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Ikorodu from Earliest Times to 1999:

Transformation from a Rural to an


Urban Community

By

Peters, Olufunsho Emilola


Matric No: 030104032

Being a long essay submitted to the Department of


History and Strategic Studies, Faculty of Arts,
University of Lagos in partial fulfilment of the
requirement for the award of Bachelor of Arts Degree
in History and Strategic Studies

October 2008
CERTIFICATION

This is to certify that this project was carried out by Peters, Olufunsho Emilola under
my supervision.

________________________
Dr. E. K. Faluyi
Supervisor

ii
DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to the memory of my late father,


Mr. Adedoyin Messiah Peters

iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

“Without counsel plans go wrong, but with many advisers they succeed.”

(Proverbs15:22, RSV). To the many, therefore, who contributed in varied degree to

the success of this work and my undergraduate programme I am greatly indebted. I

am particularly immensely grateful to Dr. Emmanuel Kehinde Faluyi, my supervisor,

for making the arduous task of writing the final year long essay an interesting one for

me; may your path shine brighter and brighter unto the glorious day. Dr. (Mrs.) Funke

Adeboye, to you also I express my heartfelt gratitude; you are more than just my

lecturer, you are a role model.

I do also acknowledge a great deal of indebtedness to Mr. Yemi Peju, Mr.

Demola, Adeyemi, and Mr. Tunde Isikalu. You have been a positive influence on me.

Your wise counsels kept me going and gave me hope that, surely, it shall be well.

Thanks a lot, I am very grateful.

I am profoundly grateful to my wonderful mother, Mrs. Rachel Adeola Peters,

thanks for the love and care you showered on me and the commitment you

demonstrated towards the success of this research work and my undergraduate

programme. Thanks so much, you will eat the fruits of your labour. Peters Segun,

Tomi, and Imoleayo, Paul and Mercy Richman, Lola Adekanmi, and Bola Adebola,

you are all partners in my success, I will forever remember this and be grateful to you

for being there for me when I needed you most. Thanks a great deal.

Bukola Afolabi, Imade Raymond, Seun Babawibe and Ariyo Aboyade thanks

for being really good friends. I appreciate your concerns, friendship and commitment

to my success. To the many, whose names are not mentioned here, you are as

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invaluable and precious to me as those whose names are mentioned. It would be very

impossible for me to forget your contributions and warm friendship; I express my

indebtedness.

The BIGGEST gratitude goes to the Lord God Almighty that saw me through

this project and my undergraduate programme, granting me wisdom, favour and love.

He is a wonderful God.

Like the scriptural Apostle Paul, I have fought a good fight, I have finished a

race, I have kept the faith; all thanks to God, by whose grace I have studied and

prepared my self, like Abraham Lincoln said, and then my chance will come. To God

be the Glory.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Certification……………….…………………………………………… ii
Dedication…………………...………………………………………….. iii
Acknowledgements………….………………………………………….. iv
Table of Contents……………..………………………………………… vi
Table of Figures………………………………………………………… vii

Introduction…………………….………………………………………. 1
General Background…...…………………………………………. 1
Statement of Research Problem………………………………….. 3
Significance of Study…………………………………………….. 4
Scope of Study…………………………………………………… 5
Methodology…………………………………………………….. 5
Literature Review……………………………………………….. 5

Chapter One: Early History of Ikorodu: Origin, Migration and


Settlement………………………………………………..… 15

Chapter Two: Ikorodu before 1894: Politics, Economic and


Socio-Cultural Activities and Organisations..……..…… 24

Political Structure………………………………………………… 25
Economic Activities………………………………………………. 30
Socio-Cultural Organisations……………………………………... 34

Chapter Three: The Transformation of Ikorodu……………………….… 41


^
Growth and Expansion of Ikorodu……………….…….………. 41
Factors that Led to the Transformation of Ikorodu………….………. 43

Chapter Four: Impact of the Transformation of Ikorodu.……………… 58

Conclusion……………………………………………….……………… 70

Bibliography…………………………………………………………. 75

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TABLE OF FIGURES

The Statue of Oga.……………………………………………………… 17


Map showing Ikorodu as part of the protectorate……………………….. 24
Map Showing Ikorodu and her immediate Neighbours………………… 27

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INTRODUCTION

GENERAL BACKGROUND

From earliest times, human societies have been experiencing changes in various

degree of quality in all ramifications of the society and human life. This has been

described as urbanisation. Like many other concepts in the social sciences,

urbanisation does not have a generally acceptable definition despite the huge interests

in urban studies and the multidisciplinary approach to it; as a matter of fact, the issue

of a proper or a generally acceptable definition of urban and urbanisation is still at

large. It therefore becomes imperative to define the term in order to have a proper

understanding of what this research work is all about. According to Adejugbe,

urbanisation describes the process by which hamlets and villages metamorphose into

cities and acquired metropolitan status. It is the rendering of rural areas more urban by

adding features characteristic of city life. 1 Urbanisation has also been defined as the

process whereby cities grow and societies become more urban and densely populated.

The term also refers to a process in which an increasing proportion of an entire

population live in cities and suburbs of cities.2 According to Mabogunje, the

fundamental idea in the theory of urbanisation is based on the specialization of

functions among human communities through division of labour. The essence of

urbanisation is specialization.3

Urbanisation involves large congregation of human beings at a particular place

on the earth surface. It also means the removal of the rural characteristics of a town or

area, a process that is associated with the development of civilization and technology.

Demographically, the term denotes the distribution of population from rural to urban

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settlements. Historically, it has been closely connected with industrialisation.

Basically, urbanisation occur because people move from rural area (country side) to

urban areas (towns and cities) and this usually occur when a country is still

developing.4

The history of the development of Ikorodu shows a marked change in size and

character of the town, a qualitative change from a rural community to an urban area.

Indeed, like any other commercial towns in the world today, its development showed

how a small settlement grew into a cosmopolitan community. Geographically, Ikorodu

is described as a vegetable low land region with relatively flat undulating features and

as an initially massive forest situated approximately 18 kilometres from East to West

and 7 kilometres from North to South. It is bounded in the North by the southern

boundaries of Ogun State, on the South by the extensive Lagos Lagoon, on the West

by Somolu Local Government Area, and on the East by Epe Local Government Area.

Effectively, Ikorodu, as a Local Government covers a land area of about 100 squares

kilometres. The 1993 population census estimated it to have a population of about

400,000 inhabitants.5

In Nigeria, migration as a social phenomenon is one of the strongest factors

influencing urbanisation and it has been observed that more people migrate into urban

settlements and primate cities for better life. The search for greener pastures, that is,

economic power and better living conditions, inevitably resulted into migration.

According to the United Nations estimate, Africa has the highest urban growth rates in

the world. This rapid rate of urbanisation has produced a phenomenon of metropolitan

explosion whereby accelerated growth of city systems has outstripped community

support services, infrastructure, and employment opportunities. Therefore, according

2
to Okogie, such rapid growth raises the question whether the absorption capacity of

these urban centres can ensure adequate provision of employment, hence higher

income and social services for the growing urban environment and to what extent

migrants are integrated or assimilated into the host environment?6

It is against this background therefore, that this work examines the

transformation of Ikorodu from a rural to a commercial urban community. This work

will examine the early history of Ikorodu as well as its migration and settlement,

Ikorodu as a rural community, factors that led to its rapid expansion and also the

impact of this rapid expansion on the social, political and economic life of the people

of the community. What is more, this work on the transformation of Ikorodu from a

rural to a commercial centre will add to the existing works on the history of the

community and its development since inception. This work will also fill a vacuum in

the existing works on the history of Ikorodu in particular, and that of Lagos in general.

STATEMENT OF RESEARCH PROBLEM

This research works is aimed at investigating and analysing the origin, migration and

settlement of Ikorodu and the factors which aided its transformation into a

commercial centre. Although, the literatures on Nigeria and Lagos history contain

copious references on aspects of urbanisation in the Ikorodu area, there is yet no

comprehensive study of the processes and dimensions of urbanisation in Ikorodu. This

above fact is however due to two major reasons. First because of its geographical

nearness to Lagos, Nigeria’s foremost commercial and until recently its administrative

capital, there is a strong inclination to subsume Ikorodu’s history under that of Lagos.

A second point is that though close to Lagos, Ikorodu is linguistically related to the

3
Ijebu. It is therefore easy to assume that Ikorodu would have been taken care of under

a general discussion of Ijebu history where it culturally belongs.

It therefore becomes an imperative in this research work to provide a

comprehensive urban history and an overview of the major development in the urban

life of the peoples of the town. To this end, this work will reflect on the factors that

led to the transformation of Ikorodu from rural to an urban community and examine

the extent this transformation has altered the political and socio-economic structure of

the community.

SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY

Much has been written on aspects of urbanisation in Nigeria, particularly Lagos, the

country’s leading port city and economic hub. However, an important gap in the

literatures on Lagos is the absence of historical studies on the transformation of

Ikorodu from a rural to a commercial centre. Although, historians and social scientists

have written on this subject, they have understandably limited themselves to recent or

contemporary developments. In any case, there is yet no single study on the

transformation of Ikorodu to an urban settlement. This research work, therefore,

bridges this gap by examining factors which transformed Ikorodu from a small

settlement to an urban settlement. To this end, this work will be of significant benefit

to a wide range of audience, particularly students of history, sociology, as well as

urban and regional planning, historians, sociologists and many others.

SCOPE OF STUDY

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This work will cover Ikorodu from the pre-colonial period to 1999. The closing date

of the study is very significant in that the major road construction i.e. Ikorodu-Owode

Onirin road, which opened up Ikorodu to a greater extent was constructed that year. It

will examine the origin, migration and settlement of the town, Ikorodu as a rural

community, factors that led to the transformation of the town, as well as the political

and socio-economic changes engendered by urbanisation during the period under

review.

METHODOLOGY

Basically, this work will employ both descriptive and narrative approach. It will rely

on both oral evidence and secondary sources. Newspapers, government documents,

relevant publications, articles in learned journals and other source materials that are of

relevance to this task would be used. The work will also adopt interdisciplinary

approach in the search for materials and its analysis. Information gathered will

therefore be collated, interpreted and analyzed.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Needless to say, urbanisation has had so much to do with the emergence of cities and

societies. Urbanisation, which had been historically connected with industrialisation,

played a role in the transformation and socio-economic advancement of the countries

of Europe and North America; it redefines their economy and engenders social

changes. The emergence of cities in Africa, which dates back to antiquity, has also

brought about similar changes. To this end, as a matter of assessing the processes of

urbanisation and the varying factors responsible for the emergence of cities, and their

5
consequence on the society has resulted in the publication of several works. Some of

these works are here reviewed.

The book authored by L. C. Dioka Lagos and its Environs (Lagos: First

Academic Publishers, 2001) examines the historical evolution and development of the

peoples of Lagos State. However, it is the chapter eight titled “Lagos and Her

Neighbours,” that is of immense importance to the research work at hand. In this

chapter, Dioka examines the relations between Lagos and Ikorodu as well as the

importance of Lagos as a coastal settlement linked to the various neighbours by the

Lagoon. According to Dioka, the Yoruba Civil Wars and the closure of the road

between Lagos traders and the other Yoruba States led to the British conquest and,

consequently, the establishment of British administration. Although not much

attention was given to the history of Ikorodu, the work has pointed out the trade link

between Lagos and Ikorodu.

The work of Lai Olurode, titled Social Change in Ikorodu Division (Ikorodu,

Imota, Igbogbo, Ijede and Ipakodo): A Profile of the Elites (Lagos: Unilag Consult,

1993), examines the extent to which commitment of citizens of a town can affect its

development. According to Olurode, the development of a town can be traced to the

activities of identifiable individuals who had given practical expression to the

sentiment of seeing that their town develop. The book therefore examines the key

dimensions of change and also highlighted the profile of those considered as the

agents of this change based on the assumption that the profile of these people is

crucial, since developmental project may fail to take off in a community if efforts are

directed towards reaching the grass roots through the wrong people. Essentially, the

book focused its attention squarely on the profile of certain individuals in the Ikorodu

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division as it made no attempt to assess other factors that facilitated the process of

transformation of Ikorodu to a commercial centre as well as its impact on the society.

However, the comprehensive treatment of the history of Ikorodu provides a useful

background to this study.

Babatunde Agiri’s contribution, titled “Lagos-Ikorodu Relations 1894 – 1950,”

in The History of the People of Lagos edited by Ade Adefuye, Babatunde Agiri and

Jide Osuntokun (Lagos: Lantern Books, 1997) provides a comprehensive outlook to

the importance of the relationship between Ikorodu and Lagos. In this work, Agiri

gave new insight into the political, socio-economic, and administrative history of

Lagos and Ikorodu, paying close attention to inter group relations among the peoples

of Lagos and between them and others. Although, the work did not cover the history

of Ikorodu from 1950 onwards, the author’s examination of the situation in Ikorodu

before 1894 and how it served as a centre in the organisation of trade between Lagos

and the Yoruba hinterland provides an insight into pre-urban Ikorodu.

Another work of relevance to this research is Tunde Oduwobi’s Ijebu under

Colonial Rule 1892 – 1960: An Administrative and Political Analysis (Lagos: First

Academic Publishers, 2004). In the work, Oduwobi examines the Ijebu under colonial

administration highlighting the interplay of administrative and political factors by

looking at the interconnection between government administrative policies and local

policies in Ijebu during the colonial period. However the relevant part of the work is

chapter two titled “The Colonial Advent, 1892 – 1913.” In this chapter, Oduwobi

examined how the Ijebus lost their political independence to the British and thereafter

and became part of the geo-political entity known as Nigeria in 1914. The chapter

revealed the strategic importance of Ikorodu, particularly in trade, a reason it was

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made a British colony in 1894 under General G. T. Carter, who recognised its political

and economic strength during this period.

The book authored by Ayodeji Olukoju, titled Infrastructure Development and

Urban Facilities in Lagos 1861 – 2000 (Ibadan: Institute Francais de Recharche en

Afrique, 2003), addresses infrastructure development in Lagos with emphasis on the

spatial and demographic contexts of infrastructural development in colonial and post

colonial Lagos. It provides a comprehensive analysis on the history of infrastructural

development and urban policies in Lagos from 1861 up to 2000. Its inquiry into the

three infrastructural sectors of water supply, electricity supply and urban

transportation brought to the fore how inadequate attention to these sectors have

affected the course of development in Lagos since 1861. Importantly, emphasis on the

three infrastructural sectors revealed aspect of socio-economic roles of these sectors

in Lagos during the colonial and the post-colonial period. Although not much

attention was devoted to the socio-economic impact of these three sectors on the

transformation of Ikorodu to a commercial centre, the work provides a historical base

upon which this research task will examine the subject matter.

Ayodeji Olukoju’s contribution, “Nigerian Cities in Historical Perspective: An

Introduction,” in Nigeria Cities edited by Toyin Falola and Steven J. Salm (Trenton,

New Jersey: Africa World Press Inc, 2003), traced the emergence of cities from

antiquity to the post-colonial period. In this chapter, which represent an elaborate

introduction to the entire volume, Olukoju posited that cities in Nigeria dates back to

antiquity. Olukoju devoted great attention to the factors responsible for the rise and

decline of urban centres, particularly those traditional urban centres located mainly in

the territories of the Yoruba and Edo. Needless to say, the author demonstrates wide

8
knowledge of urban history delving into the functions and roles of these urban

centres, urban life in different dispensation, as well as the major themes in urban

development since the advent of British colonial rule. However, his discussion did not

cover Ikorodu which is the focus of this study.

Aribidesi Usman’s contribution, “Early Urbanism in Northern Yorubaland,” in

Nigerian Cities edited by Toyin Falola and Steven. J. Salm (Trenton, New Jersey:

Africa World Press, Inc, 2003), is also of great significance to this research work.

According to Usman, there is no precise or universally accepted definition to the term

urban. Basically, he author probed into the issue of early urbanism in pre-colonial

Nigeria, especially how it occurred as well as its manifestation in northern

Yorubaland. The author however achieved this by providing an archaeological and

historical overview of early urbanism in the West African forest region, providing

evidence for indigenous growth in north-central Yorubaland with particular reference

to Igbomina, where he conducted fieldwork from 1987 through 1995. Though, the

main aim of this chapter is to prove that some areas of northern Yorubaland did

witnessed an early urban phenomenon, this work paid little or no attention to early

urbanism in Lagos and indeed Ikorodu. The work, nevertheless, will serve as an

adequate guide to this research task.

Also the contribution of Michael M. Ogbeidi, titled “Urbanisation and Social

Reforms,” in Nigerian Cities edited by Toyin Falola and Steven J. Salm (Trenton,

New Jersey: African World Press, Inc, 2003), explores the various major attempts

made by the different federal administrations to reform the Nigerian society as a result

of the intolerable level of socio-economic decadence and cultural degeneration that

affected the entire fabric of the nation due to the process of urbanisation. According to

9
the Ogbeidi, the birth of the Nigerian nation in 1914 and the eventual colonisation of

the colony by the British led to the introduction of mega-cities and rapid urbanisation,

a phenomenon which came with both positive and negative implications for the

people. Needless to say, the author demonstrates wide knowledge on social and

environmental impact of urbanisation delving into some programmes established for

the purpose of social reforms, their aims, functions as well as their shortcomings. This

thus provides a useful guide to this present task in understanding the social and

environmental impacts of urbanisation on Ikorodu for better analysis.

Akinjide Osuntokun’s contribution, “Political Culture and Urban Development

in Nigeria: An Historical Overview,” in Nigeria Peoples and Cultures edited by

Akinjide Osuntokun and Ayodeji Olukoju (Ibadan: Davidson Press, 1997) examines

the linkage between political culture, urbanisation and current environmental

problems. According to Osuntokun, two political cultures which he identified as

monarchical form of government and particularly the segmentary type of political

organisation influenced the emergence of cities and urban centres in Nigeria. This

work, more importantly, stressed the relationship between migration, population

displacement and urbanisation, highlighting factors that greatly influenced the process

of urbanisation, which are the Islamic Jihad and the coming of the Europeans which

actually led to the consolidation of existing cities as well as their expansion. The

author also discusses the negative effect of urbanisation of essential services and most

importantly environmental deterioration. The issues considered in this work are also

the concern of this present research for trying to examine the impacts of urbanisation

on Ikorodu.

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Kehinde Faluyi’s work, “Migrant and the Socio-Economic Development of

Lagos from the Earliest Times to 1880,” in Lagos Historical Review, a Journal of the

Department of History University of Lagos, vol. 1, No. 9 (2001): 68 – 89, addresses

the role and contribution of migrants to the development of the Lagos metropolis.

According to the author, migration, described as a catalyst in the developmental

process as well as an agent of change among the sending and receiving community, is

an instrument of development. The author examines the inputs of the different

migrants to the economic development of Lagos up to 1880, tracing the migration and

settlement of various groups from the arrival of the Awori, the Ijebu, the Ijo [Izon],

the Bini, the Ekiti, the Ijesha, and the Egba. The author posited that their movements

into Lagos not only affected its political institutions and mode of life but also the

people’s occupation. Although, different reasons are given for the migration of these

migrants into Lagos, economic factor was however the most compelling force.

Though, the work focused attention on migration and population pressure, this work

made no reference to Ikorodu. However, the comprehensive treatment of the issues of

migration and population pressure and how it affects socio-economic development is

relevant to the present exercise.

Another work of relevance to this research is Chinwe Nwanna’s “Rural-Urban

Migration and Population Problems in Nigerian Cities” in Industrialisation,

Urbanisation and Development in Nigeria, 1950 – 1999 edited by M. O. A. Adejugbe

(Lagos: Concept Publications, 2004). This work examines the causes and

consequences of rural-urban migration in Nigerian cities. Apart from economic

factors, Nwanna revealed other factors, such as social, political, demographic, and

environmental factors, which are also responsible for rural-urban migration. A

distinction was also made between the natural rate of growth of population in cities

11
that is due to natural growth and the one that is due to rural-urban migration.

However, the author was more concern with rural urban migration because it has

attracted a lot of attendant problems on the urban areas in general and Lagos in

particular. According to Nwanna, rural-urban migration causes rapid growth of urban

populations that damaged the environment in several ways and causes other socio-

economic problems like acute shortage of basic facilities, such as portable water,

housing and accommodation, environmental sanitation, unemployment and

underemployment, and educational facilities. By and large, the issues discussed in the

work are the focus present task.

Finally, the work of Solomon O. Akinboye, titled “The Socio-Political

Implications of Urbanisation in Nigeria,” in Industrialisation, Urbanisation and

Development in Nigeria, 1950 – 1999 edited by M. O. A. Adejugbe (Lagos: Concept

Publications, 2004) examines the social and political implications of urbanisation in

Nigeria. In this work, Akinboye argued that rapid urbanisation brought in its trail the

problems of unemployment, inadequate infrastructure, poor physical planning and

unhealthy development in the cities that were mostly ill-equipped to cope with such

problems. According to Akinboye, flooding; flood pondages and plash floods became

a perennial occurrence; large areas of the cities were filthy and highly susceptible to

epidemics, adding that shortages of good residential buildings had led to the springing

up of shanty areas and ghettos. Although, other implications of urbanisation, such as

economic and demographic, were left out of the analysis of the trends in urbanisation

and appraisal of the social and political impacts of urbanisation on the Nigerian states,

the work provides useful information on the problem of urbanisation in general.

12
From the above reviewed works, it is evident that little had been done on the

area of the transformation of Ikorodu from a rural to an urban community. Giving this

neglect, therefore, this present work intends to examine the impact of urbanisation on

the fast growing community of Ikorodu.

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ENDNOTES

1. M. O. A. Adejugbe, Industrialisation, Urbanisation and Development in


Nigeria, 1950 – 1999 (Lagos: Concept Publications, 2004), 14.

2. “Urbanisation Trend,” an article on wikipedia, an internet based


encyclopaedia, http://en.wikipedia:org/wiki/urbanisation trends (accessed 30th
March, 2008)

3. A. L. Mabogunje, Urbanisation in Nigeria (London: London University Press,


1968), 26.

4. “Urbanisation,” an article on wikipedia, an internet based encyclopaedia,


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/urbanisation (accessed 30th March, 2008).

5. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division (Ikorodu Imota, Igbogbo,


Ijede and Ipakodo): A Profile of the Elites (Lagos: Unilag Consult, 1993), 27.

6. D.E. Idatwasa, “Migration Patterns and Social Mobility in Nigeria,” in


Nigerian Journal of Policy and Development; vol. 3 (2004): 152 – 153.

14
CHAPTER ONE

EARLY HISTORY OF IKORODU: ORIGIN, MIGRATION AND


SETTLEMENT

Ikorodu Local Government Area has been described as a vegetable lowland region

with relatively flat and undulating features. It is situated approximately 18 kilometres

from East to West and 7 Kilometres from North to South. Ikorodu is bounded in the

North by the southern boundaries of Ogun State, in the South by the extensive Lagos

Lagoon, in the West by Somolu Local Govenrment and in the East by Epe Local

Govenrment.1 Ikorodu lies on a plateau, the top of which is gently undulating. The

town stretches from Gbasemo (Aga) and Oriya stream in the South to Agbala/Itoikin

road in the north. It is bounded in the west by the Majidun River and in the east by a

straight line that connect Itamaga to Abel Abe factory on Igbogbo-Ipakodo road.2

The town is also connected by a network of streams, the most important of

which are Apeka, Etunerenren, Erikorodo, Melegoke, Yewa, Eri-Ijomu, Ota-Ona, Ota-

Igbo and Erunwen. Most of these streams have now been savagely polluted by

industrial waste or human activities. These streams were the sources of cool, smooth

portable water to Ikorodu of yesteryear. Ikorodu town lies between 30 030′ east of the

Greenwich Meridian and 60075′ north of the equator. It is in located in the equatorial

forest belt of the world but the evergreen forest has been greatly depleted. Glimpses of

what it used to be in the pasts could be seen at present day “Oro groves” in Igboti.

Basically, Ikorodu lies a few kilometres north of the Lagos Lagoon and less than 10

kilometres North of the Atlantic Ocean (the Bight of Benin).3

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The early settlers of Ikorodu were farmers and hunters. They cultivated a

number of crops, particularly different varieties of yam, namely Akosu, Obisu

(Ewura) and Isu alo, and maize, vegetable, beans (Ewa pupa) which is now almost

extinct, Ewa ewije, popondo and melons. They also cultivated cassava which was

used to make garri and also for the feeding of domestic animals, especially goats

which were a common sight in the town. They had pawpaw, oranges, plantains and

the native banana (Ogede omini) although most of these fruits were never harvested

because of the absence of markets and sale outlets for them. They were mainly left to

rot away on the trees or were consumed by birds and animals.4

The vast majority of the people of Ikorodu descended from the Remo Stock of

the Yoruba tribe. The Remo people came from Iremo quarters in Ile-Ife. Two princes

left Ile-Ife; the elders was the Elepe of Epe (Shagamu) and the younger, the Akarigbo

who later emerged as the clan head of the Remo people. From time immemorial, the

people of Ikorodu were astute traders and businessmen and women. Ebute Ikorodu,

the market, out of which Ikorodu town grew, attracted traders from as far as Ondo and

Ekiti hinterlands. Its fame as a coastal market was only rivalled by Ejinrin.5

According to the etymology of the name of the town, Ikorodu is a shortened

form of ‘Okoodu.’6 Odu is a variety of vegetable; Ikorodu was therefore the spot

where Odu vegetable grew luxuriantly. The founder of the town was ‘Oga,’ a prince of

Remo who was said to have been accompanied on a hunting expedition that took them

down to the lagoon beach by his brother, Prince Sekumade. It has been asserted that

Sekumade permanently settled at Ipakodo while Oga settled down at Agbele (the old

site of Ikorodu).7

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The statue of Oga, the founder of Ikorodu Town
Source: www.ikoroduoga.net

Essentially, accounts of the history of Ikorodu have largely been based on oral

tradition and oral history. For the last one hundred years or so, however, there has

been an increasing use of written evidence in restructuring Ikorodu’s history, yet there

still exist some gaps and controversial points in the history of the town and district.

What is however clear from all the works on Ikorodu is that it is difficult to discuss its

origin without making reference to Ijebu history and more specifically to Ijebu Remo,

particularly Sagamu with which Ikorodu has the closest cultural, historical and

political ties.

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An approach to the history of Ikorodu is that presented by Epega on Ijebu

history. According to Epega, the origin could be traced to Ijebu-Ijesa. When the Oba

left Ijebu Ijesa, he was refused accommodation into the palaces of the Olibini,

Osemausse, Abudi, and other rulers. According to Epega, ‘won ko je ki o wo ni ile

won, ita li o nduro nitorina li o se pe oriki ara re ni Oba-nta lehin igba ti o joko tan ni

Ijebu-ode,” which is translate as “They did not allow him settle in their domains,

hence, he stayed outside. This is why he referred to himself as ‘Oba-Nta’ after he

settled down at Ijebu-Ode.”8

It is in Epega’s treatment of Ijebu Remo’s history that he makes reference to

Ikorodu. He is of the view that Ijebu Remo migrated from the Remo quarters in Ile-

Ife. There were said to be 33 towns that emerged from the migration and Ikorodu

numbered 18 on Epega’s list. Epega tries to separate the Ijebu Ode origin from that of

Ile-Ife and in fact insists that Ife Ijebu was the second town to be founded after Ile-Ife.

Thus Ife Ijebu was older than Ijebu Ode. The Ayangburen of Ikorodu seemed to agree

with this view as expressed above by Epega. The migration of the 33 groups from Ile

Ife [Ife Oyelagbo] was said to have been led by Koyelu. His group were said to have

first settled at Orile-Offin now a quarter in Sagamu. He later became the Akarigbo.

Three of his sons migrated and found Igbogbo, Ipakodo and Ikorodu, hence the saying

‘Igbogbo Eko do, ki pakodo, ki koodu ido” implies that Igbogbo was the first

settlement followed by Ipakodo and lastly by Ikorodu. 9 It is interesting to note that

Ewu-Elepe is even older than Igbogbo. The chronological sequence of the four

settlements is almost the exact reverse of their present day sizes.

A popular Ikorodu version of the town’s cognomen is in Oladunjoye. Koyelu

was said to have been blessed with seven sons. Two of these sons, Lasunwon and

18
Sekumade, were hunters. They used to leave Orile-Offin on hunting expeditions to the

present day Ikorodu. They later decided to establish a farm at Ikorodu which was

referred to as ‘Oko-Odu’ (A farm for cultivation of Odu vegetable). This version

traced Ikorodu’s origin to Lasunwon, who during one of his several hunting

expeditions discovered Odu plant. He later decided to make the placewhere he found

this food plant a permanent place of abode. Could this be interpreted to mean that

food was scarce at Orile-Offin? In any case, this location later emerged as a settled

town and referred to with this praise song, “Ikorodu Oga, Ilu Kekere ti nse oko ilu

banta banta,” meaning, Ikorodu Oga, a small town that is husband to a big town.

Oladunjoye in her dissertation therefore tried to justify the version that traced

Ikorodu’s origin to Orile-Offin. She alluded to the fact that Ikorodu accepted Orile-

Offin’s supremacy. There was also the fact that Ikorodu dialect appears to be close to

those of Sagamu than that of Ijebu Ode.10 This was an indirect rejection of Epega’s

version which directly traced Ikorodu’s origin to Remo quarters in Ile-Ife.

Another version of the history of Ikorodu as narrated by the Ayangburen of

Ikorodu, Oba S. A. A. Oyefusi was that the town was founded by a wealthy farmer

called Oga. He was one of the sons of Koyebi, Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo. Koyebi

migrated from Remo quarters in Ile-Ife; a quarter still located in Ile-Ife in present day

Osun State. Koyebi was on expedition and arrived finally at Orile-Offin where he

settled. He came with his sons and brothers, among whom was Oga. Having settled at

Orile-Offin, Oga continued to go on hunting expedition to come back later to his

settlement. At a time he found it increasingly difficult to commute between Orile-

Offin and Remo, everyday and finally decided to settle at Oriwu-Agbele, a point in

Ikorodu. Later, Oga consulted with the Ifa oracle whether or not to remain at Agbele

and was told that it was an ideal place to settle. Oga then decided to go back to his

19
father to inform him of his intention to settle at Agbele. After settling down, Oga

started farming engaging in food crops production mostly pepper and vegetables. His

perimeter fencing of the land was with a vegetable named Odu. The vegetable grew

luxuriantly and he embarked on its marketing which made him become popular

among the people. Hence the saying “we are going to Oko Odu.” Agbele thereby

became Oko Odu and was later corrected to Ikorodu.

Ikorodu has three traditional quarters, namely Ijomu, Isele and Aga. The Oba

confirmed that Ijomu quarter was the first settlement, because Agbele happens to be

part of the present Ijomu. The second quarter is Isele followed by Aga. 12 However, it

is imperative to know that due to Ikorodu’s favourable location for trade between the

Yoruba hinterland and Lagos, there were, at different occasions, fierce struggles

between it and neighbouring towns. Trade in Ikorodu was in local products and later

in the era of the slave trade also engaged in slave trade and sale of fire arms. Johnson

referred to the Ikorodu war in 1865 when the Egba besieged Ikorodu. Ikorodu Chief’s

as a result applied for the protection of the British Government at Lagos. The Lagos

traders and merchants, also suffering due to closure of the markets, wanted the British

to intervene.13 If not for British intervention, Ikorodu would have fallen to the Egba.

The point stressed here is that it need not be inferred that Ikorodu would readily have

accepted being a vassal state to any of its neighbours. Even though, the Bini

successfully stationed one of its chiefs in Ikorodu (Oliha i.e. Olisa), Bini influence on

Ikorodu has been slight. Although, another account has it that, the Benin migrants

came by land through Iki in Ogun state, where almost the whole land belong to the

Olisa family of Ikorodu. This group of Benin people was led by a wealthy and

powerful man called Eregbouwa, now called Rebuugbawa in Ikorodu, from the

ancient royal family of Oliha in Benin City. In Benin language, “Ere” means king,

20
while “Uwa” means peace and prosperity. The Benin people settled down amicably

with the children of Akarigbo and the farm started to grow into a large settlement.

This was about 1630.14 The institution of Obaship was conceded to the line of

Akarigbo while the Olisaship was conceded to the Benin settlers. In effect, the Oba

became the reigning monarch while Olisa became the king maker and the Prime

Minister of the city state.

As a consequence of its strategic location, Ikorodu undoubtedly attracted the

envy of its neighbours as it then had developed into a famous market, and in the

nineteenth century, the Ijebu were able to control the important trade in fire arms

between Lagos and the interior through this market. 15 For many years, Ikorodu was

also said to be the target of the British colonial administration who had hoped to

annex it. Governor G. T. Carter was said to have persuaded the Akarigbo of Ijebu

Remo to surrender his sovereignty over Ikorodu. 16 Agiri has provided details on the

relationship between Lagos and Ikorodu from 1894 to 1950. Carter’s desire to annex

Ikorodu was borne out of his concern to promote commercial activities in Ikorodu and

his judgment was that only the imposition of British hegemony would guarantee

peace in the area. Akarigbo was thought of by Carter to be too weak to ward-off

intruders in the area, mostly those interfering with free trade. 17 Though, the initial

influence of Remo on Ikorodu cannot be doubted, it was Lagos that influenced

Ikorodu more as there started a process of gradual assimilation by Ikorodu people of

various aspects of the socio-cultural behaviour of urban Lagos.

All the parties contending for the control of Ikorodu wanted to exert control

over it for several reasons. The reasons were initially economic and military, but after

the cessation of hostilities among the towns, the primary objective was economic.

21
This was brilliantly summarized as follows, all of them (i.e. Remo, Ijebu, Egba and

Lagos) wanted a control of the Lagoon ports which included Ikorodu and its

surrounding markets in order to have effective access to the palm oil produce trade

from the Yoruba hinterland to the coast and the merchandise trade to the hinterland

from the coast.18 The location of Ikorodu near the Lagoon made it easily accessible

from all parts of Yorubaland. Hence, its proximity to Lagos made its neighbours

jealous of its strategic position and they therefore continuously attempted to control it.

In the overall, Ikorodu town has changed a lot in the past forty years or so. In

terms of area, it has extended beyond the inner circular route (the old city wall). In

other words, the whole area called ‘Aiyeluja’ including both sides of Ayangburen

Road extending to Solomade, Etunrenren, Lowa, Olori, both sides of Lagos Road,

Ojogbe area, Gbasemo, Oriwu Hotel area to Oluwakemi and Adaraloye Streets, both

sides of Igbogbo Road including Owode, Oriwu College, Mobodu area including

Solafun e.t.c. 19 The 1991 provisional census figure for Ikorodu local government area

is 181,900. Out of this, at least 100,000 would be for Ikorodu town, more or less. 20

While some of the people of Ikorodu are still farmers or engaged in Agro-related

industries and sales outlets. About 60% of the town people are engaged in trade and

other businesses in Ikorodu or in the greater Lagos metropolis.21

22
ENDNOTES

1. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division (Ikorodu, Imota, Igbogbo,


Ijede and Ipakodo): A Profile of the Elites (Lagos: Unilag Consult, 1993), 27.

2. Mathew Ayodele Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow,”


(keynote address at the 2nd Ikorodu Oga Day, Ikorodu, 19 - 27 November,
1993), 47.

3. Ibid.47.

4. Interview with Chief Mathew Ayodele (Former Chairman Ikorodu Local


Government), 14th August, 2008.

5. Interview with Alhaji Tefegbase Adewunmi (Former Chairman Ikorodu Local


Government), 14th August, 2008.

6. Interview with Oba S. A. A. Oyefusi (The Ayangburen of Ikorodu till date),


31st July, 2008.

7. Ibid.

8. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division, 29.

9. Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow”, 48.

10. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division, 29.

11. Interview with Oba Oyefusi.

12. Ibid.

13. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division, 33.

14. Interview with Oba Oyefusi.

15. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division, 34

16. Tunde Oduwobi, Ijebu under Colonial Rule 1892 – 1960: An Administrative
and Political Analysis (Lagos: First Academic Publishers, 2004), 40.

17. Ade Adefuye, Babatunde Agiri and Jide Osuntokun (eds.), History of the
Peoples of Lagos State (Lagos: Lenthuen Books, 1987), 197.

18. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division, 34.

19. Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow,” 49.

20. Ibid. 49.

21. Interview with Mrs. Meray Adetokunbo (A Trader living in Ikorodu since
1981), 7th August, 2008.

22. Ibid.

23
CHAPTER TWO

IKORODU BEFORE 1894: POLITICS, ECONOMIC AND SOCIO-


CULTURAL ACTIVITIES AND ORGANISATIONS

It has been suggested that Ikorodu was founded between 1600 and 1650. 1 Ikorodu in

1894 became a British colony, a situation which brought about change in its

administration and political structure. At the inception of colonial rule in Ikorodu, the

Lagos colonial government interfered in the town’s local politics to the detriment of

its ruler’s interest by establishing a local government council for Ikorodu between

1894 and 1901 with Balogun Jaiyesimi, the Oloja, and two other chiefs as members of

the council. By this step, the traditional governing council, the Osugbo, fell into

insignificance in reckoning in Lagos and became largely unofficial in the local

administration of the town.2 However, prior to 1894, Ikorodu as a community was

rural and has its own distinct political, economic and socio-cultural structures.

Map showing Ikorodu as part of the Protectorate

24
POLITICAL STRUCTURE

According to all available oral and written sources, Ikorodu did not evolve an

independent Obaship institution in its early history. 3 In this regard, when the town was

newly founded, the first settler in the town was Oga, the son of Akarigbo Koyelu of

Orile-Offin. Oga had no child, hence Lasunwon, one of his brothers who settled in the

town with him, was installed as the “Oloja” of Ikorodu”. 4 The title was later changed

to Ayangburen as it is now known since 1936. 5 It is important to note that by this time,

Ikorodu was under the political jurisdiction of Orile-Offin in Remo; the Oloja

recognised the sovereignty of the Akarigbo. It is also important to note that the need

for political independence of Ikorodu town from Orile-Offin by this period had

become a major political issue because the town had grown in size and prominence

since its establishment so much so that it was almost, if not more, as prosperous than

its overlord town.

Expectedly, the emergence of the Obaship institution in Ikorodu precipitated

some political development. In this regard, there emerged a council of chiefs and

other political institutions through whom the Oba governed the town. The first of

these was the council of traditional chiefs which included the following categories of

chiefs: Olisa, Aro, Odofin, Otunba, Leka. This was followed by other chiefs according

to their dates of installation. These were many and included Losi, Salu, Pete, Mosene,

Adegoruwa, Lufegboye, Sapadeoye, Lemo, Iyalode, Legu, Alafesinu, Gbelegayi,

Ayannise, Fesiwura, Seromade and Agbotegboye. In addition to assisting the Oba in

discharging his administrative duties, this council of chiefs was also saddled with the

task of selecting a new Oba in the events of the death or deposition of the Oba. 5 The

kingmakers comprised the Iwarefas, Olisa, Aro and three other chiefs representing

25
each of the three quarters of Ijomu, Isele and Aga. Other chiefs forming the king

makers were chiefs within the Osugbo Cult and these included Olutuoko, Oloku

Akogun, Olotu Erelu, Apena and Ogbeniwoli, who was the chief of the household of

the Oba but not a member of the Osugbo cult. Each of these principal chiefs was

appointed from each of the families of the founders of the settlement. Each of these

chiefs were saddled with the task of maintaining law and order in their respective

wards and empowered by the king to try civil cases.6

The Osugbo was another important political institution in the political

structure of the town; the Osugbo was the legislative arm of government which acted

to check the excesses of the Oba. The Osugbo as custodian of the town’s spiritual

deities could pronounce the Oba unfit to continue governance, while it also had the

power to revisit cases earlier tried by the Oba. The Osugbo council is headed by the

Oluwo and it is pertinent to note that while all the principal chiefs were members of

the Osugbo, membership of the council was opened to indigenes of the town who

have attained the required age and willing to pay all membership dues of the council

in addition to being of good character. It is a special cult which many do not want to

enlist particularly the women because their menstrual period ceases to flow once they

join the cult. It was for this reason that at the sound of the cult’s special drumming to

initiate new members, both old and young, especially women run to seek cover.

Hence, the term “Omo Alulumamora.”7

During this period, Ikorodu town had relations with other neighbouring towns

and was therefore not isolated. However, the Oloja of Ikorodu gradually attained pre-

eminence over other towns and villages in this area because of the expansion of

Ikorodu town compared to others and also as a result of its central location and

26
commercial importance.8 Over the years, the Adeboruwa of Igbogbo, Alajede of Ijede,

Ranodu of Imota, and the Abowa of Agbowa respected the Oloja of Ikorodu and made

themselves politically subservient to Ikorodu. For example, major disputes in these

neighbouring towns that cannot be resolved were brought to Ikorodu and these

disputes were usually settled by the Osugbo (The Judicial Body) and the Awopa

(representing the police). Before the establishment of present day court in Ikorodu, the

Osugbo had several traditional customary courts such as Iti-Liwe court, Iti-Magbo

court and Ara-nfo court where cases were tried. However, this political subservience

and the reference of difficult cases to Ikorodu arose out of respect for the Oba of

Ikorodu.9

Map showing Ikorodu and her immediate Neighbours

27
These different neighbouring towns and villages had their Obas and Baales as

the case may be. But in towns like Igbogbo, Ijede, Agbowa and so on, the people

usually come to Ikorodu for confirmation to the throne before the new Oba could be

installed and crowned. Nearly all the neighbouring towns and villages had settlement

of Ikorodu people in their respective areas. The Oluwo of Ikorodu testified that

majority of Ikorodu people had their farm settlements in these neighbouring towns

and villages and the farmers only come to Ikorodu during the weekends and important

festivals at Ikorodu town.10

The political institutions of Ikorodu, Igbogbo, Ijede and Agbowa were similar.

In each village, the Oba was head of the local affairs. The Oba was regarded as a

divine ruler and in theory he had absolute powers. His attributes, like other Obas in

Yorubaland, was “Oba, alase ekeji Orisha” (king, the ruler, second only to the deity).

He was addressed as “Kabiyesi” an expression which is a contracted form of the

sentence “ki a bi yin ko si” (There is no questioning of your authority). The Oba, in

theory, had the power of life and death over his subjects and was not accountable to

them for any of his actions. The Oba was sacred and could not be seen by ordinary

people. In practice, however, the Oba was not an absolute ruler. It is true that as the

executive head of government, he exercised considerable powers particularly over the

common people. But this power must be exercised sparingly and wit justification. The

Oba’s powers could be checked by the Osugbo.11 The Osugbo society was the largest

and the most important society in Ijebuland. It comprised the most senior chiefs,

including the Oliwo, Olisa, Aro, Odofin and other chiefs. These chiefs were

themselves usually representatives of certain lineages or wards in these towns and, as

such, they were mouthpiece of the people and were therefore a body which the Oba

could not brush aside. The Oba could not take any decision on important matters

28
affecting the town without consulting the Osugbo and grave consequence often

followed if he did or if he became an oppressive ruler.12

The importance of the above analysis is to show the interactions between

Ikorodu and her immediate neighbours. The Osugbo of Ikorodu might meet and

discuss with the Oba and the Osugbo of Igbogbo town on very important issue that

commonly affected them. Also, if there was a political crisis in any one of these towns

the Osugbo of other towns, consulted for help, might come to the towns and suggest

ways of resolving the crisis so as to bring peace into the area. Young men were not

admitted to meetings of the Osugbo society, although they could act as messengers

during their probationary periods.13

There was also the “Egbe Apena”, the highest grade of the Ogbonni

representing the town’s ordinary people. The head of the grade held the title of Apena.

This title was generally held for life and was not hereditary. Any promising member

of the “Egbe Apena” was eligible for the post. In practice, the Apena held the position

of secretary in the governing council. He convened meetings and in the absence of the

Oliwo, the head of the Osugbo society, he presided over the meetings. 14 The Apena is

the mouthpiece of his grade at meetings.

Also important in the political organisation in these towns were the Erelu.

These were female members, who were allowed to participate in the Osugbo meeting.

The Erelu were consulted on all matter concerning the female members of the

community. The Ipanpa council was another notable political institution in the pre-

colonial political history of Ikorodu. This council was predominantly made up of

youths, whose responsibilities were the defence of the town in time of war and

29
maintenance of law and order in time of peace. This group is headed by the Balogun,

a professional warrior, who is responsible for the recruitment, training and discipline

of members.15

In addition to the above, the only other political development recorded in the

history of Ikorodu town from about 1600 to 1900 was the imposition of British

colonial rule. The imposition of British colonial rule over the town in the aftermath of

the British pacification of Ijebu forces in 1892 and the annexation of Ikorodu as a

British colony in 1894 brought about changes in the political history of Ikorodu. The

establishment of British colonial rule saw the relegation of the Oba and drastic

reduction in the powers of the traditional chiefs and institutions. In Ikorodu for

instance, the Oba was reduced from being an absolute ruler to a mere appendage of

British colonial officials, whose only role was to implement policies of his British

overloads and collect taxes on behalf of the British crown.16

ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES

The economic development of Ikorodu from a mere settlement into a thriving

commercial town was as a result of natural endowment alongside personal and

communal efforts. The area within which the town is situated is one that is very

suitable for farming as there is adequate rainfall and a network of rivers that ensured

all year round irrigation even during dry season. Largely, as a result of this, the area

was blessed with an abundant supply of games. It is thus not surprising that the

earliest occupational activities favoured by the people of Ikorodu was hunting,

farming and fishing.17 There were also commercial activities in form of trade between

Ikorodu and her immediate neighbours. Trading activities took place in the markets of

30
Ikorodu, Ejirin and Ikosi, where traders from different parts of Ijebuland met with

Lagos traders.18

Before the establishment of Ejinrin market, Ijebu market was Ikosi, which by

location is close to Ikorodu. Here, all traders, especially Ijebu traders, from Epe,

Makun, Abigi and the Awori from Lagos traded their articles. However, because of

robbers, communication problems and the constant quarrel between Ijebu-Ode and

Ikorodu traders, it was decided that a lagoon side market should be established. This

was Ejinrin market founded in the early 1830’s. Tolls were imposed and collected at

this market by the Awujale and the king of Lagos. Another market was also

established at Agbowa, but no toll was collected there.19 The difference between these

markets, that is Ikosi and Ejinrin, and Ikorodu was that Ikorodu was a town on its own

and not an artificially created market town.20

The Ikorodu people were primarily farmers. They engaged in agriculture and

gardening using implements like cutlass, short handled hoes with large blades. They

produced mainly food crops like vegetables, cocoyam, beans, pepper, banana,

cassava, maize and palm oil. The Igbogbo people, for instance, specialized in the

making of ‘Garri’ from Cassava and their brand of Garri was called ‘Garri Gbogbo’

which was in great demand by both the Ijebu and the Awori. Other farm produce from

Igbogbo town included plantain and maize. Baiyeku, Ibeshe, Oreta and Ijede were,

more or less, fishing villages specializing in fishing. Palm oil and palm kernels were

also produced in these fishing villages. The centres of exchange of these products

were the markets of Ejinrin, Ikorodu and Ikosi. Here the Ijebu, the Egba and the

Awori exchanged their products. Of all the markets mentioned above, Ikorodu market

emerged as the most significant in terms of volume of trade that took place there.

31
Other products like maize, water plantain (Ogede omini), yam, cassava, palm oil, and

fruits were brought to the markets and they were exchanged for European goods, such

as mirrors, tobacco, rum, arms and ambitions and European clothes. 21 Other economic

engagements included crafts like drumming, blacksmithing and weaving, especially

by women. These could either be part-time or fulltime engagements. Apart from

farming, hunting was another popular occupation. The weapons used included traps,

bows, arrows and spears.

Trade was carried on at two levels. There was the local trade involving

exchange between residents of a town and its surrounding areas. Also, there was the

regional market held at specific intervals. Many of the traders were itinerant market

men and women. Some of them who were petty trader settled for daily market, while

big traders would move with their wares to their prospective buyers. There is the

Iworo markets operated every seven days where all commodities obtainable in any

legal market could be found. Majority of traders from the neighbouring towns brought

their wares to Ikorodu. It should be noted that of all the immediate neighbours of

Ikorodu, only Agbowa could compete in commercial status with Ikorodu and, as such,

Agbowa ranked second to Ikorodu in commercial importance in the area. In the 1820s

when slave trade was still booming, Ikorodu wanted to take over Ikosi port which

constituted a sort of threat to their own port. Consequently, sporadic attacks in form of

raids were launched against the Agbowa people by Ikorodu in order to ensure the

supremacy of Ikorodu port. The Ikorodu, as a result, forced Agbowa people to move

from their old location to their present site.22

By the turn of the 19th century, when the disintegration of the Oyo Empire

precipitated a protracted war in the hinterland of Yorubaland, the people of Ikorodu

32
soon turned their location, mid-way between Lagos and the hinterland, to their

economic advantage as many of them became middlemen selling gun powder to the

warring parties in the hinterland from Lagos. It is interesting to note that the

preference given to the Ibadan army by the Ikorodu arms dealers and their fellow

Ijebu neighbours provoke the wrath of the Egba, who felt that the continuous sale of

gun powder to the Ibadan army by Ikorodu was detrimental to their war efforts.

Consequently, in a calculated attempt to prevent the sale of ammunitions to their

Ibadan adversaries, the Egba forces launched an attack against Ikorodu forces in

1854.23 Indeed, it is strongly believed that the Egba’s attack on Ikorodu forced Ikorodu

to seek for British protection as a way to repulse their adversaries.

With the establishment of British supremacy over Ikorodu, plantation farming

was introduced to replace the traditional subsistence farming. In this regard,

encouraged by the British colonial masters, the people of Ikorodu began the

cultivation of cash crops, such as cocoa, oranges, and kolanuts which were sold to the

British trading firms based in Lagos. It is worthy to note that in the earliest times,

cowrie shells were the major medium of exchange, although trade by barter was

favoured by some in the course of their transactions. However, like every other

spheres of human endeavour, the advent of colonial rule affected the medium of

exchange as paper currency and coins were introduced to replace the use of cowries

and trade by barter.24 In addition to this, a daily market was established by the colonial

authorities in addition to the pre-existing periodic market as a way of eliminating the

middlemen position occupied by the Ikorodu traders.

33
SOCIO-CULTURAL ORGANISATIONS

Like every other Ijebu town and village, Ikorodu had similar social and cultural

organisations with slight local peculiarities. Consequently, in discussing the socio-

cultural organisation of Ikorodu as well as the relationships between Ikorodu and her

neighbours, these similarities and the distinctive features would be highlighted. The

socio-cultural development of Ikorodu also took the same pattern as that of economic

development. In this regard, the social transformation and development of the town

from the time of its settlement was as a result of individual, communal and colonial

developmental efforts. Individual developmental efforts included building of

residential quarters and opening of communal tracks and paths, both within and

connecting the town with neighbouring towns to facilitate free movement of people

and goods. At the communal level, joint efforts were undertaken to designate and

clear town square, which was an important avenue for socialisation and recreation in

pre-colonial Ikorodu.25

Religion occupied a central place in the social life of the people of Ikorodu

right from the earliest times. Before the introduction of both Islam and Christianity,

the people practiced traditional religion. Some of the traditional cultural festivals

common to Ikorodu were Magbo (oro), Liwe (Oro), Eyibi (Agemo), Ogun, Asa, Osu,

Eluku, Egungun, Ifa and Igunuko. Oro was an important traditional festival. It was

during festivals that men asserted their superiority over women by keeping them

indoors. Singing of songs to insult social deviants and people who had engaged in evil

activities during the year was a special feature of the festival. For a long time Ikorodu

produced leading Oro singers in Ijebuland during the festivals. This particular act of

singing gave Ikorodu social and cultural importance amongst its immediate

34
neighbours.26 The result was that whenever Ikorodu was to hold its Oro festival,

singers came from Ijebuland both near and far, come to listen to and appreciate the

songs of Oro leaders in Ikorodu. They would then go back home to reproduce these

songs.27

There were different types of Oro cult. Some of those common to Ikorodu and

her immediate neighbours were Liwe, Pago, Sege, Onipakala, Eyita, Moro, Aige,

Oniwonu and Legbejewan. Imota and Igbogbo had Liworu, Onipakala and Ogere. The

importance of the Oro lay in the fact that it is believed that it drives away enemies and

evil spirits from the town. It is also believed that it provided children for barren

women. Consequently, women made sacrifices of pounded yam and soup during Oro

festivals. Eluku was one of the Oro cults in Ikorodu, which was not common among

her neighbours. It was from this festival that the indigenes of Ikorodu got their oriki

(cognomen) as “omo Eluku meden meden,” that is, indigenes of Ikorodu are the

offspring of Eluku. Eluku was a festival through which the elders distinguished

between bona fide indigenes of Ikorodu and non-indigenes. Non-indigenes that

watched Eluku did so at his or her own risk because if such person was caught during

the festival which usually takes place around eleven o’clock at night, he could either

be killed or maimed.28 The effect of this on Ikorodu’s neighbours was that during the

Eluku festival, they found it difficult to pass through Ikorodu.

In Ikorodu, Igbogbo, Ipakodo, Imota, Ijede and others, Oshun and Ogun were

the Oba’s (king’s) festivals, when the Oba was supposed to dance. Usually, sacrifices

of dogs, cocks and snails were made on the opening ceremonies of these festivals.

These festivals also facilitated mutual relations among the people of Ikorodu and its

neighbouring towns during these festivals. Other towns, also, invited Ikorodu peoples

35
to participate and celebrate with them during their festivals. The festivals, thus, served

as a forum where different people come together for social and political purposes.29

Traditional music was another feature of socio-cultural organisations in

Ikorodu. Traditional musicians were regarded as prophets, who used their music as a

tool for reforming the society and vaticinating about events to come. 30 A good

example was Chief Sadiku Agbaku (Oluda), who was well recognised for his

excellence in traditional music associated with both the Magbo and the Liwe festivals

in Ikorodu. These are highly regarded traditional occasions when the best of

behaviour and social demeanour are expected. Through his music, immoral

behaviours and unbecoming activities in the town are highlighted and subsequently

brought under control. Indeed, through one of his songs, he prophesied about the

transformation of Ikorodu from a rural to an urban community thus:

Miko na we ba pari, no ju mi o
Mara moto to meje o sona o
Ikorodu adi Heady-quarter
Aiye Oriwu a soju ni niaye mi
Dede eni emi akore wa sile
Ero ba mi se Magbo aiye
Ero be mise magbo ero
Egungun Ijomu o
Orisa Ijomu ti ba mi segun odi
Elegbe mi o, Magbo egungun Ijomu o.31

Translation

If this road is completed in my life time


I’ll put up to seven vehicles on the road
Ikorodu will become headquarters
I’ll be a witness of the development of Oriwu in my lifetime
All and sundry bring riches back home
People celebrate Magbo with me
People celebrate Magbo
The masquerade of Ijomu
The deity of Ijomu has conquered my adversary
My kinsmen, Magbo, the masquerade of Ijomu

36
Traditional musicians are thus regarded as philosophers and god sent. Other

traditional musician included Bombata Oshikabala and Nosiru Atuwon, an Apela

maestro and the musician that introduced guitar into Apela music. Bisiriyu Atunrase

also performed something similar to Apela music. Usually, during the “Odun Osu,” a

festival celebrated yearly for the reigning Oba, Rogunyo, the highest of all the social

clubs in Ikorodu, take the centre stage to perform during the festival.32

Another important factor was the age grade societies. Different age grade

societies usually danced and sang during various festivals. These societies called

“Egba” were open to any female or male citizen of the town. The functions of the age

grade societies included community development. They took part in construction of

foot paths, roads, bridges and even helped one another on their farms. They helped in

checking evil practices among their mates. Thus, they helped in the maintenance of law

and order. These age grade societies contributed to inter community development. They

spread their ideas, practices and values to other age grade in other villages. The age

grade societies helped in building the Oba’s palace and also ran errands for Oba and the

elders of the town. In difficult times, members also helped one another just as they do

for one another also in times of important functions, especially during ceremonies like

marriage, funeral, and christening a new child, which were considered important in

Yorubaland. They also helped one another on the farm.33 A particular age grade society

of a town might exchange visits and ideas with its counterparts in another neighbouring

village, if they so desired. These age grades sometimes cut across towns and villages in

Ijebuland.

There was also the factor of intermarriage among Ikorodu and her neighbours

which facilitated socio-cultural links Ikorodu men and women married from areas like

37
Igbogbo, Ijede, Agbowa and so on. Also people from these smaller neighbouring towns

and villages intermarried with Ikorodu people. However, Ikorodu forbade intermarriage

between her citizens and other distant Yoruba towns particular those with facial or tribal

marks. Hence, the statement “obi mo foyo, Oyo pon lo.”

Another noteworthy aspect of the social development of Ikorodu town lies in

relations between individuals. In this regard, the social relations in the town was

maintained within the contexts of “ebi-system” i.e. family link and the “regberegbe-

system” i.e. the age group in Ikorodu before the turn of the 20 th century. The concept of

the ebi-system holds that people of blood links are grouped as one distinct social group.

Once a person is born or linked to a particular family, his life was inextricably tied with

the fate of the entire extended family. 34 Thus, no single member of the family could

unilaterally take decision for himself concerning important issues, such as marriage,

christening a new child, burial e.t.c., because, in organizing such social events the entire

family would be involved in the planning and every other aspects of the events. Indeed,

it has been said that the concept of “Aso-ebi” in which all members of a family and

their well wishers wear the same clothe started from Ikorodu.35

By and large, from the foregoing, it is crystal clear that Ikorodu town before the

advent of British colonial rule had become a centre of commercial activity though

sparsely populated. The established socio-economic structure in the town however

supported a thriving economy which was based on plantation agriculture and attracted

migrant labour force from far and near as well as traders from as far as the northern part

of the country. Consequently, one could safely conclude that the advent of the British

colonial rule only brought about further development to the town and transformed the

hitherto farm and hunting ground into a densely populated community

38
ENDNOTES

1. Ade Adefuye, Babatunde Agari and Jide Osuntokun (eds.), History of the
Peoples of Lagos State (Lagos: Lenthuen Books, 1987), 198.

2. Adefuye, et al, History of the Peoples of Lagos State, 202.

3. Aina Oladipupo Dada, “The Origin and Growth of Igbogbo Community 1800
– 1900, a final year project of the Department of History and International
Studies, Lagos State University, 1998, 18.

4. Interview with Chief Olusegun Adeyemi (Vice-Chairman for the Peoples


Democratic Party (PDP), Ikorodu-East Senatorial District), 21st August, 2008.

5. Lai Olurode Social Change in Ikorodu Division (Ikorodu), Imota, Igbogbo,


Ijede and Ipakodo): A Profile of the Elites (Lagos: Unilag Consult, 1993), 35.

6. Abiodun Naimot Allison, “Ikorodu and Her Neighbours in the 19 th Century: A


Study in Intergroup Relations”, a final year project of the Department of
History University of Ibadan, 198, 38.

7. Interview with Comrade Ayodele Elesho (Former Commissioner for


Information in Lagos State), 4th September, 2008.

8. Allison, A. N. “Ikorodu and Her Neighbours in the 19 th Century: A Study in


Inter-group Relaitons,” a final year project of the Department of History,
University of Ibadan, 1982, 9.

9. Ibid. 10.

10. Interview with Mr. Salisu Anifowoshe (A Farmer in Ikorodu), 21st August,
2008.

11. Interview with Comrade.

12. Ibid.

13. Allison, “Ikorodu and Her Neighbours in the 19th Century,” 11.

14. Alhaji Mufutau Ajisebutu (Ikorodu Party Chairman for Democratic Party 10 th
June, 2008.

15. Ibid.

16. Dada, “The Origin and Growth of Igbogbo”, 23.

17. Interview with Alhaji Tufegboye Adewunmi (Former Chairman Ikorodu Local
Government), 14th August 2008.

18. Interview with Comrade Elesho.

39
19. Interview with Mr. Saheed Adekoya (an indigene of Ikorodu), 21 st August,
2008.

20. Ibid.

21. Interview with Mr. Anifowoshe.

22. Allinson, “Ikorodu and her Neighbours in the 19th Century”, 15.

23. Ibid.

24. Dada, “The Origin and Growth of Igbogbo”, 26.

25. Interview with Comrade Elesho.

26. Interview with Alhaji.

27. Ibid.

28. Interview with Mr. Adekoya.

29. Ibid.

30. Interview with Comrade Elesho.

31. Interview with Alhaji Ajisebutu.

32. Mathew Ayodele Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow”,


(keynote address at the 2nd Ikorodu Oga Day, Ikorodu, 19 – 27 November,
1993), 50.

33. Interview with Mr. Tunde Isikaly (an indigene of Ikorodu), 4 th September,
2008.

34. Interview with Comrade Elesho.

35. Interview with Mrs. Adebola Ishola (an indigene of Ikorodu), 4th September,
2008.

40
CHAPTER THREE

THE TRANSFORMATION OF IKORODU

GROWTH AND EXPANSION OF IKORODU

Transformation refers to a qualitative change; a marked change in size or character, especially

one for the better. It is a known fact that cities and their environments all over the world

are continuously changing. This process of urbanisation has, in many respects, over

the years, led to the transformation of areas that are hitherto rural into urban centres.

This appropriately illustrates the history of Ikorodu, a city in northeast of Lagos.

Although debatable, the gradual transformation of Ikorodu into an urban area can be

traced back to 1894 when the territory was annexed by the British colonial

government in Lagos as part of the Lagos colony. Prior to this development, Ikorodu

had been an important trading post of the Remo Kingdom lying along the trade route

between Lagos and Ibadan and, besides, its location along the Lagos Lagoon had also

made it an important trading port after Lagos. These factors which to a large extent

had made the town a centre of commerce before 1894 formed the foundation for the

subsequent change. Whereas these factors among, others led to the transformation of

Ikorodu into a suburb of Lagos, it was its proximity to Lagos that actually resulted in

its development into an urban area. Thus, the urbanisation of Ikorodu is as a result of

the urban sprawl in Lagos.

Ikorodu started as a farm settlement and subsequently expanded into a market

town where merchants from Ijebu-Ode, Sagamu, Epe and other towns converge to

transact business.1 Subsequently, as the volume of trade grew, the town of Ikorodu

also grew in importance. The population of the settlement gradually increased as

41
people of other ethnic group apart from the Yoruba began to migrate and settled down

in different part of the town.2

As more people moved into the town, it expanded into all direction and even

ate into other settlements. Basically, Ikorodu is made up of core groups or nuclei

referred to as ‘Itun,’ each of which has an exact boundary defining it from another. 3

Itunmaja, for instance, was populated mainly by people from Idowa, an important

historical Ijebu town. Itunwaiye was settled by people from Iwaiye in present day

Ogun State. Itunsoku was settled by people from Isokun quarters in Sagamu, then

Layeode was peopled by Ode-Remo, Itagbodo by people from Oke Gbodo, Itun Elepe

is a quarter containing Elepe (Sagamu) descendants.4 As a consequence of the process

of urbanisation developments in Ikorodu has spread into its surrounding towns and

villages so much so that some of these villages like Ipakodo, Igbogbo, Ibeshe etc., are

considered as part of Ikorodu.

By the beginning of the 20th century, Ikorodu and its environs had begun to

witness qualitative change in every sphere of the society. By 1920, as a means to fully

take advantage of the growing commercial activities in Ikorodu, boat and ferry

services were introduced to convey people from Ikorodu to Lagos. This opened up

Ikorodu to greater commercial opportunities as both foreigners and indigenes of

Ikorodu began to invest in the economy of the town. These investments went mostly

into the establishments of textile and ceramic factories. 6 By the 1950s, the number of

industries established in Ikorodu has risen above five. 7 This development further

attracted more people to the town, especially in the Odogunyan and Odo-Nla areas of

Ikorodu. Moreover, the construction of the Lagos-Ikorodu road in the early 1950

made Ikorodu more accessible.8

42
Further expansion of Ikorodu was influenced by socio-political and economic

developments in Lagos. The creation of Lagos State out of the former federal territory

and Western State brought tremendous development and boosted the development of

Ikorodu. When the state government decided to create industrial estates all over the

state, land was set aside at Odogunyan and Odo-Nla area of Ikorodu for this purpose.

Thus, the establishment of industries encouraged people to move to the area to acquire

land for residential purpose.

New residential areas developed in and around the industrial areas. The advent

of civilian administration following the exit of the military gave rise to the

development of housing estates by the Jakande and Shagari administration which

brought large number of people to Ikorodu to acquire these houses, thereby bringing

large number of people to Ikorodu. Consequently, the population increased from about

70,000 in 1963 to about 300,000 in 1990 and to over a million in 2000 a jump of over

200 percent. Whereas in the 1980s, the Lagos end of Ikorodu was at the Government

College Ikorodu, but by the 1990s new settlements have emerged at Agric Owotu,

Agbede and other areas. By 1999, when this project terminates, all aspect of Ikorodu

has witnessed qualitative change. All the known features of an urban area have

become conspicuously evident.

FACTORS THAT LED TO THE TRANSFORMATION OF IKORODU

On August 4, 1894, several treaties were signed by the Akarigbo that saw to the

cession of certain territories in Ijebu-Remo (including Ikorodu to Great Britain).

Thereafter Ikorodu became an administered part of the Lagos Colony, cutting it away

from Sagamu and Ijebu-Ode.12 With the establishment of Ikorodu Native Authority in

43
1901 by the British Colonial Administration to include Ikorodu town and independent

villages of Agura, Ebute, Aga, Ibeshe Ashashe, Oshorun, Isin, Oripodi and Ipakodo,

Ikorodu began to experience some developments which led to its transformation

beginning from the 1950s.12 Importantly, the construction of the Lagos-Ikorodu road

in 1953 opened up the town for easy and quicker movement of people and goods

between Ikorodu and Lagos. By the turn of the second half of the 20 th century, the

transformation of Ikorodu had. no doubt, been aided by a number of related factors

ranging from social and economic to political factors; a phenomenon that has

transformed Ikorodu from a vegetable farm (i.e. Oko Odu) into an urban area.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS

The transformation of Ikorodu which has implication for social life in the area is

partly as a result of the revolution that had taken place in the transport network

between Ikorodu and Lagos. The opening up of Ikorodu had tremendous effects on

the town and adjoining towns of Igbogbo, Ipakodo and on the far away Imota and

Ijede. Thus, one of the factors that led to the transformation of Ikorodu was the

construction of Lagos-Ikorodu road in 1953.14 Prior to this period, the evacuation of

palm produce, food crops and fish from Ikorodu and its surrounding lagoon

settlements to Lagos depended on the rowing boats. These were slow, often taking

almost a day’s journey to Lagos. The canoes or boats were often disturbed by gales

and storms causing them to capsize in which many lives were lost. In 1919, Mr.

Joshua Ricketts, the fourth son of the Reverend John Edwards Ricketts of the Agbowa

enterprise, went into boat building. In 1921, he had built the first motor launched

named “Letitia” after his mother, and introduced the first motor launch linking Lagos

to Ikorodu and other important Lagoon ports.

44
The introduction of a motor launch service by Mr. Ricketts revolutionised

lagoon transportation during the colonial period. Letitia carried twenty five

passengers and, at a speed of 8 miles per hour covered the distance between Ikorodu

and Lagos in one and a half hours. The service was, therefore, a marked improvement

and ensured speed and safety in water transportation on the Lagoon. Between 1921

and 1923, Mr. Ricketts had no serious competitors. His fleet increased to five during

the period. In 1925, Mr. Ricketts faced a strong competition from Mr. Osinubi, an

indigene of Ikorodu, who traded under the name “Owolowo”. In 1930, one of the

Owolowo boats, Iyalode, capsized in the Lagoon as a result of overload. The

government, thereafter, imposed stricter controls over the operation of the steam

boots. It became necessary for each boat to carry life jackets or life buoys and for the

operators to have the required experience and obtain marine licence. Furthermore the

boats were subjected to regular inspections to ensure that they were seaworthy. These

measures certainly minimized accidents on the Lagoon. More importantly, some of

Mr. Ricketts’ rivals that could not meet the new requirements sold off their boats and

Mr. Ricketts was the main beneficiary. By 1939, the Rickett’s fleet had increased to

twelve despite the stiff competition from the Owolowo Company. Many Ikorodu

people preferred to journey in the Owolowo boats, while Mr. Ricketts’ services was

described as European dominated.15

On January, 15, 1942, there was again another boat disaster involving Iyalode

caused again by overloading. This event led the government to adopt yet again strict

measures against overcrowded boat service in the lagoon. Not even Mr. Ricketts’ fleet

was excluded. The Owolowo Company was compelled to reduce the number of boat

in its fleet. This finally gave Mr. Ricketts an edge over his rival. Perhaps the most

significant consequence of the 1942 boat disaster was the impetus it gave to the

45
planning and construction of the overland route from Lagos to Ikorodu. The death toll

in the accident aroused the anger of people in Ikorodu, Epe, Sagamu and Ijebu-Ode. A

committee of concerned citizens of these towns was formed to raise funds for the

construction of the road which was eventually completed with Federal Government

Support in May 1953. The construction of the road spelt the final doom for the launch

service. By 1956, six out of the seven boats on Mr. Ricketts’ fleet had been declared

not seaworthy. And indeed, by that time, the boats only plied the Ebute Ero to Ebute

Meta route.16

Although attempts to open up Ikorodu started in 1864 when Glover built a

road from Oriwu to the Lagoon beach, it was however the Ikorodu-Lagos road which

was completed in 1953 that finally opened up Ikorodu to Lagos and thus to the

outside world more than ever before.17 It would be recalled that Ikorodu’s location has

always proved to be strategic as far back as the era of slave trade during which the

Egba among other trading partners fought for its control. With the completion of the

Lagos- Ikorodu road, it now took less time to travel between Ikorodu and Lagos.

Moreover, more goods and services were then exchanged between the two locations.

Also, importantly, Ikorodu started to serve both as a place of work and a place of

residence for people as well as for many industrial establishments, though on a small

scale. Many indigenes of Ikorodu who were working in Lagos also returned to

Ikorodu to sleep on a daily basis. The road link thus enhanced home-town

commitment on the part of the indigenes. With the completion of the road, other

people especially traders from neighbouring town such as Oyo, Abeokuta, Ondo, Ekiti

and as far as the Eastern part of Nigeria began to settle in Ikorodu in order to ensure

easy trading activities with the people of Ikorodu as well as with Lagos.18

46
Another factor that led to the growth of Ikorodu into an urban community was

the establishment of industries.19 With the opening up of the Lagos-Ikorodu road in

1953, industrial establishments, though on a small scale, now began to take off. This

effort was first initiated by the indigenes of Ikorodu in persons of Late Chief S. O.

Ggbadamosi and late Chief R. A. Allison. Before this period, Mr. S. O. Kamson and

his brother, Mr. J. F. Kamson in the 1930’s, both from Ikorodu, were established in the

textile business in Lagos and manufacturing of singlets. Their success encouraged

many from Ikorodu to seek employment under them. By the 1940s, S. O. Kamson’s

modest factory along Adeniji Adele II Street had become a regular port of call for

Ikorodu indigenes seeking employment in Lagos. Meanwhile J. F. Kamson also

established a factory at Isolo which later moved to Akoka (now acquired by the

University of Lagos). He, like his brother, also employed many Ikorodu indigenes.20

Among prominent Ikorodu business families in Lagos in the 1940s and 1950s

were the Bensons and the Gbagamosis. The Benson family engaged in transport

business in the city, while the Gbagamosi family also manufactured singlets and later

went into ceramic manufacturing, this time in Ikorodu. S. O. Gbadamosi thereafter

started a partnership business with his cousin Chief R. A. Allinson under the trading

name of Ikorodu Trading Company in 1935. This company engaged in the

importation of cheap Japanese goods and other commodities from Western Germany.

The Ikorodu Company Limited later turned into a manufacturing outfit, producing

woven and textile materials in 1937. This brought it into keen competition with the

Untied African Company (U.A.C.) which was then running a similar venture. The

United African Company later sold off its underwear factory to the partnership of S.

O. Gbadamisi. The Ikorodu Company Limited also diversified into ceramics

47
production in 1943, but the venture never succeeded due to the ill health of one of the

partners which eventually led to the liquidation of the company.

At the time the garment factory was at its peak, it has 2,000 employees on its

payroll. With the establishment of these indigenous industries, more people came to

Ikorodu in search of employment. There was also the establishment of foreign

industries, such as Nichemtex (now United Nigeria Textile Company, the largest

textile manufacturing company in Africa), Peterson and Zochonis (P.Z.) Industries

Ltd, and Cussons, Spintex, Ocean Fisheries, Facility and a hosts of other smear

industries, all of which except Nichemtex were located in the industrial estate at

Odogunyan (Ikorodu North).23 With the establishment of both indigenous and foreign

industries, Ikorodu witnessed an upsurge in population, as a lot of people came in

from neighbouring towns and beyond. These industries and the concomitant

population increase resulted in rapid urbanisation of Ikorodu turning it from a rural

setting into an urban settlement.

Another factor that accounted for the rapid development of Ikorodu is its

nearness to Lagos. Due to its geographical nearness to Lagos, Nigeria’s foremost

commercial and until recently its administrative capital, Ikorodu enjoyed a strategic

position which makes it more attractive to people who wanted direct connection with

Lagos.24 Ikorodu town has changed a lot. In terms of area, it has extended beyond the

inner circular route (the old city wall). In other words, the whole of that area called

‘Aiyeluja’, both sides of Ayangburen Road extending to Solomade, Etunrenren, Lowa,

Olori (both sides of Lagos road). The Ojogbe area, Gbasemo, Oriwu Hotel area to

Oluwakemi and Adaraloye Streets, both sides of Igbogbo Road including Owode, and

Oriwu College, Mabodu area including Solafun e.t.c The 1991 provisional census

48
figure for Ikorodu Local Government area was 181,900. Out of this at least 100,000

would be for Ikorodu town, more or less. About 60% of the town people are engaged

in trade and other businesses in Ikorodu or in the greater Lagos metropolis. These

later group daily shuttled between Ikorodu and Lagos.24

Also, as a result of the nearness of Ikorodu to Lagos, Ikorodu women became

particularly prominent traders in Lagos, where they dominated the textile business,

especially in the vibrant ‘Gota’ area, Ita Balogun, Alakoro, Apongbo etc. It has been

estimated that about 90% of Ikorodu people dominated the economic life of Lagos.

About 98% dominated trading activities in Mosalashi, Gota, Ereko, Apongbo, and

Obun-Eko markets while about 40% dominated trading activities in Jankara and

Alaporo markets. It has been estimated that Ikorodu women folk are so successful in

business that they own about 60% of the wealth of all Ikorodu sons and daughters put

together.25 All of these was enhanced by the proximity of Ikorodu to Lagos.

The relatively high cost of living in Lagos is another factor that led to the

marked change in the size and character of Ikorodu. The position of Lagos as a natural

harbour and ultimately the terminal of land routes in South Western Nigeria made it a

significant place in terms of population.26 The availability of port facilities, lagoon and

marine transportation greatly facilitated industrialisation which made Lagos the most

industrialized city in Nigeria.27 Consequently, the population of Lagos continued to

grow and this led to the need for more food to feed the rising population. Since Lagos

could not provide enough food for its teeming population, it was compelled to seek

the cooperation of some of its neighbours. This phenomenon influenced the relations

between such neighbours as Ikorodu, Egba and Lagos. Thus, Ikorodu began to

experience daily influx of people. More significantly, as metropolitan Lagos gradually

49
became ‘Load shedding’, not only was life becoming ‘too hot’ financially for the low

income earners in the city, but the ‘sappy’ atmosphere made landlords to attempt

passing on the effect of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) of the

government to tenants generally.28

Naturally people look for an environment that would be more accommodating

and welcoming, Ikorodu readily provided that alternative. The choice of Ikorodu

became more appealing, particularly to low income earners, because the cost of living

was relatively low. A number of civil servants, some of whom are indigenes of

Ikorodu as well as migrants in Lagos relocated to Ikorodu because of low rents. 29 A

few also preferred to acquire landed properties in Ikorodu because they were cheaper

compared with what obtained in Lagos. As at 1992, a room and parlour cost between

N150 and N200 in the choicest part of Ikorodu and the adjoining town of Ipakodo

whereas the same would cost between N250 and N300 in Lagos. Generally, food

prices were lower in Ikorodu area than in Lagos. At Imota, which is about 15

kilometres from Ikorodu, a bunch of plantain that would cost N35 in Mushin was sold

for N20. The same goes for fruits.30 The cost of living in Lagos thus led to influx of

people into Ikorodu.

Another factor that led to the expansion of Ikorodu into a commercial centre

was the efforts of some of its indigenes towards the development of the town. 31

Basically, the development of a town can be traced to the activities of individuals who

have given practical expression to their sentiment, to ensuring that their town moves

forward. Ikorodu in this respect was fortunate to have such citizens who fought to

bring about social change and transformation in the town. Before the opening of the

Lagos-Ikorodu road, Ikorodu could not provide employment opportunities for its

50
people because of the weak economic activities there. The pull to Lagos was stronger,

as almost six out of every ten adult males from the town migrated to Lagos. The pull

had significant effect on Ikorodu. One of the early effects was the influence of some

of the indigenes of the town, who were based in Lagos on socio-political development

in Ikorodu. These men had formed an association in Lagos about 1920. They then

contacted the Oloja and his chiefs and proposed the building of a new palace for the

ruler. This meant removal from the former palace in the centre of the town and since

the project did not disturb British rule in the town, it went on unhindered. By 1936,

the new palace was opened with the ruler assuming the new title Ayangburen.32

New ideas continued to filter back to Ikorodu and its environs through the

activities of the youth of the area who were schooling in Lagos. For example, student

societies or associations played a significant role in the implementation of the reforms

of local government authorities from 1938 to 1950. Their social impact was also

evident in the movement for secondary school education in Ikorodu Township. For

example, S. O. Kamson among others, was very prominent in the building of Oriwu

College in the town.33 It is therefore worthy to note that the contributions of these

people is crucial since development project may fail to take off in a community if

efforts are directed at reaching the grassroots through the wrong people. Thus, the

contributions of some of the indigenes of Ikorodu to the town led to the

transformation of Ikorodu to an urban community.

The establishment of schools was another factor that led to the transformation

of Ikorodu.34 Prior to the establishment of the first secondary school in Ikorodu,

Ikorodu indigenes and others who had settled in Ikorodu took their children to Lagos

for the continuation of their studies after their primary school education in Ikorodu.

51
The first primary school did not come to Ikorodu Local Government until 1892. This

was the Methodist Primary School. Thus, between 1892 and 1949, when the first post

primary education institution was founded in Ikorodu, Ikorodu pupils had their post-

primary education in Lagos and other neighbouring towns. However, the effort of

some of Ikorodu indigenes led to the establishment of Oriwu College, the first post

primary education institution in Ikorodu. Thereafter, more schools were established.

For instance, when Late Otunba Adeniran Ogunsanya was appointed the first Attorney

General of the newly created Lagos State, and later as the Sate’s Commissioner for

Education, Government Teachers Colleges were created in the five divisions of the

state and Ikorodu was a beneficiary. However, much later Government Teachers

College Ikorodu was changed to the Lagos State Model College, Igbogbo.35

Another example was the establishment of Government College Ikorodu and

the Technical College made possible by Commissioner Reuben Olorunfunmi Basorun

when he was appointed as the Commissioner for Education in Lagos State in 1982. As

at 1991/92 academic year, Ikorodu has 54 primary schools with a total enrolment of

38,301 pupils and 23 secondary schools with a total enrolment of 20,645 pupils. 36

With the establishment of schools, Ikorodu has experienced influx of people who

settled in the town for the educational developments of their wards.

The eviction and demolition of Maroko was another factor that contributed to

the expansion of Ikorodu.37 In July 1990, the prevailing military government of Lagos

state ordered the demolition of Maroko community. The demolition of the entire

community was carried out after a-seven-day quit notice announced over the radio

and led to the forced eviction of an estimated 300,000 people from their homes of

52
several decades. Thus, thousands of this these displaced persons found solace and

ready haven in Ikorodu.

The dualisation of the Ikorodu road project was another factor that brought

about qualitative change in Ikorodu.38 This was a major factor that led to influx of

people into Ikorodu, particularly Owotu (Ikorodu West) and Odogunyan (Ikorodu

North). Commenting on the advantage of the dualisation of Ikorodu road, Colonel

Mohamed Buba Marwa on April 2, 1993 promised that dualisation would save people

travelling time. According to him at the foundation laying ceremony of terrace

bungalow at Owutu housing estate in Ikorodu, eventual allotees would be lucky as

dualisation of the Ikorodu road project would further reduce the time and stress

associated with moving from Ikorodu to the Lagos metropolis. 39 With its ability to

save peoples travelling time as well as control omission of pollutants from vehicles,

the dualisation of the Ikorodu road project brought more people into Ikorodu leading

to its rapid transformation.

POLITICAL FACTORS

The creation of Lagos State on May 27, 1967 engendered tremendous change in

Ikorodu. Prior to this period, the metropolitan areas (colony province) of Ikeja, Agege,

Mushin, Ikorodu, Epe and Badagry were administered by the Western Region.40 At the

creation of Lagos State, Ikorodu was divided into two and this has to do with whether

to go with Lagos or remain a part of Western Region. But majority of Ikorodu

citizens, who realised the economic advantage offered by Lagos and as a result of its

nearness to Lagos chose to be part of Lagos. Chief Segun Adeyemi rendered this song

53
which climaxed the final separation with Western Nigeria when Ikorodu decided to go

with Lagos, thus:

Ikorodu Eko ya o
Eko yi ni s’Oba owo o
Benson ke yin ma ni so, o ya
Awade s’ere Ibadan, Ibadan
Ara Oriwu n ki gbe
Awon n re’ Badan
Ikorodu o ti ya
Tawa t’Oba.41

The translation is as follows

Ikorodu let us go to Lagos


Ikorodu let us go to Lagos
Lagos, the king of money
Benson led us on
We are not slaves to Ibadan
The people of Oriwu are crying
They are going to Ibadan
Ikorodu let us go with the king.

The annexation of Ikorodu to the newly created Lagos resulted in population

explosion as Ikorodu started enjoying benefits like the establishment of court and

schools by some of its indigenes, who were appointed members of the new Lagos

state administration. Late Otunba T. O. S. Benson, in his capacity as the Federal

Government Minister of Information, brought the transmitting station of the Voice of

Nigeria to Ipakodo in 1962. Similarly, late Otunba Adeniran Ogunsanya, the first

Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice of Lagos State, brought the

transmitters for the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria to Ikorodu. 42 The creation of

Lagos State as well as the political influence of some political holders from Ikorodu

led to the rapid transformation of Ikorodu.

54
With the creation of Lagos State as a divisional headquarters, local

government was also created. It is instructive to know that local government

administration in Nigeria emerged from the British colonial administration in the

country. Consequently, in 1901, a Central Native Council was established in Ikorodu

headed by a District Commissioner.43 With the emergence of Ikorodu as a divisional

headquarter and as residence for divisional officer, lands were earmarked within the

Ikorodu Division for the establishment of industries and banks. Lands were also

acquired for staffs of different organisations such as the West Africa Examination

Council (WAEC), University of Lagos (UNILAG) the National Electricity Power

Authority (NEPA) and so on; this further brought many people working in Lagos to

Ikorodu.44

By and large, from the foregoing, it is crystal clear that several factors;

political, social and economic factors led to the transformation of Ikorodu. To this

end, one could safely conclude that the combination of all these factors activated the

process of urbanisation which in turn contributed to the transformation of Ikorodu.

55
END NOTES

1. Interview with Oba S. A. A. Oyefusi (The Ayangburen of Ikorodu till date),


31st July, 2008.

2. Interview with Chief Mathew Ayodele Awolesi (Former Chairman Ikorodu


Local Government), 14th August, 2008.

3. Ibid.

4. Interview with Mathew Ayodele Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday Today and


Tomorrow”, (keynote address at the 2nd Ikorodu Oga Day, Ikorodu, 19 – 27
November, 1993); 47.

5. Babatunde Agiri, “Lagos-Ikorodu Relations 1894 – 1950,” in The History of


the Peoples of Lagos edited by Ade Adefuye, Babatunde Agiri and Jide
Osuntokun (Lagos: Lenthern Books, 1987).

6. Interview with Alhaji Mufutau Ajisebutu (Ikorodu Party Chairman for Peoples
Democratic Party) 10th July, 2008

7. Interview with Comrade Ayodele Elesho (Former Commissioner for


Informaiton), 4th September, 2008

8. Ibid.

9. Leo C. Dioka, Lagos an Its Environs (Lagos: First Academic Publishers,


2001), 164.

10. Interview with Alhaji Tufegboye Adewunmi (Former Chairman Ikorodu Local
Government), 14h August, 2008.

11. Ibid.

12. Tunde Oduwobi, Ijebu under Colonial Rule 1892 – 1960: An Administrative
and Political Analysis (Lagos: First Academic Publishers, 2004), 40.

13. Abiodun Naimot Allison, “Ikorodu and her neighbours in the 19th century: A
Study in Intergorup Relations”, a Final Year Project of the Department of
History, University of Ibadan, 1982, 24.

14. Interview with Comrade Elesho.

15. Agiri, The History of the Peoples of Lagos, 204 – 205.

16. Ibid.

17. Interview with Comrade Elesho.

18. Interview with Alhaji Adewunmi.

19. Ibid.

56
20. Interview with Comrade Elesho.

21. Ibid.

22. Interview with Chief Segun Shodipo (an indigene of Ikorodu), 4 th September,
2008.

23. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division (Ikorodu, Imota, Igbogbo,
Ijede and Ipakodo): A Profile of the Elites (Lagos: Unilag Consult, 1993) 27.

24. Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow,” 50.

25. Interview with Mrs. Mercy Adetokunbo (A Trader Living in Ikorodu since
1981), 7th August, 2008.

26. Interview with Chief Shodipo.

27. “Urbanisation”, an article on wikipedia, an internet based encyclopaedia,


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/urbanisation (accessed 30th March, 2008)

28. Interview with Chief Shodipo.

29. Lai Olurode Social Change in Ikorodu Division, 51.

30. Ibid.

31. Agiri, The History of the People of Lagos, 205.

32. Ibid. 203.

33. Ibid, 205.

34. Interview with Chief Olusegun Adeyemi (Vice-Chairman for the Peoples
Democratic Party (PDP), Lagos East Senatorial District), 21st August, 2008.

35. Ibid.

36. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division, 54.

37. Interview with Comrade Elesho.

38. Ibid.

39. Ibid.

40. Dioka, Lagos and its Environs,164.

41. Interview with Chief Adeyemi.

42. Ibid.

43. Interview with Comrade Elesho.

44. Ibid.

57
CHAPTER FOUR

IMPACT OF THE TRANSFORMATION OF IKORODU

The birth of the Nigerian nation in 1914 and the eventual colonisation of the country

by the British led to the introduction of mega-cities and rapid urbanisation. These

phenomena came with both positive and negative impact on the people. The fairly

high rate of urbanisation in Nigeria in the last two decades has attracted considerable

attention and evoked quite a commendable level of analytical writing from

environmentalists in particular and social scientists in general. Urbanisation is,

essentially, a critical process of development and a profoundly disruptive process.1

In the contemporary world, urban life constitutes the dynamic basic for a

number of activities and processes that are associated with modernity and economic

advancement. Thus, any decisive and systematic efforts to transform the traditional

societies into modern political systems must envisage the development of a modern

urban system. At the same time, rapid urbanisation can, in many ways, create

economic, social and psychological tension and divisions which, viewed from a

political perspective, become potential sources of political instability and constraints

to effective nation-building; hence, the argument that “both the vital role of

urbanisation and its potentially disruptive consequences create perplexing problems of

public policy.”2

Commencing from the last century, urbanisation was nothing problematic in

Ikorodu, as much of the town was characterized by an abundance of land and

relatively sparse population density. However, as the new century approached,

58
increasing level of urbanisation has led to scarcity of land, acute shortage of social

amenities, such as portable water, housing, electricity, schools and good roads,

increased unemployment and underemployment, environmental sanitation and crime

to mention but a few.

SOCIAL AMENITIES

The emergence of urbanisation in Ikorodu brought about some social developments

which had significant sociological impact on the town. However, these positive

developments came with serious negative impacts on the people and the town itself.

These developments as well as their negative impacts are subsequently discussed.

WATER SUPPLY AND DEMANDS

Urban dwellers use more water and energy and generate more wastes than rural

dwellers. Before the transformation of Ikorodu to an urban community, the people

depend on rivers and streams for drinking and washing. The most important streams

are Apeka, Etunrenren. Erikorodo, Melegoke, Yewa, Eri-Ijamu, Ota Ona, Ota-Igbo

and Eruwen. These streams were the sources of cool smooth portable water to Ikorodu

of yesteryears. However, most of these streams have now been savagely polluted by

industrial waste or human activities.3 In 1987, for instance, a good number of shallow

boreholes and micro-works had been sited in the Local Government Area by the State

Directorate of Foods, Roads and Rural Infrastructures (DFRRI). And to supplement

these efforts, a sum of N200,000 was earmarked to extend water to some communities

within the town.4 Mini-water works, including the one in Ikorodu, were introduced

59
during the period of the civilian administration between 1991 and 1983 to help deal

with the problem of water scarcity.5

However, despite the fact that water is an essential need of man, its supply in

terms of quantity and quality is still inadequate. The major indicator of this is the

number of people who have access to safe water. In Nigerian urban areas, particularly,

access to safe water has always been poor. The scarcity of water in Ikorodu for

instance was further exacerbated by its waterworks which has stopped functioning.

The result of this is that private individuals as well as industrial concerns and other

establishments tend to supplement water supply by sinking boreholes or digging wells

as alternative source of supply. In addition pipe breakages and inefficiency in the

management of water supply inhibit greater output.6 These problems were aggravated

by the incessant power supply that either disrupted or damaged the process or raised

the costs of providing safe water. The quality of the waters is also poor, posing danger

to the health of the people, particularly low income earners and very poor people who

lives in slums and squatter areas.7

ELECTRICITY

Ikorodu accounts for about 40 percent of the total electric power supply in Nigeria,

but inadequate and exotic power supply for industrial, commercial and domestic

demand has characterized the service provided by the National Electric Power

Authority (NEPA) now renamed as Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN). The

regular occurrence of intermittent power outages has led to nearly all industrial

establishments in Ikorodu acquiring their own stand-by generator. This was however

different before and during the early years of urbanisation in Ikorodu. In 1987,

60
Ikorodu Local Government area provided a sum of N500,000 which was spent on

providing electricity for some communities (Ile mere, Losi-Oba, Odo-Nla and

Bagidan) located within Ikorodu Division.

The Lagos State Government also provided Electrification Programme for

Ikorodu Local Government during this period8 and as a result, people as well as

industries enjoyed daily power supply during this period.9 But the rise in rate of

population that moved into Ikorodu to enjoy stable power supply increased the rate of

consumption and subsequently created the problem of power supply now faced by

PHCN. The ultimate consequences of this undesirable situation are low capacity

utilization and higher cost of production. It was hoped that Egbi Thermal Power

Station, which was commissioned in the late 1980s in Ikorodu purposely to meet the

electricity requirements of Lagos and Nigeria at large would improve the situation. 10

Although it did for a while, the station developed problems and the necessary funds

for spare parts to put the station back into full capacity have not been provided. The

result has been the acquiring of generators by individuals and companies to deal with

the erratic power supply. However, efforts are currently being made to address the

problems in collaboration with the federal government.

HOUSING AND ACCOMMODATION

Providing quality housing for people of all income levels is an integral component in

any growth strategy, but this has never been given adequate attention in urban Lagos.

Housing in Lagos and Ikorodu is inadequate both in quantity and in quality owing to

growing urban population. Prior to the expansion of Ikorodu into a large community,

the people lived in mud houses. The first storey building in Ikorodu (built with wood

61
and cement) was built during the construction of Lagos-Ikorodu road in 1953.

However, housing did not engender much problem because the people lived together

as one. However, as population grew in Ikorodu so also the problem of

accommodation.11

In 1972, the Lagos Executive Development Board (LEDB), the Ikeja Area

Planning Authority (IAPA), and the Epe Town Planning Authority were merged to

form the Lagos State Development and Property Corporation (LSDPC) to stimulate

greater efficiency and eliminate delay, waste, and duplication of responsibilities in the

housing sectors in Lagos.12 Nevertheless, the problem persists mostly because of

rapid of population growth, but also because of the introduction of the structural

Adjustment Programme (SAP) in 1986 and the threefold increase in the price of

petroleum fuel in 1994.13 Despite the efforts of the various housing authorities and

attempts by Lagos State Government, particularly during the administration of Lateef

Jakande and Col. Buba Marwa,14 over 90 percent of housing and accommodation in

Ikorodu is still provided by private sector and individuals.

Housing has been widely seen as a secure and lucrative investment, which

enhances the owner’s status in the community. Whereas access to privately owned

land through customer channels or purchase has made it possible for a relatively large

stock of owner-occupied housing to build, opportunities for those excluded from the

means of access to land have been limited to areas in public ownership. As a result,

squatting is limited and over 60 percent of residents are tenants, some in tenements

constructed by absentee landlords, but the majority in houses occupied by landlords,

of modest means.15 The problem of housing remained intractable with the increasing

growth of slums, shanties and squatter settlements. These settlements have both

62
physiological and psychological implications for people that are imprisoned in them.

Evidence has shown that housing conditions in Ikorodu are not improving rather they

are deteriorating. Most houses lack access to modern amenities such as electricity,

toilet facilities and water. As a direct consequence of overcrowding, there is lack of

clean fresh air, and air-borne diseases are common e.g. tuberculosis and meningitis.16

EDUCATIONAL SERVICES

Education undoubtedly is the best legacy a government can give to its people. In

1949, the first secondary school in Ikorodu was established and this led to a quality

social change in Ikorodu. As the school took off, people moved in to build houses

close to the school. This encouraged the development of new settlement. The

establishment of Oriwu College, in addition to the first primary school established in

1892, led to the establishment of more schools particularly after the creation of Lagos

State when the Sate Government as well as the Local Government gave priority to

establishments of more educational institutions.

However, due to population explosion brought about by rapid urbanisation,

educational services in Ikorodu became affected negatively. The public schools

became congested due to inadequate funding, and partly due to neglect of these

institutions. Individuals began to establish private schools, most of which are rather

expensive and unaffordable by low income earners and very poor people in the

community.17 Consequently, pupils began to drop-out of schools, to take up all types

of menial jobs including Bus conducting, water carriers, labourers; the cumulative

effect of all these was the rise in crimes and criminal activities in Ikorodu.

63
UNEMPLOYMENT AND UNDEREMPLOYMENT

The young migrants, just like the case of Ikorodu, are usually young educated and

semi-skilled adults who are in the most productive period of their lives. Before 1970,

when the Lagos state government earmarked land for the establishment of industries,

mostly all Ikorodu citizens were involved in one economic activities or the other

particularly trade. The establishment of local and small scale industries saw to the

employment of able-bodied young men and women. A good example of this was the

establishment of garment factory by Late Chief S. O. Gbadamosi, which at its peak

employed 2,000 workers. The rate of employment increased with the establishment of

more industries in 1970s.8 However, with the establishment of industries more people

migrated to Ikorodu to take advantage of the opportunities. The result of this was a

sharp decline in the rate of employment in subsequent years.

Underemployment is another characteristics feature of Ikorodu where able-

bodied young men and women are seen selling or hawking various goods ranging

from handkerchiefs to newspaper. This was however not the case before. Prior to the

rapid expansion in population, young men were mostly apprentice, learning one skill

or the other. The economic recession since the late 1980s with the poor performance

of the industrial sector including state-owned firms, threw many out of employment

thus contributing to the unemployment and underemployment in Ikorodu.19

CRIME

As a city grew the cost of housing and infrastructure also rose sharply. There are less

water, land and building material available and greater congestion problems. As a city

decays in this way, governments often do not meet the service needs of residents and

64
urban development is dominated by private capital. Consequently, unemployment

grows, as do drug abuse, crime, and homelessness.20 Arising from the problem of

unemployment and underemployment is the phenomenon of the so-called “area

boys.” These are the unemployed, able-bodied men, possibly drug addicts, who harass

other people, mostly motorists, for money in broad daylight. 21 They operate in certain

areas of Ikorodu especially the motor garages and parks and may sometimes turn

violent.22 Although, there existed crime in the past, it did not assume the present

alarming proportion. However, the emergence of Ikorodu as an urban community with

the concomitant problem of unemployment and underemployment increased the crime

rate in the town. In the past decades, several accounts of armed robbery operations

have been reported or witnessed, by both individuals and industrial establishments,

within Ikorodu.23

ENVIRONMENT SANITATION

Wastes waste management are usually a major problem in urban centres. Air pollution

results form over-dependence on motorized transport, and from the burning of coal to

supply energy. A major way of disposing waste in Ikorodu before the transformation

was by digging of pit to pour refuse which was later burnt to ashes. Also during this

period cleanliness was regarded as a priority, as dirtiness could account for a person’s

loss of political appointment particularly when Ikorodu was part of the Western

Region.24 However, with urbanisation came the issue of environmental sanitation. The

reluctance of the people to pay for waste disposal services coupled with the

inefficiency of the waste management authorities further heightened the problem of

environmental sanitation.

65
Access to toilet facilities creates another problem. There are many locations

within Ikorodu where people lacked access to toilet facilities. These findings imply

that many people urinate and defecate in the open spaces with serious health

implications.25 It is however instructive to note that in respect to the issue of waste

disposal Lagos State Government has introduced Private Sector Participants (PSP)

scheme for refuse collection. This has brought some improvement to the disposal of

wastes around Ikorodu area.

INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT

Urbanisation can be linked with industrialisation and development. For instance, an

urban setting is a setting that has been opened up for industrial development. It is also

a community that has achieved some level of development and in which the various

gadgets for communication e.g. telephone, telex, electronic mail, internet etc. exist. It

can then be averred that, in a way, the concepts of urbanisation and industrialisation

are both intrinsic and symbiotic factors in the development process. Cities, in general,

provided concentration of population from which industrial labour may be drawn;

they also contain a greater variety of skills and resources than rural areas. 26

Urbanisation therefore promotes values favourable to entrepreneurship and industrial

growth.

In summary, urbanisation and industrialisation, to a large extent, constitute a

vital component of the modernization process. However, the establishment of

industries also have its own negative impacts on the society. 27 This is inform of

industrial waste, air pollution and water pollution, and other problems associated with

industrial wastes. Forn instance, industrial development of Ikorodu since the 1970s

66
had generated as much environmental problem as the economic good it engendered.

Poor industrial waste management had resulted in air pollution, emission of

greenhouse gases which has tremendously affected the quality of air, and the pollution

of water which ha s denied the people of Ikorodu access to clean water from the

streams and abundant waters that surround them.

In the overall, while it is true that urbanisation is necessary for the

development of any community, it also has serious negative implications on the

social, economic and political make up of communities, if not properly managed and

planned.

67
END NOTES

1. Micheal M. Ogbeidi, “Urbanisation and Social Reforms,” in Nigerian Cities,


edited by Toyin Falola and Steven J. Salm (Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World
Press, Inc, 2003), 333.

2. Solomon O. Akinboye, “The Socio-Political Implications of Urbanisation in


Nigeria,” in Industrialisation, Urbanisation and Development in Nigeria,
1950 – 1999, edited by M. O. A. Adejugbe (Lagos: Concept Publications,
2004), 256.

3. Mathew Ayodele Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow” Keynote


address at the 2nd Ikorodu Oga Day, Ikorodu, 19-27 November 1993, 47.

4. “Focus on Ikorodu Local Government, Lagos State,” Memorandum specially


presented for the official visit of General Ibrahim Babangida, Ikorodu, June
1988, 15.

5. Josephine Olu Abiodun, “The Challenges and Growth of Development in


Metropolitan Lagos,” http://www.uni.edu/unipress/unipbooks/un26ue/
un26ueoj.htm (accessed 24th July, 2008).

6. Interview with Mr. Johnson Ogunbajo (an indigene of Ikorodu), 21 st August,


2008.

7. Ibid.

8. Focus on Ikorodu Local Government, 14.

9. Interview with Mr. Yemi Peju (Publisher, Trade and Contact Magazine and an
indigene of Ikorodu), 21st August, 2008).

10. Abiodun, “The Challenges and Growth of Development in Metropolitan


Lagos,” http://www.unu.edu/unupress/unupbooks/unrebe/un26ueoj.htm
th
(accessed 24 July, 2008).

11. Interview with Mr. Segun Peters (A Businessman living in Ikorodu since
1981), 7th August, 2008.

12. Abiodun, “The Challenges and Growth of Development on Metropolitan


Lagos”, http://www.unu.edu/unupress/unup books/un26ueoj.htm (accessed
24th July, 2008).

13. Interview with Chief Segun Shodipo (an indigene of Ikorodu), 4 th September,
2008.

14. Interview with Comrade Ayodele (Former Commissioner for Information,


Lagos State), 4th September, 2008.

15. Interview with Chief Shodipo.

68
16. Ibid.

17. Ibid.

18. Interview with Comrade Elesho

19. Interview with Chief Mathew Ayodele Awolesi (Former Chairman Ikorodu
Local Government), 14th August, 2008.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid.

22. Ibid.

23. Interview with Chief Shodipo.

24. Interview with Chief Segun Adeyemi (Vice Chairman) for Peoples Democratic
Party (PDP) Lagos East Senatorial District), 21st August, 2008.

25. Peju Onibokun, Urban Research in Nigeria (Ibadan: Akinola Printing Works,
1990), 14.

26. Akinboye, “The Socio-Political Implications of Urbanisation in Nigeria”,


257.

27. Interview with Mr. Segun Peters.

69
CONCLUSION

This work has examined the transformation of Ikorodu from a rural to an urban

community up to 1999. A careful attempt has been made to highlight the impacts of

the transformation both negative and positive on any society using Ikorodu as a case

study. A glance at the origin and migration of the Ikorodu people, their socio-cultural,

political and economic activities, had affected the structures of the town. The impact

of urbanisation points to the fact that the process, is a continuous one and cannot be

halted. The enormous impact of urbanisation on the economy, social and cultural

environment of Ikorodu underlines this reality and aptly demonstrates that if properly

planned, urbanisation could bring about more benefits to the town, as it has elsewhere

in the world.

Urbanisation has been defined as the process by which hamlets and villages

metamorphose into cities and acquired metropolitan states; it is the rendering or rural

areas, more urban by adding features or characteristics of city life. 1 It has also been

shown that urbanisation also means the removal of the rural characteristics of a town

or an area, a process that is associated with the development of civilization and

technology.2 Urbanisation could also result in efficiency. Cities can be tremendously

efficient. For example, imagine a hundred families living in one hundred separate

houses spread out over many acres of land. But now the same one hundred families

cluster in a singly block of flats. Obviously, in the flats, far less effort is required to

supply energy, water, heating and waste disposal to these families.3

It is only in cities that such things are recycling programmes are possible

because collection can be made so efficiently. Also, if properly planned, urbanisation

70
can bring about convenience. In a city, everything is closely knitted. Access to

education, health, social services and cultural events are much more readily available

in the city than a rural setting. Because things are located so closely, cities can make

the use of personal motor vehicle use unnecessary for many citizens. This is

especially true when a city has efficient mass transportation systems. Such services

are not feasible for rural population because of lack of demand. Resources are

concentrated in urban centres, which are not available in villages. Because of the

density of people, wealth, and other resources in cities, many institutions become

possible that would not in areas where such things are more spread out. Basically

when enough people are cluster together in a small area, they start coming up with

new ideas to improve their conditions of life.

However, the problems and challenges posed by the rapid urban growth in

Ikorodu are immense, more easily observable and perhaps very frightening are the

general human and environmental poverty, the declining quality of life and the

underutilized as well as the untapped wealth of human resources. Housing and

associated facilities (such as water, electricity, waste disposal are grossly inadequate.

People still live substandard environment called slums, plagued by squalor and

grossly inadequate social amenities, such as, a shortage of schools, poor health care

facilities and lack of opportunities for recreation among others.5 Juvenile delinquency

and crime have become endemic in urban areas as a result of the gradual decline of

traditional social value and the breakdown of family cohesiveness and community

spirit.

Moreover, the capacity of law enforcement institutions to prevent crime is

increasingly hampered by technological and resource limitations. Therefore,

71
according to Mabogunje, the fundamental idea in the theory of urbanisation is based

on the specialization of functions among human communities through division of

labour. To him, the essence of urbanisation is specialization. 6 Thus, in order to make

the process of urbanisation worthwhile, both the government and the individual have

roles to play. On the part of the individual, there is the need to have a sense of

responsibility. Facilities established by government are for the betterment of the

populace and should therefore be treated as such. 7 The reason why the United States

and Europe are disciplined is because their citizens are law abiding. Individuals

should obey laws pertaining to traffic payment of taxes and electricity bills as well as

dumping of refuse. On the parent of the traditional government, the Oba should

encourage community development initiative where citizens would be encouraged to

contribute their positive quota to the development of the community.

The local government should also rise to its responsibilities by providing basic

amenities and supporting community security and policing. Ikorodu is known to be

home to many industries and establishments. These industries also have a role to play

in the aspect of corporate social responsibility. The notion of corporate social

responsibility is an essential feature of corporate governance. Beyond profit

maximization, corporate organisation and industries have social responsibilities to

address the basic needs of the environment where they operate. The concept of social

responsibility presupposes action towards a “social problem” or responsiveness to the

basic issues of safety, pollution, minorities and social development. 8 A good example

of the efforts of individuals was the coming together of all the communities (Igbogbo,

Imota, Ipakodu, Ibeshe, Ikorodu etc.) to form the Ikorodu division for the

championing of Ikorodu Governor in 2007. This was made possible by the coalition

of leaders of Ikorodu Division (OND) headed by Chief B.O. Benson.9

72
On the part of the government, urban planning should be encouraged. The goal

of urban planning is to achieve the benefits of cities without incurring all the negative

effects that accompany such development. This goal is sometimes referred to as

‘Sustainable Growth’. How do urban planners hope to achieve sustainable growth?

The most basic rule is to plan cities, rather than to let them grow naturally. When

cities are planned, it can be ensured that there is adequate infrastructure to support the

population, and that residential areas are located with convenient access to major

transit arteries and to social services.10

In conclusion, many research findings show that while cities in Nigeria, as in

other developing countries, have been growing at a very rapid rate, there has been no

commensurable growth in the rate at which social services and infrastructural

amenities are provided. The result has been a gradual decline in the quality of the

environment and in the quality of life. Educational facilities such as primary and

secondary schools have not been able to accommodate the sharp increase in the

number of pupils; the ratio population to health facilities such as dispensaries,

maternity homes and hospital is unfavourable, health facilities are neither well staffed

nor adequately equipped. The same findings apply to housing, employment

opportunities and crime prevention faciltieis.11 The pattern trend and characteristics of

urbanisation in Nigeria and call for measures aimed at summing the growth of cities,

controlling the rate rural-urban migration; and improving the quality of life in both

urban and rural areas. Taking appropriate measures calls for a thorough understanding

of the urban sector. Thus, urban planning and research are therefore inevitable.

73
END NOTES

1. M. O. A. Adejugbe, Industrialisation, Urbanisation and Development in


Nigeria, 1950 – 1999. (Lagos: Concept Publications, 2004), 14.

2. “Urbanisation Trend”, an article on wikipedia, an internet based


encyclopaedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/urbanisation (accessed 18th March,
2008.

3. Joseph Olu Abiodunm, “The Challenges of growth and development in


metropolitan Lagos,” http://www.unu.edu/ unupress/unupbooks/un26ue/
un26ueoj.htm (accessed 24th July, 2008).

4. “Urbanisation”, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/urbanisation (accessed 18th


March, 2008).

5. Interview with Mr. Tunde Isikalu (an indigene of Ikorodu), 21st August, 2008.

6. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division (Ikorodu, Imota, Igbogbo,


Ijede and Ipakodo): A Profile of the Elites (Lagos: Unilag Consult, 1993), 29.

7. Interview with Mr. Peju Akinyemi (Publisher, Trade and Contact Magazine
and an indigene of Ikorodu), 21st August, 2008.

8. Michael M. Ogbeidi; Fundamental of Nigerian Business History (Ogun:


Babcock University Press, 2007), 75.

9. Interview with Mr. Peju Akiyemi.

10. Poju Onibokun, Urban Research in Nigeria (Ibadan: Akinola Printing Works,
1990), 13.

11. Ibid, 14.

74
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