SEXUAL HOMICIDE

A Synthesis of the Literature

HENG-CHOON (OLIVER) CHAN

KATHLEEN M. HEIDE
University of South Florida, Tampa

Sexual homicide is a heavily studied, but unclearly defined, area of homicide

studies. This article examines the empirical studies in sexual homicide from the
mid-1980s to 2008. A review of the literature focuses on definitions, general
theoretical understanding, and typologies that have evolved over the years.
Issues surrounding the study of sexual murderers, such as sadistic fantasy and
developmental deficits, are addressed. A comparison of different types of sexual
homicides through a synthesis of 32 published empirical studies is made. The
article concludes with an analysis of these studies and discusses implications for
practice, policy, and research.

Key words: homicide; sexual assault; violent offenders

SEXUAL HOMICIDE is a rare and serious vio-
lent crime. In a comprehensive study of public
perception on crime severity, it was ranked sec-
ond only after the bombing of an inhabited
building (Wolfgang, Figlio, Tracy, & Singer,
1985). In 2004, sexual homicide accounted for
approximately 1.1% of 14,121 U.S. murders in
which murder circumstances were known.
This figure was fairly stable over the years
(Federal Bureau of Investigation [FBI], 2005).
Comparatively, Canada reported that about 4%
of its overall homicide rate between 1974 and
1986 had clear evidence of sexual elements
(Roberts & Grossman, 1993). The sharp differ-
ence in sexual homicide rate between these two
countries may be because of the distinctive
classifications of the crime and the number of
homicides reported.
TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE, Vol. 10, No. 1, January 2009 31-54
DOI: 10.1177/1524838008326478
© 2009 Sage Publications
As of March 2003, there were approximately
200 prisoners who committed murders with
apparent, or admitted, sexual motivation in the
United Kingdom (Beech, Fisher, & Ward, 2005;
Beech, Oliver, Beckett, & Fisher, 2002). This
figure is fairly similar to the 10-year study
(1985-1994) conducted by Francis and Soothill
(2000). They discovered that among the 4,860
convicted murderers in England and Wales, 3%
of them were categorized as sexual murderers.
In recent decades, many scholars have inves-
tigated sexual homicide. However, this area of
violent crime has not been well documented
and defined in government statistics, which is
largely because of difficulties encountered in
classification.
In the United Kingdom and North America,
sexual homicide is classified as a homicide,

31

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32 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2009
rather than as a sex crime (Burgess, Hartman,
Ressler, Douglas, & McCormack, 1986), and it is
the homicide charge that is recorded (Milsom,
Beech, & Webster, 2003). Accordingly, statistics
reflecting this type of crime are frequently diffi-
cult to estimate, misleading, or unavailable
(Ressler, Burgess, & Douglas, 1988). In the
Uniform Crime Reports (UCRs), the official U.S.
national crime statistics source, sexual homicide
is indexed under the “Unknown motive” cate-
gory. Law enforcement’s unawareness of the
underlying sexual dynamics of such criminal
conduct may be the reason for the difficulty to
classify (Ressler, Burgess, & Douglas, 1988).
Another major shortcoming in the study of
sexual homicide is the lack of a standardized
definition. Over the years, different definitions
have been used in scholarly publications.
Burgess and her colleagues (1986) offered an
initial comprehensive definition of sexual
homicide. They maintained that sexual homi-
cides “result from one person killing another in
the context of power, control, sexuality, and
aggressive brutality” (p. 252). Holmes and
Holmes (2001) defined sexual murder more
simply as the combination of lethal violence
with a sexual element.
In contrast, Gacono and Meloy (1994) and
Meloy (2000) argued that to classify a crime
scene as a sexual homicide, (a) physical evi-
dence of sexual assault or of sexual activity in
the immediate area of the victim’s body like
masturbation should be present and/or (2) a
legally admissible confession from the offender
indicating sexual contact during the murder
should be obtained. Clear evidence of sexual
assault is sometimes readily available at the
crime scene, but in some cases intentional and
sexual aspects of the homicide are not dis-
cernible (Clarke & Carter, 2000). Therefore, it is
often necessary for the offender to admit to the
existence of sexual elements of the murder.
Denial is often observed in offenders accused
of sexual violence, particularly sexual homi-
cide, and serves two main purposes: to deny
accountability for the behavior and to justify
the crime by blaming it as an accident because
of intoxication (Folino, 2000).
The Canadian government recently adopted
a standardized definition of sexual homicide to
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reduce confusion in classification by law
enforcement agencies (Schlesinger, 2007). This
definition excludes sexually motivated homi-
cides in which sexual assault on genital areas is
not apparent.
EMPIRICAL STUDIES OF SEXUAL MURDERERS
IN THE PAST TWO DECADES
Approximately 32 empirically published
studies on sexual homicide offenders have
emerged in the scientific community since the
first widely cited empirical study on sexual
murderer participants by Ressler, Burgess, and
their colleagues (Burgess et al., 1986; Ressler,
Burgess, Douglas, Hartman, & D’Agostino,
1986; Ressler, Burgess, Hartman, Douglas, &
McCormack, 1986). These empirical studies
published in peer-reviewed journals and books
that discussed studies of sexual homicide are
listed with key dimensions in Tables 1 and 2.
Of these 32 studies, the majority of them were
conducted in North America (13 from the
United States and 7 from Canada). The rest of
the studies were carried out in Britain (7),
Germany (2), Belgium (1), Australia (1), and
Argentina (1). Most of the studies were pub-
lished since 2000 (19 studies). Eleven studies
were published in the 1990s; only two
appeared in print in the late 1980s.
Comparative studies are common in the
study of sexual homicide offenders. Sexual
murderers have been contrasted with other
specific populations like nonsexual murderers
and other violent offenders, including sexual
aggressors, psychopaths, and sadists, who did
not murder their victims. Although compari-
son studies are often illuminating, caution is
needed in this area of research. It is unlikely
that the comparison groups were pure control
groups. Some of the sexual murderers, for
example, would predictably meet diagnostic
criteria to be classified as psychopaths and
sadists. It is also quite possible that some of the
sexual murderers might have sexually
assaulted victims whom they did not kill and
possibly killed victims without sexual motives
during their criminal careers.
With few exceptions, most of the sexual
murderers studied were males. Seventeen
 TABLE 1: Sexual Murderers of Mixed Types of Victims and Otherwise Not Specified (N = 26)

Country of Number of Gender of Year of Variables of Crime Stage of

Study (Year) Study Participants Participants Type of Victims Data Sources Sample Analysis Analysis

Ressler, Burgess, Douglas, United States 36 sexual Males Mixed Self-reported 1979-1983 Personality Developmental,
et al. (1986) murderers (murderers of information, characteristics, precrime, and
Ressler, Burgess, & adult women, federal official modus operandi crime phases
Douglas (1988) adult men, and records,
Ressler, Burgess, children) interviews
Hartman, et al. (1986)
Burgess, Hartman,
Ressler, Douglas, &
McCormack (1986)
Langevin, Ben-Aron, Canada 13 sexual Males Mixed MMPI, MCMI, Since 1973 Psychiatric and Developmental,
Wright, Marchese, & murderers (murderers of MAST, clinical neuropsycho- precrime, and
Handy (1988) adult women examination logical crime phases
and men) diagnostic
features,
violence history,
modus operandi
Dietz, Hazelwood, & United States 13 murderers Males Mixed Clinical and 1984-1989 Personality Developmental,
Warren (1990) 13 sexual (murderers of correctional characteristics, precrime, and
aggressor adult women, files demographic crime phases
30 sexual adult men, and information,
murderers children) offense
(serial and characteristics,
nonserial) victimology
Yarvis (1990) United States 10 sexual Males and Mixed Clinical Jan 1, 1980 to Psychiatric Developmental
murderers females (murderers of interviews Dec 31, diagnostic phase
79 nonsexual adult women (DSM-III 1988 features
murderers and adult criteria),
11 robbery- men) institutional
murderers records
Grubin (1994) Britain 21 sexual Males Mixed Self-reported Not specified Personality Developmental
murderers (murderers of information, characteristics, and crime

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121 sexual adult and official records modus operandi phases
offenders elderlya
women)
Yarvis (1995) United States 10 sexual Males Not specified Psychiatric Jan 1, 1980 to Psychiatric Developmental
murderers evaluation Dec 31, diagnostic phase
78 nonsexual reports, clini- 1993 features
murderers cal interviews
92 sexual
aggressors
Myers, Scott, Burgess, & United States 20 nonsexual Males Mixed DICA-R, clinical Not specified Psychiatric Developmental
Burgess (1995) murderers (murderers of interviews, diagnostic phase
5 sexual adult women, informant features
murderers adult men, and interviews,
(children and children) institutional
adolescents) reports

33
(continued)
 TABLE 1: (continued)

34
Country of Number of Gender of Year of Variables of Crime Stage of
Study (Year) Study Participants Participants Type of Victims Data Sources Sample Analysis Analysis

Geberth & Turco (1997) United States 68 serial sexual Males Mixed (murder- Official police 1988-1993 Psychiatric Developmental
murderers ers of women, reports, crime diagnostic phase
men, and scene photos, features
children) psychiatric
records
Myers & Blashfield (1997) United States 14 sexual Males Not specified State corrections Jan 1990- Psychiatric Developmental
murderers files, clinical Jan 1996 diagnostic phase
(adolescents) examination, features
DICA-R,
PCL-R, SNAP
Firestone, Bradford, Canada 8 sexual murder- Males Not specified SAS, DSFI, BSI, 1982-1992 Psychological, Developmental
Greenberg, & Larose ers with SFI, BDHI, phallometric, phase
(1998) mutilation MAST, PCL-R, and diagnostic
20 sexual phallometric features
murderers measurement,
20 attempted psychiatric
sexual interview,
murderers self-reported
information,
police records
Clarke & Carter Britain 32 sexual Males Mixed ( murder- Self-reported Not specified Modus operandi, Precrime and
(2000) murderers ers of 29 adult information, motive crime phases
womenb, official records inferences
2 adult men,
and 1 child)
Kocsis (1999) Australia 85 sexual Not specified Mixed (serial and Official police 1960-1998 Personality Developmental
Kocsis, Cooksey, & Irwin murderers nonserial) data characteristics, and crime
(2002) crime scene phases
profiles,

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victimology,
offender–victim
interactions
Folino (2000) Argentina 16 sexual Males Mixed (murder- Judiciary 1988-Mar. Psychological Developmental
murderers ers of children, Department’s 1996 condition, and precrime
adult men, case files modus operandi phases
adult women,
and elderly
women)

(continued)
 TABLE 1: (continued)

Country of Number of Gender of Year of Variables of Crime Stage of

Study (Year) Study Participants Participants Type of Victims Data Sources Sample Analysis Analysis

Gacono, Meloy, & Bridges United States 38 sexual Males and Mixed Biography, 1986-1997 Personality Developmental
(2000) murderers females (two (murderers of clinical and characteristics phase
32 nonsexually participants) women and correctional
offending men) files
psychopaths
39 nonviolent
pedophiles
Schlesinger (2000) United States 77 serial sexual Not specified Not specified Biography Not specified Not specified Not specified
murderers
Harbot & Mokros (2001) Germany 22 serial sexual Males and Not specified Prosecution files, 1945-1995 Personality Developmental,
murderers females court verdicts characteristics, precrime, and
39 serial modus operandi crime phases
murderers
Beech, Robertson, & Britain 50 sexual Not specified Not specified Self-reported Not specified Personality Not specified
Clarke (2001) murderers information, characteristics,
official record modus operandi
Langevin (2003) Canada 33 sexual Males Mixed Official database Since 1973 Personality Developmental
murderers (murderers of of 2,800 cases characteristics and precrime
80 nonhomicidal adult women phases
sexual and men)
aggressors
23 nonhomicidal
sadists
611 sexual
offenders
Porter, Woodworth, Earle, Canada 38 sexual Males Not specified Federal prison Not specified Psychological Developmental
Drugge, & Boer (2003) murderers official data condition phase
87 nonsexual
murderers

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Milsom, Beech, & Webster Britain 19 sexual Males Not specified UCLA Not specified Personality Developmental
(2003) murderers Loneliness characteristics phase
16 sexual Scale,
offenders interviews
Beech, Fisher, & Ward Britain 28 sexual Males Mixed (murder- Sex offender Not specified Personality Developmental
(2005) murderers ers of adult treatment characteristics phase
women and program data,
childrenc) interviews
Salfati & Taylor (2006) Britain 37 sexual Males Not specified British police Not specified Personality Crime phase
murderers database of characteristics,
37 sexual homicide crime scene
offenders offenders, profiles
Heritage
(1992) rape

35
offenses
database

(continued)
 36
TABLE 1: (continued)

Country of Number of Gender of Year of Variables of Crime Stage of

Study (Year) Study Participants Participants Type of Victims Data Sources Sample Analysis Analysis

Beech, Oliver, Fisher, & Britain 58 sexual Males Mixed (murder- Clinical inter- 1998-2002 Personality Developmental
Beckett (2006) murderers ers of 55 views (pre- characteristics and postcrime
Oliver, Beech, Fisher, & 112 rapists women and 3 and posttreat- phases
Beckett (2007) men) ment), case
file review,
Shipley
Institute of
Living Scale,
s-EMBU,
MSI, MASA,
MCMI-III, APQ
Beauregard, Stone, Canada 77 sexual mur- Males Mixed (murder- CQSA, 1998-2005 Personality Developmental,
Proulx, & Michaud derers ers of childrenc interviews characteristics, precrime,
(2008) and adult modus crime, and
womenb) operandi, postcrime
victimology phases
Gerard, Mormont, & Belgium 33 sexual mur- Males Mixed (murder- Police case files, Since 1980 Offender profiles, Developmental,
Kocsis (2007) Germany derers ers of 26 psychiatric crime scene precrime, and
130 sexual mur- women and 2 reports, infor- patterns crime phases
derers with men) mant inter-
single victims views, public
Briken, Habermann, 36 sexual media reports
Kafka, & Berner, & Hill murderers with Males Mixed (murder- Psychiatric court 1945-1991 Psychiatric Developmental
(2006) multiple vic- ers adult reports diagnoses phase

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Hill, Habermann, Berner, tims (2 or women, adult
& Briken (2007) more) men, and
children)

NOTE: APQ = Antisocial Personality Questionnaire; BDHI = Buss-Durkee Hostility Inventory; BSI = Brief Symptom Inventory; CQSA = Computerized Questionnaire for Sexual
Aggressors; DICA-R = DSM-III-R, Diagnostic Interview for Children and Adolescents; DSFI = Derogatis Sexual Functioning Inventory; MASA = Multidimensional Assessment of Sex and
Aggression; MAST = Michigan Alcoholism Screening Test; MCMI = Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory; MCMI-III, Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory–III; Index: MMPI = Minnesota
Multiphasic Personality Inventory; MSI = Multiphasic Sex Inventory; PCL-R = Hare’s Psychopathy Checklist–Revised; SAS = Sexually Aggressive Scale; s-EMBU = Memories of
Childhood; SFI = Sexual Functioning Index; SNAP = Schedule for Nonadaptive and Adaptive Personality.
a. Elderly women are those 60 years of age or older during the index offense.
b. Adult women are those 14 years of age or older during the index offense.
c. Children are those 14 years of age or below during the index offense.
 TABLE 2: Sexual Murderers of Specific Types of Victims (Adult Women, Elderly Women, and Adult Men; N = 6)

Country of Number of Gender of Type of Variables of Crime Stage

Study (Year) Study Participants Participants Victims Data Sources Year of Sample Analysis of Analysis

Adult women
Meloy, Gacono, & United States 18 sexual Males and Murderers of Rorschach, Sexual murderers Personality Developmental
Kenney (1994) murderers females women PCL-R 1986-1992 measurement phase
23 violent Psychopaths
psychopaths 1984-1992
Myers (2002) United States 16 sexual Males Murderers of Clinical Not specified Psychiatric Developmental
murderers females examination diagnostic phase
(adolescents) (children features
and adults)
Beauregard & Canada 36 nonserial Males Murderers of Official prison 1998 Personality Precrime, crime,
Proulx (2002) sexual adult womena records, police characteristics, and postcrime
murderer reports, modus phases
autopsy reports, operandi
crime scene
photographs,
interviews
Elderly women
Safarik, Jarvis, & United States 33 sexual Males Murderers of Federal official Not specified Personality Crime phase
Nussbaum murderers elderly womenb records, local characteristics,
(2000) police files modus
operandi
Safarik, Jarvis, & United States 128 sexual Males Murderers of Federal official 1976-1999 Personality Crime phase
Nussbaum murderers elderly womenb records characteristics,
(2002) modus
operandi,
victimology

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Adult men
Beauregard & Canada 10 sexual Males Murderers of Official prison 1998-2000 Personality of Precrime, crime,
Proulx (2007) murderers adult menc records, characteristics, and postcrime
interviews modus phases
operandi,
criminal history,
victimology

NOTE: See note to Table 1.

a. Adult women are those 14 years of age or older during the index offense.
b. Elderly women are those 60 years of age or older during the index offense.
c. Adult men are those 14 years of age or older during the index offense.

37
38 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2009
studies included sexual homicide offenders
who killed different victim types in their
samples (adult women, elderly women, adult
men, and children). In recent years, however,
more studies have focused on samples of
sexual murderers who killed specific groups of
victims (e.g., adult men, children).
Of these 32 studies, 19 used criminal jus-
tice/legal records and databases (e.g., police
reports, government databases, correctional
records, court reports, and self-report informa-
tion). Clinical examinations and interviews
were used as data sources in the remaining 13
studies. With few exceptions, most of the known
sexual murderer samples from these studies
were collected prior to the mid-1990s. The earli-
est data collected by a group of German scholars
spanned 50 years and began in 1945.
Variables analyzed in these studies largely
focused on the sexual murderers’ personality
characteristics, motivations, modus operandi,
and crime scene profiles. Building on a model
proposed by Beauregard, Stone, Proulx, and
Michaud (2008), the current authors catego-
rized the main foci of these 32 studies into four
distinctive crime stages: (a) developmental, (b)
precrime, (c) crime, and (d) postcrime (see
Tables 1 and 2). Developmental stage was the
one widely researched variable in all of these
32 published empirical works on sexual mur-
derers. Issues surrounding sexual fantasy have
been another heavily studied subject in sexual
homicide.
FANTASY, SEXUAL SADISM,
AND SADISTIC FANTASY
Scholars have often described and explained
fantasy and sadism separately; few have linked
them together. According to Singer (1976), fantasy
plays an essential role in the development of a
healthy lifestyle for both males and females.
Fantasy is somewhat similar to daydreaming and
imagery, but in different degrees. Fantasy is often
identified as including voluntary sexual thoughts.
Burgess and her colleagues (1986) offered a more
detailed definition of fantasy. They defined fan-
tasy as an “elaborate thought with great preoccu-
pation, anchored with emotion and having origin
in daydream” (p. 256). Individuals are typically
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aware of the images, feelings, and internal dia-
logue associated with the experience of fantasy,
which usually occurs during waking moments.
The extent to which fantasy is healthy or
deviant depends on its content and degree.
Sexual sadism has always been associated with
fantasy. Krafft-Ebing (1898/1965) introduced
the term “sadism” to the scientific community.
He classified sadism into two types: fatal and
nonfatal. In his first major study on sadism,
he used the term “lust murder” for sadistic
homicide.
MacCulloch, Snowden, Wood, and Mills
(1983) built on Krafft-Ebing’s work by defining
sadism in-depth. They defined sadism as
the repeated practice of behavior and fantasy which
is characterized by a wish to control another person
by domination, denigration, or inflicting pain, for
the purpose of producing mental pleasure and
sexual arousal (whether or not accompanied by
orgasm) in the sadist. (MacCulloch et al., 1983, p. 20)
Individuals who engage in sadistic fantasies
yearn to obtain psychological gratification that is
sexually motivated (McNamara & Morton,
2004). This type of psychosexual gratification
can be achieved through the torture of another
individual for sexual release and the acting out
of sexual fantasies. The control exerted on
another individual is on a continuum ranging
from subtle verbal control through psychological
means to actual physical control (MacCulloch
et al., 1983). Examples of physically controlling
behaviors are bondage, imprisonment, hypnosis,
anesthesia, and blows to cause unconsciousness
or death to the victim. According to Brittain
(1970),
cruelty may not be the end so much they are seek-
ing as the means whereby they arouse extreme
sexual emotion in themselves and it is the relief of
sexual tensions which is their true aim . . . these are
essentially sexually motivated crime. (p. 199)
Engaging in sadistic fantasies is not limited to
criminals. Crepault and Couture (1980) studied
deviant sexual fantasy in nonclinical and nonof-
fending populations. In a sample of 94 normal
men, they discovered that 66% engaged in erotic
fantasies at least once a day outside of sexual
activity, 77% had erotic fantasy at some time
during their regular heterosexual activity, and

16% of them engaged in erotic fantasy at all
times during their sexual activity. Sadistic fan-
tasies reported in their study consisted of bind-
ing (39%), rape (33%), aggression (27%), and
humiliation (15%). Law-abiding citizens who
engaged in sadistic fantasies refrained from act-
ing on such thoughts because of their moral
beliefs, whereas felons had no such ethical inhi-
bitions (Krafft-Ebing, 1898/1965). When inhibi-
tion from acting out the fantasy was no longer
present, sadistic criminals were likely to engage
in a series of “trial runs” in an attempt to realize
the fantasy as it was imagined (Prentky et al.,
1989).
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Mental Disorders (4th ed., text revision; DSM-
IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association, 2000)
defines sexual sadism as a mental disorder that
exists for more than a period of 6 months with
recurrent intense sexual fantasies, urges, and
behaviors in which psychological and physical
suffering of another individual is sexually
arousing to this person. By definition, these
deviant sexual urges, fantasies, and behaviors
have caused significant distress or impairment
to this person in important areas of his life,
such as work or social relationships.
Paraphilia is also strongly correlated with both
fantasy and sexual sadism. The DSM-IV-TR
defines “sexually arousing fantasies” as an essen-
tial element in the diagnoses of paraphilias
(American Psychiatric Association, 2000).
Paraphilia means “abnormal love.” Paraphilia-
related disorder (PRD) is defined as fantasies,
urges, or activities that are needed to induce
sexual excitement and are considered deviant. By
definition, this disorder must persist for more
than 6 months and significantly interfere with the
ability of the individual to engage in reciprocal
affectionate activities. Paraphilias include exhibi-
tionism, fetishism, pedophilia, sexual masochism,
and sexual sadism (American Psychiatric
Association, 2000). According to Hickey (2002),
most paraphilias are associated with crimes that
are sexual in nature. He argued that these deviant
sexual behaviors exist on a continuum that varies
in severity, from harmless crime (voyeurism) to
the most extreme end (lust murder). Lust murder,
known as “erotophonophilia,” is described as the
act of brutally and sadistically murdering another
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Chan, Heide / SEXUAL HOMICIDE 39
individual to achieve sexual gratification (Hickey,
2002).
Langevin (2003) reported that the majority of
sexual killers engage in multiple paraphilic
behaviors, such as fetishism, transvestism, exhibi-
tionism, and voyeurism. Hickey argued that
sadistic murderers are more likely to reoffend
than nonsadistic murderers. Mutilations of body
parts, especially the genitalia, commonly
occurred in these lust murders. “Flagellationism,”
the intense desire to hit another individual;
“anthropophagy,” the intense desire to consume
the body parts or flesh of another individual; “pic-
querism,” the intense desire to injure the breasts
of another individual in the act of lust murdering;
and “necrosadism,” sexual gratification obtained
by mutilating corpses, were the commonly seen
paraphilias associated with lust murder (Arrigo &
Purcell, 2001; Holmes & Holmes, 2001; Purcell &
Arrigo, 2006).
Scholars have identified several social devel-
opmental factors that appear strongly con-
nected to the development of sadistic fantasy
or sexual sadism (Arrigo & Purcell, 2001;
Brittain, 1970; Burgess et al., 1986; Dietz,
Hazelwood, & Warren, 1990; Langevin, Lang,
& Curnoe, 1998; MacCulloch et al., 1983;
Proulx, McKibben, & Lusignan, 1996; Purcell &
Arrigo, 2006; Ressler, Burgess, & Douglas,
1988). Social isolation is widely recognized as
the primary developmental factor in molding
a sexual murderer (Arrigo & Purcell, 2001;
Brittain, 1970; Dietz et al., 1990; Grubin, 1994;
MacCulloch et al., 1983; Milsom et al., 2003;
Purcell & Arrigo, 2006; Ressler, Burgess, &
Douglas, 1988). It is believed to be rooted in
childhood disturbances resulting from parental
infidelity, divorce, or a history of physical and
sexual abuse. Because of negative childhood
experiences, these individuals in adulthood often
become introverted and overcontrolled (Brittain,
1970), inadequate, and lack assertiveness
(MacCulloch et al., 1983). In a very small per-
centage of cases, social isolation results in
extreme fantasy and isolation that culminates
in murder (Arrigo & Purcell, 2001). For these
individuals, fantasies serve to alleviate sexual
frustration or to enhance sexual pleasure in the
absence of suitable partners (Langevin, Lang,
et al., 1998). These sexually coercive fantasies
40 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2009
may provide a sense of personal relief and
achievement that seems otherwise unachiev-
able in real life. In their inner world, sadists are
able to control the circumstances through
which they attain sexual arousal and satisfac-
tion. Over time, these images may become
more violent and erotic and incorporate all
types of fetishes, rituals, or unusual objects.
The repetitive nature of engaging in sadistic
fantasy is believed to be reinforced by means of
classical conditioning, which increases the ten-
dency for escalation through habituation
(Arrigo & Purcell, 2001; MacCulloch et al.,
1983; Purcell & Arrigo, 2006). Over time, these
sexually coercive fantasies and images become
more elaborate and form an outlet for these
individuals’ unexpressed emotional states,
such as humiliation, rage, and suffering
(Proulx, McKibben, et al., 1996).
Inadequate childhood development that
leads to dependency on sadistic fantasy to
obtain aberrant sexual arousal and gratification
has long been reported in studies of sexual mur-
derers. When the sadistic fantasy is no longer
sexually satisfying, a series of progressive “trial
runs” will be attempted to enact the fantasy as it
is imagined (Prentky et al., 1989). These individ-
uals lack empathy. Accordingly, crimes commit-
ted by them frequently occur in the context of
erotic thrill seeking often involving torturing
victims to achieve erotic psychological gratifica-
tion through their victims’ suffering. Myers and
his colleagues (Myers, Husted, Safarik, O’Toole,
2006) suggested two distinct purposes for the
domination and control over the victims: (a) as a
mean to intensify the sexual arousal through a
perverse form of “sadistic foreplay,” or (b) as a
practical need to manage the victim’s resistance.
According to Myers, Eggleston, and Smoak
(2003), sadistic satisfaction is a vital motiva-
tional element in sexual murderers, particularly
those classified as organized murderers (dis-
cussed further below).
Murderers, in general, are consciously aware
of the important role of fantasy in their lives
and prefer to indulge in fantasy over reality
(Burgess et al., 1986). In Grubin’s (1994) study,
he discovered that 38% of his sample of 21
sexual murderers frequently engaged in sadis-
tic fantasies, especially rape fantasies. Myers
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(2002) reported that more than two thirds of
the 16 juvenile sexual murderers in his sample
admitted to engaging in violent sexual fan-
tasies. Prentky and his colleagues (1989) also
reported that 86% of 25 serial killers and 23% of
17 nonserial sexual killers in their samples
engaged in violent fantasies. Violent sexual
fantasies were consistently identified in pub-
lished empirical studies as one of the results of
developmental defects among sexual homicide
offenders.
PSYCHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT DEFECTS
AMONG SEXUAL MURDERERS
Brittain (1970) was among the first to pro-
vide a preliminary portrait of a sadistic mur-
derer. Drawing from his clinical experience,
Brittain maintained that a sadistic murderer is
an introverted, overcontrolled, timid, and
socially isolated individual. He is overly
dependent on his mother based on an ambiva-
lent relationship with her. Although this indi-
vidual is sexually inexperienced, he has a rich
sadistic fantasy life, engages in sexually
deviant behaviors, and has great interest in
violent pursuits that result from an unhealthy
developmental environment. He has very low
self-esteem and most likely will offend after a
blow to his self-esteem.
Consistent with Brittain’s assertion,
Marshall and Barbaree (1990) believed that a
problematic family environment during child-
hood and adolescence was the primary contrib-
utor to the development of violent behaviors.
Burgess and her colleagues (1986) maintained
that there are three primary elements in child-
hood and adolescence that can influence one’s
well-being in adulthood: (a) trauma, (b) devel-
opmental failure, and (c) interpersonal failure.
Both developmental and interpersonal failures
during childhood and adolescence are key fac-
tors to adult violent attitudes and behaviors.
Developmental breakdown usually occurs
when the quality of the relationship between
primary caregiver and the child is negative,
whereas interpersonal failure often results
when the primary guardian is unable to deliver
a positive role model for the child to adopt.
Factors leading to unhealthy development may

include physical, psychological, and sexual
abuse, and may involve neglect and emotional
deprivation (Burgess et al., 1986). Therefore,
children who are exposed to inadequate
parental attachment models, including
parental criminality and drug abuse, are likely
to develop various socialization deficits and
to become inappropriate models in their
adulthood.
In their study of sexual murderers, Meloy,
Gacono, and Kenney (1994) discovered that
89% of 18 sexual murderers experienced some
forms of abnormal bonding or attachment dif-
ficulties during their childhood and adoles-
cence. Their findings suggested that some of
the men who experienced poor bonding from
their caregivers craved attachment. Their find-
ings were consistent with those by Ressler,
Burgess, Douglas, et al. (1986). The latter
reported that those with sexual abuse experi-
ences in childhood tended to commit crimes of
rape and murder and were also likely to muti-
late the body after killing.
As mentioned above, one of the most widely
agreed developmental factors leading to sexual
murdering is emotional loneliness. Marshall
(1989) suggested a link between loneliness and
sexual offending. Failure to form healthy inti-
mate relationships (Marshall, 1989) or limited
experience in heterosexual relationships
(Grubin, 1994; Harbot & Mokros, 2001) with
other adults often leads to social isolation,
which may eventually result in violent or fatal
sexual offending. This finding is consistent
with the results reported by Oliver, Beech,
Fisher, and Beckett (2007). They found that 38%
of the 58 sexual murderers in their sample were
single at the time of their offense. In the study
on sexual murderers by Ressler, Burgess,
Douglas, et al. (1986), isolation, accompanied
by various behavioral symptom clusters (i.e.,
sleep problems, nightmares, daydreams, poor
body image and convulsions, behavior of self-
mutilation, running away, temper tantrums,
rebelliousness, fire setting, cruelty toward ani-
mals and children, and physical assault of
adults), was frequently reported as an outcome
of childhood sexual abuse (Flowers, 2006) and
other problematic developmental factors.
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Chan, Heide / SEXUAL HOMICIDE 41
Burgess and colleagues (1986) classified
these behavioral symptoms into two cate-
gories: internal and external behaviors.
Internal behavior consists of thinking patterns
and experiences that are unique to the individ-
ual like daydreaming. External behavior is
defined as overt action that can be observed by
others such as rebelliousness and cruelty
toward animals.
Grubin (1994) argued that emotional loneli-
ness experienced by sexual murderers can be
attributed to their crimes in two ways. First,
social isolation may allow them to detach from
their emotions when they perpetrate against
the victim; second, it may be an indicator of
their underlying personality abnormalities.
According to Langevin, Ben-Aron, Wright,
Marchese, and Handy (1988), personality dis-
orders can be diagnosed in almost every case of
sexual homicide. They found that 83% of the 13
sexual murderers were diagnosed with at least
one personality disorder, as compared to 58%
of the 13 nonhomicidal sexually aggressive
men and 54% of the 13 nonsexual murderers in
their sample.
Antisocial personality disorder (ASPD) is
the most common personality disorder diag-
nosed among sexual murderers (Folino, 2000;
Langevin, 2003; Langevin, Ben-Aron, et al.,
1988). Besides ASPD, other personality distur-
bance traits associated with psychopathy, nar-
cissism, borderline, schizoid, and schizotypal
personality disorders were also diagnosed in
sexual murderers. Sadism, pervasive formal
thought disorder, and reality testing deficits
were also often seen in sexual murderers
(Brittain, 1970; Meloy et al., 1994; Myers,
Eggleston, et al., 2003; Proulx, Beauregard,
Cusson, & Nicole, 2007). The diagnosis of con-
duct disorder was commonly present in the
juvenile sexual murderer population (Myers,
Eggleston, et al., 2003).
Another frequently reported psychopatholog-
ical symptom linked with social isolation or
avoidance of peer experiences in adolescence
was the early onset of sexual symptomatology
(Briken, Habermann, Kafka, Berner, & Hill, 2006;
Ressler, Burgess, Douglas, et al., 1986). This
symptom was especially apparent in murderers
42 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2009
who were sexually abused as children and ado-
lescents. Early onset of compulsive masturbation
was one of a few common behavioral expres-
sions of hypersexuality or the sexualization of
relationships (Briken et al., 2006). Collection of
pornography was another regularly stated
example. In Langevin’s (2003) study, close to
40% of the sample of 33 sexual murderers col-
lected pornographic materials.
GENERAL THEORETICAL UNDERSTANDING
OF SEXUAL MURDERERS
Several theories and models have been pro-
posed to explain the psychological develop-
ment defects and issues associated with sexual
homicide offenders. According to the routine
activities theory, three important factors are
needed to predict the probability of a crime
occurring: (a) an attractive target, (b) the
absence of a capable protector, and (c) the exis-
tence of a motivated offender (Felson, 1998). In
the area of homicide studies, two basic types of
murder were introduced by Wolfgang and
Ferracuti (1967): (a) murder that is premedi-
tated and rationalized and (b) murder that is
the result of an accident in the heat of passion
by an offender with intent to cause harm but
not to kill. Three key themes have emerged
specifically in the study of sexual homicide: (a)
sexual intercourse with the victim, (b) violence,
and (c) premeditation (Kocsis, Cooksey, &
Irwin, 2002). Three frequently seen crime scene
behavioral themes pertaining to sexually
explicit crimes (sexual murder and sexual
assault) are (a) exploitation, (b) control, and (c)
violence (Salfati & Taylor, 2006).
Polaschek and Ward (2002) proposed a five
implicit-theory (IT) model to explain how
sexual offenders view the world. The first IT
posits that women are unknowable. To sexual
murderers, women are innately different from
men and these disparities are not readily com-
prehensible to men. Women are viewed merely
as sex objects (second IT) to this population;
women are created solely to meet the sexual
needs of men. Male sex drive is uncontrollable
(third IT), and women play a key role in men
losing control of their sex drive. According to
this model, men are entitled (fourth IT) to exert
their needs above others and to expect
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acknowledgment by women. In this dangerous
world (fifth IT), individuals, particularly men,
have the right to behave in any manner to pro-
mote their own interests.
This five IT model was later adopted by
Beech, Fisher, et al. (2005) in studying sexual
murderers. They found that the five ITs found
in rapists were also evident in their sample of
sexual murderers. They suggested that the two
groups may be less different than previously
believed. What determines whether one rapist
kills whereas another does not may be because
of circumstances rather than offender differ-
ences (Fisher & Beech, 2007).
In addition to these theories, several scholars
have developed typologies of sexual homicide
offenders based on victim type. The victim
types include adult women, adult men, and
mixed types of victims. To date, there is no
typology that discusses sexual murderers who
specifically target children as their victims.
TAXONOMY OF SEXUAL MURDERERS
Various typologies or classifications have
been developed by scholars and practitioners.
One of the earliest typologies was presented by
Ressler and his colleagues in the late 1980s.
Since then, extensive research has been con-
ducted by others. Fisher and Beech (2007)
recently observed that there are different
approaches to the classification of sexual mur-
der, pragmatic (i.e., FBI approaches), theoreti-
cal (Keppel & Walter, 1999), statistical (Beech,
Robertson, & Clarke, 2001), and clinical (Clarke
& Carter, 2000).
In the past decades, many classifications of
sexual murderers have been based on samples
of individuals who have killed different types
of victims (i.e., adult women, elderly women,
adult men, and children). These studies are
referred to as mixed victim types. In recent
years, typologies have emerged that have
focused on specific types of victims.
SEXUAL MURDERERS OF MIXED
TYPE OF VICTIMS
Four major sets of sexual murderer typolo-
gies based on samples of mixed types of vic-
tims have been developed within the past two

decades. These include taxonomies by Ressler
and his colleagues in the mid-1980s, Keppel
and Walter in the late 1990s, Beech and his col-
leagues in 2006, and Schlesinger in 2007.
Ressler and Colleagues in the Mid-1980s
Ressler and his colleagues (Ressler, Burgess, &
Douglas, 1988; Ressler, Burgess, Douglas, et al.,
1986; Ressler, Burgess, Hartman, et al., 1986) con-
ducted an in-depth investigation into the psy-
chological aspects (personality characteristics
and modus operandi) of sexual murderers in the
late 1980s. They interviewed 36 sexual murder-
ers, mostly serial offenders, who had murdered
adult women, adult men, and children. They cat-
egorized these sexual murderers into two cate-
gories: organized and disorganized.
An organized murderer is an intelligent indi-
vidual who is employed in a skilled job. He
engages in premeditated crimes such as stalking
his potential target and surveying the environ-
ment prior to the commission of his crime.
Around that period of time, he is probably expe-
riencing a precipitating stressor (e.g., financial,
marital, female, job, etc.). He is likely to own a
car and to drive to the crime scene. He is likely
to be angry or depressed during the attack. He
may use tremendous force and restraint to con-
trol his victim throughout the sexual assault.
His crime scene tends to be clean and organized
with few, if any, clues left for the police investi-
gation. After the murder, he is likely to flee the
town or change jobs. He typically follows the
media reports on his crime for updated police
investigation progress.
In contrast, a disorganized murderer is likely
to come from an abusive family and to have
parents with histories of sexual problems.
Because of his unhealthy upbringing, he tends
to be a loner with limited interpersonal rela-
tionships. He lacks planning in his crime and is
likely to attack those whom he knows in a
place close to his home or work. He tends to
walk to the crime scene and is probably con-
fused and frightened at the time of his offense.
He is likely to position and perform sexual acts
on the corpse after the murder. After his ritual-
istic acts on the corpse, he typically keeps sou-
venirs or trophies and depersonalizes the
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Chan, Heide / SEXUAL HOMICIDE 43
victim. The crime scene tends to reflect hap-
hazard behavior. The disorganized murderer is
likely to discard his weapon at the crime scene
and to leave crucial leads for the police investi-
gation team.
The FBI motivational typology by Ressler and
his colleagues (1986) was a pioneering work in
introducing a framework to study sexual homi-
cide. Several limitations, however, are apparent
within their work. First and foremost, the weak
methodology of the study has decreased the
validity of its findings (Salfati & Taylor, 2006).
Almost all of their participants were serial
sexual homicide offenders. Those who commit
one or two sexual homicides might differ
markedly from those who commit multiple
sexual homicides. Clearly, distinctions between
serial and nonserial sexual homicide offenders
cannot be denied. Serial sexual murderers
engage in more rape fantasies than nonserial
sexual murderers (Prentky et al., 1989). Another
limitation of the study is that the work focused
primarily on the crime phase and crime scene
behavior; the precrime phase (Beauregard &
Proulx, 2002; Meloy, 2000) and the developmen-
tal phase were minimally discussed.
Keppel and Walter (1999)
Hazelwood and Burgess (1987) introduced
four divergent categories of rapists: (a) power
assertive, (b) power reassurance, (c) anger
retaliatory, and (d) anger excitation. Because of
the close association between rape and rape-
murder, Keppel and Walter expanded these
categories to explain sexual murder. Their clas-
sification mainly focuses on the modus
operandi and the behavioral aspects of sexual
murderers.
The first type in Keppel’s and Walter’s
typology is the power-assertive rape-murder. The
offender in this category tends to be in his early
20s, has a somewhat primitive emotional state,
and likes to portray a macho image. Generally,
he is perceived as antisocial. He is likely to be a
school dropout with a history of property
crimes. In terms of his crime, the offender’s
rape segment is planned, but not the murder.
Murder for him is an unexpected response of
aggression escalating to keep his victim under
44 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2009
control. He selects victims who are usually
strangers by opportunity through a surprise
mode of attack. His crime scene reflects an
organized approach.
An offender in the second category of the
rape-murder classification, the power-reassurance
rape-murder, tends to be in his mid-20s with an
extensive repertoire of rape fantasies. He is
socially isolated with a limited history of nor-
mal sexual activities. Moreover, he is likely to
be an underachiever with a criminal history
involving fetish activities, trespassing, and lar-
cenies. His specific victim selection tends to
focus on those who are 10-15 years older or
younger than him. Like the first profile, this
offender’s sexual assault is planned, but the
murder is not premeditated and often involves
overkill. He is motivated to satisfy his deviant
sexual urges through acting out his fantasy. He
uses verbal threat and intimidation to gain con-
trol. The attack and subsequent killing typi-
cally occur when his sexual competence is
threatened and he is unable to complete the
sexual assault. Pummeling and manual stran-
gulation are his common methods of murder-
ing. Exploratory postmortem mutilation can be
expected from this kind of offender. The crime
scene is likely to be disorganized.
Anger-retaliatory rape-murder is the third pro-
file under Keppel’s and Walter’s classification
of sexual murderer. This offender type is likely
to be in his mid-to-late 20s with an explosive
personality. His interpersonal relationships are
limited and tend to be superficial. He typically
has a violent criminal history. His victims are
likely to be older than him and are selected
within his comfort zone, where he could walk
to his crime scene. His crime tends to reflect an
anger-venting act during which he expresses
symbolic revenge often precipitated by criti-
cism from a woman with authority. His rape
and murder are well planned, and his initial
murder victim tends to be overkilled. Because
of his anger and internal stress, he is unlikely
to get an erection. He frequently takes a sou-
venir from the crime scene in order for him to
relive his murder experience in later days.
The last category in this taxonomy is anger-
excitation rape-murder. An offender in this
group tends to commit his first homicide by
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age 35. Publicly, he appears to be a conven-
tional husband with average intelligence and is
often well liked by others. However, his pri-
vate life reflects a theme of sadism. He collects
pornographic materials that depict bondage
and sadism. He tends to select strangers
through the use of a con or ruse. Both his
sexual assault and homicide are well planned
with the aim to inflict pain and to torture and
terrify the victim to satisfy his deviant sexual
fantasy. It is the process of killing that stimu-
lates this offender type, not the death of his
victim. Souvenirs or trophies are likely to be
taken from the victim or crime scene for later
masturbation.
Reliability and validity issues have emerged
in Keppel’s and Walter’s typology of rape-
murderer. Although detailed characteristics of
different categories of rape-murderers were
discussed, correlations among the variables
within each category were not examined
(Salfati & Taylor, 2006). No empirical research
has been conducted to test this classification. In
addition, information is not provided as to
how the prevalence of each type was deter-
mined (Salfati & Taylor, 2006).
Beech, Oliver, Fisher, and Beckett (2006)
Beech and his colleagues built on
Polaschek’s and Ward’s (2002) five IT model of
sexual offenders. They set forth an IT grouping
typology of sexual murderers based on a sam-
ple of 28 posttreatment interviews with con-
victed sexual murderers. This IT grouping
consists of three qualitative categories based on
different motivational drives: prototypical sex
killer, grievance driven, and rape plus murder.
Prototypical sex killers or calculated pain
infliction (CPI) murderers are driven to kill to
satiate their sexually sadistic thoughts and fan-
tasies. This type of offender usually intentionally
kills his victim by strangulation or stabbing.
Postmortem mutilation and sexual interference,
commonly seen in these cases, suggest that these
offenders may be acting out sadistic fantasies.
Sexual murderers whose murders are griev-
ance driven tend to have a general resentment
or anger toward their victims who are females
in the majority of cases. This type of sexual

murderer tends to have anger management
and control issues. Psychological dysfunction
and personality disorders are common in these
killers. Victims are usually killed by repeated
and uncontrolled beatings or stabbing.
The primary motivation for sexual murder-
ers who fall into the rape plus murder group is
to have sex with their victims. This type of
sexual murderer typically has prior sexual con-
victions, but otherwise limited violent criminal
convictions. Victims of this type of offenders
are usually strangers. The killing of victims is
usually to keep the victims quiet during the
commission of the offense or simply to avoid
detection.
This typology was a more robust version of
earlier work conducted by Beech, Robertson,
et al. (2001). Unlike other existing sexual mur-
derer typologies, Beech, Oliver, et al. (2006)
drew their conclusions from a treatment per-
spective. A major strength of this study is its
pretreatment and posttreatment analysis. In
addition, more specific items have been
included in the categorization of sexual mur-
derers than earlier works. Replication of this
work is needed as the sample of 28 sexual mur-
derers was relatively small.
Schlesinger (2004, 2007)
Schlesinger offered another distinctive view
of sexual murderers. He introduced two
extreme types of sexual homicide: catathymic
and compulsive sexual homicides with two sub-
categories under each profile.
The main theme of a catathymic sexual
homicide usually consists of an underlying
sexual conflict that stems from a long-standing
fixation with, or disturbed attachment to, the
victim. The attack itself can be either an
unplanned and explosive assault or a premed-
itated attack. Catathymic homicide can be fur-
ther divided into acute or chronic catathymic
sexual murder.
An acute catathymic sexual murderer tends
to have a pathological attachment and a history
of physical and sexual childhood trauma.
These negative issues tap deeper into sources
of emotional tension that result from jealousy
and fear of underlying sexual conflicts. The
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Chan, Heide / SEXUAL HOMICIDE 45
crime committed by this individual is typically
affective in nature. Strangulation, mutilation,
or dissection may be performed on the victim
whom he has just met. After the murder, this
offender is typically puzzled about his actions.
In contrast, the chronic catathymic sexual
murderer is usually diagnosed with borderline
personality disorder (BPD), a mental disorder
associated with poor attachment, which may
lead to stalking behaviors. Obsession, depres-
sion, and suicidal thoughts are commonly pre-
sent in this category of sexual murderer.
During the incubation stage, this potential
murderer becomes depressed and obsessively
preoccupied with his future victim. This dis-
turbance may later lead to suicidal thoughts
and homicidal ideas involving the victim until
the obsession of killing becomes fixed and
dominant. The offender may notify his family
and friends about his obsessive killing
thoughts. His concerns are frequently disre-
garded or rationalized. Typically, the murder
occurs when his homicidal thoughts are
uncontrollable. Suicide or a suicide attempt
often will follow if his catathymic tension is not
completely discharged during the homicide.
On the other extreme, compulsive sexual
homicide results from a fusion of aggression
and sexual elements. The crime is sexually
motivated because violence is sexually stimu-
lating for the offender. This type of homicide
can be divided into planned or unplanned com-
pulsive sexual murder. In the former type, a
detailed killing plan is carried out to elude law
enforcement. An offender with this personality
tends to have multiple homicide victims over
an extended period of time. Elements of
sadism, fantasy, and compulsion to murder are
the main themes for this kind of murderer.
Distinctive ritualistic behaviors, also known as
signature elements, are present.
A compulsive murderer who does not plan
the killing, in contrast, usually selects victims
of opportunity once his urge to kill has
emerged. Disorganized personalities and overt
psychopathological traits found in borderline,
schizotypal, schizoid personality disorders,
schizophrenia, or psychosis are typically
observed in the compulsive sexual murderer.
This individual’s social immaturity, sexual
46 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2009
incompetence, and poor employment history
often lead him to behave in a high-risk manner.
Consequently, early apprehension by the
police is expected.
The typology proposed by Schlesinger in 2007
was an extension of his study in 2004. Case stud-
ies, explanations, and discussions on the two
extreme types of sexual homicide (catathymic
and compulsive) are illuminating. However,
more research evaluating large numbers of
sexual murderers by specific dimensions is
needed to determine whether offenders can be
reliably classified into these offender types and
whether this typology is externally valid.
SEXUAL MURDERERS OF ADULT WOMEN
Beauregard and Proulx (2002) offered a
simple, yet thorough, classification of sexual
murderers drawing on past typologies. To
date, their typology is the only one that focuses
solely on adult women victims. They found,
using cluster analysis, that sexual murderers
could be divided into two distinctive cate-
gories: sadistic and anger profiles.
A sadistic sexual murderer engages in a pre-
meditated attack against both targeted victims
and strangers. Physical restraints and verbal
abuse are used to dominate, control, and
humiliate victims. The crime usually lasts for
more than 30 min with body mutilation as an
important feature. Crime scene and body dis-
posal site are different to evade apprehension
or to delay identification.
A sexual murderer with an anger profile
tends to commit the crime against victims of
opportunity without any extensive planning.
Physical restraints used against the victims and
mutilation are widely seen in this kind of vio-
lent offender. Humiliation of the victims, how-
ever, is not part of his crime plan. The crime
usually lasts for less than 30 min with the
corpse left undisturbed at the crime scene.
Offender characteristics and the modus
operandi for Beauregard’s and Proulx’s two
types of sexual murderers are somewhat simi-
lar to the FBI motivational typology. The sadis-
tic profile resembles the characteristics of the
organized sexual murderer, whereas the anger
profile shares some aspects of the disorganized
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sexual homicide. Nonetheless, dissimilarities
between these two models exist. According to
Beauregard and Proulx, a sadistic sexual mur-
derer runs a higher risk than the FBI’s orga-
nized murderer of being apprehended because
of his haphazard crime scene. This finding is
inconsistent with the descriptions of an orga-
nized sexual murderer in the FBI motivational
typology. Additionally, leaving the corpse
undisturbed on her back at the crime scene is a
common feature to be found in the crime scene
committed by a sexual murderer with the
anger profile. Again, this finding is not consis-
tent with the offender characteristics of a disor-
ganized sexual murderer who is described as
likely to position his deceased victim in a sexu-
ally provocative style to shock those who dis-
cover the corpse.
The types proposed by Beauregard and Proulx
were empirically derived from a sample of 36
sexual murderers of adult women. The study
indicated that the two types of offenders could be
reliably classified. Differences between the 20
men in the anger group and the 16 in the sadistic
group were evident in the precrime, crime, and
postcrime phases. Although this research sug-
gested that the two types would be generalizable
to the population of sexual murderers, more
research is needed.
SEXUAL MURDERERS OF ADULT MEN
To date, there are two typologies that have
focused on the victims of adult men. These clas-
sifications were developed by Geberth in the
mid-1990s and Beauregard and Proulx in 2007.
Geberth (1996)
Geberth introduced a six-type classification
of homosexual homicide, which differed from
the conventional descriptions of sexual mur-
derers of mixed types of victims. The first cate-
gory, interpersonal violence-oriented disputes and
assault, is the most commonly reported type
among those who murdered adult men. The
relationship between the offender and victim is
personal and typically involves partners, ex-
partners, or love triangles. The murder is usu-
ally triggered by an incident where one party

does not respect the sexual activity “ground
rules” that have been set mutually. The second
profile, murders involving forced anal rape and/or
sodomy, is also sexually motivated. It differs
from the first category because both the
offender and the victim are usually strangers,
and the killing is not associated with the
offender’s sexual gratification. A large amount
of physical force is used in this type of homi-
cide to prevent victim resistance and identifica-
tion. Geberth’s third profile, lust murder, is
associated with elements of sadism and geni-
talia mutilation. This type of murder is pre-
meditated to satisfy the offender’s deviant
sexual fantasies.
Unlike the first three profiles that are sexu-
ally motivated, the remaining three categories
are motivated by power, financial gain, or hate.
The homicide serial murderer usually targets vul-
nerable victims such as children and prosti-
tutes. For him, control and power are his
primary motivations; sexual gratification is
secondary. Three subtypes under this category
further differentiate this primary profile: (a)
homosexual killer, who aims for male homo-
sexual victims, (b) homosexual serial killer,
who seeks out both heterosexual and homosex-
ual victims, and (c) male pedophile homosex-
ual serial killer, who targets young males and
boys. The offender in the fifth category, robbery
and/or homicide of homosexuals, selects victims
who engage in high-risk behaviors in locations
that are frequented by homosexuals, namely
gay bars and nightclubs. Finally, homicide that
emphasizes homophobic assaults and gay bashing
is committed by the sexual murderer who has
intense hatred for homosexuals.
Geberth was the pioneering figure in the
study of homosexual homicides. One of the
main weaknesses of his typology is that these
categories have not been empirically verified.
No sample was described in his study
(Beauregard & Proulx, 2007). Rather, the six
categories were based on Geberth’s clinical
experience with homosexual homicides. To
what extent other evaluators would agree with
Geberth’s types and reliably rate them has not
been established. This typology’s validity has
been questioned because the variables were
limited to the crime scene; variables associated
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Chan, Heide / SEXUAL HOMICIDE 47
with the precrime phase and murderers’ per-
sonality characteristics were not examined
(Beauregard & Proulx, 2007).
Beauregard and Proulx (2007)
Recently, Beauregard and Proulx introduced
a more comprehensive and research-oriented
typology of sexual murderers against men.
They distinguished sexual murderers who
murder males into three categories: (a) the
avenger, (b) the sexual predator, and (c) the non-
sexual predator. The murderer in the first profile
is either of homosexual, heterosexual, or bisex-
ual orientation and is heavily involved in pros-
titution. He has a history of property and
violent crimes. This murderer is usually trig-
gered by memories of childhood physical, psy-
chological, and/or sexual abuse and unleashes
his rage onto the victim. He has often con-
sumed alcohol and drugs during the assault.
The offending process of the sexual predator
is mostly motivated by his deviant sexual fan-
tasies. Even though his sexual orientation is
homosexual, his target victims (adolescents
and young men) may not necessarily be homo-
sexually oriented. A criminal history in perpe-
trating sex crimes is evident in this type of
offender. His modus operandi typically starts
with the abduction and/or confinement of a
victim of opportunity. Evidence of expressive
violence on the victim’s body is apparent as a
result of the sexual predator murderer’s sadis-
tic and ritualistic acts, namely mutilations,
sodomy, and humiliation. The killing process
usually lasts more than 30 min and sometimes
can go as long as 24 hr.
Finally, anger and deviant sexual fantasies are
the primary motivations for the third type of
male sexual murderer, the nonsexual predator.
The killing is not premeditated by this offender
type. Rather, it is accidental and instrumentally
oriented; the offender’s aim is to rob the victim.
The offender may be heterosexual or homosexual
in nature and may offend with an accomplice. A
diversified criminal career with emphasis on
property crimes is apparent for this type of felon.
Generally, his victim selection is merely based on
the availability of vulnerable victims. A weapon
of choice or by opportunity is utilized. Because
48 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2009
the sexual contact with the victim is performed as
a trap at the beginning, no sexual assault evi-
dence may be discovered on the victim. Alcohol
and drugs are frequently abused by the offender
prior to the crime. The offending process may
take only a short time.
In contrast to Geberth’s work, the authors
systematically examined variables associated
with the precrime and crime phases along with
the murderers’ characteristics. Case studies
that clearly differentiated the three groups of
sexual murderers who kill adult men were pre-
sented in their study. This typology, however,
was based on 10 cases of sexual murderers and
clearly needs replication.
COMPARISON BETWEEN DIFFERENT TYPES
OF SEXUAL MURDERERS
Sexual murderers can be compared in terms
of their motivation, victim selection process,
and methods of killings. Participants for com-
parison include sexual murderers of adult
women, elderly women, adult men, and
children. Studies that included sexual murder-
ers who killed different victim types in their
samples are excluded from these comparisons.
The mixing of victim types seriously limits the
extent to which any conclusions can be drawn.
For example, the overall offender characteristics
of a mixed victim sample consisting of eight
adult women, one adult man, and one child
would likely be very different from a mixed vic-
tim pool consisting of two elderly women, three
adult women, and five children.
Motivation
Three key motivations for sexual murdering
behaviors have been identified in most of the
empirical studies: (a) deviant urges to sexually
assault, (b) grievance toward women, and (c)
killing to avoid detection (Beauregard et al.,
2008; Beech, Fisher, et al., 2005). Perusal of
these reports reveals that these motivations
largely refer to the killing of adult women.
Sexual murderers who kill elderly women and
adult men, however, are largely motivated by
financial gain (Beauregard & Proulx, 2007;
Safarik, Jarvis, & Nussbaum, 2002). Elderly
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TABLE 3: Motivation Between Different Types of Sexual
Murderers
Victim Type Motivation of Sexual Murder
Adult women Deviant urges to sexually assault, grievance
toward women, and killing to avoid
detection
Elderly women Sexual assault as a secondary motive behind
the initial intention to burglarize the victims
Adult men Sex as a means to gain trust from victims for
financial gain
Children Aim to achieve sexual gratification because
of victims’ vulnerability and availability
women are the unfortunate victims who hap-
pened to be at the crime scene of a burglary,
whereas adult men are likely to be the targeted
victims of the sexual murderer for financial
gain. The sexual murderer of adult men often
uses sex as a means to gain the initial trust of
the victim. Unlike those who target elderly
women and adult men, the sexual murderer of
children tends to be motivated by sexual grati-
fication (Beauregard et al., 2008; Hanfland,
Keppel, & Weis, 1997; Hickey, 2002). One rea-
son for targeting children is because of their
vulnerability and availability (see Table 3).
Victim Selection
Victim selection for sexual homicides
against adult women, elderly women, adult
men, and children are all distinct by nature.
Beauregard and his colleagues (2008) reported
that 56% of their sample of 66 sexual murder-
ers of adult women had prior contact with the
victim. These offenders tended to target those
who were under the influence of alcohol
and/or drugs in the 48 hr prior to the attack.
Victims included acquaintances, friends, fam-
ily members, and those with intimate relation-
ships with the offenders.
In contrast to the adult woman victims, targets
for sexual murderers of elderly women, adult
men, and children are likely to be strangers. As
mentioned above, elderly victims (ages 60 and
above) happened to be at the crime scene of
another offense, typically burglary. Therefore, the
primary crime scene is usually the home (94%) of
these elderly victims (Safarik et al., 2002). Sexual
murderers of elderly women are likely to stalk,
survey, and plan for the crime. According to

Safarik and colleagues (2002), 56% of the 128
offenders in their sample lived within six blocks
of the victim’s house. These elderly women
tended to be killed by offenders who were signif-
icantly younger in ages (between 20 and 35
years). The ethnicity of the offenders seemed to
be dependent on specific case factors; offenders
were not necessarily from the same ethnic group
as the elderly victims. Safarik, Jarvis, and
Nussbaum (2000) found that 82% of the African
American sexual murderers in their sample vic-
timized elderly Caucasian Americans.
Sexual murderers of adult men, similar to
those who kill elderly victims, are also likely to
target strangers. In their sample of 10 sexual
murderers, Beauregard and Proulx (2007) found
that the killers’ primary motives were financial
gain (80%) and sexual gratification (20%), not the
killing of the victims (Beauregard & Proulx,
2007). In an examination of homicides involving
homosexuals, Drake (1999) observed that the
murder of the victim was generally an unex-
pected outcome because of unplanned situa-
tional elements, like the inability to control the
victim. The killing was more likely to occur on
the victim’s property than on the offender’s
premises. Typically there was no sign of forced
entry and the corpse was usually discovered in
the bedroom with indications of overkill. Also,
signs of arson and robbery were frequently evi-
dent. This finding suggests that the victim may
have willingly allowed the offender to enter his
premises.
Sexual murderers of children typically target
strangers within their own racial groups
(Hickey, 2002). Victims are often school-age
females and elementary and middle-school
males (Boudreaux, Lord, & Dutra, 1999). These
victims are likely to be stalked and/or
abducted from common places where children
tend to gather, such as playgrounds, schools,
and shopping centers (Beauregard et al., 2008;
Boudreaux, Lord, & Jarvis, 2001).
Several reasons have been proposed for the
victim selection of children. Children tend to
spend more time outside of the home when
they enter school. Thus, while going to school
may decrease the victimization by a caretaker
at home, it may increase the risk for abduction
and homicide by strangers (Boudreaux et al.,
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Chan, Heide / SEXUAL HOMICIDE 49
TABLE 4: Victim Selection Between Different Types of
Sexual Murderers
Victim Type Victim Selection of Sexual Murder
Adult women Victim tends not to be a stranger to the
perpetrator and is usually under the
influence of alcohol and/or drugs 48 hr
prior to the attack
Elderly women Victim tends to be a stranger and
convenient target, has been stalked prior
to the attack; offender is often from a
different ethnic group and significantly
younger than the victim
Adult men Victim tends to be a stranger to the
perpetrator who is motivated by financial
gain; the murder is usually an unexpected
outcome because of unplanned
situational elements
Children Victim tends to be a stranger and is usually
stalked and/or abducted from common
places that children tend to gather by the
offender for sexual gratification
2001). Another possible explanation is that neg-
ative childhood events experienced by offend-
ers, particularly sexual abuse, may lead to their
perverted sexual preference for children in
later days (Francis & Soothill, 2000; Lussier,
Beauregard, Proulx, & Nicole, 2005). In addi-
tion, the offenders’ poor social and interper-
sonal skills may cause them to select children
over adults because children are more vulnera-
ble and these offenders can relate more easily
to them than to adults (Beauregard et al., 2008;
see Table 4).
Methods of Killing
Elderly victims are frequently sexually
assaulted and murdered in the course of another
premeditated offense (burglary or robbery).
According to Fox and Levin (1991), firearms were
the leading weapon used to kill elderly victims;
death by strangulation occurred in only a small
percentage of cases. This finding was in sharp
contrast to results reported by Safarik et al.
(2002), in which strangulation was the primary
cause of death in 63% of the killings committed
by 128 sexual murderers; firearms were used to
kill only 1% of their elderly sexual homicide vic-
tims. Ironically, Safarik and colleagues discov-
ered that in most of the sexual homicides against
elderly women, the theft of items (primary
50 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2009
TABLE 5: Methods of Killing Between Different Types of
Sexual Murderers
Victim Type Methods of Killing of Sexual Murder
Adult women Personal weapons such as strangulation and
stabbing are commonly seen in the killing
of adult women. Postmurder sadistic
behaviors can also be identified in some
murders, especially in killings by
murderers with sadistic fantasies.
Nonetheless, there is no definite type of
killing method that can be related to this
victim type
Elderly women One study reported strangulation whereas
another reported use of firearms as the
most commonly used method of killing
Adult men Weapons were commonly used to kill;
mutilation was a rarely seen postmurder
behavior
Children Strangulation was the most commonly used
method of killing, whereas
dismemberment and mutilation were
frequently documented postmurder
ritualistic behavior
motive) was an afterthought to the homicides.
This finding is inconsistent with the studies that
have found that the initial plan for these offend-
ers was to commit property crime. A total of 72%
of the offenders in Safarik et al.’s (2002) sample
searched and removed something from the crime
scene following the killings.
Sexual murders against adult men often
involved premeditation. Weapons of choice or
by opportunity were frequently used in the
killing of these victims. In Beauregard’s and
Proulx’s (2007) study, 8 of the 10 sexual mur-
derers used weapons to commit their offenses.
Weapons might have been used to threaten and
control their victims, or to prevent them from
resisting because male adult victims tend to be
stronger than female adult and child victims.
Mutilations were rare in this kind of crime
against adult men.
In contrast, strangulation was a commonly
used method of killing in sexual homicides
against children. One possible explanation for
this finding is that children are physically
weaker and less likely to successfully resist the
violent assault. Dismemberment and mutila-
tion were common postmurder ritualistic
behaviors (Beauregard et al., 2008). The sexual
murderers were also likely to conceal the
corpses to delay identification or to evade
apprehension (Table 5).
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CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS
Studies of sexual homicide are still in their pre-
liminary stages. Research investigating serial
sexual murderers would be significantly
enhanced by methodological improvements. To
date, there is no standardized definition of “serial
crime.” The murdering of two victims is consid-
ered to be serial crime according to the FBI
(Douglas, Burgess, Burgess, & Ressler, 2006).
According to the definition provided by Douglas
and colleagues in their Crime Classification Manual
(2nd ed.), however, serial murder “generally
involves three or more victims . . . with a cooling
off period between murders” (p. 461). Aside from
the typological shortcomings, the majority of
studies of sexual murderers were conducted
using samples of mixed victim types (combina-
tions of adult women, elderly women, adult men,
and children). Results generated from these stud-
ies are not representative of those offenders who
target a specific group of victims. Among these 32
known published empirical studies, none offers
insight into the study of sexual murderers who
kill victims from different groups, such as adult
women and children. As mentioned previously,
sexual murderers who prey on different types of
victims may have their unique set of characteris-
tics and behaviors. Therefore, no firm conclu-
sions can be drawn from studies of sexual
homicide offenders using mixed victim samples.
More than two third of identified studies on
sexual murderers consisted of male offenders.
This finding has produced a significant gender
bias regarding the study of sexual homicides.
Female sexual murderers, serial or nonserial in
nature, have yet to attract serious interest from
scholars. Research investigating this group of
violent offenders, although few in number,
may shed light into understanding the distinc-
tive set of psychological characteristics, meth-
ods of killing, and situational factors of female
sexual murderers.
None of the descriptive clinical features of
sexual murderers were compared with a healthy,
control group consisting of a nonoffending pop-
ulation, an observation first made by Gray and
colleagues (Gray, Watt, Hassan, & MacCulloch,
2003). In the 32 studies examined in this article,
sexual murderers were typically compared with
similarly deviant populations, like sexual aggres-
sors, psychopaths, sexual sadists, and sexual

offenders. In addition to not being mutually
exclusive control groups, these groups likely vary
in some ways from noncriminal and nonclinical
samples. Without a nonoffending population, it
is not possible to conclude that the prevalence of
these aberrant characteristics in sexual murderers
is significantly different from the “normal” pop-
ulation. Clearly, more research is needed.
IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE, POLICY,
AND RESEARCH
Only 6 empirical studies out of a total of 32
studies have been conducted on specific types
of victims since the mid-1980s (3 on adult
women, 2 on elderly women, and 1 on adult
men). Clearly, more research on offenders who
commit sexually related homicides on different
victim types is needed before any conclusions
can be drawn on the offender profiles and vic-
timology of these different types of sexual
murderers.
Future research should focus more on iden-
tifying the distinctive types of sexual murder-
ers for their unique sets of characteristics,
rather than continuing to provide a general
overview of the features of all types of sexual
murderers. Field practitioners, such as police
investigators, probation officers, and other law
enforcement agents would benefit by more
research investigating the distinctive psycho-
logical, personality, and criminal characteris-
tics of sexual homicide offenders who killed
adult women, elderly women, adult men, and
children and other different types of victims.
This information may help to narrow down the
suspect list and to conduct more efficient
investigations of sexual homicides.
More research on female sexual murderers is
needed. Because almost all studies have focused
on male sexual murderers, little is known whether
gender differences between offenders exist and, to
what extent, if any, they are important.
Further in-depth comparative studies on
juvenile and adult sexual murderers may help
to identify distinct sets of offender and victim
characteristics for these two groups of offend-
ers. This information may provide valuable
clues for successful prevention and effective
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Chan, Heide / SEXUAL HOMICIDE 51
intervention strategies, especially with regard
to younger offenders.
Psychological/psychiatric treatment providers
would benefit by enhanced understanding of the
risk for recidivism and by research demonstrating
the effectiveness of treatment programs for differ-
ent types of sexual murderers. Sexual murderers
with certain mental disorders, like ASPD, typi-
cally have a poor prognosis and may require
more incapacitative sanctions.
Following legislative changes made as a
result of Megan’s Law (National Alert Registry,
n.d.) and the Jessica Lunsford Act (Laws of
Florida, 2005), further research may provide a
strong basis for policy makers to introduce
new policies or to strengthen the current poli-
cies that target repeat violent sex offenders.
With strong and effective laws in place, field
practitioners may be able to identify these vio-
lent recidivists earlier than in the past and to
take corrective and protective action.
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Heng-Choon (Oliver) Chan, MA, is a doctoral
student in the Department of Criminology at the
University of South Florida. He obtained his master’s in
forensic psychology from Marymount University in
Virginia and his bachelor’s in psychology from Bemidji
State University in Minnesota. His research interests
focus on sexual homicide, sex crime, homicide, and stalk-
ing behavior from a psychocriminological perspective.
Kathleen M. Heide, PhD, is a professor of criminology
at the University of South Florida, Tampa. Her extensive
publication record includes two widely acclaimed books
on juvenile homicide, Why Kids Kill Parents: Child
Abuse and Adolescent Homicide and Young Killers:
The Challenge of Juvenile Homicide, and the recently
released book (coauthored with Linda Merz-Perez)
Animal Cruelty: Pathway to Violence Against
People. She is a licensed mental health counselor and a
court-appointed expert in matters relating to homicide,
children, and families. She is a frequent consultant to the
national print and electronic media and numerous inter-
national newspapers and magazines.