is a two-
m i n a n t caste w i t h i n w h i c h the fac- constitute a rival faction to those
way traffic. Good connections w i t h
tion system operates, thus leaving r u n n i n g the government. They use
i m p o r t a n t persons or groups in the
out the m a j o r i t y and making far various techniques of competition,
Pradesh Congress or the State Go-
m u c h concentration of power. The t r a d i t i o n a l l y associated w i t h the
vernment strengthen the hands of
depressed communities are usually opposition p a r t y . They make re-
particular leaders and the factions
denied any real access to power. presentations on behalf of aggriev-
they lead at the lower level. Equ-
ed interests; they make legislative
Consequendy the p o l i t i c a l process ally, a strong and dynamic leader
members make use of the question
assumes great r i g i d i t y . But this is w i t h a large f o l l o w i n g in the dist-
hour in c r i t i c i s i n g the government;
not always so. The electoral sys- rict carries great weight at the
they even utilise the press to p u b l i -
tem is f o r c i n g the higher castes to Slate level. T h e system of commu-
cise their dissatisfaction w i t h the
seek support among the lower nications between factions at diffe-
government; above a l l , they seek to
strata; the administration's "inter- rent levels is i m p o r t a n t and al-
w i n a m a j o r i t y in the legislature
ference" in local affairs on behalf though politicians f r o m above often
on their behalf and if the governing
of the depressed communities opens come to "settle" disputes at the
g r o u p feels it must have its own
a way f o r v e n t i l a t i o n of complaints lower level, such attempts are usu-
way, they are prepared to replace-
w h i c h have to be heard and settled; a l l y soon abandoned, largely be-
it as an alternative government.
and the Congress ideology, which cause the State politicians arc
They use other means also. Mo-
is slowly seeping i n t o local politics, themselves indirect parties to the
tions are passed in Pradesh Con-
makes it difficult to deny elemen- faction system. In fact, quite often
gress meetings; representations to
tary rights to men who were hither- the conciliatory move f r o m above
the H i g h Command are made and
to considered as outcastes. More- comes at the behest of local p o l i -
mediation called f o r ; very active
over, the "dynamics of the faction ticians in conflict w i t h the ruling
canvassing is carried out f o r elec-
system itself is o b l i g i n g local lead- group.
tions to the A . I . C . C , the Pradesh
ers to cast? their net w i d e r than their Election Committee, the Central
To complete the picture, it must
o w n c o m m u n i t y and extend their Election Committee and the W o r k -
be mentioned that the strength of
patronage system beyond their own i n g Committee.
Stale politicians and their groups
k i n . A m i n i a t u r e p a r t y system cut-
depends to a large extent on the
t i n g across t r a d i t i o n a l divisions is The organisational w i n g has been
weight they carry w i t h the High
emerging w i t h i n the Congress i n b u i l d i n g up its strength by g i v i n g
Command and the U n i o n Govern-
most localities. greater importance to the affiliated
ment. The process is s i m i l a r as be-
Mandal — District — Pradesh Links agencies of the Congress like the
tween the district and the State, ex-
The Congress organisation has Seva Dal, the Y o u t h Congress and
cept that it is of much greater
not spread physically to each v i l l - the Mahila Congress, but even
political i m p o r t and substantially
age; nor is it necessary. Members more, by making p o l i t i c a l use of
affects the incidence of political
of the M a n d a l Congress maintain these agencies. This is a compa-
m o r t a l i t y in the States.
contact w i t h the p o l i t i c a l l y active ratively recent, phenomenon. These
villages in various ways, through Organisational and Governmental agencies recruit new and young
the Local B o a r d , the D i s t r i c t Deve- Wings men who add strength to the Con-
lopment Committees; the village The hierarchy of factions out- gress organisation and nurse the
Sarpanch does so t h r o u g h the Pan- lined above does not exhaust the ideology that field w o r k is more
chayat S a m i t i and the Zilla Pari- group process w i t h i n the Congress. important than the governmental
shad, and even the local T a l a t i who While it is very i m p o r t a n t for work; the trend of reducing the
m a i n t a i n i n g both the u n i t y and the ministerial V I P s to their p r o p e r
very often lives in t o w n . Being
efficiency of the party, the most i m - size was clearly in evidence at the
the r u l i n g p a r t y , the Congress has
portant dimension of the faction Sardarnagar Session.
a p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n among v i l l a -
gers w h o s t i l l look towards p o l i t i c a l system is f o u n d at the State and Faction System in the Wings
a u t h o r i t y i n the t r a d i t i o n a l man- national levels. T h e two-party sys-
ner. T h e faction system penet- tem that is really e m e r g i n g in I n d i a All this does not mean that either
rates the villages too. V i l l a g e p o l i - is made up of the Congress govern- the organisational or the govern-
tics is i n v a r i a b l y the cock-pit of ment in power and the organisa- mental w i n g is united against the
local factions; these factions are tional w i n g of the party. The other; the faction system enters the
l i n k e d to factions at the Mandal opposition parties m a r g i n a l l y i n - f u n c t i o n i n g of each. A g a i n b u i l t
level sometimes and these l i n k s m a y fluence this struggle; so does the around personalities, the organisa-
create faction hierarchies; more factional hierarchy discussed above. tion is made up of a number of
often, however, the leader of each On the other hand, this struggle is groups; so is the government. The
faction at the M a n d a l level is i n - largely independent and has its strength of' the faction system in
fluential in a g r o u p of villages, o w n dynamics, very often affecting the highest governmental organs
mediates in village disputes and the fortunes of politicians at other was dramatically evident at- the
helps settle them, in the process levels and in other parties. recent contest for the Deputy
b u i l d i n g u p his o w n support i n the Leadership of the Congress. These
A marked shift has been notice- groups interact in an intricate
l o c a l i t y . The linkage is often i n - able of late in this struggle. The
direct and roundabout but it is manner, governmental factions seek-
organisational w i n g of the Congress, i n g support f r o m among organisa-
nonetheless present. till recently dominated by those i n
The really i m p o r t a n t links o f the tional factions and vice versa. The
the government, has begun to as- affiliated agencies themselves dis-
851
June 3, 1961
play the same trend, the Youth
Congress runs as a parallel organi-
sation to the Seva D a l in many
its functions and constitutes a r i v a l
force. Leaders of the Y o u t h Con-
gress and the M a n i l a Congress are
known to b u i l d up "connections"
with i m p o r t a n t persons in the
party. extending thereby the fac-
tion system into these agencies.
Thus almost every Congressman
belongs to one faction or another;
the faction system runs through
the entire w o r k i n g of the p a r t y and
constitutes the substantive party
system in I n d i a n politics, 1 2
Alongside the directly affiliated
agencies, there are a number of or-
ganised interest groups close to the
Congress that are able to influence
the organisational w i n g and t h r o u g h
it the government. The strength of
the I n d i a n National Trade U n i o n
Congress as a pressure g r o u p , for
example, is well-known. There are
s i m i l a r other organisations of stu-
dents, women, peasants and the pro-
fessions w h i c h are either run by
Congressmen or w h i c h enter i n t o in-
f o r m a l relationships w i t h the Con-
gress. T h e y arc also a p a r t of the
faction system and exert substantial
pressure on the organisation.
Where Indian Parliamentary System
Differs
The organisational and the govern-
mental wings of the: Congress are in
some ways not unlike two different
parties and the r i v a l r y between them
has influenced the conventions of
parliamentary government. After a
prolonged debate a general agree-
ment has been reached in England 1 1
that the government is responsible
to the electorate as a whole and not
o n l y to the party that has p u t it
in power. It follows that to insist
on the government's subservience
to the party's executive w o u l d be to
violate a basic tenet of democracy
that the most i m p o r t a n t organ of
the p a r t y is the p a r l i a m e n t a r y party
and that the p r i m a r y f u n c t i o n of
the p a r t y organisation outside par-
liament is to "service" the parlia-
mentary party and w o r k f o r its suc-
cess in the governmental process. 14
T h e situation in I n d i a is quite differ-
ent. H i s t o r i c a l l y , the f o r m a t i o n of
Congress ministries in the States in
1937 was part of the p o l i t i c a l stra-
tegy of the Congress and the gov-
ernments formed by the Congress
followed the directives' of the p a r t y ,
although this caused strains even
then, 1 5 Since independence, the
view that the Congress is not mere-
ly one among many parties and
that it still continues to be a na-
tional organisation, the g r o w i n g
realisation that the Congress orga-
nisation had lost its former vigour
and must be revived, the emergence
of the organisational w i n g as a rival
organ and the attempts of this organ
to control the government, and the
lack of effective opposition f r o m
other parties have led to a situation
contrary to that found in other
countries. T h e Congress insists,
and many in the parliament and the
government agree w i t h this view,
that the Congress government is
accountable to the party. The lack
of opposition f r o m outside and the
weakness of the legislative and elec-
toral machinery in m a k i n g govern-
ment accountable to public o p i n i o n
have also made the divergence of
the I n d i a n f r o m other parliamen-
tary systems inevitable. T h e fac-
t i o n system is a different type of
party system. It accounts for this
divergence f r o m the t r a d i t i o n a l pat-
tern.
Factions Have a Role
The unqualified condemnation of
''factionalism"' w i t h i n the Congress
by national leaders is often based
on an unrealistic appreciation of
the p o l i t i c a l process. It is forgot-
ten that factions have role to play
at the present level of our p o l i t i c a l
development. They prevent the rise
of a m o n o l i t h i c state by p r o v i d i n g
a built-in opposition w i t h i n the
r u l i n g p a r t y . In the absence of
effective opposition f r o m outside,
they prevent excessive concentration
of power. W i t h i n the p a r t y , too,
they make for intimate relationships
thus m o d i f y i n g the operation of the
law of oligarchy f o u n d in a l l orga-
nised parties. 1 0 T h e y make f o r
constant interaction between oppos-
ing interests and necessitate the
adjustments so v i t a l to the demo-
cratic process. They accomodate a l l
the i m p o r t a n t sections of society,
albeit in an Unequal manner. They
lend f l e x i b i l i t y to the p o l i t i c a l pro-
cess and enable governmental chan-
ges to occur w i t h o u t a purge. W h i l e
they have obstructed the g r o w t h of
the v i t a l convention of tolerating
opposition parties in power when
public o p i n i o n demands it and has
kept the country Unprepared for a
change in a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , it has
prevented the Congress monopoly
852
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
f r o m becoming t o t a l i t a r i a n . On the
whole it has made " p o l i t i c s by dis-
cussion" Both possible and neces-
sary.
On the other hand, factions, if
not restricted, can prove dangerous,
and lead to instability and intrigues.
M o r e i m p o r t a n t is the danger to
the country's u n i t y . It is true that
genuine p o l i t i c a l unity assumes poli-
tical divisions, but when the empha-
sis on divisions outstrips the con-
cern for u n i t y , the result is disinte-
gration of the p o l i t i c a l c o m m u n i t y .
But the worst consequence of fac-
tions, one that is inherent in i t , is
the exaggerated emphasis placed on
personalities. The result is exercise
of authority based on i n d i v i d u a l ca-
prices in place of institutions and
programmes. "Charismatic" autho-
r i t y is more suited to a totalitarian
p o l i t i c a l order than to a democracy.
Unless i n s t i t u t i o n a l correctives res-
trict factions, political instability
and the consequent public exaspera-
tion w o u l d pave the way for dicta-
torship.
Conciliation Machinery in Congress
Such correctives exist w i t h i n the
Congress organisation. T h e Con-
gress has an elaborate c o n c i l i a t i o n
machinery that is prepared to inter-
vene whenever the factions reach a
deadlock. There is the Congress
Parliamentary B o a r d w h i c h mediates
between government and p a r t y when
acute conflicts arise. Deputations
from the H i g h Command to the
States have become a regular fea-
ture of Congress politics. Various
standing and ad hoc committees are
appointed by the Congress President
and constitute part of this concilia-
t i o n machinery. Such questions as
c o r r u p t i o n among Congressmen, com.
munalism and the neglect of mino-
rities as well as specific; charges
against ministers are dealt w i t h by
these committees. T h e Central Elec-
t i o n Committee and the Pradesh
Committees a p p l y themselves care-
f u l l y to the selection and screening
of candidates and settle differences
between various organs and inte-
rest groups w i t h i n the party. The
conciliation machinery is in almost
continuous operation and problems
arising f r o m the w o r k i n g of fac-
tions constantly call f o r solution.
The dangers inherent in the system
are p a r t l y avoided by such timely
mediation. The conciliation ma-
chinery wields considerable influence
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
as it derives its a u t h o r i t y directly
f r o m the High Command. On the
other hand, it is certain that its
present efficacy depends on the pre-
sence of outstanding leaders who
have the interest of the nation at
heart. Once, however, the faction
system heroines all-pervasive and the
power conflicts at the Centre come
into open w i t h each leader t r y i n g
to b u i l d up support in the organi-
sation, such a machinery w i l l be-
come ineffective. T h i s tendency
w o u l d be corrected o n l y by a com-
plete division w i t h i n the Congress
organisation all along the hierarchy
which w o u l d lead to the formation
of a genuine party system free f r o m
factions.
Swatantra Party Fills a Gap
Much w o u l d depend on the
smoothness w i t h which such a deve-
lopment takes place. The faction
system has been p e r f o r m i n g an i m -
portant function d u r i n g the difficult
period of transition f r o m a national
movement in which a l l sections of
opinion joined together to a full-
fledged party system in which the
public is asked to choose between
competing parties and programmes.
W i t h the rise of such a party system,
each party w i l l have to close its
ranks when faced by other parties,
although every party would still
continue to p e r f o r m its pluralist
function of representing diverse so-
cial interests w i t h i n itself, ft is
very difficult to trace the steps by
which such a development would
occur. The fragmentation of the
democratic opposition w i t h i n the
country seems to have no sign of
ending, The "menace" of the Com-
munist Parly adds to this fragmen-
tation by f o r c i n g the other opposi-
tion groups to work w i t h the Con-
gress, thus preventing the b u i l d i n g
up of a strong and unified organi-
sation which alone can ensure suc-
cess at the polls. Such fragmenta-
tion leads to the emergence of local
parties, w h i c h while they can suc-
cessfully compete w i t h the Congress
in selected areas, have neither the
leadership nor the organisation to
spread their influence. Further, such
localised parties, because they do
not have to answer to a diverse elec-
torate, tend to be parochial in na-
ture. They cannot represent differ-
ent interests cutting across the non-
secular divisions w i t h i n society.
The f o r m a t i o n of the Swatantra
Party has filled an i m p o r t a n t gap
in I n d i a n p o l i t i c s : a rightist party
performs a useful function in a
democracy. That its programme is
largely negative does not matter:
such is the politics of the r i g h t when
in opposition. To condemn the
party because it represents "vested
interests" is also w r o n g . A l l poli-
tical parties start by representing
interests. Bui the party suffers f r o m
the same traits as other opposition
parties. It lacks unity, is without
sound leadership, is weak in orga
nisation and its appeal is confined
to the discontented. It is r i g i d in
its approaches to other parties. The
m a i n function it performs at the
present is, therefore, of influencing
the Congress at the m a r g i n t h r o u g h
factions w i t h i n the Congress,
A m o n g parties w i t h narrow local
Influence, the most prominent seems
to be the Jan Sangh w h i c h is now
t r y i n g to free itself f r o m its sec-
tional past, to b u i l d up a sound or-
ganisation and capitalist on the
g r o w i n g discontent w i t h the Con-
gress party. It may well emerge as
a major opposition group in some
States, It has not however, succeed-
ed, in attracting progressive i n d i v i -
duals, and is too encumbered by its
past and lacks dynamic leadership.
So long as its successes are largely
negative and built upon the discon-
tent of minorities, its future is
doubtful and it is dangerous to the
p o l i t i c a l development of the coun-
try inspite of its avowed secularism.
There arc two great dilernas of
I n d i a n politics that are p r o m i n e n t l y
reflected in the party system. One
concerns the place of the Commu-
nist Party in i t . A p o l i t i c a l situa-
tion in which the Communist Party
appears as the only alternative to
the Congress is u n t h i n k a b l e . The
totalitarian dangers of a communist
rise to power are obvious. But this
danger also causes the adoption of
totalitarian tactics by parties of the
r i g h t . The communists are prevent-
ed f r o m coming to power by unpar-
liamentary tactics. At the same time,
continued rule by the same party
ultimately leads to a situation where
the p u b l i c begin to crave for a
change-any change. The paradoxical
situation in which a large number
of people who dislike the Congress
are nevertheless obliged to vote for
it cannot continue for long. Change,
when it comes w o u l d be catastrophic.
The political strategy adopted by
other opposition parties in face of
the Communist ' threat' — w h i c h
obsesses them more than it does even
853
June 3, 1961
the Congress—prevents them f r o m
concentrating on b u i l d i n g up their
own organisations. This prevents
any party other than the Communist
Party f r o m emerging as an alterna-
tive to the Congress.
Communist Tactics
The Communists, on the other
hand, realising that the Congress
w i l l not allow them to come to pow-
er easily, adopt more roundabout
and flexible techniques. They con-
centrate their efforts on strategic
areas h o p i n g to make them pockets
of power f r o m where the "move-
ment'' can be directed. At the
same lime they make every
attempt to make themselves accepta-
ble to the p u b l i c . The Dange-line
on China, the Amritsar thesis and
active p a r t i c i p a t i o n in legislative
activities make the communists ap-
pear respectable. At the s a m e J i m e
they have also launched on a pro-
cess of " p e r m e a t i o n " . T h e i r influence
on Congressmen, some in important
positions, whose democratic convic-
tions are not strong, is well-known.
The acute r i v a l r y between factions
w i t h i n the Congress is also d r i v i n g
leaders of the factions to strengthen
their hands by accepting the support
of pro-communists and g i v i n g them
important positions. ( T h i s is one
of the most disturbing aspects of
the w o r k i n g of factions w i t h i n Con-
gress: the opportunistic alliance of
factions w i t h communists and com-
munalists. W i t h this has started a
process of Communist " i n f i l t r a t i o n "
in the r u l i n g party, the govern-
ment and the non-political agencies. 17
Once the Communists succeed in
c o n t r o l l i n g a few key positions in
the Congress or the government, the
political situation w i l l be transform-
ed;
The other dilemma of I n d i a n
politics is closely related. ft fol-
lows p a r t l y f r o m the impact of
modern ideas on a traditional so-
ciety and partly from the means
adopted to b r i n g about change. The
Congress is pledged to speedy i n -
dustrialisation and uplift of the
masses. The means it has selected
to implement its policies are essen-
t i a l l y alien to the traditional order.
A wedge is d r a w n between Con-
gressmen preaching "western"' me-
thods and the people who respond
to traditional modes of thought and
conduct. 18 The problems being
tackled are, however, real problems.
The result is that the masses desire
June 3, 1961 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

change without comprehending the 4. For details of the merger, see Myron 13. For the attempts of Joseph Cham-
nature of that change. T h e y expect Weiner, Party Politics in India, pp 98- berlain and Randolph Churchill to raise
a sudden t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of their 116. the status of the party "caucus" outside
conditions. T h i s creates tension. 5. The three types have been discussed Parliament within the Liberal and Conser-
W h i l e expectations are dramatically at length by Maurice Duverger in his vative parties respectively, see M Ostrogor-
aroused, the programmes adopted Political Parties. ski, Democracy and the Organisation of
f a l l short of f u l f i l l i n g them. Frus- Political Parties, Vol I, Part I I . The
tration mounts and the argument 6. For classification of party systems on attempt was short-lived. See A L Lowell,
for adopting other and more speedy lliese lines, see Sigmund Neumann (ed), The Government of England, Vol I. For
methods of change become increas- Modern Political Parties, p 400 ff.
Harold Laski's revival of the theme in the
ingly attractive. Such arguments— 7. Myron Weiner, op cit pp 8-10. Labour Party and Attlee's rejection of
for example, the ease for g i v i n g 8. Thomas A Rusch, op cit p 205, Laski's views, see Kingsley Martin's Harold
power to a dictator or a disciplined Laski.
9. Asoka Mehta's article in the Sympo-
" v a n g u a r d " for a few years find 14. For an analysis of the relations be-
sium on "Preconditions of Sustained
ready response in a t r a d i t i o n a l l y tween government and party in a parlia-
Growth of the Indian Economy", The
a u t h o r i t a r i a n society. The Congress mentary democracy, see Robert MeKenzie,
Economic Weekly, Special Number, June
may itself succumb to such pressures British Political Parties, especially pp
1960.
both f r o m fear of losing power and 9-15, 582-585.
under the influence of new ideolo- 10. Jayaprakasb Narain, Towards a New 15. The relations between the party or-
gies. Society, pp 29-31. On the same theme ganisation and the parliamentary party in
although based on a radically different India have been dealt in historical detail
The Future — Uncertain orientation, see M N Roy's provocative in W H Morris-Jones, Parliament in India,
W h a t is preventing such a deve- posthumous publication, Politics, Power pp 166-185.
lopment is the presence of a leader- and Parties.
ship steeped in liberal values. T h i s 16. Robert Miehcls, Political Parties,
leadership is now ageing. The ideo- 11. For a discussion of the idea of pp 417-422.
logical convictions of the newly unity see the article on Panchayati Raj 17. For comment, see The Times of
emerging leadership are not yet in this series. India. 26-4-61, "Dangers of Communist In-
clear. Meanwhile, institutions con- 12. For an analysis of the emerging filtration" by R Shiva Rao.
tinue to he in a state of flux, thus pattern within Congress, see The Economic 18. Robert I Crane, "The. Leadership of
exaggerating the importance of i n - Weekly, "A Report on Sardarnagar'', An- the Congress Party", Park and Tinker op
d i v i d u a l s . M u c h w o u l d depend on nual Number, February 1961, cit p 187.
the development of the party sys-
tem and the extent to w h i c h it i m -
parts stability to existing institu-
tions. In the meantime, in the tran-
sition period the factions w i t h i n
p o l i t i c a l parties are p l a y i n g an i m -
portant part. They have made for
political m o b i l i t y w i t h i n limits,
effective opposition to a u t h o r i t y and
consequent division of power. The
dangers they give rise to are also
clear: i n s t a b i l i t y , too much empha-
sis on personalities and political in-
trigue. W h a t the future holds in
store is not clear. But it w o u l d large-
ly depend on the extent to w h i c h
the present system of political power
being exercised by factions can
transform itself into a democratic
party system w h i c h w o u l d make a
smooth change in government possi-
ble.
Notes
1. Max Weber, "Politics as a Voca-
tion".
2. "U a Party System Possible in
Africa ?". The Listener, Vol LXV, 16th
February, 1961.
3. The opposing views have been do-
cumented in Thomas A Rusch, "Dynamics
of Socialist Leadership in India'' in
Richard Park and Irene Tinker, Leadership
and Political Institutions in India, pp
197-200.
854