A History of Indian Buddhism

From Sakyamuni * to Early Mahayana*

A sian S tudies a t H aw aii, N o. 36

H ira k a w a A kira

T ran slated a n d E d ited b y P au l G ro n er

ASIAN STU D IE S AT H A W A II

U M V ER SITY OF HAWAII

U N IV E H 5 IT V O F H A W A I I PHES5
© 1990 University of Hawaii Press

All rights reserved

Printed in the United States of America

97 98 99 00 01 02 8 7 6 5 4

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Hirakawa, Akira, 1915

[Indo Bukkyo * shi. English]
A history of Indian Buddhism : from Sakyamuni* to Early Mahayana* /
Hirakawa Akira ; translated and edited by Paul Groner.
p. cm. (Asian studies at Hawaii; no. 36)

Translation of: Indo Bukkyo shi.

Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0 8248 1203 4
1. BuddhismIndiaHistory. I. Groner, Paul. II. Title.
III. Series.
DS.A2A82 no. 36
[BQ336]
950 sdc20
[294.3'0954] 89 20647
CIP

University of Hawai'i Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the
guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources
CO N TEN TS

T ranslator's Preface vii

A u th o r's Preface xv

A bbreviations xvii

In tro d u ctio n
1
P a rt O ne: E arly B u d d h ism

C h a p te r 1. In d ia n R eligion a t th e Tim e of th e B u d d h a 13

C h a p te r 2. T he Life of th e B u d d h a 20

C h a p te r 3. E arly B u d d h ist D octrine 38

C h a p te r 4. T he O rg a n iz atio n of th e O rd e r 60

C h a p te r 5. T he E stab lish m en t of th e E arly B u d d h ist C an o n 69

C h a p te r 6. T he D ev elo p m en t of th e B u d d h ist O rd e r 76

C h a p te r 7. T he B u d d h ism of K ing A soka * 95

P a rt Two: N ikaya* B u d d h ism

C h a p te r 8. T he D ev elo p m en t of N ik ay a B u d d h ism 105

C h a p te r 9. A b h id h a rm a L iteratu re 127

C h a p te r 10. T he O rg a n iz atio n of th e D h arm as in th e A b h id h a rm a 139

C h a p te r 11. B u d d h ist C osm ology a n d th e T heory of K arm a 170

C h a p te r 12. K arm a a n d A v ijn ap ti-ru p a * 185

C h a p te r 13. T he E lim inatio n of D efilem ents a n d th e P a th to

E n lig h ten m en t 197

P a rt Three: E arly M ahayana* B u d d h ism

C h a p te r 14. T he E volutio n of th e O rd e r after A soka* 223

C h a p te r 15. M ahayana Texts C o m p o sed d u rin g th e K usana* D y n asty 247

C h a p te r 16. T he O rigins of M ah a y a n a 256

C h a p te r 17. T he C o n ten ts of E arly M ah ay an a S criptures 275

C h a p te r 18. T heory a n d Practice in E arly M ah ay an a B u d d h ism 296

N otes 313

B ibliographical Essay 323

B ibliography 345

Index 385
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

The Japanese version of this book, Indo Bukkyoshi * volume 1, was published by
Shunjusha* of Tokyo in 1974; volume 2, not included here, was published in 1979. When
Hirakawa began work on it, he intended to write a handbook for students interested in the
development of Buddhism across Asia that would serve as a useful guide to the basic issues
in Buddhist doctrine, history, and bibliography. Although the project soon became much
longer and had a narrower focus than he had originally planned, it benefited in at least two
ways from Hirakawa's original intention. First, it is an exceptionally comprehensive
discussion of Indian Buddhism, treating its history, doctrine, and bibliography with an
admirable degree of completeness. Most of the significant topics in Indian Buddhism are
discussed in some detail. Second, it is a very clearly written text. Because Hirakawa wrote
it with students as the intended audience, he composed it in a style that could be readily
understood by students and informed general readers.

The present volume is a translation of the first of Hirakawa's two-volume history. It

covers the period from Sakyamuni* Buddha to Early Mahayana* just before Nagarjuna*
and includes the periods on which Hirakawa did most of his own earlier research. From
1960 to 1968, he published three important studies on Buddhist institutions: Ritsuzo* no
kenkyu* (A study of the Vinaya-pitaka*), Genshi Bukkyo* no kenkyu (A study of Early
Buddhism), and Shoki Daijo* Bukkyo no kenkyu (Studies in Early Mahayana Buddhism).
These studies, all coming out of his interest in the vinaya, demonstrated his mastery of
Indian Buddhist institutional history. This research was particularly important in his
formulation of a new theory of the rise of Mahayana *. By focusing on the need to identify
an institutional base from which Mahayana arose, Hirakawa argued that stupa* worship
and the formulation of Mahayana sets of precepts provided important evidence for the
development of Mahayana Buddhism.

Besides these book-length studies, Hirakawa has written over 240 articles on
various aspects of Buddhism. These cover a wide variety of issues, such as the usage of
fundamental terms or the roles particular figures played in the Indian Buddhist tradition.
The ideas advanced in many of these articles and the background research that went into
them have been incorporated into this history.

Hirakawa has also been aware of the need for improved reference tools for scholars.
He is currently supervising the compilation of a Chinese-Sanskrit Buddhist dictionary, a
tool that will assist scholars in making better use of Chinese translations of Indian texts. He
has also been an advocate of the use of computers in Buddhist studies. One of the earliest
results of this interest was the publication of a detailed and computerized index of the
articles in Indogaku Bukkyogaku kenkyu* (Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies), one of
the leading publications on Buddhism in Japan. His interest in reference tools also led to
his supervision of a concordance of the Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese versions of
Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosa* (Kusharon sakuin) Because the Abhidharmakosa is one of
the most systematic expositions of Buddhist doctrine ever composed, it has been an
influential text across Asia, even among those who did not accept many of its positions.
The doctrinal exposition of abhidharma thought in Hirakawa's History of Indian Buddhism
is based primarily on the Abhidharmakosa.

This volume thus incorporates Hirakawa's mature views on subjects that he has
studied in depth for several decades. It is published here as an independent work, giving an
overall view of the first half of Indian Buddhist history. The second volume of Hirakawa's
history covers Indian Buddhism from Nagarjuna* through Tantric Buddhism and the
decline of Buddhism in India.

As Hirakawa notes in his preface, the understanding of the history of Indian

Buddhism is an ongoing process that must be continually elaborated and revised as our
knowledge of the subject expands. He thus sees his own work as being improved upon by
subsequent histories of Indian Buddhism by both Japanese and Western scholars.
Hirakawa's historical interpretation is representative of Indian Buddhism as it is viewed by
many, but certainly not all, Japanese scholars. It also differs from the perspective of many
Western authors who have written histories of Indian Buddhism. Three ways in which
Hirakawa's treatment differs from most of the histories of Indian Buddhism written in
English are elaborated below: (1) use of primary sources, (2) secondary scholarship
consulted, and (3) comprehensive coverage.

First, English-language surveys of Indian Buddhism have relied predominantly

upon Sanskrit and Pali * primary source materials, often ignoring important primary source
materials available in Chinese and Tibetan translation. In contrast, Hirakawa has utilized
materials from Chinese and Tibetan as well as Sanskrit and Pali. For example, English-
language surveys have usually depended upon Pali materials for their presentation of Early
Buddhism, mainly because these sources have been extensively studied by British, Indian,
and Sri Lankan scholars as a result of Britain's historical ties with South Asia. For similar
reasons, abhidharma studies in English have usually concentrated on the Theravada*
tradition. Hirakawa has been able to use Chinese translations of early Buddhist texts such
as the agamas* and abhidharma texts to better place the Pali material in the context of
Indian Buddhism as a whole. For example, in the field of abhidharma, Hirakawa places his
emphasis on the development of the Sarvastivada* tradition rather than on Theravada,
primarily because the Sarvastivada material helps elucidate later Mahayana* developments.
However, far from ignoring the Pali material, Hirakawa describes its place in the
development of Indian Buddhism and uses it to provide a contrast with the Sarvastivada
interpretations. In addition, Hirakawa has used the scant source material concerning the
Mahasanighika* and other schools to elucidate the role that these traditions played in the
evolution of Indian Buddhism.

Many English-language surveys of Indian Buddhism rely primarily on undated

Sanskrit materials for much of their presentation of Mahayana; Hirakawa has used these
sources, but also has employed dated Chinese translations of Mahayana sources as well as
inscriptions from archeological sites to present a much fuller description of the origin,
development, and social setting of Mahayana. His treatment of later Mahayana
developments in the second volume has benefited from the increasing use of Tibetan
materials by Japanese scholars. The importance of Chinese and Tibetan materials is
reflected in the chapters of Hirakawa's work that discuss sources for the study of each
period of Buddhism.

Second, Hirakawa has utilized secondary studies that have been ignored by many
scholars who wrote in English. Modern Japanese scholars have published more on
Buddhism than the rest of the world combined. A bibliography of journal articles on
Buddhism published by Japanese authors between 1970 and 1983 includes almost four
thousand entries on Indian Buddhism (Ryukoku* daigaku Bukkyogaku kenkyu-
shitsu [ed.], Bukkyogaku * kankei zasshi ronbun bunrui mokuroku [Kyoto: Nagata
Bunshodo*, 1986], vol. 4). Unfortunately, few of these studies are known to Western
scholars working on Indian Buddhism. Hirakawa's extensive reading of Japanese secondary
scholarship is summarized in the History of Indian Buddhism. This work thus serves as
more than a record of Hirakawa's own views of Buddhism; along with Nakamura Hajime's
Indian Buddhism, it introduces the Western audience to the issues that Japanese scholars
have considered important and to some of their conclusions.

At times the subjects that attracted Japanese attention have differed from those upon
which Western scholars concentrated. For example, topics such as Pure Land, Buddha-
nature (tathagatagarbha*), and the early development of Esoteric Buddhism receive much
more emphasis in Hirakawa's history than they have in English-language surveys, partly
because these traditions played major roles in the development of Chinese and Japanese
Buddhism. Western scholars often have underestimated the importance of these traditions
as they focused their attention on the traditions that interested them. The numbers of
Chinese translations of tathagatagarbha or Pure Land texts suggest that these topics may
have played a more significant role in the development of Early Mahayana* than some
Western scholars have thought. In his discussion of Early Mahayana, Hirakawa traces these
and other doctrinal themes back to early sources whenever possible, demonstrating the
gradual evolution of many Mahayana positions.

Third, Hirakawa's history maintains a better balance and is more comprehensive

than many English-language histories. Earlier surveys of Indian Buddhism have generally
emphasized either one aspect of Buddhism, such as Theravada*, or one approach, such as
Buddhist philosophy. Hirakawa's history includes three types of discussions: historical,
bibliographical, and doctrinal. It also gives ample space to a number of subjects that have
not been adequately treated in most earlier surveys, particularly in the areas of abhidharma
traditions other than Theravada and Sarvastivada*, Mahayana devotionalism, and Esoteric
Buddhist elements in Early Mahayana. Balance and comprehensiveness are especially
important in a survey because the author should discuss connections between events and
ideas that might be ignored in narrower, more specialized studies. Hirakawa examines the
relations between movements in Buddhism, often tracing developments back to their
origins in Early Buddhism.

In the past decade, English-language scholarship on Indian Buddhism has been

evolving in ways that will remedy many of the problems indicated above. The study of
Tibetan sources and the use of inscrip tions from archeological sites appear in increasing
numbers of scholarly articles. Younger scholars are using Chinese and Tibetan primary
sources, as well as French and Japanese secondary scholarship. The recent publication of
an English translation of Etienne Lamotte's Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien des origines a
l'ere Saka * will add immensely to the information available in English. If this translation
of Hirakawa's history is useful in the evolution of Buddhist studies in the West, it will have
served its purpose.

Finally, a few comments about the translation are necessary. This translation
follows Hirakawa's text closely with several minor deviations. Hirakawa's introduction has
been adapted to fit the needs of a Western audience. The first two chapters have been
combined, and several minor changes in the text have been made after discussions with
Hirakawa.

Since Hirakawa's history was originally intended as a general reference for Japanese
students, it is not as heavily annotated as the Western reader might normally expect of this
type of book. The chapter notes, all of which have been included in a notes section
following the text, generally refer to secondary studies in Japanese. Occasionally a note has
been added to clarify some aspect of the translation or to refer to a significant Japanese
discussion of an issue. The text references refer to primary sources. Because Hirakawa
included few references to primary sources in his original text, I have augmented these so
that sources for direct quotations or references to specific passages have been indicated to
make the text conform to Western styles of scholarship. Many of the added references have
been included after consulting Hirakawa's other writings and the studies to which he refers.

I have elected not to add extensive editorial notes discussing variant views on such
subjects as the biography of the Buddha, the rise of Mahayana*, or the role that
tathagatagarbha* teachings played in Early Mahayana. Because the translation was
intended to present Hirakawa's views, adding extensive annotation would have been
tantamount to writing a new book. However, to help the reader find discussions of some of
these problems in Western languages, bibliographical notes for each chapter have been
included in a bibliographical essay preceding the bibliography at the end of the book.

Hirakawa included a full bibliography of Japanese secondary works and mentioned

a number of works in Western languages in the Japanese version of this book. I have
translated the titles of the Japanese works in the Japanese bibliography at the end of the
book. The number of Western-language works in the bibliography of related readings has
been substantially augmented. I have also added to the bibliographical
essay short bibliographical comments for each chapter consisting of notes about both
primary and secondary sources the reader might consult for additional information or other
views. For additional references, the reader should refer to Frank Reynolds' Guide to the
Buddhist Religion for English-language sources or to Nakamura Hajime's Indian
Buddhism: A Survey with Bibliographical Notes for Japanese sources.

The titles of primary source texts have generally been given in both their Chinese
and Sanskrit pronunciation at their first appearance; this choice was made to emphasize the
importance of Chinese sources in the history. However, after the first occurrence, I have
usually only given the Sanskrit title to keep the text from becoming too cumbersome. I
have also added the Taisho * number, a reference to the Chinese canon, to texts available in
Chinese to aid the reader in identifying the text and as a reminder that many of the texts are
available in dated Chinese translations. Because the Sanskrit titles of works preserved in
Chinese are sometimes problematic, I have adopted the convention used in the Hobogirin*:
Repertoire du Canon bouddhique sino-japonaise of placing an asterisk (*) after the Sanskrit
title if it is based on a Sanskrit or Pali* work, a number sign (#) if it is based on a
reconstruction from Tibetan, and a question mark (?) if the reconstruction is doubtful.
When a Sanskrit or Pali work is being referred to, no annotation is given after the title.

In discussions of Early Buddhism, most authors are faced with the problem of
whether to use Pali or Sanskrit terms. Because a completely satisfactory solution was
difficult to arrive at, I have adopted the following convention. Sanskrit has been the
preferred language, partly because its use was also applicable to Sarvastivada* and
Mahayana* sources. However, because the Pali sources are so valuable in any discussion of
Early Buddhism as well as indispensable for a discussion of Theravada* abhidhamma and
history, I have used Pali at certain times. The most common occurrences have been either
when a primary source in Pali is being referred to or in discussions of Theravada
abhidhamma. In addition, some terms are known primarily in Chinese translation. In
particular, some of the terms used in Nikaya* Buddhism in schools other than the
Theravada and Sarvastivada or in early Mahayana are known only from Chinese
translations. A Sanskrit reconstruction of such terms would be difficult and lead to
questionable results. In addition, terms have also been developed within East Asia that
reflect or sum up the Indian situation well. In such cases, the term has been given in
Chinese rather than a questionable Sanskrit reconstruction. In all cases where I have
rendered Chinese and Japanese terms into Sanskrit, I have striven to use the concordances
and reference works for the texts under discussion.

This translation could not have been completed without the encouragement of a number of
people, only a few of whom I can mention here. Hirakawa Akira repeatedly answered my
questions concerning certain passages or about the Sanskrit equivalents to Chinese terms.
Stanley Weinstein of Yale encouraged me to undertake the project and reassured me of its
value when I felt discouraged. My wife Cindy helped with the style through her careful
reading. Patricia Crosby and the editorial staff at the University of Hawaii Press have
improved the text with their careful editorial questions.

I dedicate the translation to Professor Hirakawa, who read vinaya texts with me and
introduced me to the world of Japanese scholarship when I was a graduate student in Tokyo
from 1971 to 1974. The clarity of his explanations, his concern for Buddhist scholarship,
and his interest in his students have served as a constant inspiration to me.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE

Indian culture is often said to lack historical consciousness. Because virtually no

materials with accurate dates for India's ancient history exist, writing a history of Indian
Buddhism may seem like a futile undertaking. However, an accurate historical account of
Buddhism in India is vital to our knowledge of the overall development of Buddhism.

During the last century, both Western and Japanese scholars have made great strides
in the study of the history of Indian Buddhism. On the basis of their research, books have
been published in Japan and the West with titles such as The History of Indian Buddhism
or The History of Indian Philosophy. The present volume follows the pattern established by
such studies. It reflects the current state of research and follows established opinions and
theories as far as possible. In many cases, however, scholars have not arrived at a
consensus. Such basic issues as the date of the historical Buddha's death, or parinirvana *
are still being disputed. According to sources such as the Sri Lankan chronicle Dipavamsa*
almost all the schisms of Sectarian (Nikaya* or Hinayana*) Buddhism had occurred before
the reign of King Asoka*. In contrast, according to the sources of the Northern Buddhist
tradition, the schisms occurred after Asoka's reign. This issue not only affects our
evaluation of Asoka's rule but our account of the entire development of Early Buddhism
and the emergence of Nikaya Buddhism. In this study, a chronology that permits the most
reasonable account of the historical development of Buddhism has been adopted, but since
this chronology has not yet been proven to be correct, other chronologies and accounts may
prove to be more accurate.

Many other scholarly problems remain in Indian Buddhism, making the compilation
of a definitive history impossible. Although I could have explained and contrasted the
various views of each topic, such an approach would have made the study too cumbersome.
Nor has all the evidence for each position been presented. Instead, in most cases only the
most reasonable position has been introduced to produce a unified and consistent narrative.

Some of the relevant primary sources for positions are cited in parentheses within
the text. In this volume, sources are usually from either the Taisho shinshu daizokyo *
(Chinese version of the canon, cited hereafter as T) or Pali* texts published by the Pali Text
Society. Studies by modern (usually Japanese) scholars analyzing these materials are listed
in the endnotes. Research by Westerners is discussed in the bibliographical essay compiled
by the translator. The bibliographies are compilations of sources that a student undertaking
serious research on Buddhism might consult, rather than exhaustive lists of studies.

When I first began this book, I intended to write a one-volume survey of the
development of Buddhism from India to Japan that could be used as a reference. Because
Tokyo University was the site of student disturbances at the time, I found it difficult to allot
my time as I had originally intended and eventually had to abandon my original plan for the
book. I finally decided to concentrate on the history of Indian Buddhism and to divide the
book into two parts. The current translation is the first volume of this project.

In most narratives of Indian Buddhism, a number of gaps and inconsistencies are

evident. I have striven to make this book more accessible to the reader than previous
histories by stressing the connections between different periods and types of Indian
Buddhism and by eliminating the gaps between periods and varieties of Buddhism. For this
reason, special attention has been paid to such topics as the transition from Early to
Sectarian Buddhism, the emergence o f Mahayana* Buddhism, and the contents of early
Mahayana Buddhist scriptures. When several accounts of these topics exist in primary
sources, they are compared in detail. I have also striven to clearly describe the doctrinal
positions of major forms of Buddhism such as abhidharma in simple language
unencumbered by technical jargon.

This book owes much to the research of other scholars. Because I have been able to
read and assimilate only a small part of the vast research on Indian Buddhism, errors may
be present in the text. Criticisms and suggestions will be gratefully received and used to
improve any future editions.
ABBREVIATIONS

AN Anguttara-nikaya *

Ch. Chinese

DN Digha-nikaya*

IBK Indogaku Bukkyogaku kenkyu*

KN Khuddaka-nikaya

MN Majjhima-nikaya

P. Pali*

-PP -Prajnaparamitasutra*

S. Sanskrit

SN Samyutta-nikaya*

T Taisho shinshu Daizokyo*

Tib. Tibetan

VP Vinaya-pitaka*

* edited Sanskrit version of the text is extant

# Sanskrit title based on Tibetan sources

? Sanskrit title uncertain

 Introduction

T h e Sp ecial C h a ra cte ristics o f In d ia n B u d d h ism

B e c a u s e B u d d h i s m origin ated an d d eveloped in I n d b , u sin ^ che

adjective l'In d ia n * h to describe it m a y seem unnecessary. W h e n B u d ­
d hism sp read bey on d In d ia 10 Southeast A sia. T ib e t, C h in a , J a p a n .
a n d o th e r lands, certain aspects o f B ud dh ism w ere em p h a siz e d in each
locale, g en eratin g a w ide v ariety o f in terp retatio n s a n d practices. Bud*
d h is m was a d a p te d to m eet the re q u ire m e n ts o f (he people o f each area,
resulting in a wide v ariation o f In terp retatio n s. In d ia n B u d d h ism . tOOT
had u n iq u e ch aracteristics not em p h asiz ed in o th er regio ns. T hus, the
te rm “ I n d ia n B u d d h is m ” is often used tod ay tn disting uish it from the
B u d d h ism o f o th e r cou ntries.
W h e n Ind ian B u d d h ism is c o m p a re d to C h in ese a n d J a p a n e s e B u d ­
d h ism ; differences ill clim ate a n d g e o g ra p h y are seen to affcci religious
p ractice; those a d a p ta tio n s in practice b ro u g h t ab ou t c h an g es in d o c ­
trin e. In co ntrast, the countries w here T h e r a v a d a B ud d h ism ;s p r a c ­
ticed — such as Sri L a n k a, B u rm a , T h a il a n d — hav e clim ates a n d geo­
g raphies resem b lin g those o f In d ia m o re th an those o f C h in a an d
J a p a n . As a result, T h e r a v a d a religious p ractice is m u c h closer to
In d ia n B u d d h ism th an la East A sian B udd hism .
A b rie f survey o f the d ev elo p m en t an d geo g rap hical sp read o f In d ia n
B u d d h ism reveals m u c h ab o ut the u n iv ersal qualities and the distinctive
characteristics o f In d ia n B u d d h ism , as well as p ro v id in g an overview o f
its d ev elo p m en t. B u d d h ism was founded in the fifth cen tu ry s .c . e . by
5 ak yam uni, w ho was b o rn in a region o f n o rth e rn In d ia a n d N epal
controlled by (he S ak ya tril>e. A fter he decided tu becom e a religious
m e n d ic a n t, he traveled to th e co u n try o f M a g a d h a In centra] In d ia ,
south o f (he G a n g e s R iv er, w here he p e rfo rm e d religious austerities.
W h en he was a p p ro x im a te ly th iny -fiv e y ears old, £ a k y a m u n i realized
en lig h ten m en t. T h is ex p erien ce, cen tral to B u d d h is m , was describ ed as
''bwnj? en ligh tened to the u n d y in g 1' an d " d isc o v e rin g [he p a th to free­
dom fro m s u ffe rin g .'' A lth o u g h h u m a n k in d is afflicted by v ario u s types
o f suffering, the fear o f d e a th is the most basic, lead in g S a k y a m u n i 10
describe his ex p erien ce in term s o f (he “ u n d y in g ." A lth o u g h Sakya-
m u n i ceased to exist physically w hen he was eighty years old, his dec!a-
ration o f enlig hten m e m exp ressed his confidence th a t his m in d h a d real*
ized e te rn a l truths. T h e suffering present in all h u m a n existence has
h e r n a c o n sta n t co n cern o f m a n k in d . S a k y a m u n i’s discovery o f an
an swe r to this p ro b lem , a p ath o f liberation from suffering, has been the
most u niv ersally ap p ealin g characteristic o f B u d d h ism . M o re t h a n any
o th er feature, it has e n a b le d B u d d h ism to survive until the p resent.
In I n d i a , h o w e v e r, B u d d h i s m d i s a p p e a r e d . B y b r i e f l y s u r v e y i n g the
history o f In d ia n tiuddhi&rn, som e o f Us special characteristics as well as
several reasons for its d is a p p e a ra n c e ra n be ascertain ed . At th e tim e of
S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a ’s d e a th in the fifth c e n tu ry b .c . e ., th e Buddhist
o rd er consisted o f small g ro u p s o f m endicant* in cen tral In d ia . T h ro u g h
the efforts o f Sakyam uni*s disciples, B u dd h ism sp read to th e south an d
west. In th e third c e n tu ry b . c . e ., after the co n v ersio n of K in g A soka,
b u d d h is m was soon p ro m u lg a te d th ro u g h o u t India. W ith the grow th of
the o r d e r a n d increases in the n u m b e rs o f m o n k s, d isp u tes aro se o v er
th e o bserv an ce o f m on astic discipline an d the in te rp re ta tio n o f d o ctrine.
T h e early o r d e r ev en tu ally divided into tw o schools: the progressive
M a h a s a h g h tk a a n d the conservative S th a v ira v a d a (P. T h e ra v a d a ) ,
A d ditional schisms o c c u rre d un til m an y schools existed a n d B u dd hism
e n te re d its sectarian (N ik a y a o r H ln a y a n a ) period.
T h e term s “ eig hteen sch o o ls” o r ‘^twenty schools’' are found in m a n y
trad itio n al sources th at refer to S ectarian H uddhism , but the n a m e s ol
m an y m ore th an tw enty schools a re k no w n from inscriptions. O f these
schools, th e T h e r a v a d a , S arv astiv ad a, S au irfm tik a, SammatTya (all o f
S ih a v ira v a d a lineage), a n d the M ah asarig h ik a schools w ere the must
im p o rta n t. By the b e g in n in g o f th e c o m m o n e ra , M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism
h ad also b eg un to develop. M a h a y a n a (great vehicle) B u dd hists criti-
ci/.cd the a d h e r e n ts o f N ikaya B u dd hism by calling [hem LIH i n a y a n a ''
(inferior vehicle) B uddhists, a d ep recato ry term applied especially to
S arv astivadins.
A![hough a n u m b e r o f schools had arisen and h a d criticized each
o th er, all o f th e m were: recognized as B u dd hist. T h is to lera tio n for a
w id e v ariety o f i n t e r p o l a t i o n s was based on th e Buddhist e m p h asis on
ihe importance o f ihe in d iv id u a l's e n lig h te n m e n t a n d lit* freedom to
to n f c m plate and in terp ret do ctrin e . A ccord ing to the W fn sku shih-ii u m
ching ( 7 HM i^ G la -li, AfanjiLsrtpariprcckatyy the srhism s w ithin B ud dh ism
resulted fro m the differing ex p lanation s o f S a k y a tn u n i’s teachin g by
tw enty o f his followers. Each a d h e re n t, how ever, was said to have
received a n d tra n s m itte d the B u d d h a ’s tru e teaching. Ln the travel diary
o f l-ching (6 3 5 -7 1 3 ), a C h in ese m o n k w ho jo u rn e y e d th ro u g h Ind ia
a n d Southeast Asia, ihe B tid d h a ’& teaching was said t o be like a gulden
c a n e that h a d been b rok en in to eighteen pieces. J u s i as each piece o f the
r a n e w as part o f th e original staff, so did th e essence o f the Rudd h a ’s
teachin gs r e m a in u n c h a r t e d even th ough th e early o rd er had been
fra gm ented ii^io ei gh teen sc hools (Mut-hat ch t k kei nei-fa thuan, T
54: 205c). Similar discussions are found in Buddhist scriptu res. B u d ­
dhist schools co uld recognize each o th e r as Buddhist because Ih eir
teachin gs w ere not established on b lin d faith. A lthough this tolerance
fur d o c trin a l differences is one o f Buddhism1* finest features, it penult*
red the a p p e a ra n c e o f such a v ariety o f differing opinions in the o r d e r
th at it led to a w eak en in g o f the d octrinal stances th at d ifferentiated
B u d d h is m from the o th e r In d ia n religions o f rhar tim e.
T h e rise o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism a p p ro x im a te ly five h u n d r e d y ears
alter the B u d d h a 's death is an ex am p le o f how B ud d h ism resp o n d ed to
the d e m a n d s o f a new tim e . M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism included m a n y ele­
m ents not fo u n d in early B u d dh ism . D espite these inn o v atio n s, ihe
original spirit o f th e B u d d h a 's teach in g was not lost in early M a h a y a n a .
In fact, early M a h a y a im t* revived the spirit o f th e B u d d h a ’s teaching
by a d a p tin g it for a new age. H ow ever, these in novative elem en ts
brought h id d e n d a n g e r s w h h them , As lim e passed, m a n y B uddhists
b ecam e m o re interested in the new additions t h a n in ihe original m es­
sage o f the B u d d h a ,
M ag ical elem en ts played an im p o rta n t role in Mahayana H uddhism
from the beg in n in g , prnhably because ihcy w ere a response ro the reli*
gious needs o f the c o m m o n people. Perfection o f wisdom j ulras ton*
ta m e d claim s rhat th e text could proteet those w ho followed ir in a d d i­
tion, perfection o f w isdo m svtrea were som etim es called " g re a i w isdom
mantras” (maha-vidyd'mantra) o r 11great m a n t r a s " (mahd-mantra). Accord-
ing to the Fa-hita ching ( T 9 :5 6 c -5 8 b , Saddharmapun4itTikasiitra)s faith in
the b o d h isa tty a AvalokiteSvara w ould protect a person from all disas­
ters. A dvocacy o f the efficacy o f dhdratts (m agical in c a n ta tio n s) was
fuund in m a n y M a h a y a n a scriptures. O v e r the c e n tu rie s, these m agical
form ulas cam e to play a n increasingly important role in M a h a y a n a
 B u d d h ism until, by the sixth century. Esoteric B ud d h ism h a d em erg ed
as a distincl m o v em en t a n d b e g u n to develop in Ind ia
A lth o u g h Esoteric B ud d h ism clearly belongs w ithin the B uddhist
Fold, its ritu als a r t virtually indisting uishable fro m those o f H in d u ism .
Eventually m u c h o f the do ctrin al basts for Esoteric B ud d h ism was
ignored a n d only its ritual em phasized* c o n trib u tin g to the ev en tu al
ab so rp tio n o f Esoteric B u d d h ism by H in d u ism . In co ntrast, Chint:sc,
J a p a n e s e , a n d S o u th east A sian B u d d h ism developed in areas a n d cu l'
lures th at differed from I n d ia . As a result, m a n y elem en ls o f In d ia n
B uddhism were not easily assim ilated by ihe in d ig en o u s cu ltures. In
fact, m a n y o f the d istin g u ish in g ch aracteristics o f In d ia n B u d d h ism
were preserved b ecau se they w ere so co n sp ic u o u s in o th e r co un i ries.
For ex am p le, because B u dd hist (cachings o f non su bstantiality p ro v id e d
the do ctrin al basis for th e “ H i n d u 1* cerem o nies in the C h in ese a n d j a p -
anesc Esoteric B u dd hist tra d itio n s, these tra d itio n s nev er lost their B u d ­
dhist ch aracter. In In d ia , how ever, as B ud d hism b ecam e m ore Esoteric,
x was in creasingly assim ilated into H ind uism * until it finally lost its
B uddhist ch aractcr.
Early M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m w as a religion o f m a n y facets; it in clud ed
A r o iti b h a w orship, as welE as such scriptures as the Prajm pdram ttdLotus
%Sad£haimapti#4atika), And Avatatmakg ftitras F ro m th e second c e n tu ry o f
ih r c o m m o n e r a o n w a rd , theoretical w orks b ased on these scriptures
w e re c o m p o s e d . T h e M a d h y a m ik a School w as based on teachings con*
c e rn in g no ^substantiality. At first, the appellation " M a d h y a m i k a " was
not used to d esign ate the school because an o p po sing M a h a y a n a tradi-
linn was nor p resent. O n ly after (he Yogacara tradition arose ab ou t o n e
cen tu ry after M a d h y a m ik a did the te rm “ M a d h y a m ik a " com e to be
used. Y ogacara was based on the system atic investigation o f id e a tio n ’
only doc trines. F o r the next several cen turies the two tra d itio n s coex­
isted.
Even before Y ogacara e m erg ed as a distinct tra d itio n , early M a h a ­
y a n a texts h a d been com piled c o n c e rn in g ideation-only (oijnapUmatmtaJ
a n d B u d d h a - n a tu r e (taifiagatagaTbha, th e potential to realize B uddha-
huod). A m o n g th e m were the TatfidgatagarbfiusiitTa ( 7 ’6 6 6 -6 6 7 ), Srfmdld-
dtmsimhanadamtTQ ( T 3 1 0 +8, 353) an d the MahftpaTtnirvdnctsutrs. ( 7 ’ 374-
375). As lim e passed, ihe M a d h y a m ik a a n d Y ogacara schools developed
a n d in Hue need each other, as well as Esoteric B ud d hism .
Even d u rin g the period w hen M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism was m ost in flu-
en tial, N ikay a B u d d h ism was still flouri shi ng- In fact, N ikaya B u d ­
d h i s m w as alw ays the stro n g er o f the two m o v e m e n ts, as is d e m o n s tr a ­
ted in the travel diaries o f such C h in ese pilgrim s to In d ia as Ka-hsien (in
Ind ia 3 S 9 - 4 I 4 ) , H s u a n -ts a n g (6 02 -6 64 ), a n d Inching (6 3 5 -7 13) By 1-
r h in g 's tim e, the differences beiw een N ikaya a n d M a h a y a n a B u dd hism
h ad becom e less p ro n o u n c e d a n d ihe iwo tra d itio n s h a d b e g u n to blend
together. Esoteric B u d d h ism su b seq u en tly b ecam e p o p u la r ant! pow er-
f'ulh in flu en c in g b o th (he N ikaya anti M a h a y a n a tra d itio n s. Kinally, as
H in d u ism bccam c stro n g e r a n d ihe M uslim s in v ad ed In d ia , Buddhism
lost m uch o f its v i g o r At the e n d o f the twelfth century. ih e V ikram aSfla
M o n a ste ry was b u r n e d by M uslim troops, an event that sym bolized ihe
d isa p p e a ra n c e o f Buddhtsl institutions from m ost o f India. Buddhism
did survive, how ever, in eastern Bengal, w here a small n u m b e r of peo*
pic hav e c arried On the B u dd hist traditio n tin til ihe present.
E v e n after ihe M u s lim invasions, H in d u is m re m a in e d sirong, J a i n ­
ism also m a n a g e d to survive alth ou gh w ith only a small n u m b e r of
a d h e re n ts: B u d d h ism , how ever, d isap p e ared , even tho ug h it had once
sp read a c r o u a n d d o m in a te d India. A co n sid e ratio n o f several of the
reasons for the different destinies o f th e religions helps elucidate some of
ihe characteristics of In d ia n B u d d h ism ,
Ind ian B uddhism did nut establish a fixed o rtho do x do ctrin al position
a n d then firm ly reject a n y d ev iatio n s front ii as heterodoxy. C o n s e ­
q u e n t IyT Buddhist do clrin c g radu ally ch a n g e d in a variety o f ways. O n e
reason for B u d d h is m 's d isa p p e a ra n c e from India m ay lie in its liberal
a ttitu d e to w ard different in terp retatio n s o f docirine. T i m A rgum ent
does not im ply that th e Buddhist tolerance o f doctrinal diversity was
m istaken. Because people's abilities to u n d e r s ia n d B u d d h ism differed
an d historical circu m stan ces ch a n g e d , ii w as a p p r o p ria te that B u d d h m
d octrine reflect the needs of its audience. H ow ever, if B ud d h ism rn u ld
evolve freely, then the possibility that B u d d h ism could d isa p p e a r also
h ad to be co n sid ered . T h e o rie s co n cern in g the dec line o r d isa p p e a ra n c e
of " T r u e ' 1 B ud d h ism rir r u la te d very early in Buddhisi history. O n e o f
the m ost influen tial theories in East Asia divided Buddhist history into
three periods: T ru e D h a r m a , C o u n te rfe it D h a r m a , a n d the E n d o f the
D harm a.
B u d d h ism is not the only religion that does not stress strict a d h e re n c e
to a certain set o f doctrines. H in d u ism also ad o p ted this flexible atti-
tu dc. For e x a m p le K ihe Bkagavod-gitd, o n e o f ihe best know n H in d u
scrip tures, perm it* a variety o f do ctrinal positions. 'I he d e m a n d lor
^ c o m p r o m i s i n g fidelity to d o ctrin e is rarely, if ever, found in H i n d u ­
ism. T h u s , a liberal attitu d e tow ard d octrine by itself c a n n o t ex plain the
d is a p p e a ra n c e of B u d d h is m from India.
B u d d h ism 's rejection o f an eternal a n d su b stan tial Self (dttrntn), a
position m a in ta in e d since Marly B u d d h ism , m a y hav e been an im p o r ­
tant factor. B u d d h ism c o m p e te d with H in d u is m , J a in i s m , a n d o th e r
religious iradition* th at all a rg u e d for the exist cnee o f a su b stan tial Self
In ad d itio n , theories ad v o catin g th e existence o f atman w ere closely tied
to teach in gs abo ut re b irth . Because the belief in rebirth is one o f the
m oal im p o rta n t te n e t6 o f In d ia n religion, Buddhists also h a d to develop
theories to explain it. H ow ever, rebirth is not a necessary tenet o f
S H ik ^ m u n i's teachings. A lth o u g h h r did not reject r r b ir t h , S a k y a m u n i
w as p rim arily c o n c e rn e d w ith liberation frpm ih e suffering o f existence.
If existence consisted o f cycles ofbixtfa a n d d e a th , then deliveran ce from
those cycles w as his goal. T h u s Early B uddhists d id not need ro dism iss
re b irth . In stead, theories co n c e rn in g rebirth were in co rp o rated into
B u d d h ism , a n d the u ltim ate goal of the Buddhist p ra c titio n e r was
in te rp re te d as frecdnni from th e cyclcs o f b irth a n d deagh.
If reb irth ivere accep ted as a religious teach ing , th en s o m e th in g m ust
acco un t lor co n tin u ity fro m e x ig e n c e io existence. A lth o u g h B uddhists
did not recognize ihe existence o f diman, ihcy eventually h a d to recog-
ni?.e the existence o f some e n tity o r force lhai passed th ro u g h [he cycles
of reb irth ? a n d p e rfo rm e d at least som e o f the fu nction s o f an dtman. T h e
M a h a y a n a concepts of B o d d h a -n a to rc (taihrtgaiagarbha) ant I store-con ■
sctouaness (olaya-vij.ndrnt) w ere sim itar in so m e o f th eir functions to
atman. W ith in N ikaya B u d d h ism , the S a rv a stiv a d a School d ev eloped a
system atic anil m ech an ical ex p lan atio n o f h u m a n existence to d e m o n ­
strate th at no dUnan ex islet I. H ow ever, (he S arv astiv ad a School losi
m u ch o f its s tre n g th . In co ntrast, the S a m m a tfy a School g ain ed strength
in later tim es, in part because o f the ap p ealin g q u ality o f th eir arg u m en t
that a la s tin g pudgata (P erso n) w as present in rach in div id ual The travel
diaries o f b o th H s u a n -ts a n g a n d Inching reveal that by the seventh an d
e i g h t h u r n l u n r s the S a m m a t i y a School w;is m o r e p o w e r f u l t h a n the Siir-
v a s tiv id a -
B u d d h ism arose at a lim e o f m u ch suffering. T h e teach ing s o f non-
su b stan tiality a n d the non ex isten ce o f a su b stan tial Self w ere e m p h a ­
sised by th e historical B u d d h a . As tim e passed, how ever, Buddhist
teach in g ch an g ed ^n d d o ctrin e s developed th at w ere sim ilar tr> the views
on atrtan m a in ta in e d by o th e r I n d ia n religions. Even as these teach in g s
d eveloped, B u d d h ism was alread y losing influence in I n d i a . I h u s t B u d ­
d hism s original rejection oi the atrium was p ro b ab ly one o f several fac­
tors th at led to its dcclm e in In dia,
T eachings a n d theories ab o n r rebirth played a key role in the d e v e lo p ­
m ent o f In d ia n Buddhist th o u g h t. In c o n tra st, w h en In d ian B u dd hism
w as in tro d u ce d to C h i n a a n d J a p a n , a lth o u g h reb irth w as accep ted as a
p art o f B u d d h ism , it did not play a central role in the d evelopm ent of
East Asian B u d d h ism . T h is difference arose b ecause tra d itio n al C h i '
ricsc a n d J a p a n e s e beliefs in spirits an d souls w ere not b ased on rebirth.
In co n clu sio n , the following two points a re tw o o f the m a in them es that
can be traced th ro u g h In d ia n B u dd hism . F irst, B u d d h ism 's fund a m e n ­
tal a i m t ihe deliv erance o f people from suffering, was o n e o f its most
attra ctiv e features. S eco nd , the history o f I n d ia n B ud d h ism is in ex trica­
bly co n cern ed w ith th e fo rm u la tio n o f d o ctrin e s that explain (he m e c h a ­
nism s o f rebirth.

T h e P e r io d ; of In d ia n B u d d h ism

In d ia n B uddhism m ay be divided into th e following five periods: (1)

Early B u d d h ism , (2) N ik ay a Or S ectarian (often called h iin ay an a) B u d ­
d hism , (3) early M a h a y a n a B u dd hism , (4) later M a h a y a n a B u dd hism ,
a n d (5) Esoteric B u d d h ism . A lthough the five periods are a rra n g e d in
ihe chronological tinder in w hich the tra d itio n s arose, they arc also
based on a catego rization o f types of B ud d h ism as m u c h as historical
criteria. T h is book covers the first three periods.
T h e discussion o f rhe first period is focused a r o u n d a d e a r descrip tion
of the B u d d h a 's (caching. T h e p o rtrait o f E arly B u d d h ism j5 co m p leted
with a discussion o f the B u d d h a 's b io graph y ami an account o f (hr
esta b lish m en t o f the early B u dd hist order. T h e o rd er c o n tin u e d to
dev elo p after [he B u d d h a 's d e a th A lthough the historical sources for
this p eriod arc m eager, the history o f the o r d e r th ro u g h th e lim e o f K in g
A£oka is chro nicled . A s o k a ’s view o f B u d d h ism is included in diis sec­
tion because it was sim ilar in m a n y ways to E arly B u dd hism
A p p ro x im a te ly o n e c e n t u r y after th e B u d d h a 's d e a th , t h e eEirly o r d e r
split into th e M a h a s a n g h ik a a n d S th a v ira v a d a schools. L a te r, fu rth e r
schisms o ccu rred , resulting in a n u m b e r o f additional schools. T h e sec­
ond period o f Buddhist history is concerned with (he d e v e lo p m e n t o f
S ectarian (N ikaya) B u d d h ism . Buddhist d o ctrin e at t h a t tim e was ty p i­
fied by th e d ev elo p m en t o f scholastic abhidharma philosophy. Because th e
traditio n differed from Early Buddhism in m a n y ways, m osi scholars
d istinguish b etw een Early a n d Sectarian B u d d h ism . S ectarian B u d ­
dhism was a m ajo r forcc in In d ia for o v er one th o u s a n d years, but most
o f its im p o rta n t doctrinal dev elo p m en t o c c u rre d d u r i n g its first three
centu ries, b e t w e e n 150 b . C . e . a n d 150 O.K.
O f the m o re th an tw enty sects, the d o ctrin es o f only rhe S a rv a stiv a d a
an d T h e r a v a d a schools a re u n d e rsto o d in a n y detail today. O n ly a little
is know n ah o u r th e doctrines o f o th e r schools because o f the paucity of
in fo rm ation co n cern in g (hem. T h e S au l ra n t ika a n d S a n m m iy a schools
flourished after the b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n e ra . A lthough b o th proba*
bly h a d hig hly d ev eloped system s of d o c trin e , detailed inform ation
a b o u t (hem has no( survived. W h en l-ching dep ar(ed from C a n to n for
In d ia in 671, the T h e r a v a d a , S arv astiv ad a, S a m m a tiy a , a n d M a h a -
san g h ik a schools w ere sliN th riv in g , Later, they g radu ally b len d ed with
M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism . In a d d i t io n , both S ectarian a n d M a h a y a n a B u d '
d hism were in fluenced by Esoteric B ud dh ism . U nfortu naiely , little is
k n o w n a b o u t the* later phases o f S ectarian B ud dh ism .
M a h a y a n a scrip tures w ere alread y i n existence by the lirst cen tu ry
b . c . e ., in d icatin g th at M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism m ust have arisen aro u n d
th e b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n e ra while S ectarian B ud d h ism was still
developing. E a rly M a h a y a n a practitioner* were especially interested in
teachin gs on n o n s u b sta n tia lity o r em ptiness. A lthough m en tion s of
n u n s u b s ta m ia b ly can be found in Early B u dd hist scriptures, M ahiyfi-
nists stressed a n d d eveloped this them e far beyo nd an y th in g found in
e ith e r E arly o r N ikaya B u dd hism .
M a h a y a n a B uddhists strove to e m u la te ihe B u d d h a , following rhe
s a m e p ath a n d achieving the s a m e status as he did by realizing B u d d h a-
hood And sav in g all sen tien t beings, M ahayJinists d e n ig ra te d Sectarian
B uddhists, claim in g that S e ctarian B ud dh ists w ere content in re m a in
disciples o f the B u d d h a instead o f striving to e q u a l his ach iev em en t.
M a h a y a n a B uddhists referred to S ectarian B u d d h is m as “haDtikayarta”
(vehicle for disciples or h earers), a term th at im plied thai S ectarian
Buddhists were m ore passive a n d had low er aspirations th an M ah ay a-
nists. S ec ta ria n B ud dh ists w ere criticized as bein g co n ten t to study for
thtrir ow n hcntTit while M ahayaniiiis strove to leach others a n d b r in g
them salvation. M a h a y a n a B uddhists referred to th em selves as “ hodhi-
x atlvas" (beings w ho aspired to realize s u p re m e enligh ten m en l) a n d lo
th eir teachings as the "bodhisottwyaiui” (vehicle for bodhisattvas). AI
th ou gh the te rm “bodtusattva" h a d been used earlier by S ectarian B u d ­
d hists to refer to the historical B u d d h a w hen he was still practicing to
realize e n lig h te n m e n t, the M a h a y a n a usage exten ded this appellation
to m a n y others. Later, the term s "sTdvakaydna,> a n d ,lbodhisaitvaydna’!
w ere often replaced by the term s “ H i n a y a n a " (small o r inferio r vehicle)
a n d “ M a h a y a n a " (great vehicle). F ro m a p p ro x im a te ly 100 e . c .e . ui
100 c .e ., large n u m b e rs o f M a h a y a n a s c rip tu re s w ere com po sed by
nam eless b od hisattvas.
In the third p a rt o f this study, early M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m , the o rig in s
o f M a h a y a n a a n d the co n ten ts o f early M a h a y a n a scrip tures a re e x a m ­
ined.
T h e last two periods o f In d ia n Buddhism a re not discussed in This vol­
u m e, but a b rie f s u m m a r y o f later d ev elo p m en ts will help place the
them es discussed above in perspective. D u rin g the fourth period, later
M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , four m ajo r types o f th o u g h t developed: ( I )
M a d h y a m ik a , w hich arose after the second c e n tu ry c . e ,; (2) Yogacara
teachin gs o f ideal ion-only, w hich a p p e a re d o n e cen tu ry after M a d h y a -
m ika; (3) T a th a g a ta g a rb h a d o ctrin e s th a t developed in parallel with
Yogacara th o u g h t; and (4) Buddhist logic* w hich arose after the above
three tra d itio n s. T h e M a d h y a m ik a trad ition eventually split in to two
schools o f th o u g h t: th e S v a ta n trik a an d the P rasan g ik a E ater, some
M a d h y a m ik a a n d Yogacara g ro u p s jo in e d to produce a Yogacara-
M a d h y a m ik a tra d itio n . By the sixth a n d seventh cen tu ries, Esoteric
B ud dh ism h a d arisen anti a ttra c te d the atte n tio n o f some advocates of
M a d h y a m ik a a n d Yogacara. H ow ever, m a n y aspects o f the relationship
betw een M a h a y a n a a n d Esoteric B u d d h ism re m a in unclear.
T h e fifth perio d o f In d ia n B ud dh ism co n cern s Esoteric B u dd hism ,
T h e serious academ ic study o f this trad ition is still in its early stages
b ecause o f a n u m b e r o f p ro b le m s th ai m ak e research difficult. A lthough
a la rg e n u m b e r o f Esoteric Buddhist scriptures a re ex tan t, th ey h av e not
been pul in to any kind o f order. In a d d itio n , because Esoteric B u d ­
dhism was in fluenced by H in d u is m , fu rth e r research into H in d u ism is
neecssary. Finally, ritual as well as d o ctrin e m u st be ex am in ed if E so ­
teric B u d d h ism is to be fully u n d ersto o d . In Esoteric B ud dh ist texts,
teachings are so m etim es referred to as “ E s o te ric 11 a n d d ifferen tiated
from “ exoteric” M a h a y a n a teachings, th ereb y in d icatin g th at the c o m ­
pilers o f Esoteric w orks believed th at it had features n o t f o u n d in the
M a h a y a n a tra d itio n . C o nseq uently , Esoteric B ud d h ism is assigned to a
s e p a ra te perio d o f In d ia n B ud dh ism .
In this study, the catego rizatio n of periods has been based on the
d ev elo p m en t o f In dian B u d d h ism because its p u rp o se is to describe the
d ev elo p m en t o f In dian Buddhist d octrin e; b u t the study cou ld also have
focused on o th e r m od els a n d h a v e b een a r ra n g e d acco rd in g to In d ia n
d y n astic history.
A lthough B u d d h is m was a m a jo r force in In d ia from the fifth c e n tu ry
b ,C ,£ l until after the tenth cen tu ry Cr£., this p erio d covers only about
u ne-haJf o f In d ia n history. M o st In d ia n h isto rian s con sider the invasion
of In d ia by M u slim s o f T u rkish ancestry in the eleventh cen tu ry to m ark
the division bet wee n ancient a n d m ed ieval history M o d e m In d ia n his­
tory begins in th e eig h teen th cen tu ry with British control o f In d ia . T h u s
the story o f “ B u dd hist I n d ia " belongs to an cien t history. D u rin g that
p eriod, it w as o n e o f a n u m b e r o f In d ia n religions. T h u s the read er
m ust r e m e m b e r that this survey o f In d ia n B u d d h ism covers only p a rt of
the h isto ry o f In d ia n th o u g h t.
 PART O NE

EARLY
BUDDHISM
 CH APTER I

Indian Religion at the

Time of the Buddha

In d ia B efo re B u d d h ism

IftjDDHtSM w as INFLUENCED by the social a n d religious e n v iro n m e n t in

w hich it develo ped. In a p p ro x im a te ly 1500 a .n .t:., the A ry an s crossed
the m o u n ta in s o f the H in d u K u sh am i in v ad ed In d ia , W h en they
arriv ed , they found ab orig in al people* s u c h as the M u n d a s a n d Dravi-
dians. T h e D ra v id ia n s h a d a highly developed cu ltu re a n d co n stitu ted a
l a ri jf p ro p o rtio n o f the p o p u la tio n . A l t h o u g h th ry w e n 1 su b ju g ated by
th e A ry an s am i integrated in to soeiciy as slave classes, ihe D ravid ian s
in flue need later Ind ian cu ltu re in m an y ways. E l e m e n t s o f t h e i r religion
such as the w orship o f goddesses, snake gods, a n d tree spirits played a
p articu larly im p o rta n t role in th e H in d u ism o f later centuries.
A n o th e r people, too, lived in In d ia before The arrival o f the A ryans,
T h e y a re the people w ho fou n ded the In du s civilization* a highly d ev el­
oped cu ltu re th a t was situated on th e In d u s R iv e r a n d is th ought to have
flourished from a p p ro x im a te ly 2500 to 1500 T wo o f its cities,
H a r a p p a anti M o h e n jo - d a r o t a re particularly well know n as arch eo lo g i­
cal sites. A rcheological investigations have revealed (hat this cu ltu re
covered an extensiv e area, w orked with b ro n z e , and c o n stru cted well’
o rg an ized cities. M a n y o f the objects found suggest th at In du s civiliza­
tion sub stantially influenced H in d u is m ; but the su d d e n decline o f the
In d u s civilization has left u n a n sw e re d q u e s tio n s abo ut how its people
co n trib u ted to the d ev elo p m en t o f late i In d ia n civilization.
T h e A ry an s e n te re d In d ia from the northw est; by 1200 tt.c .n ., they
h a d settled alon g the u p p e r reaches ol ihe G a n g e s R iver in (he P u n ja b .
T h e ir religion* based on th e ftgveda, was a form o f po lytheism in w hich
forces o f n a tu r e , such as th e skyf rain, w in d , a n d th u n d e r, were deified.
F ro m 1000 b .u .t . on , (hey c o n tin u e d th eir adv an ce e astw ard , g ra d u a lly
settling ihe fertile area b e tw e e n the G a n g e s a n d (he J u m n a rivers.
Because ihe area w as blessed with n a tu ra l resources a n d free from exter^
nal e n e m ie s h the A ry an s d eveloped a rich cu ltu re from 1000 to 500
h . c . f . , a n d m a n y of the d ev elo p m en ts th at c h aracterize d later In d ia n

l iv iJi^ a ib n can be traced back to this period, By f 0 0 0 u . c . f . , p three texts

[hat w ere successors to the Rjr-veda— the Sama-vfdnt Yajur-Vtdfi'i an d

Alkarva-veda— h a d been com p iled , T h e Rrdhrtiartas, w hich explain the
p rojx.-r p ro c e d u re s Tor perfori n t n ij Ved ic sac ri I I a t , we re coin pu sed
a ro u n d BOO u.tr.c., a n d the philosophical tests o f the early Ufianifedi
w ere co m piled a ro u n d 500 ( j.c .l.
D u rin g this period f the A ry an s were a tribal people p rim arily
en g a g e d in farm in g a n d h e rd in g . M e rc h a n t a n d artisan classes had
fie[{un to a p p e a r , alth o u g h lari^c cilics liad nut yel developed- L a b o r was
becoming m o re specialized, Society was d iv id ed in to four classes, called
tarna (colors). At the top w ere two classes: th e priestly class (brt&hrrtapa),
co m p osed o f those who sacrificed to the gods, a n d ihe ru lin g t aste (h a -
/nye), co m p osed o f rollers a n d w arriors. Btrlo^ th e m was rhe class,
co m p osed o f fa rm e rs, herd ers, m e rrh a n ts , a n d artisans. T h e d u ty of the
slave class (s'tidra) was to serve the o th e r three classes. E v entually the
system b ecam e m ore specialized anti pro d u ced ihe m a n y divisions (hat
m ak e u p the caste system today. A m e m b e r o f one (hiss was usu ally not
allowed to m a rry o r even eat w ith so m eon e fro m another class.
M on archies ru led by kings (rafttn) with d ictato rial po w ers aro se, an d
alliances a n d rivalries dev elop ed . I h e In dian epic the Maftdbharttta
concerns the effccts o f a w ar betw een the tribes, thai b etw een the
U haratas a n d the P u ru s. A m o n g the fam ous kings o f this period was
J a n a k a from V id eh a, a co u n try to the eas1 o f the cen lrat lands (madh^'a-
df.w) o f B ra h m a n ism , w hich w ere situ ated bciw een the G a n g e s an d
J u m n a rivers. In V id c h a , cu ltu re and th o u g h t revolved a ro u n d p o w e r­
ful kings, while in ihe c e m ra l land s, the priests w en: th e c en ter o f soci*
cty. A^ the A ry a n s a d v a n c e d eastw ard a n d c o n q u e re d the cen tral areas
d ra in e d by the G a n g e s , th ey e x p a n d e d th eir te rrito ry a n d stren g th en ed
th eir kingdom s. R elatio ns w ith the co n q u ered p o p u la tio n were closer
th a n in the central lands b ecause the cu ltu re a n d social system * w ere not
as in fluenced by A ry an culture. It was d u r in g this tim e o f pofirkal an d
social ch an g e in areas s im ila r to V id e h a that the fo u n d e r of B ud d h ism
was b o rn .
 In d ia n R eligio n at the T im e o f the B u d d h a

T h e B u d d h a was burn during a period when im p o rta n t social a n d reli­

gion s changcs w ere o c c u rrin g in centra] In d ia . T h e se changes later
played a significant role in e n a b lin g B u d d h ism to sp read th ro u g h o u t
Ind ia A lthough Vedtc religion and its priestly class wene influential an d
powerful in northern I n d ia , they had only begun to sp read to the
recently c o n q u e re d lands o f c c n t r a I In dia, which were d o m in a te d by the
w arrior classes
As the A ryans g radu ally ad v an ced from n o rth e rn In d ia dow n in to
central In d ia , small tribes u n ite d to form m onarchies. Sixteen co u n tries
existed in cen tral In d ia at the tim e of th e B u d d h a , but ihe weaker ones
Were g radu ally b ein g Conquered by the m ore pow erful m onarchies. T h e
most im p o rta n t o f these large co u n tries w ere K au sala, in the n o rth w e s t­
e rn part ol cen tral In d ia with i n capital at S rav asti, a n d M a g a d h a ,
south o f the cen tral part o f rhe G a n g e s R iv er w ith its capital at
R a ja g rh a , M a g a d h a would eventually unify In d ia , relying on its rich
farm areas for its power. At th e tim e o f the B u d d h a , powerful kings
were already b e g in n in g to em erge.
T h e G a n g e lic plain with its hot clim ate a n d plentiful rainfall is a rich
farm area. At first* fa n n e rs a n d a h m dlo rd class d o m in a te d the area;
but with the d e v e lo p m e n t o f w ealthy classes, m erch an ts a n d craftsm en
a p p eared on ihe GangetEc plain, a n d cities developed. T h e m e rc h a n ts
.md the cra ftsm e n org anized in to guilds a n d tra d e organization!;. L a te r,
a class o f very w ealthy m e rc h a n ts (hcsthin) dev elo ped. T h u s at the lim e
of ihe B u d d h a , m a jo r political a n d econom ic changes w ere occu rrin g in
Central India, a n d the old system o f social classes was d isin teg rating .
'The B ra h m a n priestly class h a d lost m uch o f its prestige, su ggesting
that the religion o f the Vfdm with its w orship o f n atu ral p h e n o m e n a no
longer h a d as m u c h append as in earlier tim es. T h e intellectual classes of
th e period w ere interested in the U p an ish ad ic philosophy, w hich id en ti­
fied dimart (indiv idu al soul) w ith brahman (cosmic principle). T h e y could
no lon ger be sal is lied w ilh seem ingly prim itive religious beliefs that
deified n atu ral p h e n o m e n a . In ad dition , th e A ryans h a d com e in to co n ­
tact wilh D ra v id ia n religion a n d had b een influenced by it, All o f these
factors helped c r c a tr an e n v iro n m e n t co n d u civ e to the d ev elo p m en t of
new religious beliefs.
C e n tra l In d ia at th ai tim e was a n ag ricultu rally rich a r e a th at p ro ­
d u c e d a b u n d a n t food a n d thus could su p p o rt leisured classes as well as
large n u m b e rs o f m onks. P eople w ith religious interests o fte n left th en
hom es a n d b ecam e w a n d e rin g m e n d ic a n ts (pariordjaka)t living off aims
from ho useholder* while they im m e rse d them selvc* into a search for
tru th . A lthough people cou ld usually be confident o f rheir livelihood
d u rin g this tim e, it was also a period w i l h few diversion s o r a m u se -
r n t w s . As a result, y o u n g p e o p l e in p a rtic u la r seem lu h ave been beset
by an x ieties anti b o red o m a n d to have tu rn e d away fro m th e everyd ay
w o r l d to Seek tru th m r e l i g i o n . M a n y m e n iind w o m e n o f good f a m i l i r ;
jo in e d religious orders.
Ai the tim e o f th e B u d d h a , there were two p r im a r y classes o f religious
p ractitio n ers in India: (he hrahm&nas a n d th e sramartos. T h e brahma^ms,
represen tatives o f the m o re trad itio n al type o f practitio ner, w ere follow­
ers o f Vedic religion w ho officiated at sacrificcs. At the sam e Lime, (hey
d ev oted th em selves to seeking ihe A bsolute th ro u g h th e stu d y o f a p h i ­
losophy rhuif idcntiiicd dtrnan w ith brahman. A brahmana's life ideally was
d iv id e d into four atagga. W h e n yo u n g , he w as accepted as a disciple by
a teach er a n d d ev o ted h im self to the study o f tlie Vtdas W h e n his studies
were co m p leted , he re tu rn e d h o m e lo m a rry a n d becam e a h o u s e h o ld e r
W h e n he grew old, he lei his soti take o v e r (he ho usehold a n d retired to
the foresi ro live And p erfo rm religious practices. F in a lly he a b a n d o n e d
even his abode in the forest to live a life o f w a n d e r in g a n d died while
w an d erin g .
T h e second type o f religious practition er, ihe sramano o r " p e r s o n who
striv es,1’ was a new type o f figure noi m e n tio n e d in the o ld er I 'panixadi.
H e a b a n d o n e d his h o m e ro lead a life o f w a n d e rin g anti begging. O ften
he e n te re d this w ay o fltfe while young- there was no r e q u ir e m e n t (hat
he pn.« ih ro u g h (he o ih e r stages o f life before h cco m in g a sramana. He
devoted hitnself lo co n tro llin g a n d lim iting his desires, p racticing yoga,
an d p e rfo rm in g severe religious austerities in the forest to experience
the A b solu te o r to escape d e a th .
Six fam ous sramayaa w ho lived a r o u n d th e rime of (he l^uddh^ are
m e n tio n e d in Buddhist scrip tures. T h e y a re called the Six H e te ro d o x
Teachers. Lach was (he Leader (ganin) o f a g ro u p o f disciples. T h e six are
callcd P a r a n a KaSyapaj M a s k a r in G oS altpuira, Ajita K c£akam h ala,
K a k u d a K a ty a y a n a , S an jay in V aira^L p utta. a n d N irg ra n th a JriatT-
p u tra .
O n e o f the p rim a ry co n cern s o f ihese irajtmtuu w as w h e th e r m oral
actions would hav e a n y tlfec t o n ihe person w ho perfo rm ed (hem , T h e
first h etero do x leacher, P tira n a , a rg u ed that good a n d bad actions had
no p a rtic u la r effect on ihe p erso n who p e rfo rm e d th e m H e d en ied
morality, a rg u in g thai even if a person m u rd e re d a n d stole, his aciions
cou ld not necessarily be co n sidered b a d since they resulted in no m oral
effects.
T h e second h etero d o x teacher, M a sk a rin Go£5lTputra, d e n ie d causal-
Lty. A ccording to G o sa llp u tra , a personas rise o r fa)) in the world was
d e te rm in e d by fate, not by his actions. H is followers w ere tailed ihe
Ajlvaka* (Ajivikas). T h e term “ Ajrvilta1’ is tra n sla te d in C h in ese Hud-
dhiflt Texts as ,ca h etero do x religion (whose m e m b e rs lead) an evil life”
(hsith-ming wai-tao)^ how ever, the In d ia n te rm probably m e a n t " th o s e
w ho follow a strict m ode o f lifer' h referrin g 10 the severe austerities p e r ­
form ed by the Ajivika followers. T h e g ro u p h m en tio n ed in the edicts of
Asoka a n d in the Arfha-sdstra. A long with the B uddhists a n d J a in a s , the
Afivikas rem ain ed a n im p o rta n t g ro u p in In d ia d u rin g th e following
centuries, G o sa lip u tra is said to have practiced au sterities with o n e o f
the fo u n d ers o f j a i n i s m , M ah av lra* a n d a p p aren tly believed that he
could a tta in salvation th ro u g h those austerities.
T h e third heterodox teacher* Ajiia KeSakam bala* took a m aterialist
position a n d a rg u e d that ev e ry th in g was com p osed o f only four ele­
m ents: e a rth , water, fire, a n d w ind. C o n seq u en tly , m oral acts were
m eaningless. T h e m aterialist position v^as later m a in ta in e d by the
L o kav ata o r C a r v a k a trad itio n.
T h e fourth here rod ox teacher, K akudn K atyayana* recognized seven
elem ents: e a r th , water, fire, w in d , pain, pleasure, a n d life. Because the
seven elem en ts w ere u n c h a n g in g , K a k u d a a rg u e d that w h e n a m a n was
killed w ith a knife* the knife only entered the spaces b etw een th e ele­
m ents. Because the elem en ts, the only real entities, were u n h a r m e d , the
killing was o f no co n seq u en ce. K a k u d a 's theo ry o f rhe elem ents was a
f o re r u n n e r o f Vaise^ika theories.
T h e fifth heterodox teach er, S an jay in V a ira ttip u tra , was a skeptic.
H e refused 10 give definite answ ers to q u estio ns, relying instead on ev a­
sive statem en ts. T h e skeptics' position was a p p a re n tly based on serious
d o u b ts ab ou t the n a tu r e o f know ledge a n d on th eir investigations of
logic. T w o o f the B u d d h a ’s m ost im p o rta n t disciples* S a r ip u lr a an d
M a h a m a u d g a lv a y a n a * c a m e from this school.
"I he sixth h etero do x teacher, N irg ra n th a J n a tip u tra * is also know n as
M a h i v i r a , one o f rhe founders o f J a in is m , T h e term “ N ir g ra n th a "
refers to being freed o f fetters. M a h a v tr a originally belonged to the Nir-
g r a n th a School, a g ro u p o f ascetics w ho a tte m p te d to free them selves of
physical a n d m ental fetters th ro ug h the p ra c tic e o f austerities. T h r o u g h
assid u o u s practice, M a h a v lra attain ed e n lighten m en 1 a n d realized that
he was a J i n a (a victor o r one w ho had c o n q u e re d ig no ran ce). A fter
M a h a v l r a ’s d e a th , his school called itself th e j a i n a order, T h e N irg ra n -
th a School claim s to have h a d a lo n g history before M a h a v i r a ’s tim e. In
fact F arsv a (or P a s a ) HM a h a v i i a ’s predecessor in the largely m y th o lo g i­
cal lineage o f the tw en ty -fo u r founder h o f J a in i s m , was a historical
figure.
 Jaittiitiii anti B uddhism w ere a m o n g the strongest o f the non-
Brahm anicaJ religions, a n d they sh are m a n y o f the sa m e d o ctrin e s an d
technical term s. T h e goal o f the J a in a s is to fre t the soul by o v e rc o m in g
the instincts a n d desires that arise from the physical b o d y T h e J a in a s
thus perform aus Leri lies to w eak en the b ody's streng th. T h e j a i n a p r a c ­
titioner is also expected to m ake five greai vows, which form the ba.sis of
his m o ra l discipline. T h e prohibitiorL a ^ i n s t killing LS particularly
Strict. T h e rule against possessions is carried to such a n e x trem e by one
g r o u p , the D ig a n tb a r a , that even clothes a re discarded, a n d made fol­
lowers practice th eir au sterities in rhe n u d e. J a i n a d o ctrin e a n d epistc
mology w ere highly develo p ed. T h e J a in a s c o m p iled a c a n o n th a t has
survived u n til today. T h e ir oldest scriptures are w ritten in the A rd ha-
inagadh? lan g u ag e.
T h e period a r o u n d th e fifth cen tu ry r . c . e . in cen tral In d ia was a tim e
o f ferm ent in the history o f In d ia n th o u g h t h as the above list o f hetero-
do* teachers indicates. As we have seen, one o f ihe m ost im p o rta n t
q u e stio n s discussed hy religious th inkers nr this tim e was w h e th e r o r not
m ural actions affected the person who h a d perform ed them (in o th er
w ords, the existence a n d fun clio ning o f k arm ic cause a n d effect). Tf
m oral actions did have effects, then the religious p ra c titio n e r h a d to
investigate how he m ight b reak his karm ic b o n d s a n d free his m ind or
sou). T h is q u e stio n w as closely related to teachings co n cern in g re b in h .
A lth o u g h doctrines c o n cern in g rebirth arc not found in (he Vtdai, by (he
tim e o f the Upanifads teach in gs on r e b in h h a d b eg u n to ap p e a r. T h e
te rm “samsarQ " for rebirth does not a p p e a r in the oldest Upanisads. b u t it
is used frequently in Upanifads com posed after the tim e o f die B u d d h a
It thus a p p e a rs that the co ncept o f re p e a te d cycles o f b irth a n d d eath
was bein g given its classical fo rm u lation at th e sam e tim e th at B u d ­
d hism was being established. O n c e the concept o f rebirth was e s ta b ­
lished, people n a tu ra lly began to speculate ab ou i w h eth er some entity
o r soul m ig h t travel th rou gh th e cycles o f b irth a n d death
People w ere discussing k a r m a before th e tim e o f th e B u d d h a , of
course. T h e idea o f k arm ic fruits* b o w ev erh was not generally recog­
nized at that tim e, T h e s e vague ideas o f k a r m a w ere in c o rp o ra te d into
B u d d h ism a n d system atically in te rp re te d in a u n iq u ely Buddhist m a n ­
n e r as a law o f cause a n d effect. T h e J a in a s too recognized karm ic
causes a n d effects, but for th e m the results o f actions w ere usually
ch a ra c te riz e d as “ p u n ish m en ts"' (dan$a).
A large n u m b e r o f theories were a d v a n c e d co n cernin g the S elf o r
en tity (dtmen, jic«a, P. atlan), which ! ra n sm ig ra te d th rou gh birlhs an d
deaths* a n d th e realm (lo ta) in which the Self existed. In the Pah
Braftmajdiasufta, no less t h a n sixty-two different positions o n these s u b ­
jects a re described. A p articu larly im p o rtan t issue co n cern ed rhe m a n ­
n e r in w hich a co nstan tly c h a n g in g m in d co uld grasp o r perceive ihe
u n c h a n g in g aiman thought to exist behind it. A cco rd in g to J a i n a
sources, there were 36.1 different co n ten d in g schtjols that could be clas­
sified into four basic groups: those w ho recognized k a rm a , those w ho
d id not recognize k arm a, the skeptics, a n d the m oralists.
In Buddhist texts, the n o n-B u dd hist schools o f th ought a re divided
into three m a in groups: those w ho believe that e v ery th in g occurs
t h ro u g h rhe will of god (P itsaraaimmSna-odila), those w h o m ain tain that
ev ery event is p re d e te rm in e d by past k a r m a (P. pttbbekatafciu), a n d those
who believe that ev eryth ing occurs by chance (P. ahtlu, apaccaya). T h e
B u d d h a rejected all three o f these altern ativ es because ihey d en ied free
will a n d the efficacy of h u m a n efforts, in stead , he preach ed a m oral law
o f cause and effect th at tra n sc e n d e d these th ree positions.
N o n -B u d d h ist positions w ere categorized in o th er ways. O n e o f the
m ost im p o rtan t is a classification into two philosophical positions T h e
first h th e pariAamti-pada position, was m a in ta in e d by th e o rth o d o x
8 rah i na meal thin k ers, w ho arg u e d that b o th the Self a n d the world
evolved a n d developed from the u n itary B rah m an . T h e second was
m a in ta in e d by th ink ers such as K a k u d a K a ty a y a n a , w ho did not recog­
n ize a single A bsolute, bui instead a rg u ed th at people a n d the w orld
w ere com p osed o f collections o f eternal e l e m e n t T h e ir position is
railed arambha-vaAa. Both o f these positions w ere being fo rm u lated ar th e
tim e o f the B u d d h a.
R eligious practices a| ihLS tim e were also classified mlci tw o m ajo r
groups: m ed itatio n a n d ascetic practices. T h o s e w ho ad v o cated m e d ita ­
tion tried to realize deliverance th ro u g h co n tem p latio n a n d q u ie tin g the
m in d T h e ascetics tried to attain salvation by using ascetic practices to
c u t o ff th e delusio ns th at t o n (rolled th e m ind.
In conclusion, by the tim e o f the B u d d h a, Vedic religion h a d already
lost m ost o f its p o w er to a ttra c t peop leh b u t no new religious a u th o rity
h a d replaced it. In this age o f religious ferm ent , m a n y th inkers
a p p e a re d , each seeking the A b so lu te within himself.
 CHAPTER 2

The Life of the Buddha

T erm in o lo gy

T a t vol - n d u k o f B i j o n h l s m is called the L' B u d d h a '' by b o th the B u d ­

dhist arid n on -B u d d h ist religious trad itio n s o f Ind ia; his followers were
so m etim e* referred to as B a u d d h a s by the a d h e re n ts o f o th e r sch o o ls.1
T h e te rm “ B u d d h a"' m e a n s ' ‘enligh tened o n e .1' T h u s B u d d h is m m ight
be called “ the religion o f e n l i g h t e n m e n t / ' A lth o u g h the term “ B u d ­
d h a ” ev en tu ally was used to refer to the fo u n d e r o f B u d d h ism , it o r ig i­
nally w as a c o m m o n n o u n often used by the J a in a s . F o r ex am p le,
acco rd in g to the J a i n a [ext the Istbhdjyatm , the forty-five sages (jfi) are
“ all huddhas who wil] not re tu rn rn this w orld T h e J a in a s usually used
the term " J i n a " (sp iritu al victor) to refer to th e ir de facto fo u n d e r
M a h a v ira . C o nsequently, th eir religion is know n as J a in i s m . T h e term
L3 also found in Buddhist ie x ts h espetifdly in those from the
M a h a y a n a trad itio n A n o th e r te rm used by b o th J a in a s a n d B uddhists
was "arhat" o r “arnbant" (w orthy). T liis te rm was especially im p o rta n t
in J a in is m l>eeause followers o f J a in is m w ere k n o w n as orhata.1 In B u d ­
d hism it cam e to refer to those followers o f the B u d d h a w ho h a d attain ed
e n lig h te n m e n t, while the term “ B u d d h a '1 was Used to refer only lo
S a k y a m u m B u ddha. Because S a k y a m u n i's followers often used the
te rm 1‘ B u d d h a / ' th eir religion look its n am e from lhat te rm J a in is m
a n d b u d d h is m also sh ared m a n y o th e r term s such as muni (sage) an d
bhagavat ( l o r d ) /

B ir th of the B u d d h a

T h e historical B uddha is often referred to as S a k y a m u n i (the sage o f the

S ak ya o r Sakiya people). H e was b o rn m to <he G a u t a m a (P, G o ta m a )
clan. A c c o rd in g m tra d itio n al acco un ts, his person al n a m e b efore h e left
h o m e to live a religious life was S id d h a rth a (P, S id d h aith a). T he Sakya*
were -i small kfatftya (w a rrio r caste) trib e w ho lived on rhe l>order o f
In d ia a n d N epal; ih etr capital w as at K ap ilav astu . T h e Sakyas w ere pri-
m ar i1y en g ag ed in rice farm ing- All h ou gh S a k y a m u n i was said to be
fro m a kiatriya family, ihe Sakva tribe does not a p p e a r to h av e been
divided in!(j four r a stts. C o r s ttju c n lly , no evidence exists to indiralC
w h eth er S ak y am u n i was o f A ry an o r O rie n ta l racial stock. T h e g o v e rn ­
m e n t was an oligarchy w ilh the leaders a lte rn a tin g as head (rajan) o f the
tribe. A lthough the Sitfcya trib e g o v ern ed itself, it was not com pletely
in d e p e n d e n t since it w as d o m in a te d by K a u s a la in the south.
M o d e m scholars often refer to the historical B u d d h a as G a u t a m a
B u d d h a , Since G a u t a m a is the clan n a m e o f ihe B u d d h a , the tide m ay
have significance w h en c o n tra ste d with B u d d h as such as K asy an * anf*
M a itrc y a , w ho w ere from different clans. H o w ever, since both fCasyapa
a n d M a itre y a a re only legen dary figures* there are no historical Bud*
d h a s w ho corue Irom any clan o th e r th an the G a u t a m a clan. Lhe epithcl
“ S s k y a m u n i " (Sage ol' th e Sakyas) refers to the historical B u d d h a in
te rm s o f a social g ro u p that was larger t h a n the G a u t a m a clan. M o r e ­
over, S a k y a m u n i is rhe liric char has i rad ii ion ally been used to refer to
the historical B u d d h a .
—

JF
T h e R u d d h a 's f a t h e r S u d H h o d an a, w as one o f ihe leaders o f the
Sakyas. T h e B u d d h a 's m o th e r was n a m e d M a y a . Because she d ied
seven days after the birth o f the futu re B u d d h a h e was raised by h e r
y o u n g e r sister, M ah ap n ijftp att Gatitami". N a n d n was his y o u n g e r ha II-
bro thcr.
As the tim e a p p ro a c h e d for M a y a to give b irth to the fu tu re B u d d h a,
she set out to retu rn to her native village o f D c v a d a h a . She gave b irth
d u r in g th e jo u rn e y in a grove at L u m b im O n e o r iwo cen tu ries later,
when K in g Asoka was on a pilg rim ag e o f the Sites associated with
rhe B u d d h a ’s life, he Traveled to L u m b in l a n d h a d a stupa (m e m o rial
m o n u m e n t) a n d a p illar erected there. A p p ro x im a te ly eight c e n tu ­
ries laieiv, the C h in e s e pilgrim H siia n -tsa n g visited the site T h e pillar
w e i s discovered in 1396 a n d the inscription on ii decip h ered , identifying

a sire in the m o d e rn village o f R u m m in d c i as the b irth p lace o f ihe

Buddha.
A cco rd in g to legend, w hen the B u d d h a w as b o rn a sage n a m e d Asita
cam e dow n from ihe H im a la y a s . After loo king at the physical featu res
of ihe baby, he p redicted: “ T h is child has only two paths open to h im . If
he rem ain s a householder, he will b eco m e king a n d u n ite the world as a
u niversal ruler. If he leaves h o m e (to b eco m e a religious m e n d ican t), he
will becom e a B u d d h a .”
 B irth d a tc o f the B u d d h a

A n u m b e r o f different theories have been a d v a n c e d co n cern in g ihe

h l n h d a t e o f th e B uddha. T h e B uddha is said io hav e died at eighty
y ears o f age. T h u s , nldst theories arc based on d e te rm in in g the d a te of
hi* death a n d then caleuEating back w ard (o arrive a! the d a le o f his
birth. O n e o f the most widely aceepied theories is ta p e d on the Sri
L a n k a n historical chronicles, th e Dipaaamsa a n d the Mahai'amsa. O n the
basis o f These sources, W ilhelm G eig er calcu lated th at [he B u d d h a died
in +’Jj s . c . e . a n d co n seq u en tly h a d been born in 563 B.C.s.* H e r m a n n
Jacobi* using ihe sam e m etho d a n d sources* m a in ta in e d chat the B u d ­
d h a d ied in 484 b . c .e ’6 T h e J a p a n e s e scholar K a n a k u r a E n sh o has
a rriv ed ai the sam e d a t e . 7 T h e " d o tte d re c o rd '' tra n sm itte d alo ng with
the C h in e s e tra n sla tio n o f [he T h e r a v a d a c o m m e n ta r y on the Vinapa,
ihe Samarttafrdsddikii ( T 14t>2), also indicates a sim ilar date. At the con-
elusion ol each rain y season retreat after the B u d d h a ’s d e a th , a dot was
a d d e d to this text. T h is “ d o tte d re c o rd ’ was cited by Kei C h ’a n g -la n g ,
who finished c o m p ilin g a Buddhist b ib lio g rap h y a n d history, the Li-tai
sart-pao chi, in 597 c . t . Fei n o te d that 975 d ots h a d been a d d e d to the
text as o f the y ear 489 c . t . A n e rro r by Fei changes the dale to 490
I he death o f the fauddha w ould thus have occu rred 975 years p rio r to
490 c:. in 485 h , c . R., acco rdin g [o the d o tte d record /
T h e a b o v e Theories were h ased p rim arily (in the Sri L a n k a n historical
chronicles. A lthough some discrepan cies a r e found in the theories, most
m o d e m scholars a g re e that the B uddha died w ithin a few y e a rs o f 480
l c.b_ A r o u n d the e n d o f the n in e te e n th century, M a x M u lle r a rg u ed
that th e R u d d h a h a d died in 477 is.c;,e. a n d m a in ta in e d th at rhe Sri
L a n k a n c h ro tik le s slu>uEd be corrected to co n fo rm to evidence fo u n d in
B rahm anica! a n d J a i n a works., H ow ever, m a n y v a r ia n t theories arc
found in the H in d u Ptirdnas a n d J a i n a texts. M u lle r unscientifically
selected only those texts th at a p p r o x im a te d tlie m ateria l found in the Sri
L a n k a n chronic!cs C o n seq u en tly , M u lle r's theory has few, if any, m o d ­
ern su p p o rters.
T h e p r o m in e n t m o d e m J a p a n e s e scholar U i H a k u ju (1882-1963} has
criticized (he above theories. Basing his a r g u m e n t on m ateria ls from the
N o r th e rn trad itio n o f B u d d h is m , Ui arg u e d that only 316 years had
passed b ciw ecn the dcitth o f The B u d d h a a n d A so ka's accession to rhe
th ro n e . T h e B u d d h a 's dates w ere thus 4 6 6 -38 6 B.C.U.9 Ui no ted (ha( the
Sri L a n k a n chronicles stated th at 2lft years h a d elapsed b etw een the
B u d d h a 's d e a th a n d A so k a’s reign an d thai five kings h a d ruled d u rin g
rhai pei iu d . H ow ev er, 2 If? years was roo long a period for only five
kings to have ruled; Ui thus rejected the d ate of the B u d d h a 's death
T he L ike ot the B uddiia »3

based o n ih e Sri L a n k an trad it inn- Ue arrived at his revised d a te o f Utfti

b .c .k for the B u d d h a 's d e a th by taking 271 b . c . r , as ihe date o f A so k a’s
ac.eesiiion a n d then co u n tin g back w ard 116 years on (he basis o f ev i­
d e n c e fr o m the N o r th e rn t r a d i t i o n M o te recently* N a k a m u r a H a jim e
has acceptcd m ost o f U i'a calculations b u t revised (he d ate o f A soka's
accession [u 268 is. c . e ., thus a r g u i n g th at the d e a th o f the B u d d h a
o ccu rred in 383 B.C.e. 10
A difference o f a p p ro x im a te ly one cen tu ry re m a in s betw een the posi­
tion m a in ta in e d by U i a n d the p o t t it o m held by mtisi W estern scholars
(who hav e generally based th eir calculations on Sri L a n k a n sources). At
p resen t, it seem s im possible to arrive at a con v incing theory to explain
the differences b etw een th e two positions. Initially, the Sri L a n k a n
chronicles w ould seem to be the su p e rio r source because o f their
detailed lists o f kings a n d the n u m b e r o f years each reigned T h e
sources o f the N o rth e rn tra d itio n seem w e ak er because they state only
th at m ore th an one h u n d r e d years elapsed be (ween the d e a th o f the
B u d d h a a n d rhe accession o f A snka, wirhour lisiing the n a m e s o f kings
a n d the n u m b e r o f years they reigned. H o w ev er, the Sri L a n k a n tra d i­
tion iisrs only five kings as reig n in g for a period o f m o re th an twn c e n tu ­
ries, It also includes a lineage o f five m a ste rs o f the vinaya b etw een the
tim e o f S a k y a m u n i a n d ASoka: U pali, D asaka, S o n a k a , Siggava, an d
M u g g alip u tia T issa. (T h e N o rth e rn tra d itio n also m a in ta in s that live
m on ks assu m ed im p o rtan t leadership roles in die o rd er b etw een [he
tim e o f the B u d d h a a n d Asoka: M a h a k a s y a p a , A n a n d a , M a d h y a m ik a ,
S an ak av asI, a n d U p a g u p ta .)
A cco rd in g to the Sri L a n k a n chronicles, B u d d h ism h a d divided into a
larg e n u m b e r o f schools by the tim e o f A io k a. H ow ever, little evidence
indieaiing thai so m a n y divisions h ad alread y occu rred is found in Aso-
k a's edicts, a lth o u g h edicts frm n SancL S a r n a th , a n d Kav£ambl< alt
im p o rtan t Buddhist sites d u r in g A sok a’s reign, a d m o n ish e d ihe o r d e r
against permitting schisms. Such edicts indicaie th at conflicts were a ris ­
ing in Buddhist o rd e rs in a n u m b e r o f areas. T h e se d isag reem en ts p r o b ­
ably o ccu rred after the deb ate at the Second Buddhist C o u n cil o v e r [he
ten p o in ts o f m on astic discipline, if [he fra g m e n ta tio n u f B u d d h ism into
m a n y schools h a d not a d v an ced very far by ihe Time o f Asnka, then
N a k a m u r a ’s dates o f 4 6 3 -3 8 3 a . c . l . for the B u d d h a w ould Ijc a p p r o p r i­
ate; they fit in well w ith rhe su b seq u en t history o f the d ev elo p m en t of
(he Buddhisl o rd er (see c h a p te r six). T h e ad o p tio n o f N a k a m u r a 's da[es
in this history, how ever, should not be in terp reted as a rejection o f the
Sri L a n k an chronicles as sources. R ath er, the p ro blem o f rhe B u d d h a's
d a te s needs to be stu died further, particularly in relation to the d e v e lo p ­
m en t o f J a in is m a n d B ra h m a n ism .
 R e n u n cia tio n of L a y L if e

A cco rd in g to tra d itio n al acco u n ts, S a k y a m u n i lived a life o f lu x u ry as a

child. W h e n he g rew in be a y o u n g man* ht- m a rrie d Y asodharit; ihey
hud a su n . R a h u la . Sfikyamuiii was deeply d istu rb e d , however* by exis-
4m iiiil prohltriTiii co n cern in g th<1 m ean in g o r life. W h t n he was twenly*
n in e yeEirs old (a c c o rd in g lo v arian t areo u n is, he was n in e te e n n r thirty-
o n e ), h e left ins family to becom e a w a n d e rin g m e n d ic a n t,
S lk y a m u m seem s to hav e h a d a co n tem p lativ e n a tu re . Even before
h e left his family, lie had o nce b eg un to m e d ita te Without a n y effort or
p r e p a ra tio n a n d had atiained ihe First 'IVance as he was sitting u n d e r a
tree w atch in g his lather, the king, plowing a n e a rb y field as p a n o f a
religious c e r e m o n y S a k y a m u n i is ai&u said to hav e noticed the birds e a t'
ing the w o rm s tu rn e d up by th e [slowing a n d to hav e been profoundly
m oved by the w ay in w hich living c re a tu re s all h a rm e d each other. H e
realized that although people m ay be repelled by seeing an old m a n .
e v eryo ne ages. A lthough people do not w an t to suffer from illness o r to
co m e in con tact w ith sick people, no o n e can escape illness. A lthough
people fear d e a th a n d do nut wish to d ie h no one ean escape death-
S a k v a m u m ’s c i h u i t d over ihe existential p ro b le m s ol life a n d d e a th
w e i s d ra m a tiz e d in later b iog raph ies th ro u g h descriptions o f his e n c o u n ­

ters w ith fo u r m e n while on four sightseeing jo u rn e y s o u trid e his

fath er's palace. First he e n c o u n te re d an old m a n , then a siek m a n , an d
finally a dead m a n . Deeply d istu rb ed , he r e tu rn e d h o m e each time- O n
his fourth o u tin g he saw a w a n d e rin g m c n d ic a n t a n d resolved to leave
home a n d b eco m e a religious m en d ican t
S a k y a m u n i left hom e against his p a r e n ts ' will Tn the m id dle o f the
night, he m o u n te d his favorite horse, K a n ih a k a , a n d with his c h a ­
rioteer, C h a n d a , lefi ihe p a la te secretly. A c c o r d i n g to the Mahiptmnib
hdnasbttantd (D N r vol. 2, p, 131), he “ left h o m e to seek the good
(k u a la ).”

R e ligio u s A u sterities

S a k y a m u n i left h o m e, shav ed his head, p u t on robes, a n d set out for the

co u n try o f M a g a d h a tn th e south, rhe h o m e o f m a n y groups o f m e n d i­
can ts. At th at tim e , the public road k n o w n as the N o r th e rn R oute
( U tta r a p a th a ) b e g a n at SravastE, rail cast past K a p ila v a itu , a n d then
tu rn e d south to K u S inagara, Vaisali, a n d the G a n g e s R iver. T h e road
th en crossed the C a n g e s , e n te re d M a g a d h a , itnd e n d e d in fiapagrha
 S a k y a m u n i p ro b ab ly (raveled to the c ity o f R ajag rh ^ on this road.
A cco rd in g io iraditional sources, K in g B im bU ara saw S a k y a m u n i b eg ­
ging one d a y a n d d ecid ed Lo invite him to b e c o m e a m inister in the gov*
e m in e n t, d isp atch e d a r e ia in rr lo p e rsu a d e S ak y am u n i lo
a b a n d o n his religious quest, hut S a k y a m u n i refused.
S a k y a m u n i eventually b egan practicing religious au sterities u n d e r
the g u id a n c e o f o n e o f rhe m ost fam ous religious lead ers o f thai tim e,
A raila K a la m a (P. Alai a K alam a), a m aster of m e d ita tio n . H e taught
S a k y a m u n i how to a tta in a S tate of N o th in g n e ss th ro u gh m ed itatio n
S a k y a m u n i , how ever, was not satisfied wit}] the results o f ihe mediia-
lion a n d w ent to practice u n d e r a different teach er, U d ra k a R a m a p u t r a
(P. U d d a k a R a m n p u tra ), w ho h a d a tta in e d a t ranee state o f N eith er
P ercep tio n nor N o n p ercep tio n . T h is tra n ce was m o re subtle th an the
S late ill N o th in gn ess a n d w as said tn com pletely q u i d the m in d .
p e rh a p s by u n itin g it w ith som e form o f the A bsolute- HoWcver,
S a k y a m u n i realized th at w h e n lie e m e r g e d from the tra n ce, his m ind
w as still buffered by everyday p ro b lem s. T h u s sim ply q u ietin g the m ind
th ro u gh m ed itatio n 'vas not equ ivalent to realising the A bsolute. Medi*
talion was useful in discip linin g the m in d ' b u t the A bsolute also h a d a
rational quality, which could be realized only th ro ug h w isdom . A n d so
S a k y a m u n i left U d ra k a R a m a p u tr a .
T h e T ra n c e o f NoEhingness a n d the 1 Vance o f N eith er P ercep tio n n o r
N o n p ercep tio n a re b o th m clu d cd in the early B ud dh ist list o f F our
Form less T ran ces A lthough som e scholars hav e q u estio ned w h e th e r
ihese trances w ere actually co ntriv ed by A ra d a a n d U d ra k a , m ed itatio n
(dhyatw) was cerlainly used lo qu iet the m in d before the tim e o f ihe B u d­
d h a . Relics fro m the In d u s civilization indicate th at the In d u s people
p ro b a b ly practiced m e d ita tio n , A ra d a Ji^ d U d r a k a w ere certainly p r a c ­
titio n ers o f m e d ita tio n . W h e n the B uddha described the T h reefo ld
T e ach in g o f morality, m e d ita tio n , an d w isd om , how ever, he placcd wis­
d o m above m e d ita tio n . In rhia w a y he indicated his belief thai m e d ita ­
tion by it sell w ould not allow a p ra c titio n e r to discover ihe iru ih . M e d i­
tatio n was a necessary tool for tra in in g th e m in d , b u t only w hen it was
com / b in e d with w isdom could the tru th be realized.
S a k y a m u n i then sought the solitude o f the forest to practice a u s te ri­
ties. H e chose a spot n ear the village at U ru v ilv a-sen an i on the N airan-
j a n a R iv e r w here he u n d e rw e n t disciplines such as constantly clenching
his teeth a n d pressing his to n g u e against his palate. O n ly th rou g h a
strong act o f will co uld he o v erco m e the p ain such practices entailed.
O n c e he en tered a trance a n d stopped all b re a th front passing th ro u g h
his m o u th a n d nose, b u t then is said to have b eg un b r e a th in g th ro u g h
 E n lig h te n m e n t

A lth o u g h S a k y a m u n i h ad ceased his ascetic practices, his b o d y was so

em a c ia te d th a t h e th o u g h t ii w ould he difficult to attain the bliss o f even
th e Kirst T ra n c e . H e finally decided to eat solid food to restore Ins
stren gth , M ilk a n d rice w ere offered by a y o u n g w o m an n a m e d Sujara.
A fter eating, S a k y a m u n i b a th e d in the N a i r a n j a n i R.tver a n d d ra n k
some w ater W h e n the m e n d ic a n ts w ho h a d been a c c o m p a n y in g him
saw him a b a n d o n in g liis austerities, they said, “ T h e iramaria G a u t a m a
has fallen in to lux urio us ways a n d a b a n d o n e d his spiritual e ffo rts'’ an d
left him .
W ith the renew ed streng th from [he food, S ak y am u n i built a seat
u n d e r a n asvattha tree, co m m en ced m e d ita tin g , a n d finally attain ed
su p rem e en lig h ten m en t (abhi$ambodhi)t th ereb y b eco m in g a B u d d h a
(en ligh ten ed b rin g ). T h e ahattka tree, a rype o f fig tree, b r e r b ecam e
know n as the bodhi (en lig h ten m en tj-tree , T h e site was called B u d d h a
gaya; a slufta was later erected th e re a n d it b ecam e a m a jo r pilgrim ag e
site for Buddhists.
A cco rd in g to (he T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n , the B u d d h a a tta in e d cnlight-
c n m e n t on the night o f the full m oon o f the m o n th o f Vaisakha
(V isak ha), which falls in A pril o r M a y o r th e W estern calend ar, In
J a p a n , the eighth d a y o f the twelfth m o n th is said to be the day o f the
B u d d h a 's enlightenment. A ccording to traditional account8, th e B u d ­
d h a left h o m e w h en he was twenty-nine* a tta in e d en lig h ten m en t w h en
he w as thirty-five, ta u g h t o th ers for forty-live years, a n d died at eighty.
A ccording to a variant tra d itio n , however, he left h o m e w h en he was
n ineteen , a tta in e d en lig h ten m en t ai thirty, a n d preach ed for fifty years.
In ira d itio n al b io g rap h ies, the G u d d h a 's en lig h ten m en t is d escrib ed
as occurring after a battle w ith M a r a , rhe god o f d e a th a n d desire. W ith
e n lig h te n m e n t, the B u d d h a overcam e his fear o f death a n d cut olf lus
desires H e n c e the battle with M a r a m ay rep resen t some o f the psy ch o­
logical conflicts th at religious practitioners e n c o u n te r In later accounts,
M a r a is said to have actually a p p e a re d in front o f the B uddha. M a r a
also a p p e a re d after the B u d d h a ‘5 e n lig h te n m e n t to tem p t the B u d d h a
a n d to in dicate that ev en a n e n lig h ten ed being c an n o t escape d e t i n s
such as those for food a n d sleep o r p ain s such as illness a n d d e a th . T h e
B u d d h a , how ever, never su ccu m b ed lo M i r a 's tem ptatio ns.
D e te r m in in g the exact co n ten t o f th e B u d d h a 's en lig hten m en I poses
several m a jo r scholarly problem s. T he Agamas include a n u m b e r of
s ta te m e n ts c o n cern in g the B u d d h a ’s e n lig h te n m e n t. T h e J a p a n e s e
scholar L"i H a k u ju has com piled a list o f fifteen e x p la n a tio n s from early
s o u rc e s .11 T h r e e o f these a rc p articularly notew orthy. A cco rd in g to
these e x p la n a tio n s, the B u d d h a attain ed en lig h ten m en t e ith e r by u n d e r ­
stan d in g ihe F o u r N oble Truths* realizing ihe twelve links o f D e p e n ­
den t O r ig in a tio n , o r m a s te rin g ihe F o u r T ra n c e s a n d a tta in in g the
T h r e e S u p e r h u m a n Pow ers, (T h e s e teach in gs a re ex p lain ed in c h a p te r
three.) T h e F o u r N o b le T r u th s , however, are designed to be u se d in
in stru cting others a n d do not seem to represent ihe co n ten t o f the Bud-
d h a 's en lig h ten m en t in its earliest form . S im p le r versions o f the theory
o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n can be found in early s o u rc e s r in d icatin g that
the twelve-link version o f the theory was fo rm u la te d laier. H o w ev er, the
twelve-link version o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n m ay be a system atized
ex p lan atio n b ased on S a k y a m u n i's m ed itation s w h en he realized e n ­
lightenm ent. T h e th ird th e o r y th at the B u d d h a a tta in e d the F o u r
T ra n c e s a n d T h r e e S u p e r h u m a n P ow ers w hen he a tta in e d en lig h ten ­
m en t, was also a relatively late theory, ac c o rd in g to U i,
T h e last elem en t ol the T h r e e S u p e r h u m a n Pow ers, th e know ledge
that all o n e 's d efilem en ts have been erad icated , is sim ilar in m a n y w ays
lo the F o u r N o ble T r u th s a n d rhe theory n f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n .
A cco rd in g lo a n o th e r tr a d itio n t the B u d d h a u n d ersto o d the D h a r m a
(T eaching) w h en he was en lig h ten ed . W h e n he was sitting u n d e r a tree
in m ed itatio n afier his e n lig h te n m e n t, he is said to h av e th o u g h t, " I t is
ill to live w ithout paying h o n o r a n d o b ed ien ce to a superior. But 1 do
not see a n y o n e in the w orld w ho has perfected morality, m ed itatio n ,
wisdom, e m a n c ip a tio n , o r the know ledge o f e m a n c ip a tio n m o re th an 1.
T h u s I will live by paying h o n o r a n d obedience to the D h a r m a throu gh
which I am e n lig h te n e d " (S N , vol. I, p. 139). In this sense, b o lh the
F o u r N oble T r u t h s a n d th e do ctrin e of D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n a re th e
D h a rm a . T h e D h a r m a th at the B u d d h a realized th rou gh his e n lig h te n ­
m ent can b e u n d ersto o d by e x a m in in g the m ost basic elem en ts o f the
Buddhist doctrines co n tain ed in th e early scriptu res.
S om e m o d e rn scholars o f B u dd hism h av e em p h a siz e d in their in te r­
p retation s o f the B u d d h a 's e n lig h te n m e n t the B u d d h a ’s origins as a
m e m b e r of the U a u l a m a clan o f the £ a k y a iribe. A lth o u g h the B u d d h a
did com e from a p artic u la r trib e, he h a d followers from a variety of
stales o f centraJ In d ia . W h e n he died a n d was crem ated , eigh t o f the
c o u n t r ie s o f central India d iv id ed his ashes a n d erected sltipa*. T h u s
B u dd hism was at first a religion practiced by a limited g ro u p o f people
in a sm all area, b u l la te r it sp read to all o f In d ia a n d io m a n y o th e r parts
of Asia, In c o n tra st, J a in i s m , w hich arose at ihe sam e tim e as B u dd hism
an d h a d sim ilar doctrines, n e v e r sp read o utside In d ia . H in d u ism ,
which was m u c h s tr o n ^ r r th an J a in is m , only sp read to a few parts of
S o u th a n d S outheast Asia. It seem s, then, th at B ud d h ism had qualities
 th at en ab led it to b eco m e a w o rld religion a n d m ak e it significant to
m ore th an just a lim ited n u m b e r o f tribes o r peoples T h ose qualities
w ere alread y p resen t in the B u d d h a ’s e n lig h te n m e n t. If th at enlighten-
m e m had been a p h e n o m e n o n (hat could be ex p lain ed as a function of
hts m e m b e rs h ip in a certain trib e, th en the tra n sfo rm a tio n o f B ud dh ism
into a world religion w o u ld have re q u ire d som e m a jo r figure as a
s p o k e sm a n . But no such figure ap p ears in the history o f B uddhism . T h e
religion fou nd ed by the B u d d h a included a teach in g, the elim ination o f
suffering, th at tra n sc e n d e d th e co n cern s o f a n y p a rtic u la r tribe.
T h r o u g h m ed itatio n the B u d d h a realized the wisdom th at accompa^
nies e n lig h te n m e n t. Traditionally, he is said to hav e rcaJizcd enlighien-
m e n t th ro u g h the cu ltiv atio n o f the F o u r T ra n c e s a n d the T h reefo ld
Studies. E n lig h te n m e n t, how ever, is not equivalent to the F o u r
T ra n c e s , T r a n c e {dhydna; C h , ching /u lqu iet e o n te m plat io n ’) is only one
type o f m ed itatio n It was called a com fo rtab le w ay to attain e n lig h te n ­
m e n t because the p ra c titio n e r sits in a full-lotus position with the body
in a com fo rtable position. Severe austerities are not req u ired . T h e p r a c ­
titio n er c o n c e n tra te s his sp iritu al energy a n d en ters ihe first tra n ce and
th en g rad ually d e e p e n s it, going in to the seco nd , third, a n d fourth
trances. T h r o u g h this practice the m in d is q u ie te d O t h e r form s o f m ed
i tat io n —yoga, for e x a m p le — w ere also practiced in In d ia . T h r o u g h
these practices the m in d cou ld be co n cen trated a n d focused until it h ad
becom e qu iet o r tho ught h a d ceased. A dvocates o f the vario u s schools o f
yoga claim ed th at a form o f m ystical wisdom could be realized th ro u g h
such practices. B ud dh ist dhydna differed from yogte tra n ce in th at it was
m u c h m ore d y n a m ic ; it w as a form of m ental co n cen tratio n th at p erm it-
tied ihe free activity o f w isdom .
T h e definition o f B u dd hist en lig h ten m en t as " se e in g things as they
actually a r e " suggests the d y n am ic n a tu r e o f Buddhist m e d ita tio n . T he
m in d was considered to have a n in n a te w isdom . Because its basic
n a tu r e involved th o u g h t, w h en the m in d was q u ieted a n d focused and
cot] cent rat ion s tre n g ih e n e d , th en a su perio r form o f wisdom w o u l d n a t ­
urally be m anifested Both Buddhist m e d ila tio n a n d w ere m e a n s of
p ro d u c in g w isd om , but since they em p lo y ed different m e th o d s o f co n ­
ce n tra tio n , the resultant w isd om pro bably differed. T h e w isdom p ro ­
duced w h en en lig h ten m en t was realized th ro u g h B u dd hist m editation
was described a s " s e e i n g the D h a r m a ^ 1
T h e B u d d h a progressed th ro u g h m o re p ro fou nd m editative states as
he passed th ro u g h the F o u r T ran ces, T h e s e w ere p ro b ab ly the n aiu ral
result o f his m a n y years o f tra in in g , a te m p e r a m e n t thai seem s to have
been suited to m ed itatio n from th e tim e he w as young, a n d the tra in in g
he received from his early teachers A ra d a a n d U d ra k a . T h e term dhydna
has been used since rhe early Upanif&di w ith the m e a n in g o f " m e d i t a ­
tio n " {Chandogya L'fftinimd 7 . 6 . 1). but the F o u r 1 Vances should p ro b ab ly
lie rcgiinli-d £18 n new m ed itatio n system d eveloped hy Buddhist*- T h e
Four T r a n c e s were a d y n a m ic w ay o f focusing ihe m in d . T h e wisdom
p ro d u c e d th ro u g h them w as not a mystical form o f in tu itio n . R a th e r , it
allowed a p erson lo see things as th ey actually are in a ratio n al a n d free
m a n n e r . W ith that w isdom , the p ra c titio n e r could know tr u th an d
firmly a d h ere to th at tru th . W h e n he coutd not He shaken o r m oved
from th at ir u lh by fear, p ain , o r passions, he h a d realized e n lig h te n ­
m en t. Because the m in d h a d been freed from th e fetters o f the defile­
m en ts a n d passions, this stale was called “ e m a n c ip a tio n " o r “ salv a­
tio n ” (rnoiaa, vimokfa, vimukti). T h e iru th th at lie realized th ro u g h his
e n lig h ten m en t weis called nirvana (P nihbana), S om e itcholars have
ex plain ed salvation as referrin g to the freedom o f the m in d from afflic­
tions a n d nirvdpa as referrin g to p e a c e .I?

T h e F irst Se rm o n

A lter the B u d d h a h:id a tta in e d e n lig h te n m e n t, he rem ain ed u n d e r the

kodhl-tree a n d e n te re d a d e e p state o f m ed it alive Concentration (samddhi)
that lasted for seven days. W h e n he em erg ed from his m e d ita tio n , he
w ent a n d sat u n d e r a n o th e r tree to c o n te m p la te the bliss th at had
resulted from his e n lig h te n m e n t. W hite he w as sittin g u n d e r this second
t r e e h tw o m e rc h a n ts, T r a p u s a a n d Hhallika, saw the H u dd ha, offered
him cakes sw eetened with honeyT an d thus bccam c the firsi lay Bud-
dhists. T h e B u d d h a d id nor leave th e tree Tor five weeks, D u rin g this
time* he b e g a n to d o u b t w h eth er he should teach the co n ten ts o f Ins
e n lig h te n m e n t to others. Because his teach in g (D h a rm a ) was su b tle an d
p ro fo u n d , he feared that o th ers would not u n d e r s ta n d it even if he
p reach ed it to them . T h e B u d d h a 's do u b ts m a y also hav e arisen from
his te m p o ra ry difficulty in discovering a p u rp o se in Life once he h ad
attain ed e n lig h te n m e n t, th e highest goal for a religious m an. T h e B u d ­
d h a o v e rc a m e his d o u b ts by tu r n in g aw ay from the self-centered quest
lor \ih ow n e n lig h te n m e n t, d ecidin g instead to p reach to o th ers an d
help them to w ard salvation. T h e resolution o f th e B u d d h a 's d o u b ts is
p o rtra y e d in a m yth (htu relates that d u r in g the five weeks w h en the
B u d d h a w as q u i e t l y c o n t e m p l a t i n g his e n l i g h t e n m e n t he b e g a n to feet
h e sita n t a b o u t p reach in g . O n ly when ihe god B ra h m a in te rv e n e d an d
en c o u ra g e d him to preach did the H uddha a g re e to do so.
S om e m o d ern scholars have a rg u ed rhai deep religious significance
t a n be fou n d in S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a ’s hesitation to p r e a c h .11 But the
h esitatio n could have sp ru n g from m a n y sources. S o m e o n e w ho has
h im self accom plished a m a jo r u n d e rta k in g can p e rh a p s u n d e r s ta n d that
nihilistic feelings ntEiy beset a p erson after success. M a n y o f the Bud-
d h a 's disci pics p ro b ab ly exp erien ced Such feelings after they h a d real­
ized e n lig h te n m e n t. T h e legends a b o u t S a k y a n m n i’s hesitatio n to
p reach m a y have arisen because the H u d dh a was icm p ted sim ply m
e n te r com plete nirvdrui after Ins e n lig h te n m e n t, th ereb y av oid ing the dif­
ficulties that th e p ro p ag atio n o f hi* teachin g w ould entail. B uddhists
cam e ro believe th at so m e B u d d h a s in the past h a d d e rid e d , in fact, not
to preach. S om e m o d e rn scholars argue th at the protytkabuddha (P. p a u c■
kabuddha) o rig in a te d fn im such storlfs. 'Y\iv pratyrkabuddha was a buddha
w h o had a tta in e d en lig h ten m en t but died (en tered co m p lete ftirwiflc)
w ith o u t ev er d ecid in g to p reach to others. T h e praiyrkahuddha was said
by later B uddhists to have a sep arate vehicle (ydna) to en lig h ten m en t.
O t h e r m o d ern scholars h a v e a rg u e d th at the co ncept o f the pwtyekabvd-
dha did not arise from stories a b o u t S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a 's hesitan cy to
p reach b u t from the exam ples o f sage a (tsi) who lived a n d practiced
a lo n e .14
O n c e the B uddha decided to p r e a c h „ he h a d to d e te rm in e w ho his
first au d icn ee w ould be. H e eventually decidcd to preach to the five
m on ks who had helped h im w hen he was u n d e rg o in g austerities because
he thought they w ould be able to u n d e rs ta n d the truths he h a d discov­
ered H e [raveled west to the D eer IJark ( M r g a d a v a ) a t B enares T o d a y
the D e e r P ark is k n o w n as S aru atli a n d is the site o f ruins c o m m e m o r a t ­
ing the B u d d h a 's first serm on . A m o n g the ruins is a pillar erected by
K in g Asoka. O n the capital o f th e pillar a re some exquisitely carved
lions a n d the wheel o f ihe te a c h in g ( D h a rm a c a k ra ) .
T h e B u d d h a 's preach ing is called the “ tu rn in g o f th e wheel o f the
te a c h in g ." W h e n th e B u d d h a p reach ed his first serm on to the live
m o nk s at Benares, he mid th e m to avoid rhe two extrem es o f asceticism
o r lu x uriou s living; instead * they w ere to follow the M id d le W ay
(muuihyaTna'pyaiipad). H e also told them ab ou t the F ou r N oble T r u th s ,
w hich consisted o f the tru th s o f suffering, the cause o f suffering, ihe ces­
sation o f suffering, a n d the w ay to end suffering- T h e first o f Ih r five
m e n to becom e en lig hten ed th ro u g h the B u d d h a ’s teaching was A jnata-
k a u n d m y a , who becam e S a k y a m u n i 'i first disciple L a te r the o th e r four
a tta in e d e n lig h te n m e n t a n d also b ecam e disciples, thus establishing the
Buddhist o r d e r (sarigha). T h e B u d d h a then explained th at people h a d no
eternal soul a n d w ere co m p osed o f the five aggregates, w h e re u p o n ihe
five disci [iles realised the en lighten m en [ o t whats (an artutl is defined as
so m eo n e w ho had com pletely elim in ated all defilem ents). Because the
B u d d h a h ad elim in ated all his defilem ents he was also called an arhat.
H o w ev er, since the w isd om o f the B u d d h a a tta in e d th ro u g h en lig h ten '
m e m su rp assed chat o f his disciples, the disciples w ere not called bud-
dhas. I he m e n w ho becam e m o n k s w ere called m e n d ic a n ts (bhikfti)
Ik-causc they lived by la g g in g th eir food while d ev o tin g them selves to
religious practice.

Grow th o f the Buddhist Order

T h e B u d d h a ’s first disciples w ere the five m on ks to w h o m lie preached

at S a rn a th . A ccording to the earlier b io g ra p h ie s o f the B u d d h a , he next
co n v erted Yaaas, the son o f a w ealthy eld er (frtffhin) o f Benares. Yasas*
p a re n ts a n d wife b ccam e liuddhist laym en (updsuka) a n d lay w o m en
(jipdsika) F ifty -fo ur o f Yasas’ friends e n te re d the o r d e r a n d were
o r d a in e d as m onks. All o f th e m arc said to have becom c arhats. T h e
R u d d h a sent th e m out to sp read his teaching!;, say in g ' “ G n oui an d
p r e a th , m o n k s, out ol com passio n for sentient beings, a n d out o! c o n ­
cern for the world firing benefits* h appiness, a n d c a rin g to gods anti
m e n . N o tw o of you should go to the nam e place. P reach th e D h a r m a
wi th reason a n d elo q u en ce so (hat il will be got>d at (h r beg in n in g , m i d ­
dle* a n d end '1 ( Vinaya, vol. 1, p. 20), O u t o f co m p assio n , the B u d d h a
w ished to co n v ey to c o m m o n people at least so m e o f the tru th s hi’ had
realized.
T h e B u d d h a sub seq u en tly re tu rn e d to M a g a d h a , w here he co n v erted
m a n y peopEe T h e B u d d h a 's victory over a no ted religious teacher,
L r u v tlv a K a sy ap a, th rou gh a d e m o n s tra tio n o f s u p e r h u m a n powers,
resulted in the conversion to B u dd hism o r UruviLva K asy ap a, his two
y o u n g er b ro th e rs, a n d th eir disciplcs. T h e B u d d h a 's fam e sp read as a
result of these a n d o th e r conversions. W h en he led Ins retin u e to
R a ja g rh a , K in g S ren ik a R im bisara b ecam e a lay disciple a n d gave the
B u d d h a a b a m b o o grove, w hich was used as q u a r te ts for m o n k s. Bim-
h isara thus b ccam c the first head o f state to protect th e older* a n d the
b a m b o o grove b ecam e the base for the o r d e r ’s activities.
T w o discipEcs o f [fie skeptic S a n ja y in . M a h iim a u d g a ly a y a n a an d
SLiriputra, b ecam e the B u d d h a 's disciples. S a rip u tra was converted
when he heard o n e o f the B u d d h a 's lirst live m o n a stic con verts, Asvajif,
recite, " O f all things th at arise from cause, the T a th a g a th a has
explained th eir causes a n d th e ir cessations. T h u s has th e g reat sramana
t a u g h t 11 (Vinaya, vol. I, p. i f ) . S a r ip u tr a th en p e rsu a d e d M ah a-
m a u d g a ly a y a n a also to becom e the B u d d h a ’s disciple. T h e B u d d h a is
said to have pred icted (hat th e tw o m en w ould becom e leaders o f the
o rd er; an d , in fact, th ey played m a jo r roles in sp read in g the B u d d h a ’s
teachings.
 A r o u n d the ia n ie tim e. M a h a k a s y a p a c o n v e n e d io B ud d h ism w hen
he saw ihe B u d d h a near the B a h u p u tra k a G aitya (Mahai'aftu, vol. 3, p
50). H e is said to have practiced religious au sterities assiduously. A fter
the B u d d h a 's d e a th , he assem bled the o rd er a n d su perv ised recitation of
th e B u d d h a 's teachin gs at ihe First C ou ncil.
A m o n g the B u d d h a 's m a jo r female lay disciples was V isakha
M f g a r a in a tr , a native o f SravjistT an d a g e n e ro u s d o n o r to the o r d e r
M uch later, the king o f die city, P rasenajit, was con verted to B ud dh ism
by his wife, M allika.
T h e m ost im p o rta n t of [he B u d d h a 's lay disciples w as S u d a lta , a
w ealthy m e rc h a n t from S ravasti know n by the epithet A n a th a p in tfa d a
o r “ the giver o f food to [he u n p ro te c te d " because o f the m a n y alm s he
gave to o rp h a n s. H e first h e a rd th at “ a B u d d h a had a p p e a r e d ” w hen he
was on a business trip to R a ja g rh a . Before (he nigh! was Over* he h ad
visited the B u d d h a ai S u a v a n a , A fter S u d a tta b ecam e th e B u d d h a's
disciple, he invited the B u d d h a to com e to Sravasti. To provide B u d ­
dhist m on ks w ith residences, S u d a tia p u rch ased a p a rk from P rince J e t a
o f S rav asti, had q u a r te rs for the m onks built in ii, a n d p resen ted it to
the order. T h is m o n a ste ry was know n as J e ia v a n a Its first buildings
were e le c te d in ju s t th ree m o n th s, in d icatin g th at they w ere probably
sim ple w ood structu res.
A n u m b e r o f years after his e n lig h te n m e n t, the B u d d h a re tu rn e d to
K a p ila v a stu to see his father, the king, a n d his foster m o th er, the q u e e n .
At th at tim e he initiated his son R a h u la , who was still a child, as a n o v ­
ice (Jramtwera) a n d assign ed S a r ip u tr a to instruct R S h u la . T h e B u d d h a
su b se q u e n tly in itiated m a n y o th er y ou ng m en inclu din g his cousans
I>evadatta a n d A n a n d s , his h alf-b ro th er N a n d a , a n d a b a rb e r n a m e d
Upali„ w ho h a d served the Sakya nobility, U pali ev en tu ally becam e an
ex p ert in m o nastic discipline a n d played a n im p o rta n t role in (he early
B uddhist order.
D u r in g the forty-five years betw een the B u d d h a 's enlightenment an d
d e a th , he traveled a n d p re a c h e d in central In d ia , stay ing p rim a rily in
M a g a d h a a n d K a u ia la . O n a typical j o u rney, the B u d d h a m ight have
set o u t fr o m R a ja g r h a in the so u th ea st a n d traveled n o r th , passing
t h r o u g h N a l a n d a anti a r r i v i n g in the smal t village nf P i i t a h p u t r a fat th e
sile o f the m o d ern ci[y o f P atn a), T h e B u d d h a w ould th en cross [he
G a n g e s R iv e r a n d go to Vaisali on the n o r th b an k , e n te r in g the co u n try
o f ihe Ljceh&vis, H e w ould c o n tin u e n o rth th ro u g h K u S in ag ara an d
th en tu rn west to K ap ilav astu a n d southw est to Sravasti. F ro m th ere he
m ig h t go south th ro u g h A]avi to K.ausambi* then east to B enares, an d
from th ere back to R a ja g rh a .
M a n y o f these iilCS l^ecaine shrine s o r im p o rtan t B u dd hist centers.
O n e o f the B u d d h a 's favorite places to stop n e a r R a ja g rh a was
G r d h r a k u t a Mill. H e som etim es stayed at the A m ra y a stik a a n d YasL
(iv a n a groves near R a ja g rh a . T h e First C o u n cil was held in the S apta-
pan}aguh& t a cave n e a r R a ja g rh a . In VaiSali, he w ould often slay ai rhe
large M a h a v a n a lecture hall. In K a u s a m b i, the capital of V atsa, King
LTdayana o f Vatsa b ecam e a n im p o rtan t p a tro n o f B ud d h ism after he
was co nv erted by his wife. Q u e e n ^ y a m a v a lL A small m o n a ste ry in
K a u s a m b i, th e G h o s ita ra m a , was given to th e Buddhist o r d e r by a
devout la y m a n , G ho sita; after the B u d d h a ’* d e a th it dev eloped in to a
la rg e m o n a ste ry .
D u rin g the B u d d h a 's lifetime, the m on asteries w ere built o f wood.
P assages in the Vinaya as well as archeological excavations oi Fiqalipu*
tra hav e indicated thai m a n y o f its oldest sections, even the palaces of
kings, w ere c o n stru cted o f w ood, an d the fences a r o u n d the earliest sid*
pas w ere also w o od en . As tim b e r b ecam e scarccr, how ever, stone was
increasingly used. T h e B u dd hist stupas a n d o th er m o n u m e n ts th at have
su rv ived u n til the p resent day w ere con structed o f stone.
A lter m a n y o f the y o u n g m en o f th e Sakyas had becom e m onks, ihe
B u d d h a 's foster m o th e r a n d a u n t, M a h a p ra ja p a ti G a u ta n ii, expressed
h e r desire to b eco m e a n u n . She went before the B u d d h a lo g elh er with
a n u m b e r o f young w o m en to ask perm ission to becom e n u n s , but
the B u d d h a refused h e r request even after she had rep eated it several
tunes. O n ly after A n a n d a interceded with the B u d d h a was the e s ta b ­
lish m ent n f an o rd er b f n u n s (6/itkfuni) reluctantly p erm itted . To g overn
rhe relations b etw een m o nk s a n d n u n s a n d to p rev en t sexual activity,
the B u d d h a established s trin g e n t restrictions co n cern in g the in te r­
actions b etw een (hem . In a d d itio n , n u n s w ere req u ired to observe
" e ig h t weighty rule*" (gumdhanna) that m ad e them s u b o rd in a te m ihe
o r d e r o f m onks, Despite such restrictions on th ctr activities, m a n y ahlc
n u n s w ere active d u rin g the lifetime o f th e B uddha. K se m a an d
D h a r m a d i n n a w ere fam ous for their know ledge anti frequ cnlly lectured
to m e n . L ltp alav arp a was skilled in the use o f s u p e rh u m a n abilities,
a n d K r s a y ju r a m ] a tta in e d a rem ark ably p ro fo u n d level o f e n lig h te n ­
m ent. T h e n a m e s o f m a n y o th e r n u n s are re c o rd e d in early Buddhist lit­
e r a tu re .
D etails abo ut m a n y o f the B u d d h a ls lay disciples a re know n. C itra
was well versed in B u dd hist d o ctrine, a n d U g r a of Vaisali an d
M a h a n a m a of the Sakyas w ere Famed for (heir alm sgiving.
T h e n a m e s o f m a n y o f the B u d d h a 's m on astic disciples a re k n o w n , as
are details a b o u t th e m . T h e b a n d it A rigulim alya was ta u g h t by the B u d ­
d h a and becam e his disciple. K ^ u tla p a n th a k a could not m em o rize even
o n e verse o f th e B u d d h a 's (teaching, but he still a tta in e d a d e e p level of
en lig h te n m e n t th ro u g h the B u d d h a 's g u id a n c e P u r u a M a itr a y a n ip u tr a
was an able preacher. M a h a k a iy a y a n a a n d M ah ak au ^ fhila w ere skilled
ill e x p lain in g ihe D h a rm a . M a h a k a ty a y a n a sp read B u d d h is m to A van-
ti, south o f cen tral In d ia . P u r o a w as responsible for sp read in g B u d ­
d h is m to S u n a p a r a n t a k a o n (he west coast of In d ia . A ccording to a story
thai p ro b ab ly d ates from (he period after B u d d h ism h a d alread y spread
to South In d ia , a B ra h m a n n a m e d B av a ri from (he D eccan in S o u th
In d ia sent sixteen o f his disciples lo cen tral In d ia to hear the B u d d h a ’s
teachings {“ P a r a y a n a v a g g a ” c h a p te r o f th e Sufiani^ate), T h e sixteen
disciples jo u rn e y e d alo ng the old tra d e ro u te know n as the S o u th e rn
R o a d (D ak $ in ap ath a) from P r a t i ^ h i n a in th e D eccan th ro u g h U jjay ini
in the co u n try o f A v an tir on to V idisa, K a u s a m b i, a n d S a k e ( a h linally
a rriv in g in Sravastf. Because the B u d d h a was no lon ger in S rav asii,
they c o n tin u e d traveling up the N o rth e rn R o a d ( U tla ra p a lh a ) to
R a ja g rh a , w h ere th ey m et th e B u d d h a a n d b ecam e his disciples.
A m o n g th etr n u m h e r w ere Ajiia a n d T is sa -M e tte y a , tw o m e n w ho later
m a y have been som ehow identified with M a itr e y a (P. M e tie y a ), the
fu tu re B u d d h a.

D eath o f the B u d d h a

I h e B u d d h a 's teachings c o n tin u e d to sp read th ro u g h cen tral Ind ia,

D u r in g this tim e , B u d d h is m com p eted w ith o th e r religious g ro u p s in
In d ia . T h e m ost no tew o rth y o f (hese w ere the J a i n a s a n d Ajivlkas. Both
A soka a n d his g ra n d so n D a s a ra th a d o n a te d caves in th e B a ra b a r Hills
to the A jtvikas, indicating ih ai the AjTvikas w ere still influential in cen ­
tral In d ia d u rin g the cen tu ries after the B u d d h a ’s d e a th .
D u rin g the last years o f the B u d d h a 's life, D e v a d a tla plotted to cause
a schism in th e B u dd hist order. H e jo in ed forces with A ja ta s a tru , w ho
h a d kilted his father, K in g B im b isara o f M a g a d h a , in o r d e r to inh erit
the thron e. T og ether they m ad e plans th at w o u ld b rm g th e m fam e an d
power. Devadatra w ent to S a k y a m u n i to ask for perm ission to lead th e
B ud dh ist order, but S a k y a m u n i refused his req uest. D e v a d a lta is th en
said to have a tte m p te d io kill the B u d d h a b y releasing a m a d elep h an t
that tried to c h arg e the B uddha. L aier he p u sh ed a rock off a m o u n t a im
top dow n tow ard the B u d d h a , a frag m en t o f w hich c u t the B u d d h a's
foot. W h e n these a tte m p ts lo kill the B u d d h a Tailed, D e v a d a tta a t­
tem p ted to cau se a schism in the o r d e r by p ro p osing five new rules ihat
req u ired g r e a te r austerities for monks, H e thus tried to attract to his
cause m a n y o f those w ho h a d only recently jo in e d the order. H ow ever,
tw o o f the B u d d h a 's leading disciples, ^ a r i p u tr a a n d M a h a m a u d g a -
ly a y a n a , m a n a g e d to ih w art his plans- A m o n g D e v a d a tta 's followers
were K n kalika a n d K a ta m o r a k a ti;y a k a . A jalasatru later re p e n te d the
m u r d e r p f his father, 8 i in b i s a r a h a n d b ecam e a follower o f the B u d d h a.
K in g P ra se n a jit o f K a u s a la d ied an d was succeeded by his son Vi-i^Q’
ctabha. Because the B u d d h a 's tribe, the Sakyas, h a d in sulted Vidu-
d a b h a earlier, o n e o f th e new king's firsl acts was [o attack a n d d estroy
them , T h is o ccu rred late in Ssakyamuni's lifetim e. L ater, K au sala was
d estroyed by A ja ta s a tru , w ho th en tu rn e d his atte n tio n tow ard the V rji
people, w ho lived n o rth o f the C an g e s.
A ro u n d that tim e, S a k y a m u n i was leaving R a ja g r h a on th e last j o u r ­
n e y before his d eath. H e crossed the G a n g e s a n d en tered VaisaK, w here
he co n v e rte d th e co u rtesan AmrapalT, w ho gave her g ard en s to the B u d ­
dhist o rd e r. W h ile he was p a s s i n g th e rain y season retreat alone at
VaiSalT, the B u d d h a b ecam e very ill. A cco rd in g to later tra d itio n s,
M a r a a p p e a r e d before him a n d u rg ed him to die. T h e B u d d h a th en pre-
dieted that h r w ould die in three m onths.
S a k y a m u n i c o n tin u e d his journe>\ leading Vaisali, passin g throu gh
tn any villages, and ev en tu ally arriv in g at Pava. T h e re he w as fed hy a
blacksm ith n a m e d C u n d a a n d becam e violently ill with d ia r r h e a an d
h e m o rrh a g in g . T h e food S a k y a m u n i h ad been served was called sukara\
mad da:-fJ in Pali; m o d ern scholars have identified it as e ith e r a soft type
o f p o rk o r a variety o f m u sh ro o m . T h e B u d d h a c o n tin u e d to travel
despite his illness, a rriv in g in K u s in a g a ra ( K u s in a r a ), w here he died (or
en tered parinirvdpa) in a grove o f sala trees.
A cco rd in g to the Mahdparinibbdna suitarita, S a k y a m u n i left a n u m b e r
o f instructio ns fo r the o rd er before he died. F o r exam ple, w hen he was
asked ab ou t i he fu tu re o f the order, he a n sw ered , “ W h a t does the o rd er
expect o f m e? t h a v e p re a c h e d w ithout d istin g u ish in g b etw een esoteric
a n d exoteric doctrines. In the teachings o f the B u d d h a th ere is no such
th in g as the closed fist o f a te a c h e r h idin g things from his disciples"
(chap. 2, v. 32). H e thus ex p lain ed that th e B u d d h a was not to be
th ought o f as rhe head o f th e o rd er; rather, th e o r d e r was to he a cooper-
ative c o m m u n ity w ithout a speciEtcd leader. A fter the B u d d h a 's d e a th ,
his teach ing s are said to have been passed from M ah ak aS y ap a to
A n a n d a , a n d th en to M a d h y a m ik a an d so forth. Yet ev en this lineage
refers only to the m a in te n a n c e o f the B u d d h a 's teachings, not to ihe
lead ersh ip o f the order. T h e B u d d h a 's attitu d e is expressed well in his
words: MBe a la m p u n to yourselves. Be refuges u n to yourselves. Let th<^
D h a r m a be y o u r la m p . L et th e D h a r m a be y o u r re fu g e " (chap
2, v. 35).
T h e B u d d h a in stru cted his followers who h a d b eco m e m e n d ic a n ts not
to h o n o r his rem ain s (sanra). R a th e r they w ere to strive after the highest
good (P. sodnttha). H e told th e m , "Y ou should not th in k th a t y o u r teach-
fir's words have ceased am! th at you no lo ng er have a teacher. R a th e r
you should let ihe teachings ( D h a r m a ) a n d rules (uiriaya) th at [ hav e set
forth be y o u r teach er after I have d ie d " (ch ap . G, v. 1), S h o rtly before
his d e a th he asked his assem b led disciples th ree tim es ''H a v e you an y
q u e s tio n s ? ” W h e n lht:y rem ain ed silent all th ree times, he told them ,
“ All th in g s m u st decay. Be diligent in striving for s a lv a iio n ” (ch ap , 6,
vv. 5 -1 0 ). T h e n he e n te re d a tra n ce a n d d ied {entered co m p lete nir­
vana).
A fter the B u d d h a 's d e a th , the M allas o f K u s in a g a ra took his body,
h o n o re d it w ith flowers, scents, an d m usic, a n d then c re m a te d ii. T h e
re m a in s w ere divided among; eight of the peoples o f central In d ia , w ho
took th eir shares a n d c o n stru cted stupas for th e m . Slupai w ere also build
b y in div id uals for th e u r n th at h a d held rhe B u d d h a 's rem ain s a n d for
the ashes from the c re m a tio n . In 1038 P epp e ex cav ated an old stupa ut
P ip ra h w a , a site co n n ected w ith rhe Sakyas. In it he discovered an u rn
with a n inscription w ritten in ch aracters that indicated it m ig h t have
been co m po sed at the tim e o f K in g Asoka o r earlier. A ccording to the
in scrip tio n , th e urn co n tain ed [he rem ain s o f S a k y a m u n i, w hich h ad
been e n s h rin e d by the Sakyas. A fter the co n ten ts o f the u r n h a d been
identified as S a k y a m u n t’s rem ain s, p a rt o f th e m w^rc p resen ted to
T h a ila n d . T h a ila n d , in turn* divided its p ortion a n d sent p a rt o f the
re m a in s to J a p a n , w here they w ere e n s h rin e d at th e Nttraiji T e m p le in
N a g o y a . T h e u r n is in the collection o f the C a lc u tta M u s e u m ,
In 195R a n u r n c o n tain in g the re m a in s from a c re m a tio n was found at
the site ofV aisali, A lth o u g h the u m h ad no inscription, it was sim ilar to
the o n e P ep p£ h a d d isco v ered a n d identified as c o n ta in in g the B u d d h a ’s
rem ain s. T h e acco un t in the Mahdparimbbdna. suttanta o f the division of
the B u d d h a 's relics into eight parts thus seem s to be based on historical
fact. T h e se stupas were th e fo re ru n n e rs o f o th e r stupas th a t w ere later
erected th ro u g h o u t In d ia a n d served as c e n te rs for B uddhist devotees.
 CHAPTER 3

Early Buddhist Doctrine

In tro d u ctio n to D o ctrin e

T h e t e a c h in g s the B u d d h a had preached d u rin g thrit Iasi forty'five

years of his life w ere recited at the First C o u n c il (satigit0 , (A lth o u g h
w ritin g cxisfcd at this tim c , the scrip tu res w ere tra n s m itte d orally.) T h e
D h a r m a a n d Vtnayu traditio nally are said to hav e been collected at the
cptUUicil. T h e doctrines ( D h a r m a ) were o rg a n iz e d into s crip ty rcs (sutras)
a n d ihi? sutras w ere eventually colkcicd to form a Sutra-ptioke (basket of
.uJ^rjii). T h e rules a n d regulations o f m on astic discipline (L'inaya) w ere
collected anti o rg a n iz e d in to a V'maya-pitahi {basket o f Vinaya). T h e
Sutfu-pitaka is also m l led the Agama dr tra n sm itte d (teachings), a te rm
in d icatin g th at th e sutras consisted o f teachings h a n d e d dow n from the
past.
As tlit- teachings w ere c o m m itte d <u m e m o ry a n d passed d u w n from
o n e g e n e ra tio n to the next, e x p la n a tio n s reflecting th e u n d e r s ta n d in g
Hind in te rp re ta tio n s o f later g e n e ra tio n s w en: in c o rp o ra te d in to the
scriptures* T h e itiiras were e x p a n d e d anti changes were inevitably in tro ­
d u c e d in to th e original teachings. A lthough the teach ing s found in the
Agttmas (or niirai) include m u c h m o re th an the (cachings o f th e historical
B u d d h a , m a n y o f ihe Agamm are closely related to ihe historical B u d ­
d h a 's teachings. A n y attem p t io ascertain the original teachings o f the
historical K ud dh a m ust be based on Ihis literatu re. As shall be discussed
subsequently; earlier anti later passages m th e Agam as have been d istin ­
g u ished by m o d ern scholars. In this ch apter, (he basic teachings o f rhe
B u d d h a and his disciples fo u n d in the are con sid ered to gether a*
E arly B u d d h i s t D octrine

" E a r ly Buddhist d o c trin e ." Scholars have been u n ab le to d istinguish

the teach ing s o f the B u d d h a from those o f his im m e d ia te d iscip les.1
M o d e m schoiavs hav e often c o m m e n te d the hasic ration ality o f
E arly Rudd hist doctrine. M a n y o f the sayings in clu ded in an early [>np-
u l a r collection o f verses,, the Dhammapada, a re ethical and ratio nal; they
p rovide a stro n g ronirnsr to the superstition thai ch a ra c te riz e d some of
[he o th e r religions in In d ia at this lim e. For ex am p le, according to the
Dhammapada (v. 5): "K ilm ity is not ciim in H lal by enmity. O n ly w h en
e n m ity is a b a n d o n e d , is it elim inated. T h is is an U n changing a n d e te r­
n al t r u t h . 11 T h e following verse from ihe Dhammapada (v. 60) is typical
o f rhe rational attitu d e u n d e rly in g m u c h o f the B u d d h a s teaching:
*“T h e n ig h i is long for a p erso n w ho c an n o t sleep. Ayojafia [ap p ro x i­
m ately nine miles] is a long way for a person w ho is tired. T h e cycles of
b irth a n d deaih a re long for a foolish person w ho does not know (he
T r u e D h a r m a ” Because he believed th ai m o ra l actions would m ak e
m e n h a p p y a n d lead lo a rich, p ro d u ctiv e life, ihe B u d d h a co nstan tly
u rg ed people to act ethically, to love each other, a n d not to kill. H e
p re a c h e d that alm sgiving led to happiness b u t stea lin g d id nor, a n d that
speaking the tru th led to co n te n tm e n i b u t lying did not. T h e Buddha’s
teach ing s did not stnp with m oral 11y. H e laug h I people how to hve
rationally, how to free them selves fm m rhe t o m rad Let ions a n d p ro b le m s
o f ev ery d ay life.
B uddhism strives to raise rhe m oral s ta n d a rd s o f society a n d to teach
people lo live rationally. F ro m the lim e o f early B ud d h ism o n w a rd ,
R udd h ist m onasteries have been noted for th e ir hygienic condilions an d
their high level o f culiure. W ith in rhe sim ple stru c tu re o f m o nastic life,
people found the freedom to develop spiritually a n d culturally. A rchitec-
tural a n d artistic techn iqu es developed a r o u n d m o nasteries a n d stupas.
Discourses on ag ricu ltu ral m eth od s a n d On the investm ent o f mer-
chan is ’ assets a re fo u n d in the Agamas, a n d discussions on m edicines
an d m edical prac tires a re included in ihe Vinaya. But B ud d h ism does
m o re th an teach people how to ljve ratio n al a n d sen si hie lives. It co n ­
tain s insights in io the existential an d spiritual problem s th at people
e n c o u n te r a n d guides th e m as they seek to escape from th eir suffering.
B u dd h ist practice focuses on the resolution o f the p ro b le m o f h u m a n
suffering.

T h e F o u r N oble T ruths

T h e suffering (duhkha) that characterizes h u m a n existence is often raic-

gorized into four types: birth, old age, illness, a n d dearh, A n ad d itio n al
four types are sometimes added: separation from loved nnesh associa­
tion with people one hates, inability ro obtain what one desires* and
d i n g i n g (<i the five ag gregates (skandha, discussed later in this chapter).
T h e periods o f happ in ess ih at occu r in a p e rso n 's life inv ariably end
when he is c o n fro n te d with ihe suffering o f illness a n d d e a th . T h e basic
cause of such suffering lies in m a n 's clinging to his existence W h en
h irth , old age, illness, a n d d eath are considered as n a tu r a l p h e n o m e n a ,
(hey a re not suffering. T hey a re characterized as suffering only when
considered from the po in t o f view o f the individual. Because birth h old
age, illness, a n d d e a th a re inescapable facts o f h u m a n existen ce, suffer-
Lnidf is called the First N oble T r u t h (duhkha^dryasatya) T h e full extent lo
w hich h u m a n existence is c h aracterised by suffering can onJy he u n d e r ­
sto o d by a sage (dryn)
T h e S econ d N uble T r u t h co n cern s the cau se o f suffering (duhktiasatnti-
daya-dryasatyn). Existence entails suffering for the indiv id ual because of
the very basic m e n ta l a ttrib u te o f ''t h i r s t '1 (trsnd), which lies at the bot­
tom o f all of his desires. T h is thirst is never satisfied; it is the desire that
lies tit the heart o f m a n 's disco n ten t, ft is called ^‘th irs t" becau se in
intensity it resem bles the fcrvenl Inn^tng lor w ater of a m a n with a
p a rc h e d throat. M a n is reb o rn because o f this thirst; it is therefore
called ' ‘t h e cau se o f r e b irth ." Suffering a n d rebirth arc difficult lo
escape because m a n seeks unceasingly to satisfy his thirsts, lusts, an d
tan g in g lor h ap p in ess.
T h r e e basic types o f desire o r (hirst (trsrtd) are distin gu ished: the
desire for sensual objects (kdina-trftid)j the desire for c o n tin u e d existence
(khava-irsrid), a n d th e dc&ire for nonexistence (utbhaVO tr/pa) Kdm&-trsnd
includes the desire for objects o f the senses a n d objects o f sexual lust-
Bh&ua-tffttd is ihe desire for etern al existence, a n d oibkava-taad is the
desire to te rm in a te existence, A fo u rth type o f d e s ire n the wish for good
fo rtu n e, is so m etim es a d d e d to the above three. T hese specific types of
desires m u st be d isting uish ed fm m thirst (trw d) because thirst can never
be satisfied a n d is the basis o f all desires ft ii so m etim es identified with
ig n o ra n ce (avidyd). T h e v ario u s d efilem ents all arise a n d tain t th e m in d
because o f thirst a n d ig n o ra n c e . T h u s the S econ d N oble T r u t h concerns
ihe cau se o f suffering, the w ay in which thirst is the basis o f all defile-
m en ts (kltsa).
T h e T h i r d N oble T r u th , the extinction o f suffering (duhkhttntrodha-
dryasnlya), co n cern s th e e ra d ic a tio n of thirst. T h is state is called "mV-
i-wjin " (P. nibbdna). Because the m in d is freed fm m all the fetters of
ihirst, nirtdrta is also called e m a n c ip a tio n (ptmukii, vimokfa, moksa). A
person is first partially freed th ro ug h w isdom , a stage called “ e m a n c ip a ­
tion th ro u g h u n d e r s ta n d i n g 11 (prajnd-vimukli). N ext, all ihe defilem en ts
 are erad icated a n d the e n tire m in d is freed, a siage called " e m a n c i p a ­
tion o f ihe m i n d ’1 ((efo-vimakti). In this state the m ind o p erates in c o m ­
plete freedom , unaffected by r h i m . Because tru e bliss (sukha) is e x p e r i­
enced , nirvana i.Hsom etim es said to be the bliss o f extinction. Because the
term “nirvana*' m ay be tran slated as “ ex tin ctio n ,” some people have
c o n sidered nirvana 10 be a nihilistic state- However, only ihirsi is e x n n -
guished, not the m ind itself T h r o u g h the e x lin rtio n o f thirst, correct
w isd om is m anifested, a n d w ilh that wisdom ihe u n c h a n g in g iru ih of
nirvana is realized. T h u s nirvana w ould seem to be a slate o f existence
thai can he logically posited. H o w ev er, ntrvapa can also be u n d e rsto o d
as “ perfect peace h1" the tra n q u ility of ihe m in d th at has realized nirvana.
S om e scholars prefer to in terp ret nirvana as p er feet p e a c e .2
T h e F o u rth N oble T r u t h is the way th at leads to the cessation o f su f­
fering (duhkhanirvdhagamini praiipad). Ii is e*plained th ro ug h ihe t i g h l '
fold N oble Paih (dtydiidngfrmdrga), which consists o f cu ltiv atin g ihe fol­
low ing a ttitu d e s a n d practices: right views, fight tho ug ht, right speech,
righi c o n d u c t, right livelihood, right effort, right m indfulness, a n d right
concent ration T h e lirst elem en t o f the p a th , right views, refers to “ see­
ing things as they actually a r e ,” T h e person who sees the world a n d
h im self as they actually are com es to know rhe rruth o f D e p e n d e n t O r ig ­
ination. O n the basis o f fight views, right th ought arises, a n d is followed
by right specch, right aelions, right livelihood, a n d right effort If th e
Buddhist 's ev ery day life is based on right views, his life is in accord with
religious tru th . T h e seventh elem eni o f the eightfold path, rcght m in d ­
fulness, has rwo aspects, right aw areness a n d right m em ory. T ogether
they are ihe m ental pow ers n ecessary to m a in ta in a correct stale of
m ind. T h e last elem en t o f the eightfold path is right c o n cen tratio n O n
the basis o f righi views a n d right m in dfuln ess, ihe Buddhist p ra c titio n e r
unifies a n d con trols his m in d , a n d thereby practices righi c o n c e n tra tio n
o r m ed itatio n. O f the eight elem em s o f the p a ih , right views a n d right
co n cen tratio n a re the m osi im p o rta n t. W isd o m arises out of m editation.
By p racticin g the ti g h t fold N oble P ath , ihe Buddhist can realize nirvana
o r d clivcrancc.
In Sanskrit the F o u r N oble T r u th s arc called drya-satya. T h e te rm
“a iy a " is tran slated as “ n o b le ” o r “ sa g e ," The B u d d h a m ay have
decided to describe so m e o f his most basic d o ctrin e s w ith the w ord
(‘dtya ** b ecau se he was co nfideni ihat the tru ih he h ad realized was in
fact a t r u t h for th e A r y a n p e o p le. (A t th a t tim e , (he A r y a n p e o p le mi ghl
hav e con st it ui ed the world as he knew it-)
'i he F o u r N oble T r u t h s w ere the subject o f th e B u d d h a ’s first ser­
m o n , deliv ered (o ihe five m on ks at ihe D eer P ark. W h e n the five
m onks had h e a rd the serm o n they o b ta in e d “ eyes o f w isd o m " (dharma-
idikra) a n d realized th at 1(e very th in g w hich arises (samud&yt-dharma) will
tt'iisc (nirodhe-dharma) ' f h e y arc: also saLci to lLhav e M:pn Ih r l ) h a r n i a 1
k n o w n the D h a r m a , a n d becom e enligh ten ed in ihe D h a r m a . '1 T hus
w as th e world of the D h a r m a o p en ed io (hen),

T h e M id d le P ath and U n a n sw e red Q uestions

T h e Eight Fold N oble Path is also called the M iddle Path n r W ay (madhy-
amn-praiipad). A life devoted to the pursuit o f o n e ’s desires is v u lg a r an d
b ase In d u lg in g in sensual p leasu re does not lead to spiritual progress.
H ow ever, the altern ativ e o f p erfo rm in g painful au sterities does not
bring benefits. T h e B u d d h a rejected both cT these ex trem es an d
a tta in e d e n lig h te n m e n t by following the M iddle Path T h e M iddle Path
consists o f such elem ents as lig h t views, right tho ug ht, a n d right con-
c e n t ta t ion. T h e significance: o f the te rm lLrig h t ” is net c o m p le te ly
ex p lain ed in the discourses on the Right fold N oble Path. R a t h e r it is
found in the e x p la n a tio n s of the M id d le Path.
All people h o p e that th eir experiences will be p leasan t, b u t a life
d ev o ted single mi ndedly to pleasure leads to d e g ra d a tio n , nut to spirit*
ufll progress. T h e practice o f austerities requ ires a stro n g will a n d $eri'
ous effort' a n d alth o u g h such eilort is a d m ira b le , physical suffering by
itself will not result in c n lig h tc n m e n i. A u sterities alone do not im prov e
t he p rac t i t ione r "s abil i ty to reasu n 3 he si gn i fi cance o f t he term ’Lri gh t '1
in the e le m e n ts o f the Eightfold Noble P a th lies in the w isd om to dis­
cover the M iddle P a th berw een tw o extrem es. T h e fo rm u la o f th e M id
die P a th is ap p lied to a variety o f situations, Besides its use in re g a rd to
pleasure a n d suffering (VP, vol. I, p. 10), it is applied to such ex trem e
op po site points o f view as an n ih ilatio h ism a n d etern al ism {SN, vol, 2. p.
'18) o r the positions that ev e ry th in g exists a n d n othing exists (L W , vol. 2,
p. 17). W hile the M iddle Path betw een suffering a n d p leasu re refers to
religious p ractice, the M id d le P a th betw een anuih iJation ism a n d e te r ­
nal ism o r berween the views that ev ery th in g exists a n d n o th in g exists
le frrs to religious doctrines. T h e religious p ractitio n er should strive to
perceive th in g s as they actually arc, a n d not speculate o r hold p re ju ­
dices. If he is to follow the M id d le P a t h H th en lie m u st avoid fixed an d
extreme p o sitio n s.1
V iew ing things as they actually are led th e B u d d h a to ad op t a posi­
tion o f r e f u tin g to an sw er certain qu estion s (avydkrta). W h e n the B u d ­
d h a w as asked w h eth er the u niv erse w as etern al o r nm o r w h eth er the
univ erse e x te n d e d forever, he rem ain ed silent a n d did not answer. H e
also rem ain ed silent when he was asked w h eth er the soul w as the sam e
as ihe body o r distinct from it an d w h en he was q u estion ed a b o u t
w h e th e r th r T a th a g a ta (O n e who has thus com e o r B u d d h a) existed
a fter d e a th o r not. T h e B u d d h a thus knew th e limits o f k no w ledg e an d
did not a n s w e r qu estio ns co n cern in g m etap h y sical subjects a b o u t which
m a n could not hav e knowledge.
M a in ta in in g silence is dilTicult w hen a person is being ch alleng ed to
resp o n d . M o st religious thin kers d u r in g the B u d d h a ’s tim e a rg u e d that
only they knew th e absolute tr u th an d th at a n y d iv e rg e n t views were
false. T h e y indulged them selves in a rg u m e n ts , each m a in ta in in g lhal
his poainon w as correct a n d attack in g th e views o f others. T h e se m e n
w ere p ro u d a n d egoistic. E ven if they had discovered religious tiiiths,
ihose tr u th s w ere sullied by the blind w ay in w hich people clun g to an d
d e fe n d e d them . Because th e B u d d h a rejected a n y type o f clinging, he
viewed these d ebates as, futile a n d did not p a rtic ip a te in (hem H e was
rational a n d self-control led. H e believed th at even tho ug h each o f fhe
h etero d ox th ink ers insisted th at his position presen ted absolute tru th ,
th e ir positions w ere all relative. T h is situ atio n is illustrated in B uddhist
texts by a n ancient tale in which K in g A d a r s a tn u k h a h a d a n u m b e r of
b lin d m e n feel a n elep hant a n d th en ex plain w h at an e le p h a n t is {Udnnn,
ch ap . 6. see. 4). T h e ir d escrip tio n s o f the e le p h a n t differed in a c c o rd ­
ance w ith ihe p a rt n f t h r anim al they had felt: for ex am p le, th e m a n w ho
felt th e tatl said the e le p h a n t was like a rope; the o n e w^ho felr th e side
c o m p a re d the e le p h a n t to a wall.
T h e B u d d h a ’s ability ro see things as th ey actually a re a n d to rise
above prejud ices a n d precon cep tio ns is d e m o n stra te d by his s ta te m e n t
that the four castes a rc equal.* " M e n are not born vile. T h e y becom e
vile d irn u g h th eir actions. D o not ask abo ut th eir b irth . O n ly ask about
th eir actions*' (Sutlanipdta, chap. 3, v , 462). T h u s did the B u d d h a insist
th at a m a n ’s w orth be d ete rm in e d th ro u g h his actions.

T h e F i v e A g g re g a te s an d the T e a ch in g o f N o -S e lf

T h e B ud dh ist d o ctrin e o f no-Self (andiman; P. anaitan) is one o f the most

basic teachings in B uddhism . It refers to the B u dd h ist position that no
p erson has a r e a l f p e r m a n e n t, a n d su b stan tial Self, Tt d o t s nor deny,
how ever, lhal people h av e selves o r idenlilies in th e con ven tion al sense
o f rhe w ord. (In rhis study, w hen the w ord * 's e lf f is used in the sense of
an etern al entity, it is capitalized; when it is used in the sense o f change
ing entities o r personalities, it is nor capitalized.) W h e n these selves are
viewed correctly they will b e seen to develop a n d ch an g e. T h e o rd in a ry
p erson, how ever, views at least p a rt of h im self as u n c h a n g in g a n d thus
posits the existence o f a p e r m a n e n t Self a n d clings to this im ag in ed Sell.
Because he d i n g s to this Self, he suffers in v ario u s ways. Yet, if the ordi-
n a ry person viewed p h e n o m e n a correctly, he w ould find no p e rm a n e n t
S elf
In E arly B u d d h is m , the b o d y a n d m ind a re analyzed into five groups
o r ag g regates (skandha; I1 kftandha) to d e m o n s tra te the teach in g o f no-
Self. T h e five aggregates a r t form (rupa), sen sation (vtdtwa), perception
(satnjnd, P. saniia)t m e n ta l form atio ns (samskara, P. sttnkfiard), a n d con-
$ c i o g j ] W (injndna; P. ifinndnaj. Rufia (form ) refers to things with form
an d color, partic u la rly the body. Vtdana, sen satio ns o r s en se-im p res­
sions, a re classified into th ree group*: pleasant, u n p le a sa n t, a n d n eith er
pleasant nor u n p le a sa n t. Samjnd are percep t ions, th e form ing o f m ental
im ages o r rep resen tatio n s. Samskdra refers to th e p o w er of m e n ta l f o rm a ­
tion lo this case, it refers especially to the fu n ctio n in g o f volition o r the
will. Vijndna o r consciousness refers to the fun ctio ns o f recognition an d
ju d g m e n t.
Because a person is co m po sed of these five c o n s ta n d y c h a n g in g
ag gregates, his self js im p e rm a n e n t (amtya). Jf a person clings t o the
false view o f an u n c h a n g in g Self, he will inevitably suffer. T h u s i m p e r ­
m a n e n t th in g s are said to be o r lead to su ffe rin g (duhkha) If a p e r m a ­
nent Self did exist, it w ould not be so m eth in g th at suffered o r led to suf-
lering, since p e r m a n e n t entities exist in com plete freedo m a n d thus
have n o th in g to do with suffering. T h u s th e very fact o f suffering in d i­
cates that a person does not have a Self. (If th e Self o r dtman existed,
accord ing to B u d d h ism , it w ould have ihe characteristics o f b ein g e t e r ­
nal, in d e p e n d e n t, (he c e n tra l clem ent in the personality, a n d (he c o n ­
troller o f actio ns.) T h e B u d d h ist scrip tu res in clu d e statem en t* such as:
J,A p artic u la r th in g is not o n e 's S eir(w h en it can be said th at) this thin g
is not m ine (mama), I (aham) am not this th in g , o r this th in g is not m y
Sejf. T h in g s s h o u ld be viewed w ith correct w isd om , ju s t as (hey a r e . '1'
A ccording (o (he d o ctrin e o f no-Self, the p erso nality is in a state o f flux.
H ow ev er, the leach in g o f no -5elf is not nihilistic. A ccording to the Silt'
ianipdta (vv. 856, 919), both clinging to the idea o f the absence o f Self
(mm ltan) a n d c lin g in g to the idea o f a p e rm a n e n t Self (attan) are e r r o r s
Eventually, th e first ag g reg ate, form (or nipa), was in te rp re te d as
in clu din g all m ateria l things. C onsequently, all im p e rm a n e n t p h e n o m ­
ena w ere en co m p assed w ithin (he do ctrine o f the five aggregates. Such
im p e rm a n e n t p h e n o m e n a w ere called co n d itio n ed dharmm (sarpfkrta
dharma, P, sarikhatu dhamma) a n d were c o n tra ste d w ith u n c h a n g in g or
etern al existents, w hich w ere called u n co n d itio n ed dharmas (asarrufkrta
dharma; P. assankhata-dhaTnrna). Both m'rwinn a n d space w ere considered
to he u n co n d itio n ed dharmas. T h is fu n d a m e n ta l classification o f dharmas-
into co n d itio n ed a n d u n c o n d itio n e d categories is found in the Agamas.
 Ai a la te r date, a d is tin ttio n was m ad e b etw een the view th at no p e r ­
m a n e n t Self co uld be found within the five aggregates (pudgala-nairdt-
mya) a n d th e m ore inclusive position th at no p e r m a n e n t e n tity could be
f o u n d w ithin the dharmas (dharma-nairdlmjya), but this distin ctio n is not
found in the Agamas.

T h e D h a rm a an d D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n

“ S eeing the D h a r m a " was an im p o rta n t religious aspect o f th e B u d '

d h a +s e n lig h te n m e n t. W h e n th e five m on ks heard the B u d d h a preach
his first serm o n a n d h e a rd a b o u t the F o ur N oble T r u th s , th ey ;a w the
D h a r m a a n d realized the D h a r m a . T h e ir p u re D harm a^eyes (P dhamma
cakkhuTi1 vdttpadi) w ere o p e n e d . T h e te rm D h a r m a (P. D h a m m a ) comes
from the root “dkjr,” w hich m e a n s " t o hold o r k e e p ." F ro m that root,
the te rm c a m e to m e a n <lth at which does not c h a n g e ." It thus w as
ap p lied to the ideas a n d n o rm s thai m a in ta in e d the social a n d m oral
Order, Besides good, v irtu e, a n d tru th , from ancient tim es in In d ia the
te rm “fihatTna" was used to refer to the c u sto m s a n d d u ties observed by
p eo p le— in o th er w o rd s, to the social o r d e r In B ud d h ism (he te rm is
Used w ith ail these m e a n in g s. F o r ex am p le, in v, 5 o f the Dhammapada.
the te rm is found with rhe m e a n in g o f tru th : " E n m i t y is not elim in ated
by enmity. O n ly w h en enm ity is a b a n d o n e d , is it elim in ated , T h is is a n
u n c h a n g i n g a n d etern al tr u th (P. dhamma sanantano}," In this way, B u d ­
d hism a d a p te d uses o f the term D h a r m a that d a te d from before the tim e
o f the B u d d h a.
B u d dh ists also b ro a d e n e d th e m e a n in g o f th e term dhnrma. Before th e
B u d d h a , the te rm was used to refer to the G o o d a n d the T r u th . T h a t
w hich was b a d a n d nor good was called " in S an sk rit to in d i­
cate th at it was not includ ed within the D h a r m a . H o w ev er, B ud dh ists
classified even defilem ents (kUso'dharma) a n d evils (pdpaka-akuiafa
dharmdh) as dharmas. T h u s a n e w an d b ro a d e r e x p la n a tio n o f dharma us
an elem en t o f existence (bhava) was developed.* (In this study, w hen (he
te rm '‘dharma " is used to re fe r to u n c h a n g in g tru th s , it is capitalized;
w hen it refers to con stantly c h a n g in g elem ents o f existence, it is not
cap italized.)
T h e g reat c o m m e n ta to r B u d d h ag h o sa lived d u r in g the fifth c e n tu ry
C. Fr. B orn in S o u th In d ia , he later w ent to Sri L a n k a, w here he collected
a n d o rg a n iz e d the doctrinal studies o f Sri L a n k a n T h e r a v a d a B u d ­
dhists, O n the basis o f these s tu d ic s 1 he w ro te c o m m e n ta rie s on alm ost
all o f the Nikayas, so well as in d e p e n d e n t w ork s such as th e Visaddki-
magga (P a th o f P urification). A cco rd in g to B u d d h a g h o s a (Samarigalavila*
nm" vol. f T p. 9 3 )r th e te rm dhamma has four m eanings: gufut (ch ar-
act eristic), A rana (teaching)* po riyd ti (scrip ture), a n d niuatto (th ing ),
E lsew here (AUhasSIiJit, chap. 2y 3- also see FH? Expositor, vtj! I , p, ID],
B u d d h ag h o sa deletes desarm from the lisi o f four tn e a n in g s a n d adds hetu
(caUSe).
First, w ithin the context o f the T h r e e Jew els (B u d d h a , D h a r m a h and
sangha), D h a r m a m ean* “ the T e a c h in g .M A e the sam e tim e K refers to
the tr u th o r to nttvdfta rhat is show n th ro ug h the To aching- S econd,
w hen dharma (CA\. fa tia n g ) is used to refer to the n in e Told classification
oF ihe T e a c h in g ( it is used in th e sense o f scrip tu re. T h e
ninefold classification o f the l e a c h i n g w as a system o f o rg an izin g the
m aterial in th e Agamas on the basis of c o n te n t. T h i s division wa* m ade
before the m aterial was com piled into a Sutra-pitaka. T h e th ird m e a n in g
o f dharma occurs w h en the te rm is used in (he sense o f cause (htUt), as in
good o r evi] dharmas. Such dharmas p ro d u ce effects. For ex am p le, a good
dharma has the p ow er to p ro d u ce good. W h en dharma. refers 10 so m ething
ut-ilher good nor evil (auyafota), it is not used in the sense o f cause since
su ch a n event does not hav e th e power iu eause a tjood o r b ad effect. In
[he sam e way, so m elh m g th at was net a real entity m ight he railed a n
" e x p e d ie n t dharma" (prajfiapli-dharma), but it w ould not be a dharma in
the sense o f cause. The fourth m e a n in g of dharma is ''characteristic*'
(guna). T h is m ean in g is found in th e list o f the eigh teen characteristics
possessed only by the B u d d h a (astadas'o dvfttikd buddhadharmah).
Finally, ihe use u f dhanaa as m e a n in g l* thing'1 (P. nissatta, ntjjii'a) is
p ecu liar to B u d d h ism . This use o f the te rm does not occur m the Vedas
ur in the early Uponifads. T h e dhttmws thai the ttu d d h a realised in his
en lig h ten m en t a re included in this usage. W h en the H ud dh a realized
en lig h te n m e n t, he " u n d e r s t o o d " nirvana. Nirvana is tr u th a n d real exis­
tence. In ihe sense thai it realty exists, nirvana is in clud ed as a dharma.
In o ih e r w o r d 5, dharma is used to lefer to th at aspect of p h e n o m e n a
l hat has ihe q u ality o f t r u t h — thaf is, o f h a v in g an e n d u r in g qualify. A
p ra c titio n e r <lsees th e D h a r m a " when he discovers in what sense p h e ­
n o m e n a e n d u re . F or ex am p le, the setf can he co n sid ered to be an
im p e rm a n e n t p h e n o m e n o n like m an y others. But w hen a p ra c titio n e r
has u n c o v e re d the tr u th ab ou t the self he ts said lo have u n d ersto o d the
" s e lf as dharmaa" (hr “ the self m a d e up o f dharmas. " T h is use o f the term
dharma ap p e a rs in p h rases sueh as “ alt dharmas are non s u b s ta n tia l" {tan-*
dharma anatmdnah) o r in discussions on how dharmai function seconding
to the faws of D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n .
In Karly B u d d h ism , objects a n d individuals as they a p p e a r lo us are
not con sid ered dharmas R ath er, dharmas a re the fu n d am en tal existents
of w hich p h e n o m e n a (such as objects a n d individuals) a re c o m p o se d
F o r ex am p le, the five agg regates (skandha) of which a person is c o m ­
 posed (form , sen satio n , percep tio n, m enial form ation s, and conscious­
ness) a rc considered to be dharmcis. H ow ever, the aggreg ates o f form
(rvpa) a n d m e n ta l p h e n o m e n a (samskara) t a n be f u rth e r classified anti
subdivided tntn ad d itio n al dharmas. Riipa refer!; to butli the IkkJv am i
m aterial objects. For the body, live dharmas referring to th e live senses
arc listed: eye, car, nose, tongue* a n d body H e r e the laciety refers in the
basis o f tactile sensations. Since this Category includes all parts o f the
body, it ls eq u iv alen t to the physical body. T h e o lh cr sense o rg a n s. such
as the ey et all have the physical body as th eir base Because it was felt
that the physiological a n d m e n ta l aspects o f d ie physical body could be
explained th ro u g h thc.se live sense n rg an s (indriya)t they w ere co nsid­
ered to be dharmas.
T h e m aterial o f the external w orld is also divided in to live categories
that a re the objects o f sense perception (panca-vtpayah): form s (rdpa).
so un d s, smells, tasies, a n d tang ible objects. Jn this list, form (rupa) is
used in a n a r ro w e r sense th an above (w here it referred to all m a tte r).
H e re , rupa refers only lo visual objects, things wills form a n d c o l o r
Such objects o f vision are f u n her divided in to categories o f color such as
blue, yellow, r e d h and white. Each o f these elem ents exists as a dharma
S o u n d s, smells, tastes, a n d tan g ible objects a rc also analyzed f u r t h e r
into basic units. T h e four basic elem ents o f e a rth , w ater, fire, a n d wind
are included in the catego ry o f tangible objects.
T h e dkarmns related to (he m ind were inclu ded in the catego ry «f
mental fo rm atio ns (sQmsk&ra) w h en categorized accord ing io the five
agg reg ates. Such dharmaJ as atte n tio n (manasktira), intellect (malt), am i
m ind fu lness (smrci) were also listed in this group. A tiitu d es such as
belief (sraddha) and assiduous striving (vtrya) w ere tre ated as h a v in g the
po w er to influence the m ind a n d ihus w ere considered in this g ro u p
D efilem ents (kiiia) such as lust (rdga), h a tre d (pwtigha), pride (mdna),
d o u b t (uicikttsd), an d w ro n g views (tdrift) w ere dharmas, In ad ditio n,
thirst (trsnd) a n d ig no ran ce (auidya) were co n sid ered to be dharmas
because they had specific puvvrrs o v er the m ind th a| ro u ld lnf e x t i n ­
guished from th e pow ers o f o ih e r dhamuis. I he identities o f a n u m b e r of
different dharmas w ere d e te rm in e d using this type oF reasoning- In some
o f the later passages in the Agamas, dharmas were classified acco rdin g io
th e five aggregates (jkamfaa), the twelve bases (dya/ana)r a n d [he eighteen
element* (tfAaJu) F ig u r e ! shows th e relationships a m o n g these.
I n E arly B u d d h ism , the n u m b e r of dharmas is not fixed. Not is the
te rm “dharma '"lim ited to ju s t the basic elem en ts o f exisiencc. H ow ever,
if a survey o f early Buddhist literatu re w ere m ad e a n d the item s called
dharmas e n u m e r a te d , the result w ould be close to the lists given above.
Early B uddhists tried to explain individual existence th ro u g h theories
 F i g u r e 1. C o m p a r i s o n o f th e F iv e A g g re g a te s , T w e lv e B ases,
a n d E i g h t e e n E le m e n ts

E ig h teen E lem ents T w elv e Bases Five Aggregates

I Eye — 1 . Eye-----
2. Ear 2. Ear
Ii N ose 3. Now I Form
4 Tongue 4. Tongue
5. body — 5. Hotly —
6 Mind — G. Mind — 5. Consciousness
7. F o rm s ------------ 7. Furms—
8. Sounds 8. Sounds
9. Smells 9 Smells
10 Tastes 10. T a s l n
11 Tangible objccts- —] 1 7ii risible ot>jec [s - — 2 Sensations
12 Menial objects 12 Mem*] object*— I), f'erffpiiorh
>
13. Eye-consciousness----- — 4, Mental
14 F.ar consciousncss formations
15. Nose-consciousness
Iti Tongue-consciousncss
17 Rndy*con3ciousnc5S
18 Mind-consciousness_

ab ou t dharmas a n d thus saw Their existence as red u ced to physical a n d

merita( dharmas. "I hcsc dkatmai w rrv not SLdjstant LaJ, eternally existing
entities. T h e y arose th ro u g h D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n (praitiyasamui-
panna-dharma).
T h e q u ality o f Truth is sug g ested b y the te rm "dharma " T h u s calling
existents “dharmas** suggested thaT they w ere tr u e in some sense. \ ;ir-
i'dna was said to be (he highest dharma because o f its qualities o f etern al-
ity and tru th . Bui o th e r dharmas thai arose th ro u g h Dependent O r i g i n a ­
tion (pralftyasamutpdda) w ere also considered to h av e a n elem en t o f tru th
T h e term "prattiyasamtitpdda" ( D ep en d en t O r ig in a tio n ) is com posed of
the elem ents "praiitya " ( m u t u a l l y d e p e n d e n t J a n d "'samutpadn ^ ( o r i g i n a ­
tion). a n d thus refers to item s th at exist by beinfl m u tu ally d ep en d en t or
related to o th e r item s. In C h in e s e the term is tran slated “yiia.Tt-cht " with
the “yiian ” s ta n d in g Tor "praiyaya” (con dition ) a n d “chi’* for swnutpada
(o rig in atio n ), thus indicating that o n e ’s existence is d e p e n d e n t u p o n
anti co n d itio n ed by others. T h is conccpt is expressed in the general for­
m u la th at “ W h e n (his exists, th at exists. Because this is p ro d u ced , TliaT
is p ro d u c e d . W h e n This does not exisT7 (hat does not exist. W h e n this
ceases, th at ceases." Being d e p e n d e d on others is a gen eral rule for all
existence. T h e w orld is thus a place where n o th in g exists in d ep en d en tly
E a AlY BtJ&DHtST D o c t r i n k

of e v e ry th in g else. In a spatial sense, this relation ship is described as

“ b e in g m u tu ally c o n d itio n e d " (tdam pmtjayatd)* T h e world arises on the
basts ol elem en ts ihat are m u tu a lly d e p e n d e n t a n d ihat cooperate or
function in harm ony. T h is characteristic (dhdtu) o f the w orld is true
w h eth er o r nut a B u d d h a a p p e a rs in ihe w orld, Dhamtas are established
throu gh the ch aracteristic o f cau sality (S N f vol. 2, p. 25). Mew dharmas
arise th ro u g h ihe c o m b in e d actions of several causes. T h u s co n n ectio n s
arc present betw een the causes a n d the resu ltan t dharmas. These causal
relationships ex ten d back into th e distant past. In term s o f space, th ey
sp read th ro u g h o u t the e n tire world. T h u s a dMi<mnii*reaJrti (dharma-dhdtu)
exists for each individual dharma^ which consists o f all o f iTS related
dharmas.
T h e lineages o v e r a period o f tim e for each dharma. o f ihe w orld are not
simple. T h e y could not be rep resen ted , for exam ple, by a single silken
Ihread If a p e rso n 's life a n d hered ity a re co n sid ered , lh ai person had
two p a re n ts who in tu rn each h a d two p a re n ts. T h u s a single p e r s o n ’s
a nee slurs ( a n d his h ered ity ) can be tra ced th ro ug h m any, m a n y people
in a n e v e r-w id e n in g circle. Influences from m yriads of people are co n ­
cen trated in each indiv idu al life. T h e universal quality o f each p e rs o n 's
life a n d h e re d ity — in o th e r w ords, the dharma'realm o f in divid ual exis­
tence— is found in such relations. C onsequently, p h e n o m e n a th at arise
i(l acc o rd a n c e with the laws o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n are called dhar­
mas. T h is sam e type o f i n t e r n lai ion ship o ccu rs in te rm s o f space. A
p h e n o m e n o n is related to o th e r things th ro u g h o u t the world. T h u s the
world of d e p e n d e n t relations is a realm o f relationships a n d cu n iin m iie s,
a dharma' r e a lm „
Each dharma is an indiv idu al existent a n d is thus sep arate a n d distinct
fro m o th er dharmas. h \ o th er w o rd s, besides being related to o th er dhar­
mas, each dharma also has an aspect that establishes il as an individual
entity. Tor ex am p le, lust can be correctly recognized because it exhihits
qualities peculiar to lust, it thus was considered lo be a n individual
entity. A g a in , w h en hate is c o m b in ed with to v e h h aie is not m anifested
A lthough hate a n d love a re p resent at the sam e tim e, they a re distinct.
L a te r, on th e basis o f such a r g u m e n ts , abhidharma scholars defined a
dharma as s o m e th in g h a v in g its ow n identifying mark* w hich m ad e it
clearly recog nizab le a n d d isting uish able from Others.
Dharmas, th en , hav e two aspects: they a re interrelated a n d they are
distinct from each other. In o th e r words, they have both universal an d
individual qualities. Both o f these types o f qualities are bused on D e p e n ­
d ent O rig in a tio n . As an early text stares: “ T h ose who see D e p e n d e n t
O rig in a l ton, sec the D h a r m a . T h o s e w ho sec the D h a r m a , see D e p e n ­
d ent O r ig in a tio n " (M N . vol. 1, p. 119). Each dharma has its own char-
a m r i s t i c a n d exists as a ca u se o r as the p o w e r to p e rfo rm a function
Bui at the s a m e tim e, a dharma is im p e rm a n e n t a n d n onsub^tantial
(analmarj). L ater, 1Ko M a h a y a n a iiiSiilciiCt that ~a\\ dharmas a rc e m p ty Mr
non substantial was based on th e early Buddhist do ctrin e th at all dharmas
a re Sclf-Jcsn a n d im p e rm a n e n t. T hese qualities of dharmas were m ajo r
th em es in th e B u d d h a s serm o n s. A typieaJ ex am p le is rhe following
p assage from a discussion o f lb* live aggregates; ''F o r m is im p e r m a ­
nent. Because it is im p e rm a n e n t, it is suffering S in ce dharmas are
im p e rm a n e n t, suffering, a n d subject to change* they are d evoid o f a
Self.” A lthough dharmas h av e th eir ow n th aratttrisliL S , they d o not esisl
independently, T h e y d e p e n d On Conditions o r causes— in o th e r w ords,
on o th er dharmas— in o rd er to arise. Dharmat thus inevitably ch an g e.
T h e basic n a tu r e v t dharmas is said to be decay a n d chan ge.
Thest: teaching s arc s u m m a r is e d in the fo rm u la o f tht- three m arks
(o r characteristics) o f existence by early B uddhists {Dhammapada, W .
277*279): ( I ) All dharmas a re devoid o f Self (P. sabbe dhamma anatld). (2)
All p h e n o m e n a a re im p e rm a n e n t (P sabbe sahkhard anicca). (3) AI! phe-
n o m e n a a re sufferin g (P. sabbe sankhdfS dvkkhd). T h e first [wo m a rk s are
Chisety re la te d asjHtctS o f p h e n o m e n a . T h e n o r th e rn Buddhist trad ition
sub stitu tes fLnirvana is tra n q u ility ” for the th u d m a rk .
T h e s t a t e m e n t "all p h e n o m e n a a r e i m p e r m a n e n t rf suggests chat alt
existence is ceaselessly ch an g in g . I m p e rm a n e n c e is the essential n atu re
o f co n d itio n ed dharmas. Since dharmas ch an g e constantly, they c an n o t be
g rasp ed as fixed entities. T h e term “sa^iskdra" (P. JaAkhata), som etim es
tra n sla te d as 41the act o f f o rm in g " o r “ s o m e th in g fo rm e d 1' (in o ther
w ords, pheno m en a)* reflects this quality. T h u s to stress the fluid n a tu r e
o f all existence, the second m a rk is “ all sarnskdra a re im p e r m a n e n t,” not
L’ all dharmas a re im p e rm a n e n t .” T h e term "samskara" concerns the
in terrelatio n sh ip s present in existence, while the lerm dharma11 con-
te r n s the entities o f which existence is com posed. T h a t is, the te rm s are
concerned w ith different aspects o f the sam e things a n d events.
E xistence is con stan tly ch an g in g . A lthough m a n can n o t escape this
basic fact, he still clings to things an d tries to keep th e m fm m ch a n g in g ,
leading to inevitable d isa p p o in tm e n t. T h u s the third m a rk is that all
p h e n o m e n a a re suffering A lthough e v ery th in g is c h a n g in g , that chan ge
is a c o n tin u u m . A n y th in g in th at c o n tin u u m w ith its ow n m a rk is a
dharma. Vet dharmas are also the co nstan tly c h a n g in g StHjU&araS. T h u s
dharmas shrjuld not Ik: clun g to as su b stan tial entities, a teaching
expressed in the form ula “ All dharmas are devoid o f Self,11
In co n clu sio n , by u n d e rs ta n d in g D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n a n d the
n o n s u b sta n tia lity of things, the Buddhist p ractitio n er comes to u n d e r ­
sta n d the w ay in w h ic h existence m ay b** view ed sts dharmttst he com es to
k now the tru e n a tu r e o f existence.
 T h e T w e lv e L m k $ o f D ep en den t O rig in a tio n
{’dvffdaidjiga pratityasam utpdda )

T h e teachin gs on dharmas arc ap p lied to a n in d iv id u a l’s life th ro u g h the

d o ctrin e o f rhe twelve links o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n , T h e twelve Jinks
(anga) are as follows:

1. Ignorance (avidyd)
2. M e n ta l form ations (samskara)
3. C o n scio u sn ess (vijndna)
4. N a m e a n d form (ndmarupa)
5. Six sense o rgans (paddyatana)
6. C o n ta c t lietween sense o r g a n an d sense object (spatsa)
7. S en satio ns (vedand)
8. D esirc(lrfn d )
9. G ra sp in g (upddano)
10. C o m in g into existence (bhava)
11. B irth (jdli)
12. O ld age a n d death (jardmararta).

T h e twelve Jinks rrveal (he basis o f m a n s existence, the fun ctio nin g of
reb irth a n d k a rm a .
The Iasi Zink, old age a n d d e a th (jaTamererta), is symbolic o f th e suffer*
m g o f o u r lives. T h e basis for old age a n d d e a th is birth (jatf), Tf a p e r ­
son is born, th en ag ing a n d death inevitably will follow. In form ulations
o f the twelve links, this relation ship is usu ally expressed in (lie following
w ay: H‘Birth is a (necessary) Condition for agin g a n d d e a th ." Birth
w ould not occur w ithout c o m in g into existence (bhava). S ince bhava
refers to re b irth , th e causes o r co nd itio ns for rebirth a re th e p receding
ro u n d s o f births a n d deaths. T h u s teachings on reb irth a n d d e a th are
included in the d o ctrin e o f the twelve links o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n .
T h o s e r o u n d s o f b irth a n d d e a th are suffering. O n e o f the principal
cau ses o f com ing in to existence (bhava) is clinging o r g raspin g (updAdna).
C lin g in g to existence is a m ajo r factor in the c o n tin u a tio n o f existence.
T h u s " g r a s p in g is a necessary condition for b e c o m in g .1' A m a jo r factor
in the d ev elo p m en t of g rasp ing is desire (trfna, P. ianfid). At the basis of
all d efilem en ts (kltsa) arc desire a n d dissatisfaction- T h u s , d e s ir r is said
to be a cause o f grasping.
O u r w orld o f delusion ii based on desire. In fact, n o th in g m ore basic
t h a n desire can be d e te rm in e d . C o n seq u en tly , desire is fo u n d at th e
b e g in n in g o f a sh o rter list o f five links o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n (hat
il hist rate how d esire leads to suffering: desire, g rasp in g , becom ing,
b irth , a n d old age a n d death. Desire arises as the result o f variou s
Causes, i n the list o f t h e twelve links o f D e p e n d e n t O r ig in a tio n , se n sa ­
tions (vedand) a re a necessary condition o f desire. S en satio n consists of
the- receptio n of d a ta from sense objects. It can be classified in to three
categories: p leasan t, u n p le a s a n t, anil n e ilh r r pleasam n o r u n p le a s a n t.
W h en sensation s are ex perienced, desires arise T h u s sensations are
said to be the causc o f desire.
T h e causc o f sensation is contact (sparsa; P. phasia), the con tact of
subject a n d object in p ercep tio n , or in o th e r w ords, the h a rm o n io u s
inti-rat lion o f consciousness (aijndfia; P vinndna), sense object (vifaya),
a n d sense o rg an (indrtya). C o n ta c t thu* is th e relation o f sense objects
w ith th e faculties o f p ercep tio n , a n d in this way is a necessary co nd ition
if sensation is to occur.
C o ntact is d e p e n d e n t u p o n the six sense o rg an s (faddyatano) o r bases
o f p ercep tio n : ( y e t ear, nose, lo n g u e , body, a n d m ind. If the sadayatana
a re c a p ta in e d in term* o f subject a n d object, the si* sense objects
(form s, sou n d s, smells, tastes, tangible objects^ a n d ideas) arc also
included,. thus m a k in g this category e q u iv a le n t to the twelve bases
(dytilmta) o f perception , l’hc sadAyaiana a^e fhus co n sidered lo be ihe
cau se o f con tact.
T h e existence o f the sis sense o rg an s is d e p e n d e n t u p o n th e m in d an d
b od y (ndmarupa) o f a person. Ndma refers to th at which can b e n a m e d
bul uoi seen, the m in d , Rupa refers to the hndy, b u t in a b ro a d e r sense it
also refers to all m aterial ohjects. C on sequent Iy, ndmarupa is said to be a
n ecessary co nd ition for the j addyaiano (six sense organs).
T h e basis o f a p e rso n 's m in d an d body (ndtnartipa) is said to be his
consciousness (oijndnd), in o th e r w ords, the m e n ta l fu nctio ns o f c o g n i­
tion such as recognition a n d ju d g m e n t. Six types o f consciousness are
identified: eye-conscious ness, ear-consciousness, nose-consciousness,
to n g u e'c o n scio u sn ess, body-consciousness, a n d m in d ’consciousness. If
consciousness com pletely stops, th e m in d a n d body will soon cease to
exist, b ecause the m ind a n d body are d e p e n d e n t on consciousness for
th eir co o rd in atio n a n d unity. F ro m a b ro a d e r perspective, the world is
a p p r e h e n d e d th ro ug h the cog nitiv e fu n ctio n in g ol consciousness. T h u s
consciousness is said to he ihe cau se of m in d a n d body (rtdmartipn). H o w ­
ever, the activities o f conscious;]ess a re only possible in a fu n ctio n in g
m in d a n d body. C on scio usness can n o t exist w ithout a body. T h u s
ndmarupa m ay also be said to be the cause o f consciousness Ndmarupa
a n d bijndna clearly h a v e a relation of m u tu a l d e p e n d e n c e . It w ould thus
tie possible to e n d the search Ibr the cau se o f Suffering at this point.
H ow ev er, even tho ug h m in d a n d body a n d consciousness a re said to be
m u tu ally d e p e n d e n t, consciousness acts as the unify ing a n d m ore active
elem ent in rhe relation. C o nsciousness is th u s said to be m ore basic th an
m in d a n d body.
 C Lin scions ness is d e p e n d e n t u p o n m ental form ations (sarpskara)
A lthough a p e rs o n ’s experiences arc o rg an ized a n d unified by his co n ­
sciousness, his consciousness assu m es its indiv idu al c h a ra c te r from
thought a n d sp eculatio n. T h e forces lhal color and shape consciousness
arc ealted (lie j armkdra. In its mosi general sense, samskara refers to the
]K»wfr lo form (hjngs. F o r f i a m p l e , in [he Pali slaECnu-nl JoiiMiirn"
aniccd 13 (all sarnskaras a re im p e rm a n e n t), it refers to the forces that form
ev ery th in g in the world, In a n a rro w e r sense, lamikara refers to the
fourth o f the five ag gregates, m ental fo rm atio n s, particularly volition
In the context o f [he twelve links of D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n , j amskaro
refers io ihe m enial fo rm atio ns that influence consciousness. Jt is often
explained as referrin g (o k a r m a r Past k a r m a influences consciousness,
wEiich th en acts a n d m akes ju d g m e n ts u n d e r those influences.
A p reco n d itio n for jamskdra is atiidyti (P. auijjd) o r ig no ran ce. In this
instance, ig n o ra n ce refers to th e absence o f correct know ledge. An ig n o ­
ran t person does not know thai im p e rm a n e n t p h e n o m e n a a r e h in fact,
im p e rm a n e n t. H e is u n a b le to see things as they actually are- Ig n o ra n c e
is not an active q u ality It at her, various delusions are p ro d u c e d when
o th er m en tal activities are influenced by ig n o ra n c e E v ery ih in g that a
w orldling (prthagjaw) sees is influenced by ig no ran ce. H ow ever, just as
a d r e a m ceases as soon as a p erson realizes th at it is a d re a m , so does
ig n o ra n ce d is a p p e a r as soon as a person realises Ihat it is ig norance.
C o n seq u en tly , the p u rp o se o f rhe d octrine o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n is
fulfilled wiih th e discovery o f ignorance. Because ig no ran ce is ihe cause
of m ental form ations, the cessation o f ig no rance results in (he e n d in g nf
m cm a! form al ions (samskara). Similarly, th e cessation o f m ental f o rm a ­
tions results in (he cessation nf consciousness and so nn until the process
results in the cessation o f old ag e a n d death. T h e twelve links o f D e p e n ­
den t O rig in a tio n ihus illustrate how th e existence o f suflerin g can be
e n d e d , until finally all o f the aggregates o f suffering (duftkhn-skondhi) are
said to have been ex tin g u ish ed . M ed itatio n on this process o f succes­
sively p u ttin g an end to the twelve links is often d o n e b ack w ard , sta rtin g
with uhl age a n d d e a th . T h e B u d d h a is said to have realized e n lig h te n ­
m ent by m ed itatin g on the twelve links o f D ep en d en t O rig in a l ion fur'
w ard a n d b a c k w a rd .
T h e twelve links should be viewed dharmas existing acco rdin g to the
taws o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n . If a person cannoi m aster ihe law of
D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n a n d u n d e rs ia n d dharma iheory, he c an n o t cor-
rectly u n d e r s ta n d the twelve links. If he views th e twelve links egocen^
trically, as th ou gh he w ere a n u n c h a n g in g entity, they will be no m o re
th an m e re concepts to h im , ce rta in ly not a vivid illustration o f Aharma
[heory a n d D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n . W h en [he twelve links a rc u n d e r ­
stood, a p e r s o n ’s incorrect views abo u t the Self are correctcd.
 T h e twelve links can be used as a com p lete o u tlin e for u n d e r s ta n d in g
D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n , S h o rte r sets o f links w ere also used to explain
certain Buddhist [cachings. S o m etim es igno ran ce a n d m en [a! forma-
lions were o m itte d from the list o f links, leaving ten links. T h is set
w ould thus begin w ith consciousness a n d n am e a n d fo rm , tw o m utually
d e p e n d e n t links. It was used to d e m o n stra te th at existence is suffering.
At o th er tim es, the link o f the six sense o rg an s was also o m itted , leaving
only n in e links A short list consisting o f only rhe last five links (desire to
old age a n d d e a th ) was used to d e m o n stra te the close connection
betw een desire a n d suffering Even sim p ler ex p lan atio n s o f D ep en d en t
O rig in a tio n w ere som etim es em ployed- Since th e F o u r N oble T r u th s
consist o f two sets o f cause a n d effect, they could l)c considered to be h
simplified form o f the teach in g o f D e p e n d e n t O r ig in a ti o n .
T h e full set o f twelve links was p ro b ab ly not found in B ud d h ism from
the very b e g in n in g . W h e n S a k y a m u n i sat u n d e r ihe bodki-irec an d
m e d ita te d on the tru th o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n * he p ro b ab ly u n d e r ­
stood ii in an intuitive w a y T h e discovery o f the n a tu r e o f his ig n o ra n ce
was eq u iv alen t to u n d e rs ta n d in g D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n , L ater, as the
tru th of D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n w a s ex p lain ed lo others, v a rio u s w a y s
n f leachin g it w ere developed, un til these ex p lan atio n s w ere com piled
into th eir final form as the twelve links. M e d ita tio n s on D ep en d en t
O rig in a tio n necessarily involved con sid eratio n o f dhamas. T h r o u g h
these m ed itatio n s, the causes o f o n e 's delusions eo uld be p u rsu ed . I h e
v ario u s sets of links, devised w ith this goal in m in d , becam e extrem ely
im p o rta n t in later forms o f B u d d h ism .
Since the i,rnk o f m ental form at inns could be in te rp re te d as referring
to k arm a a n d the link o f b eco m in g as referring to rebirth* l>oth r e b in h
a n d k a r m a w ere in co rp o raied in to teachings on D e p e n d e n t O rig in a -
tion. T h e o rie s a h o u t b o th rebirth an d k a r m a h ad b eg un to develop
a r o u n d the tim e o f the carjy Upanifodi a n d the B u ddha. T h e se theories
w ere in c o rp o ra te d into B uddhism and in te rp re te d in co n c o rd a n c e with
B u dd hist doctrine.

R e ligio u s P ra ctice

A cco rd in g to early B udd hist teachings, religious tru th was realized

when the p ra c titio n e r saw things as they actually existed with a m in d
u nfettered by delusions a n d defilem ents. T h u s , prejudices a n d cltngm g
— lo both m aterial objects a n d w rong ideas— h a d to be elim in ated . Bad
m ental q u alities w ere called defilem ents (kUie; P. kittsa). D esire (trfrid)
a n d ign orance (avtdya) w ere the most serious a n d fu n d a m e n ta l defile-
mentst Ignorance was also known as stupidity (m aha), M o h a , ruga (lust),
a n d dvcpa (a n g e r o r h a tre d ) w ere often g ro u p e d to g eth er as basic defile■
m e n ts a n d called the three poisons (tndosapaha) because o f th eir p o w e r­
ful effects on th e m in d . O t h e r serious defilem ents m en tio n ed in early
B uddhist scrip tures w ere p rid e , d o u b ts a b o u t m ajo r B u dd hist te a c h ­
ings, a n d w ro n g views. D efilem en ts lhal c o n trib u te d to an indiv idu al's
cgocentricity, such as p rid e in h im self the belief in an u n c h a n g in g Self,
a n d clinging to m ateria l objects, received special atten tion . W ro n g ideas
a b o u t the world, such as the belief that ritu als lead to salvation o r blind
ad h eren ce to incorrect views, prevented the d ev elo p m en t oT correct
views. Because w ro n g attitu d es w ere th o u g h t to flow o u tw a rd from the
m in d , d efilem ents were also called LHim p u ritie s ” o r “ im p u re outflow s"
(dsrava).
Because defilem ents (Mesa) tain ted th e m in d , B ud dh ist p ractitin n ers
strove to e lim in ate such d efilem en ts A ccord ing to o n e view o f B uddhist
p ractice, on ce the d efilem en ts w ere e lim in a te d , the m in d was no lo n g er
c o n ta m in a te d a n d the w isd om th at was the tru e n a tu r e o f the m in d was
n a tu ra lly m an ife sted (prakrti-pafistiddham cittam). T h e beginnings of ibis
train of th o u g h t a p p e a re d in the Agamas (th ou gh the te rm prakrti was not
u sed w ith the m e a n in g o f essential n a tu r e in early so u rces).7
A n o th e r in terp retatio n was m a in ta in e d by some Hodd hist p raciitinn-
ers. A cco rd in g to this second view, defilem en ts such as hist, ang er, an d
the affirm ation o f an eternal* u n c h a n g in g Self w ere not ex tra n e o u s atti-
fcudes th at ob scured rhe n a tu r e o f the m in d b u t w ere an intrinsic part o f
the p ractitio n er. C o n seq u en tly , a clear division betw een the iru e n a tu r e
o f the m in d a n d e x tra n e o u s defilem ents cou ld not be m a in ta in e d . How*
ever, since the correct w isdom , w hich den ies the defilem ents, is also
found in the p r a c titio n e r the p o w er nf self-denial would also seem to be
a p a rt o f the m ind. T h is position w as in co m p atib le w ith th e view that
the tru e n a tu r e o f the m ind was p u re . As B ud d h ism d ev elo p ed , b o th of
these positions were m a in ta in e d a n d elabo rated by practitioners
C o rrect wisdom was to be realized th rou gh the practice o f the E ig h t­
fold N oble P a th , Buddhist practice was also described by the T hreefold
L e a rn in g (infit siifdm ), w hich consisted o f morality, m e d ita tio n , an d
wisdom . T h e p ractiiio n er first resolved to live in a m oral m a n n e r by fol­
lowing the Huddhisi precepis* H e placed his faith in th e T h r e e Jew els
(the B u d d h a , his Teaching, a n d the o rd e r) a n d th en followed the pre-
cepis a p p r o p ria te to his status. A lay believ er followed five precepts
(ab stin en ce from taking life, from stealing, from illicit sexual co n d u ct,
from false Speech, a n d from intoxicants). T h o s e w ho re n o u n c e d lay life
to b e c o m e noviccs, m o n k s, o r n u n s o b serv ed ad ditio n al p recep ts in
accord an ce with thcLr Status. F| he Sc precepts form ed the basis for a strict
life o f religious practice. Because th e p ra c titio n e r re m o v e d h im self fm m
had influences th ro u g h his observance o f the precepts, h e w as able to
lead a life free from rem orse a n d anxiety. O b s e rv a n c e o f the precepts
was thus said to lead to good health.
W ith a tra n q u il m in d a n d a health y body, th e p r a c tu io n e r p re p a re d to
begin th e next phase oi his p r a c t k e , m e d ita tio n (adhicitiam), the second
pfirt o f th e T h re e fo ld L e a rn in g . T h is stage cu lm in ated in th e cultivation
[if th e four stages o f trance (caiur-dhydna). A n u m b e r o f practices to p re ­
p are a person for th e four stages uf tra n ce w ere Hcscribcd, inclu ding
m e d ita tio n s on the c o u n tin g o f b re a th s, on (he im p u rity o f the body* on
the four re m e m b ra n c e s (catidn smrty-upasthdndni: to caJl to m in d th at the
hody is im p u re, th at sensations are suffering, th at the m in d is im p c rm a -
n e m T a n d that p h e n o m e n a a re w ithout su b stan tial reality), on the lour
u n lim ited m in ds (ati\vary apramdridni o r brahmauihdra; a m ity tow ard Oth­
ers, com passio n for the suffering of others* sym path etic jo y at the good
hurt Line o f others, anti e q u a n im ity ), a n d on the th ree gates to e m a n c ip a ­
tion (n on su bstan tiality , signlessness, a n d wishlessness). M ed itatio n was
classified in to two m ajo r categories: q u ie tin g the mint! (samatha; P. j a-
maiha) anti th en , on the basis o f that tra n q u il m ind, g ain in g insight
(mpafyand; P. vtp&fwrjd) in to the tru th.
T h e th ird p a rt o f the T h re e fo ld L e arn in g was the cu ltiv atio n o f w is­
d o m a b o u t D e p e n d e n t O r ig in a tio n . T h is w isd o m was based on medita*
tion. Wheci m e d ita tio n was divided into the categories o f m e n ta l t r a n ­
quility (samatha) anti insight (vipasyana), insight was so m elim es in clu d ed
in the category of wisdom in t h e T h re e fo ld L e a rn in g , T h e four r e m e m ­
b ra n c e s a n d four u n lim ited m in d s w ere m ajo r form s o f vipasyand, but
the m ost im port am forms o f vipasyand m ed itatio n used to d ev elo p wis­
d o m w ere m ed itation s on th e F o u r Noble T r u th s , on th^ five aggregates
(realizing th at each ag g reg ate is i m p e r m a n e n t, n on su b stan tial, a n d
ch a ra c te riz e d by suffering), a n d on D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n (consisting
o f reflecting on th e links o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n hoth fo rw ard an d
b ack w ard ). As corrcct w isdo m developed, the d efilem en ts (kld a ) w ere
elim in ated .
W h e n th e T h re e fo ld L e a rn in g had been co m pleted, freedo m from
suffering was realized T h e p ra c titio n e r knew th at he h a d been em an ci
p a te d (vimtikti-jndna). Because all defilem ents h a d been elim in ated ,
e m a n c ip a tio n was said to be p u re o r uninMuenLed by the defilem ents
(anasrava). A person w ho h a d realized mwdjia w as said to have th e " fiv e ­
fold m erit o f the body o f the Dharmo” ( C h . wu-Jrn Jti'shen-. morality, m e d ­
itatio n , w isd om , e m a n c ip a tio n , and the know ledge a n d vision thai
a c c o m p a n y e m a n c ip a tio n ). T h e se were th e dharmas o f religious practice
th a t the arbat realized.
 In ad d itio n , a list o f thirty-seven practices th at led to en lig h te n m e n t
(bodhipaksa) w as em p h a siz e d in early Kuddhist sources. T h e thirty-seven
w ere as follows:

1-4. The four r e m e m b ra n c e s (smrty-upatthdnani)

5-6. T h e four correct exertions (jomyak-praAana)
9 -1 2 . T h e four practices necessary for th e a tta in m e n t o f s u p e r n a t u ­
ral pow ers (jddhipdda): the cultivation ol strong inten tio n
(chanda), a ssid u o u s striving (bfiya), m e n ta l application (itUa),
a n d e x a m in a tio n (mtnuim.id)
13—] 7. T h e five d o m in a n t religious faculties (indriyo): faiih (sraddhti),
assiduous striving (vfrya), m ind fu lness (sati)f co n cen tratio n
(zantddfti), a n d w isd o m (prttjnd)
I ft-22. I he live pow ers (bdla): th e sam e as the five faculties except
th at ihe five pow ers a rc stead ier a n d m ore linmly established
2 3 -2 0 . T h e seven elem ents tra d in g to e n lig h te n m e n t (sambodhy-ariga):
m in d fu ln ess (yati), d iscrim in atio n co n cern in g the dharma
(dharma-viaiya), a ssid u o u s striv in g (virya), jo y (prill), m ental
tra n q u ility (prasrabdhi), c o n c e n tra tio n (satnadhi), a n d e q u a ­
n im ity (upekid)
30-37. The Eightfold Noble Path

T h r o u g h these practices, a person a d v an ced tow ard e n lig h te n m e n t

alo ng a w ay divided into four m ajo r stages: s tre a m -e n tra n t (srata-
apaflrta), once- r e tu rn e r (sakrddgdmin), ntrn re tu rn e r (andgdmin), and arhai
(w o rth y o r saint). Each o f these stages w as subdivided into a path
(ptttipanna) lead in g tn the stage (h ere a fte r this subdivision is called the
c a n d i d a l for the stage) a n d th e fruit (phala) o f the p ath , thus m a k in g a
total o f eight categories. T h e se categories a p p e a r in the Agamas. T h e
terna *^)ttream~ijntrtnt” referred to a person w ho had en tered a n d was
p artic ip a tin g in the stream th at is B uddhism . H e will not retrogress
fm m this stage. A person h e r a m c a s tr e a m -e n tra n t w h en he placed his
(aith in the T h r e e Jew els (B u d d h a , D h a r m a , a n d sarigha) a n d observed
the precepts. O t h e r theories o f how a person b ecam e a s tr e a m -e n tra n t
a re found in Buddhist scriptu res. F or ex am p le, a p erso n was said to
becom e a s tre a m -e n tra n t w h en he h ad cast off the three Fetters o f belief
in a p e r m a n e n t Self, d o u b t, a n d the belief that m orality o r rituals will
lead to salvation. A ccording to a n o th e r theory, a person becam e h
s tre a m -e n tra n t w hen he saw ^'things as they actually a re " s
T h e term “ once-re t u r n e r ” referred to so m eo n e who h a d lo re tu rn lo
this w orld once m o re before a tta in in g ntrvdna. A p erso n m ight die w ith ­
out com pleting his religious practice an d be born in a h eav en w h e re he
could c o n tin u e it- II Ilv wt i t u n ab le lo c o m p k lc his practice and attain
nirvana in heaven h he w o u ld [hen be born in this world once m o re to fin­
ish his religious train in g ; hence, he was called a o nce-retu rn er. A tta in ­
m e n t o f ihiii stage was said to result fm m ih e e lim in a tio n o f [he three fet­
ters and w eak en in g the hold o f the [hree poisons (lust, h a tre d , a n d
d elusion).
T h e te rm “ n o n r e t u r n e r ” referred to a p erso n w ho h a d died in this
world a n d was reb o rn in a h eav en where he w ould attain nirvana. 1 Itr did
not re tu rn to [his world. A n o n r e tu r n e r w as said to hav e cut ofl the five
letters b in d in g hitn to the d esire-realm : belief in a Self, belief that rituals
lend to salvation, d o u b t, h a tre d , a n d lust.
An arhaty a person w ho has attain ed the fourth a n d last Stage, had
com p leted his religious tra in in g , elim in ated all his defilrmcnt-s, an d
a tta in e d nirvana in this world.
I he above view o f the stages of practice is found in the Agarttes. It
c o m b in e d religious p ractice with B uddhist ideas o f reb irth a n d the three
realm s (d esire, form , a n d formless) into which a person m ight be
re b o rn D o ctrin es w ere thus arrived at th at w ould acc o m m o d a te those
people w ho could not realize e n lig h te n m e n t d u r in g th eir c u r re n t life­
tim es by allow ing th e m to co ntin ue their practice o v e r a n u m b e r of life­
tim es. T h e concept o f hells (narata, nirajya) is also found in the/l^awjaj, as
is the bchci that a [ifiStm wikuld b t burn Lritu One u f five destinies (pafica
gatoyah): d en izen s o f hell h h u n g ry ghosts, an im als, h u m a n beings, gods,

T h e Buddha

The stages o f the four can d id ates an d four fruits described above refer
to the e n lig h te n m e n t o f the B u d d h a's disciples. Since the B u d d h a
a tta in e d e n lig h te n m e n t shortly after he sat u n d e r the iWAi-tree, these
stages did not apply to him- L a te r, h ow ever, w h en N ik ay a (s e c ta ria n or
H in a y a n a ) B u ddhism was developing, the B ud d h a was said to have
practiced the six perfections for three incalculable eons a n d then for
a n o th e r h u n d r e d eons to p ro d u ce the th irty-tw o special characteristics
o r a B u d d h a 's body. T h is th eo ry was later ad o p te d by M a h a y a n a B u d ­
dhists. Even in early B u d d h ism , the fdtaka tales o f the B u d d h a 's p r e ­
vious births w ere e x p o u n d e d to describe his earlier religious practices.
D u rin g S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a ’s lifetime, his disciples w ere inspired by
his im pressive personality, but th ey still viewed him as a h u m a n being.
It was after the H u d d h a s d e a th that lie was g rad ually divin ized an d
viewed as s u p e rh u m a n T h e B u d d h a w as called T a th a g a ta (the “ T h u s
C o m e O n e 1’ o r he w ho h a d com pleted his practices a n d arrived at
e n lig h te n m e n t), A rh ai (w orthy), S a m y a k sa rp b u d d h a {he w ho has at-
t a tried s u p re m e e n lig h te n m e n t), an d o th er honorific n a m e s, m ak ing a
list o f te n titles. T h e body o f [he B u d d h a — like that o f o th er m en, nn p e r­
m a n e n t a n d not free from (he suffering n f b i r l h , old age, sickness, an d
d e a th — was nevertheless believed to hav e h a d th irty tw o m a rk s that
a p p e a le d only on the bodies o f B uddhas o r universal rulers a n d not on
o rd in a ry m e n . Additionally* ihe B u d d h a was said to e m b o d y five pure
virtues (C h. ivu-fen Ja-skm% morality, m e d ita tio n , w isdom , e m a n c ip a ­
tion, a n d the aw areness tif e m a n c ip a tio n . T h e B u d d h a aiso was said to
possess eighteen ch aracteristics, such as his special pow ers a n d compsts-
sinn, tliat d istin gu ished him from o r d in a ry m en (ajtadasa dvtnikd huridhn-
dharfndh). T h e B u d d h a h a d m astered (he four b ases o f s u p e rh u m a n
pow ers (caUiT-rddhipadsh); asp iratio n , striving* contro llin g the m in d , an d
view ing things w ith w isdom , all with the p u rp o se o f cu ltiv atin g s u p e rio r
m ed itatio n .
A lthough the B u d d h a was said to have h a d the ability to extend his
lifetim e io last a n eon if he so desired , by th e lim e he was eighty years
old, fie h a d p reached to all those to w hom he should have p re a c h e d an d
had p lan ted the seeds o f fu tu re conversion in others; he thus freely gave
up his life. T h e B u d d h a ’s d e a th was called parmin'dna (co m p lete nr>-
id jm). T h r o u g h his death, ihe B u d d h a was said lo have c n te r rd the
realm o f nirvana w ith o u t corporal r e m a in d e r (anttpadise?& nirvanti-dhiituh)
At a later dale, the B u d d h a ’s a tta in m e n t o f nirvana d u r in g his lifetime
(the extinction o f defilem ents) was k n o w n as ntrtwind w ilh corporal
r e m a in d e r ( sopadhifrja -wrwinajt, while th ro u g h d e a th he w as said to have
e n tered titrudjia w ithout corp ora! rem a in d er (turupadfiistya-nirvarta).N
 CHAPTER 4

The Organization o f the Order

T h e Id e al of the B u d d h ist O rd e r

The B u d d h i s t O r d e r is cEilkd "sarigha" in S a n sk rit. In Buddhist

texts, it is o ften referred to as ih e “ h a rm o n io u s o r d e r ” (samagfa-sangha)
lo indic&ie that it is o rg a n iz e d to pro m ote p e a ie and h a r m o n y a m o n g its
( h e m b e r s .1 T h e religious goal o f individual Buddhism is to realise
enlightenment a n d to five a liTe that is in a g re e m e n t with a n d c o n tr ib ’
utes to th eir religious objectives. Such individuals sh o u ld be able to
assem ble a n d live b g c t h t r peacefully a n d h arm o n io u sly W h en u n r n -
lig hten ed people a re m em b ers o f the iangha; they a re expected to strive
to m a in ta in peace in the o r d e r while irath p erson strives to realize
e n lig h te n m e n t for h im self T h e Ind iv idu al's efforts to live in peace an d
h a r m o n y with his fellow p ractitio n ers should be in com plete ag reem en t
wilh Ins eflorts to realize his Spiritual goals.
T h e B u d d h a w as rev ered as the root o f the D h a r m a , ihe eye o f the
D h a r m a , an d tin- e n i l i i i d i m c r n l o f t he D h a r m a . f I n d l f c t p l n p l a t e d ihetr
c o m p le te faith in h im by p a y in g hom age to h im as a great teacher
(idstr), th ey alw ays 1olio wed his instructions. C o n seq u en tly , they were
ea!kjd “ h e a r e r s ' 1 (srattoka, F\ sdvaka). T h e B u d d h a exhibited impressive
tranquility, w hich arose out o f his d e e p m e d ita tio n , instilling those w ho
m et h im w ith a deep sense o f calm . M o reo v er, because o f the B u d d h a's
vast w isd om , insight, and. aJl c n c o m p a s sin g co m p assio n , his disciples
t r u s t e d a n d followed h i m w i t h o u t h e s i t a t i o n . A l t h o u g h t h e y h a d v a r i o u s
a bil itie s a n d p e r s o n a l i t i e s , m a n y w e r e a b l e to r e a l i z e t he g o a l s n f i h e i r
religious practices. Teacher a n d s tu d e n t sh ared in a sim ilar enlighten-
inent ex perience a n d belonged to the sam e o r d e r (sangha).
T h e n a tu re o f (lie sangha was freq uently c o m p a re d lo the ocean with
th e follow ing eight analogies^ ( I ) ju st as th e ocean beco m es g radu ally
deeper, so does study in the o rd er gradu ally progress; (2) jusl as (he
w aters o f the o c e a n n e v e r exceed its shores, so do the B u d d h a 's disciples
n ever break (he precepts; (3) jusl as the ocean n e v e r keeps a body and
alw ays casts ii back on s h n rc h so does th e o r d e r alw ays charge those w ho
violate the precepts with th eir offenses; (4) j u s t as various rivers flow
in to Ehe ocean a n d lose th eir n a m e s, so do those w ho e n te r the o r d e r
a b a n d o n th eir social classes a n d lay n am es to b e called only *'disciples of
Lhc B u d d h a 1' o r “ m o n k i 1*; (5) ju s t as a salty taste is diffused th ro u g h o u t
the o c e a n , so is the “ taste"h o f salvation diffused th ro u g h o u t the o rd e r;
(6) ju s l as the ocean does noi increase o r d ecrease no m a tte r how m an y
rivers flow into it, so does rhe o r d e r not increase o r decrease no m a tte r
how m a n y o f its m em b ers e n te r nirvana. (7) just as a variety of treasu res
is h id d e n in the ocean, so are p ro fo u n d Icachings a n d precepts found in
th e o rd er; (8) ju s t as greai fish live in the ocean, so do illustrious d i s d j
pies o f the B u d d h a live in the order. T h e se eight c o m p ariso n s were
called the eight w onderful q u a l i t y (djfa adbkutordhamtA) o f the o rd er an d
were u^ed to explain its u n iq u e character.

T h e F o u r C ro u p s

T h e B u d d h a '^ dtstip les w ere d ivided into two types: lay believers an d
m end icants. A lay m an w as called an npdsaka, a n d a lay worn an was
called an vp a sifa T h e term “vpvs&kQ*’ refers to o n e w ho w aits u p o n or
serves ( a n o th e r person). T h u s an upasaka served m e n d ira n ts by s u p p ly ­
ing the item s, such as food a n d robes, th a t they re q u ire d for their reli­
gious lives. T h e m e n d ic a n ts instructed the lay believers aboui how to
p ractice B ud d h ism while living as lay devotees. A lay person b ecam e
an updsaka by placing his faith in the T h r e e Jew els, T ho se w h o w ere p a r ­
ticularly zealous also observed the five p recepts for laym en a n d lay-
w om en.
A m ale B u d d h ist m e n d ic a n t was callcd a m o n k (hhikfu), a n d a female
B uddhist m e n d ic a n t was called a n u n (bhiksimi). T h e te rm “bhiksu11
refers to a m an w ho begs. T h u s the bhihu d ev o ted h im self to p erfo rm in g
religious au sterities while living by m ean s o f rhe requisites given him by
lay believers O n c e a person b ecam e a m onk by receiving the full ordi*
n atio n (tiposaflpadii), his life was strictly regu lated by the a p p ro x im a te ly
250 p recepts for m o n k s. T h e four groups (cattif pari fad) o f B u dd hists
w ere the m o n k s, n u n s , la y m e n , a n d lay wo m en.

T h e B u d d fiisl O rd er ( S a h g h n )

D u rin g the tim e o f (he B u d d h a , political groups a n d trad e guilds were

called jerigha. T h e rcrm was also applied to religious orders, a n d thus
the B u dd hist o rd er was called a sangha. ( T h e term l'gana’' [group] was
som etim es used to refer to religious orders, p articu larly for M a h a y a n a
orders?, w hich w ere som etim es called bvdhisativa-garm.2)
In its very bro ad est sense the te rm *'sangha " might h t used to refer in
all four g roups o f B uddhists; however, w h en it was used in early B u d ­
dhist texts, ft usually m d icatcd only the tw o orders o f m en dicants.
W h e n ih r m antis assem b led (hey were eaJled ihe o r d e r o f m o nk s (bhikfti-
sangha); (he n u n s w ere called the o r d e r o f n u n s (bhtkfvni-iangha). Both
o rd e rs to g e th e r w ere usually referred to as <JT h e Tw o O r d e r s ." T h e
o rder? w ere largely in d e p e n d e n t o f each o th e r a n d a u to n o m o u s, with
each responsible for m a in ta in in g its ow n m on astic discipline. T h e four
g ro u p s o f B uddhists w ere no( referred (o collectively as a single ord er
(sangha)
O n ly in div idu als over tw e n ty years old could receive the full o r d in a ­
tion a n d th u s becom e m o nk s o r nuns, T h o s e who w ere no< yet tw enty
could be initiated (pmOTajyd), receive th e ten precepts, a n d e n te r the
o ld e r as m ale (itamanera) o r female novices (sramanert). U sually the m i n ­
im u m age Ebr novices was fourteen, but in special cases i( m ight be lo w ­
ered to seven. Such y o u n g novices were called " c ro w -c h a s e r s fl (kdktifit-
paka)
W h e n a female novice b ecam e eighteen, she w ould u n d e r g o a c e re ­
m ony qualifying h e r lo be a “ p ro b a tio n a ry n u n " (HJqormni). Fnr two
years sh r w ould observe six rules. W h en she h a d com pleted this t r a i n ­
ing. she COllld becom e a n u n . M o n k s, n u n s , p ro b a tio n a ry n u n s , male
nDviiiis, a n d fem ale novices are often g ro u p e d to g eth er in B uddhist
texts a n d called the “ five g ro u p s o f m e n d ic a n ts .” W h e n la y m e n an d
lay w n m cn w ere added to (h c st Five, rhe e n tire set was referred m as “ the
seven g r o u p s .”
Lay Buddhists were expected to o b serv e live precepts: abstentio n
from killing, stealing, sexual m isco n d u ct, false Speech, a n d intoxicants.
In ad d itio n , on the six uposatha days each m o n th (the eighth, fo urteen th,
fifteenth, twL-nty-third, tw en ty -n in th , a n d ihirtic:th), (hey w t'if also EO
abstain from earing after midday, w itnessing displays o f m usic an d
d a n c e , a n d using p erfu m es a n d garlands* m a k in g a total o f eight p r o
ccpts observed. O b se rv a n c e o f these p recep ts was not com pulsory. If a
lay person violated a p recep t, no penalty w as im posed. In contrast* the
five g ro u p s o f m en d ican is w ere req u ired to o b t t r v c the precepts lo
m a in ta in discipline in the order. Set penalties w ere im posed on those
m e n d ic a n ts w ho violated the precepts,
A person was expected to oh serve the m o ra l precepts (Jila) o f his ow n
accord, sim ply becau se he h a d resolved to follow Buddhist practices.
Since the precepts differed for the variou s group.1! o f B uddhists, w h en
the precepts w ere co n ferred , the recipient h a d to choose w h eth er he
w ould live and practice as a lay devotee o r a m e m b e r o f a m onastic
o r d e r T h e precepts served as the foun dation for a p e r s o n ’s religious
practices. F o r a m o n k o r n u n , observance o f the prccepts w as c o m p u l­
sory, since these rules reg ulated th e o rg a n iz a tio n , c o m m u n a l life, an d
discipline o f the order. T h e rules o r precepts o f the tangha, o f which
th ere were a p p ro x im a te ly 250 for m o nk s, w ere called th e vitiaya. T h e
m ost serious class o f p recepts was called ihe pAisjika; c o m m issio n of a
partijiki,i o Hen sc was p u n ish e d by p e rm a n e n t exputsion from the nrder.
In a d d itio n , a m o n k could be tem p o ra rily s u sp e n d e d from th e o r d e r for
the violation o f a n y o f th irteen sanghdiiihsa precepts. Even though
m o rality w as p rim arily b ased on the in d iv id u a l’s self-control, the rules
o f the viftaya served as controls im p o sed by the order.
A distinction betw een tw o basic types o f sartgka is m ad e in B uddhist
texts. T h e first type, (he “ present o r d e r '3 (sarnmukhibhiita-sitngha), refers
to a n o rd er (hat exists in a p a rtic u la r place a n d tim e. W h e n four o r
m o re m on ks assem b le a n d form a n order, it is a presen t order. T h is type
o f o rd er has certain geographical b o u n d a rie s (sim d)r A ny m o n k within
those b o u n d a rie s is req u ired to atten d all m eeting s (hai a re held. T h e
pro ced u res for co n d u ctin g such m eetings a re called karrm*, anti (he p e r­
son w h o conducts the m e e tin g s is called the m aster o f cerem onies
(karmadcdtya).
Rveryonc was required to be p resent o r acco u n ted for at m eetings,
Full a tte n d a n c e w as p articu larly im p o rta n t at fortnightly upotatha
assem blies (heEd on the fifteenth a n d th irtieth d a y s o f the m o n th ) as well
as at the rain y season retreats, since im p o rta n t m u n a sn c business such
as (he selection o f officials o f the o r d e r w as c arried oui at these m eet­
ings. Tn m ost cases, a m in im u m o f four m o n k s was req u ired to vote on
m onastic business. H ow ev er, c e rta in karman (p ro ced u res or cerem o nies)
req u ired m ore m o n k s. At least five m on ks w ere req u ired to hold the
praudfuna cerem ony, held at the en d o f the th re e -m o n th rain y season
retreat to m ark the dissolution o f the o rd er th at h a d observed the retreat
to g eth er D u r in g the cerem ony, monks pointed out a n y erro rs o r q u e s ­
tionable b eh av io r rliey h a d observed in each o th e r d u rin g the retreai
an d th e n confessed their faults to each other. Since a sufficient n u m b e r
ol mtinks to con&hlulr a n n rd er had (o h ‘ prcst'nl to h ear the cnnfcjsinri
o f it m on k, at least five m o n k s were req u ired far the ptavdrana. To per-
form a full o rd in a tio n am i co nfer the statu s o f m o n k h o o d on a c a n d id a te
req u ired ten m onks: a p re c e p to r w ho sponsored ih e c a n d id a te , a m a ste r
of cerem onies w ho co n d u cted the o rd in a tio n , j te a c h e r w ho instructed
the c a n d id a te a b o u t the precepts a n d q u e stio n e d him abo ut his eligibil­
ity to e n te r the order, a n d seven witnesses, I n outlying areas w here ten
m onks cou ld no| be a ssem b led Without great difficulty, h u w ev rr, a full
o rd in a tio n could be co n d u cted by five m onks (p recep tor, m aster o f cere-
m onies, le a th e r, a n d tw o witnesses). A m in im u m of tw enty m o n k s w as
req u ired ro re a d m it a s u sp e n d e d m o n k (w ho h a d b een ch arg ed w ith an y
of the th irteen fanghddtUfO offenses) into the order.
In a larg e m onastery, c o n d u c tin g m onastic bu sin ess could re q u ire so
m uch tim e th at it m ig h t infringe u p o n a p e rso n 's religious practice.
C on seqL itn dy r a special o r d e r of only ten o r tw enty m o nk s m ight be
established w ithin a small a r e a in o r n e a r th e m o n a ste ry p rim arily for
the p u rp o se o f o r d a in in g m o n k s o r lifting suspensions. Eventually, the
a re a d esig nated as the m eetin g place of this special o r d e r was called the
11precepts p la tfo r m " o r simarmtydele.
T h e p resen t o r d e r was a n a u to n o m o u s u n it It g o v ern ed itself in
acco rd an ce with the vinajta a n d c o n d u c te d its o w n fortnightly assem blies
an d ra in y season ret real s. It a d m in iste re d the o rd e r's assets, sueh as the
buildings a n d g ro u n d s o f ihe m onastery, a n d e n s u re d ihai they were
used in a fair m a n n e r. In a d d itio n , the o rd er d istrib u te d equal shares of
ihe food a n d clo th in g il received as :dms to the m o nk s to help th e m lead
religious lives.
A present o r d e r was g o v ern ed hy the p recepts o f ihe vittaya, but did
not hav e th e right to alter those precepts. T h e vinaya tra n sc e n d e d the
rights a n d interests o f a n y single o rd er M o re o v e r, alth o u g h a present
o rd er had the right to use th e m o n astery a n d its build ing s, it did not
have the right to sell t h c m r T o explain this situation , (he existence o f a
h ig h e r level o f the sant>ha was posited. It was cidlcd “ ihe o r d e r o f ihe
four q u a r t e r s " o r the " u n iv e rs a l o r d e r " {cdtxtrdtsa-stingfui) a n d consisted
of all the disciples o f the B u d d h a . It tra n sc e n d e d tim e a n d place an d
inclu ded the m o nk s o f the past, p resen t, a n d fu tu re; it en c o m p a sse d all
g eog rap hical areas; it c o n tin u e d forever. M o n a ste rie s a n d o th er b u ild ­
ings all belonged to the o r d e r ol th e lour q u a rte rs ; it was rep resen ted by
the set o f preccp ts th at go v ern ed all of the p resent o rd ers.
O r d e rs o f n u n s were org an ized in basically the sam e w ay as orders of
monks. H ow ev er, the n u n s received m s(ru ctio n in Buddhist leaehings
an d precepts from the m onks. To e n s u re th at m on ks a n d n u n s re m a in e d
chaste a n d above suspicion, contact betw een the tw o g ro u p s w as strictly
re g u la te d by a set o f eight m ajo r o r weighty ru les (gurudharma) 3

P r d tim o k fa

T h e rules followed by m o nk s o r n u n s a re collected in a g e n re o f lite ra ­

tu re called the prdlimoksastitra. T h e re are a p p ro x im a te ly 250 precepts for
m o nk s a n d 350 for n u n s . T h e pTalimoks&sutia docs not include direction;;
for co n d u ctin g th e assem blies a n d p e rfo rm in g the cerem o n ies that regu-
late the sartgha, T h e disciplinary m les for m o nk s a re divided into eight
c lasses, a n d those fo r n u n s in to s e v e n . T h e m ost i m p o n a n t e lass t nn s ist s
o f the fou t pdrdjika rules for m o nk s (eight for nuns): ab s te n tio n from sex­
ual in terco u rse, stealing , taking h u m a n life, a n d lying ab ou t o i k ' s s p ir ­
itual achievem ents. C o m m ittin g an y o f these nets entails p e r m a n e n t
lifelong expulsion from the order.
1 he th irte e n sanghddiiefa rules for m on ks are second io rhe pdrdjtka in
i m p o n a n c e , (Lists o f seventeen Eind n in e te e n m les a re found in the
vinnyas for n u n s .) In clu d ed are rules co n cern in g sexual offenses, false
accusations against a n o th e r m o n k o r nun oT c o m m ittin g a parijtka
offense, a n d a tte m p ts to cause schism s in the order, If a person c o m m its
an y o f rhese arts, he m u st go before rhe assem bled sarigha an d confess his
w ro n g d o in g . T h e n for seven d a y s he m ust live a p a rt from the o r d e r an d
do p e n a n e e (ttuSldftfljL Follow ing this, the o rd er nia^1 m eet a n d read m it
him if th ey are satisfied with his penance. A person who unsuccessfully
a tte m p ts a pdtdjika o r sangkodise$a ofTense is ch arg ed w ith an a tte m p te d
(sthuldtyaya) offense.
Thf* th ird class o f p recepts consists o f (wo rules c o n cern in g offenses of
u n d e te r m in e d (aniyata) gravity, Roth co n cern rhe activities o f m onks
found w ith w o m en . T h e gravity of the offense is d e te r m in e d in a c c o rd ­
ance with th e te stim o n y o f witnesses. T h is class is found only in (he p re ­
cepts for m o nk s.
T h e fourth class o f precep ts consists o f th irty nQihsaTgika-prdynscittika
rules for m o n k s. N u n s also observe th irty rules. T h e se co n cern posses­
sions. F o r ex am p le, a m onk m a y possess o n ly one set o f th ree robes.
A ny additional robes m a y be kept only tem porarily. S im itar restrictions
apply to th e cloth u p o n w hich he sits, special robes for the rain y
w earher, b eg g in g bowls , and m edicine. In a d d itio n , m on ks and n u n s
m ay not possess gold, silver, o r je w e l s If these rules a re v iolated, (he
p erso n m ust s u r r e n d e r the iicm s in q u e stio n a n d confess his o r her
w ro n g d o in g .
T h e fifth rlass o f precepts consists o f the pdtayantska rules T h e se n u m ­
ber DO o r 92 for m o n k s, d e p e n d in g on w hich oinaya is Consulted, an d
b etw een 1 4 1 a n d 201 fur n u n s . T h e se rules concern m in o r offenses such
as speaking harshly a n d lying. C o m m ittin g such offenses re q u ire s co n ­
fession.
T h e sixth class consists o f th e praiidtiamya rules. T h e s e m in o r rulers,
four for m o nk s tind eight for nUflj, con cern (he acceptance anti c o n ­
sumption o f in a p p ro p ria te ItKxJ,
i he seventh class, ihe saikfa, consists o f 75 o r 307 rules, d e p e n d in g on
which vinaya is consul led. T h e n u m b e r o f regu latio ns is the sam e for
m onks us for n u n s . T h e se rules concern etiq u ette a n d the pro p er p ro c e ­
d u res for such activities as begging, e a tin g s a n d p re a c h in g If a person
violates d ie m , he n r she should reflect on ins w ro n g d o in g by himself. A
violation o f these rules is called a dufkjia, literally a “ b a d action. '
Besides had actions, a second classification o f h a d sp eerh is mentioned
in m a n y tests.
Tiit; eighth class, tile adhikaTarm-btimaiha. Consists o f seven rules fur
b o th m on ks a n d n u ns. T h e se rules co ncern the resolution of dispu tes
within the order. Seven pro ced u res for resolving d isp u tes are described
in the vinaya. W h e n a dispu te occurs, the h e a d m o n k o r n u n shu uld use
Ih r a p p r o p ria te p ro ced u res to resolve it. If this is not J o n e 1 Ihe head
mi>nk o r n u n is ch arg ed w ith a h a d action (dufkfta).
Eti Buddhist texts, the pdrdjika^ staghddiscfa, nai^sargika-pidyascittika,
pdtayantika^ a n d duskrta are so m etim es collectively called the five classes
o f offenses. If the sthuldtyaya (a tte m p te d ) offenses amJ bad speech art-
also a d d e d to the list, they a re collectively called the seven classes of
offenses.
T h e Pali Vinaya lists 227 p recepts for m o n k s a n d 3 1 1 for n u ns. T he
Dhatmagupttika vinaya, followed m East Asia, lists 250 for m o nk s a n d 343
lor n u n s . T h e n u m b e r s v a ry in o th e r oinayas; how ever, the most imj>or-
tarn p recep ts in the v ario u s vinayas are the s a m e , indicating th at the
rules d a te back to the tim e o f E arly Buddhism .*

R e ligio u s L ife in the S a rig tia

T h o s e who wished to e n t e r the wngha w c rr ad m itted w ithout re g a rd to

race o r social class. A m an w ho w anted to e n te r the o rd er was expected
to (ind an ex perienced m o n k w ho w ould serve as his precep tor (upadhya-
ya ) after the c a n d id a te h a d been accepted in to th e order. T h e p re c e p to r
p r e p a re d three robes a n d a begging bowl for th e ap p lican t. H e then
assem bled an o rd er o f at least ten monks on the precepts p latform an d
th e full o r d in a tio n w as conferred u p o n the applicant.
 A n applicant had to satisfy ccrtain re q u ire m e n ts before he could jo in
th e order. A te a r h e r (ratio 'nusasaka acarya) was a p p o in te d to q u e stio n the
c a n d id a te a b o u t [he a p p ro x im a te ly tw enty conditions lh al could b a r
adm ission lo the order. A successful c a n d id a te h a d to hav e perm issio n
from his p arents, n e v e r have c o m m itte d a pdrdjika offense, a n d not be a
d e b to r o r a crim in al fleeing from the g o v e r n m e n t.1 T h e m onk who offi­
ciated at the o rd in a tio n was called the m aster o f cerem o n ies (karma
kawka-atdrya). A fter the o rd in a tio n was complctedy the new m onk was
in stru cted in rhe four pdrajika rules an d in rhe four sup po rts (nisraya) for
m on astic Jife th at serve as general guidelines for m onks. T h e four sup*
p orts consisted o f statem en ts by the m e n d ic a n t thai he w o u ld live as a
m onk by begging for his food, use discarded rags for robes, practice an d
sleep u n d e r the trees, a n d use the ex c re m e n t o f cows a n d discarded
m edicines to cu re h im self o f illness. T h e se w ere basic guidelines^ a d d i ­
tional provisions p e rm itte d exceptions to the four s u p p o rts, such as
accep tin g inv itation s to m eaJsh using new clothing, living in bu ildings,
a n d u s in g m edicines m ad e from trees a n d roots.
A fter o rd in a tio n , rhe c a n d id a te b ccam c a disciple o f his p rccep to r.
T h e y lived luge (her while th e p receptor instru cted the disciple in the
precepts, d o c trin e , m e d i a t i o n , a n d religious austerities. If the discipte
received perm ission from his preceptor, he m ight go to study m ed itatio n
o r d o ctrin e u n d e r a speciaJ te a c h e r (atdrya) skilled in those subjects. T h e
d is o p le was cx ptx tcd to serve his p re c e p to r as he w ould serve his nw n
father, a n d ihe p re c e p to r was expected to look a lte r his disciple as he
w ould carc for his ow n son. T h e y were to divide the food a n d clothing
ih ey received betw een th e m , care for ca^h o th e r w hen o n e o f rhem was
sick, a n d hf*]p c a d ; o th er wilh th eir religious pracrice
T h e m onks w ere ranked according to the n u m b e r o f years that h ad
elapsed since th eir o rd in a tio n . C o m m u n a l Jife was based on seniority,
a n d m on ks h a d to pay obeisance to those in the o rd er w ith m ore senior-
ity. Because m o n a stic Jife was designed to en ab le a m onk to control his
desires, m on ks w ere not p e rm itte d to cat after n o o n iim c a n d w ere to
shu n all forms o f e n te r ta in m e n t, A typical d a y in a m o n k 's life w ould
entail rising early in the m o rn in g an d m e d ita tin g . T h e m onk w ould go
out to beg for his food later in the m o rn in g a n d then re tu rn to eat with
the o th e r m o nk s before noon. O n ly one m eal w as ea te n each day. In the
aftern o o n , he could visit the houses o f l a y believers o r go to a fore si to
m ed itate. In the e v en in g , he m ight g ath er w ith o th er m o n k s to discuss
the B u d d h a ’s teachin gs o r his m editatio ns, hie m ight also go to talk with
his teachers. H is life w as filled with silence o r with discussions o f the
B u d d h a ’s teachings. L a te r in th e ev en in g , he w ould w ith d ra w tu his
ow n room to m ed itate. H e finally went 10 sleep late at n ig h t. Six tim es
each month lay men would Cotne to the m onastery to observe the upem-
t h a w “ m et ting d a y s / ’ The monks would preach Buddhist teachings to
[hern and confer (he live lay precepts. Tw ice each month, [he monks
observed upomtha for (hem sc Ives. O n ihe evenings o f those days, the
monks would gather 10 chant (h e prdtimakfa.
O riginally, Buddhist m on ks w ere to follow a life o f w an d erin g - T h e y
w ere to c a r ry only a very few item s with th e m . Party texts specify si*:
th re e m b es, a b egg ing bowl, ei cloth to sic u p o n , a n d a w ater stra in e r
T h e (me m ajo r break in th eir life o f w a n d e r in g o ccu rred d u rin g ihe
ra in y season, F o r th ree o f rhe four m o n th s o f the rain y season, th e
monies w ere to g a th e r to g eth er in one ptacc for a period o f intense study
an d practice. At the end o f this rain y season retreat, they p e rfo rm e d a
B e l i a l c e re m o n y (pmodrajia) a n d Ijegan th eir life ol w a n d e rin g ag ain .
Since the m o nk s c u s to m a rily m ad e new robes or rep aired th etr old
ones after the rain y season re treat, they often decided to c o n tin u e living
in the sam e place for an ad d itio n al period. T h e robes consisted o f large
pieces o f d o t h ih at w ere w rap p ed a r o u n d the body. L a y m e n used while
rolx.Ls. T h e m o nk s used robes d y ed a dull yellow. T h e w ord for robes,
ka^dyar was taken from th eir color T h e y w ore three robes: a low er one
m ade o f five pieces o f cloth sewn together, an u p p e r robe m ad e of seven
pieces, a n d A large robe m ad e u p of betw een n in e a ltd twenty-five
pieces. T h e robes w ere usually m ad e of co tton, b u t flax, silk, a n d wool
w ere also u s e d . Since a largt- n u m b e r of pieces o f clolh w efe req u ired for
the robes, it was not easy for the m onks ro Eissemble all rhe m aterial
Before m o n asteries w ere established at the d e stin a tio n s o f the w a n ­
d e rin g m o n k s, they usually slept in the o p en o r u n d e r a tree Since rain
usually felt ouly d u rin g the fo u r-m o n th rain y season, sleeping outside
did not p resen t a n y p ro b le m s at m ost times.
S om e o f the B u d d h a rs disciples wished to live an even m o r e ascetic
life ill an rhe o n e dc.-scrilx.-d here. L a te r m on ks c o n sftju cn ily com piled a
list o f twelve (som e tra d itio n s list thirteen ) rules (dh&ta) c o n c e rn in g aus-
[critics. O n e o f the B u d d h a ’s disciples, M a h a k a s y a p a , was p articularly
fam ous tor his p ractice o f austerities.
 CHAPTER 5

The Establishment o f the

Early Buddhist Canon

T h e F irst C o u n cil

S h o r t l y a f t f r the B u d d h a d ied , M a h a k lify a p a p rop osed d ial a c o u n ­

cil be tailed to o rg anize a n d agree u p o n the co n ten t o f th e B u d d h a 's
c a c h i n g s . H e feared that if this were not d o n e [l«r B u d d h a 's teaching s
w ould quickly dec line. O b t a i n i n g rhe consent o f som e o f the B u d d h a's
disciples, he assem bled five h u n d re d m o nk s at R a ja g r h a . T h is m e e tin g
is generally called the First C o un cil (saiigtti).1 T h e term ftsfingUi" m e a n s
" t o chant t o g e th e r " a n d refers to the m a n n e r in which the early m onks
c h a n tc d in u n iso n the (cachings (hey m em orized. A [though m a n y schol­
ars have ex pressed d o u b ts a b o u t w h eth er this council was actually held*
smcc it is m e n tio n e d m m a n y sources a m eetin g o f some km d m ust have
b een held at this tim e.
At the First C o u n c il, the B u d d h a 's a tte n d a n t a n d co n sta n t c o m p a n ­
ion A n a n d a recited the B u d d h a ’s teachin gs ( D h a r m a ) T h e rules r e g u ­
lating m o n astic discipline w ere recited by U p il i , a m o n k ren o w n ed for
his d e e p know ledge o f (he vtnaya. ( T h e ir recitation s were p ro b ab ly b ased
on early versions o f the Sutnt-pifeka a n d Vinqp&pitaka; the Abhidharma-
ptiaka was com p iled later.) Tn facilitate m e m o r i z a t i o n , th e mottfcs
assem b led short prose passages (sutra) o r verses (g&thd) th at expressed
im p o rta n t doctrines. T h e se sh ort expositions o f doctrine were s u p p le ­
m en ted w ith e x p la n a to ry passages. F o r ex am p le, stories (niddna) e x ­
p la in in g the circu m stan ces o f the com position o f verses were tre a te d ,
m e m o riz e d , a n d tra n s m itte d fro m person to p erso n Later, tran sitio n al
passages w ere ad d ed to tie these texts together. Eventually, lo ng er pas-
sages callcd dhcttmapatyayu o r parydya were com piled Still later, lengthy
stitrai w ere p ro d u ced T h e te rm "sutipi** (or sdtranta) origin ally referred
to the w a rp in w eaving, a n d was used to suggest ihat rich m ean in g s
were in c lu d e d in short sentences. D u rin g the cen tu ry following ihe
d e a th o f ihe B u d d h a , a n u m b e r o f lengthy iuina w ere com piled.
T h e precepts o r rules o f th e vinaya were com piled tn lo a list ("jilted the
prdtimofaa early in R ud dh isi history. In usages that seem to be v ery old.
the rules them selves w ere galled J&ras, a n d the e x p la n a tio n s o f these
rules w ere called nttr&QtbhaiigA. A correct u n d e rs ta n d in g o f the precepts
was necessary if the m o nk s w ere to Jive in acc o rd a n c e w ith B ud dh ist
cusiom . A long with these rules, p ro c e d u re s a n d cerem o n ies (kantum) to
be used in m a n a g in g ihe o rd er w ere fo rm ulated a n d t a m e to occupy die
g re a te r part o f the ch ap ters (skandhaka) in die VinAya-pitaka. L ater, ihese
cerem o nies a n d p ro c e d u re s w ere o rg a n iz e d by some schools into a lisi o f
IQ] ktpman, but a large n u m b e r n f barman w ere in use by the o r d e r at an
early date I he early prdtimokfa a n d skandfiaka w ere p ro b a b ly com posed
■Approximately one cen tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th .
Soon after th e B u d d h a ’s d e a th , m onks b eg an to specialize in either
the D h a r m a o r the vinaya. T e rm s such as " te a c h e r o f the sutras" (suttan-
tika)t ihprtwrlaimer o f the D h a r m a " (dharmakathika), " u p h o l d e r o f the
vinaya" (vinayatjkaia), a n d - u p h o l d e r o f the D h a r m a ” (dharmadhara)
begat; ap p e a rin g - T h e d e v e lo p m e n t of the Sufrv-pitakv a n d th e I'tntiya-
piiaka from the rime o f rhe First C o un cil until the r a n o n assu m ed its
present form at c an n o t l>e traced in m uch detail. It is clear, however,
[hat d u r in g the first c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a ’s d e a th , his teachings h ad
been com piled in to a Stjira-pifaka a n d lh al the rules on m o nastic disci­
pline h a d been collected into a Vtnayti-pitaka.
About o n e cen tu ry after th e Buddha’ s d e a th , the e a ily o r d e r splii into
two schools, the S th a v ira v a d in i a n d (he M ahasarighikas. T h e se schools
su b seq u en tly suffered schism s th at ev en tually resulted in at least eigh-
teen schools. D u rin g this tim e the c a n o n s maintained by the variou s
schools were e x p a n d e d a n d ch an g ed . T h e texts in Pali tra n sm itte d to Sri
L a n k a a n d the C h in e s e tran slatio n o f the Vtnaya- a n d S&Cra-pitakaa ex tan t
tnday a re from this period o f sectarian o r N ikaya B uddhism . S ince a
long perif>d elapsed b etw een the lim e o f die original com pilatio ns o f ihe
Sftita-pifdkn and Vinaya-pifaka an d th e lim e w h en they c a m r to rxisi in
their p resent fo rm , they c an n o t be restored to th eir original form. O l d e r
an d n e w e r section!) o f the texts have clearly been m ixed to g eth er in the
canon^ in use lt>day.!
 The O rg a n iz a tio n o f th e E x ta n t C a n o n s

B uddhism was b ro u g h t to Sri L ank a by M a h in d a d u rin g the reign uf

A so kit. T h e SuiTH-pifaka o f (hat c a n o n was divided in to five collections
(Nikaya), a fo rm a t m ain tain ed by the V ib h ajjav ad in s o f the T h e r a v a d a
tra d itio n . I he lan gu ag e used was Pali, a n an cien t (iinJec! from V id isa
o r Khflsa in th e so u th w estern p a n of cen tral India. M a h in d a ’s m o th e r
h a d com c from this a re a , a n d M a h in d a had co n seq u en tly tra n sm itte d
the B uddhism o f this region to Sri L a n k a.
Jn c o n tra st, the B u d dh ist texts taken to C h in a by way o f C en tral A sia
w ere from n o r th e rn In d ia . T h e se suitas were o rg a n iz e d into four collec­
tions callcd Agamas (C h. a-ban). T h e four collections tra n slated into C h i '
ne&e are not all from the &amc B uddhist schuol. T h e Q ?ang a-han (fting
(jT 1), w hich c o rresp o n d s a p p ro x im a te ly to the Pali Digha-ntkdya, w as
from the D h a r m a g u p ta k a School. T h e Chung a-han cfling { T 26) a n d the
Tsa a-han ( 7 ’9 3 )] w hich correspond a p p ro x im a te ly to the Pali M&j-
jk \m a - a n d Sarnyutta-nikdyas, w ere from the S a n a s i i v a d i n School, a n d ihe
Tseng-ia-han ching ( T 125), w hich corresponds ap p ro x im ately to th e Pali
AhgtiUara-nikdya, is said to be from the M fih asan g h ik a School, but ihis
las! a ttrib u tio n ap p e a rs to be incorrect.
T h e Pali Vinaya is from the T h e r a v a d a School. Five co m plete o r full
vinayas w ere tran slated into C h in ese. T h e y are as follows:

1 . T h e Ssu-Jm lu ( T 1428) o f the D h a r m a g u p ta k a School.

2 . T h e Skih -sung lu { 7’ 143 5) o f t he Sarvas! i vad i n S ch o o l.
3. T h e I u ( T H 2 l ) o f th e M ahTiasaka School.
4. T h e Mo-ho-stng-ch Vt u ( T l 425} o f th e M a h a s a n g h ik a School.
5. T h e Km -pen shou-i-chieh-yu-pu lu ( T 14 4 ? - ] 4 5 1 ) o f the Mvilasar-
vast i vad in School, T h e M u la^ arv astiv ad in Vinaya also exists in a
T i b e ta n translatio n.

T h e o rg anizatio n o f rhe Vinaya- an d Suira-pitakas is o u tlin ed below:

I. Vinaya-pitaka (T h e r a v a d a )
A. {explanation of the precepts)
1. Mahduibhariga (ex p lan atio n o f the precepts for m onks)
a, Pardjika (ch apter1on violations req u irin g expulsion)
b , Pdcciiiyd (c hapte r on violations requ irin g con fessio n )
2, Bfiikkhunivibhaiiga (ex p lan atio n o f the precepts for nun&L
divided into ch ap ters o n pdtajiba a n d pdttiUya offenses)
 B, Khandhaka (ch ap lers on knmma fpro ced u res for assem blies]
anti o th e r subjects)
t . Mahtiiagga (ten c h a p te rs)
2 . Cutfavagiga (i welve ch ap ters)
C’. Part varapat ha (a p p e n d i x)

II Svird'pi&iiui:T h e r a v a d a version is divided m iu five Nikdyas; v e r­

sions used in Other schools a re generally divided into four Agomas
A. Digha-nikdya (th irty -fo u r loncg luthu): c o rresp o n d s to ihe
( 'h ting a -han thing ol the Chiiriniljju(>1 aka School, translated in
413. with thirty sutras
]f Majjhitna-nikaya (15"J mUtu rtf m e d iu m length): c o rre s p o n d s to
the Chung a ban thing (221 siittai ol m ed iu m length) ol the
S arv asiiv ad in School, tra n sla te d i n t o C h in e s e in 398
C„ Samyuita nikaya {2H872 suttas o rg an ised accord ing ic> con tent):
c o rresp o n d s to the T ia a-han thing (1,362 sufraj) o f die Sarvas-
tivadin S chool, tra n sla te d into C h in ese in 443
I). Ariguitara-nikaya (2,198 suit as o rg a n iz e d acco rdin g to the n u m ­
ber p/ item s ill the d o clrm a l list Ljndrr discussio n): t o r re­
sp on ds u> the I\m g -i a-han thing ("171 sfitras) o f an u n d e t e r ­
m in ed school, tra n sla te d into C h in e s e in 3B4
K Khuddaka-nikaya (fifteen m iscellaneous suttas not included in
a n y ol the above four Nikdyos): c o rresp o n d s to a n u m b e r o f
in d e p e n d e n t w orks tra n slated into C h in e s e

1 his o u tlin e describ ing the o rg a n iz a tio n o f die vinaya is based on tEu-
Pali te n t,3 rrhe C h in e s e tra n sla tio n s o f th e vtnaya generally are orgEinized
in a sim ilar m a n n e r. T h e PSli Vinaya was p ub lished by hi O ld e n b c rg
( The Vinaya pitaka m Pali, 5 volutnes, L o n d o n , 1879) a n d was later
tv p rin te d by the Pali Ie*i Society T h e P&Umokkha (th e list of precepts
recited at the fortnightly assem blies) hEts also b f e n published A partial
English tran slatio n o f the lull Pali Vinaya was d o n e for the S a cred Books
of the East (vol. I 3 f 37, 20) by T. W. k h y s D avids a n d i i . CIEdenher^.
A fo m p lete Flnglish tran slatio n o f the full Vtnaya, titled T h f Book o f the
Discipline, w^s d o n e for the S acrcd Books o f the B uddhists by I B.
H o r n e r (vol. 10. 11, 13, 14T 20 r a n d 25). A J a p a n e s e tran slation o f the
full Pali Vinaya is ineluded in the iVandri datzokyo (vol. 1-5). T h e Saman-
tapasddika, a c o m m e n ta ry on the vinaya by B ud dh ag ho sa, exists both in
Pali a n d in a C h in ese translatio n ($han-ckim-tu p 'l - p ’&sha. T 14G2), Five
lull vinayas w ere translated in to C h in ese; they are in clud ed m th e Tahho
datzokyd(yoJ, 22-24). U seful in tro d u cto ry essays a re found in the a n n o ­
tated J a p a n e s e tran slatio n s o f the C h in ese vinayai, pratimoksas, a n d com-
mentaries included in the 2 6 -volume Rilsubu section of the Kokuyaku
issaikyd. Tibetan vinaya works are included in volumes + 1 -4 5 or ihe P e­
king edition of the Tibetan canon, with commentaries inducted in vol­
umes 1 2 0 -1 2 7 . T h e vinaya texts in the Tibetan canon belong to the
Mulasarvastivadin School.
N o c o m p l e t e S a n s k r i t te x t o f a full vinaya is ext Em t. H o w e v e r * m a n y
S a n s k r i t f r a g m e n t s o f vtnayas w e r e d i s c o v e r e d in C e n t r a l A s i a by th e
P e il io t a n d G e r m a n e x p e d i t i o n s . M o s t o f t h e f r a g m e n t s w e r e f r o m th e
prdtirnokpas, sutravibharigas, skandhakas, a n d c h a p t e r s o n k a rm a n o f th e
Sarvastivadin* M u lasarv astiv ad in , an d M a h asaiig h ik a sdiools. A m o n g
t h e S<mskrit t e x t s d i s c o v e r e d i n T i b e t b y R a h u l a S a r i k r t y a y a n a a n d p r e
s e r v e d in P a t n a w e r e c o p i e s o f th e M a h a s a r i g l i i k a P rdlim oksa a n d
B h ik p u n t-u in a y a , t h e s e h a v e b e e n p u b l i s h e d ( W . P a c h o w a n d R M i s h r a ,
T h f P rdtim oksasdtra o f the M a h d sd n g h ik d s [ A l l a h a b a d * 1 9 5 6 ]; G . R o t h ,
B h ik fu n i-V in a y a including B h ik f u n ip ra kirn a ka a n d a S u m m a r y o f the B h ik f u-
p ra kirn a ka o f the A rya -n u ih d id n g h ika - L ekotta ravodin [ P a t n a , 1^ 7 0 ]; B. J i n a -
n a n d a t A b h tsa m a c d rik d [BhiksuprakiT tiaka] [ P a t n a , 1% 9 [). Thr- m o s t coin^
pi Etc e x t a n t S a n s k r i t vinaya w a s f o u n d a m o n ^ t h e M u l a s a r v a s t i v a d i n
te x ts d i s c o v e r e d at a n old stu p a a t G i l g i t in K a s h m i r . M a n y o f t h e s e tex ts
h a v e h e e n p u b l i s h e d b y N a l i n a k s h a I ^ u t t a s d i g i t M a n u sc rip ts, vo l. 3 ,
p a r t s J - 4 h M d ia sa iv d stiv d d a -V in a y a v a stu ( S r i n a g a r , 1 9 4 2 ’- 1 9 5 4 ). T J j e p r &
timaksa w a s p u b l i s h e d by A. C . B » n n t r | i : c in 1 9 5 4 . l i c c a u s c ol t h t n u ­
m e r o u s e x t a n t m a t e r i a l s o n vinaya, th e s t a t e o f m o n a s t i c d i s c i p l i n e a n d
t h e vinaya b e f o r e a n y s c h i s m s h a d o c c u r r e d in t h e e a r l y B u d d h i s t o r d e r
c a n be d e d u c e d b y c o m p a r in g the literature o f the v a rio u s schools.1
T h e c o m p l e t e P a h S u tfa -p U a k a h a s b e e n p r e s e r v e d u n t i l t h e p r e s e n t . 5
T h e f o l l o w i n g w o r k s h a v e s u r v i v e d in C h i n e s e Tr an sla tio n : T h e S a r v a s -
t i v a d i n v e r s i o n s o f t h e M a d h ya m d g a m a ( T 2 6 ) Eind t h e itaTjiyuktdgam asulra
( 7 ' 9 9 ), t h e D h a r m a g u p t a k a v e r s i o n o f t h e D ifg h d g a m a ( T I), a n d a v e r ­
s i o n o f t h e Ekotiardgarna ( T 1 2 5 ) th a t h a s n o t yet b e e n i d e n t i f i e d as
i j c l o n g m g to a p a r t i c u l a r s e t t .4 T h e P a h N ik d y a s h a v e b e e n p u b l i s h e d in
T h e r a v j i d a c o u n t r i e s s u c h as S r i L a n k a . T h a i l a n d , a n d B u r m a , tit I 8 7 R
T . W R b y s D a v i d s o r g a n i z e d t h e Pali T e x t S o c i e t y a n d w it h t h e h e l p n f
o t h e r s c h o l a r s b e g a n s y s t e m a t i c a l l y t o p u b l i s h Pali texts. T h e jd ta k a s ,
h o w e v e r , w e r e p u b l i s h e d s e p a r a t e l y by V . F a u s b o l ! { T h tJ a ta k a r n Tbgsths*
ivith Its C om m entary, 7 v o l u m e s , 1 8 7 7 - 1 &9 7 ). M o s t o f t h e N ik d y a t h a v e
b e e n t r a n s l a t e d i n t o E n g l i s h a n d p u b l i s h e d by t h e Pali T e x t S o c ie ty .' I n
a d d i t i o n , a J a p a n e s e t r a n s l a t i o n o f th e N ik d y a s h a s b e e n i n c l u d e d in v o l ­
u m e s 6 - 4 4 of t h e N a n d tn daizdkyd- C o m m e n t a r i e s o n t h e P a l i N ik d y a s
s u c h as R u d c U i a g h o s a ' s S u m a n g a ia v tld s in tU a v c a l so b e e n p u b l i s h e d by th e
P a l i T e x t S o c ie ty ; t h e y a r e i n d i s p e n s a b l e r e f e r e n c e s lor r e s e a r c h o n rhe
N ik d y a s.
 The Chinese translations of the A g a m a j are included in the first 1 whi
volumes ot [he f u t i f w d aizokya In addition, a largr nuinl)i'r of iu tr a i
belong ink; to ihe A g a m a s were translated ima Chinese as independent
workii. The Chinese vers intis of the A g a m a j have been translated into
Japanese (K u k u y a k u in a ity ii- A gcm hv) The Chinese A g a m tu and [he Pali
N ik d y a s have been compared by Ancsaki Masaharu. Later, in 1929,
Akanuma Chi?.en published his classic study of [he Chinese ifnd V a li
versions df [hr Hinayatia the K a n p a $hibu J hiagon gojJiSf&ktt, n worli
ihat has proven to lit an extremely valuable reference tool. The Tibetan
canon contains only a few translations of independent su tro r that are also
found in the A g a m a s or N ik a ja s (Peking edition. vol. 38-40). A few frag­
ments of Sanskrit texts of early m tra s hnvc ht en found in Central Asiii.1’
Many oi ihtsc have been published in journals. In addition, A. F, R.
Hoemle has published a collection of thr fragments, The Sanskrit frag­
ments discovered by German expeditions to Central Asia were pub­
lished by K. Waldschmidt and his students 9 Among them are versions
in Sanskriric languages of such important works as the M a b a p a rtn ib b a n ti-
lu ito , \fith a fm d a n a .\u iin , and l/d d n d fa r g c . Finally, nn early vertion ofthe
l}haTtnatm.da has been published hv J, BrOugh CVhr (la n d h a r i D ham iflftndfl
[Oxford, I9b2j).

T h e Ninefold and Tw elvefold Divisions o f the Teaching

Many modem scholar* believe that before early Buddhist teachings

(Dharma) were collected into the four A g a n u u or five N ik d y a s, the teach­
ings were o r ^ n i^ d into nine (n a u u n g a -sa ia n a ) or twelve (dvadasdngn*
dharrtwftTAiw<tn& ) divisions. T h e ninefold classification i'i found in the
Mali canon and the Mahasarighika Vinaya, and the twelvefold classifica^
tion is found in such texts as rhe Dharmaguptaka C h <ing a -han th tn i; ( T
1, fftrg h d g a itu i) and S i u f t n Iii (7 I42S. D h m n a g u p ta k a t/in a p a )'. ihe Safvas-
tivadjn C hurjg a -han chtng (7 ’ 2f), Aia d ftya m d g tim a j and 7 s a a -han chtit^i ( 7
94, iS a m yu kttig a m d y, the Mahisasaka W u -fe n tu ( T 14 21. A■fahtsatakavi-
nay&)\ and the Mulasarvastiviidin K t n - p f n sh o u -i-efd e h -y u -p u /tj (7 144'2-
Mfil, M uiasartriJtit'ddai'irK iya). These two sets of classifi rat ions are lifted
on p. 75.
The twelvefold classification consists of the ninefold classification
with three additions: n id d m . avoddna, and upadtsn. No decisive prtiof has
been found for determining which of the,se two classifications is earlier,
but scholars generally believe that the ninefold classification was formu­
lated first.,D A number of problcmaiic points remain in efforts to deter­
mine whether [he above two classification systems are older than the
 Ninefold Division Twelvefold Division
1. S u lla 1. S u tra
2. Geyya 2. Gey a
3. Vfyydkararia 3. Vydkarana
4. G dthd 4. G dthd
5. U dana 5. U ddna
6. Itiv u tta k a 6. N id a n a
7, J d ta k a 7. lliv r tta k a
8. Vedatla 8. J d ta k a
9 . A b b h u ta d h a m m a 9. V aipulya
10. A d b h u ta d h a rm a
11 . A va d d n a
12. U padesa

divisions into four A § m a s or five N ik a jm t but most scholars consider the

nmcfold and twelvefold classifications to be earlier. Although the nine­
fold and twelvefold lists certainly do contain some very early elements,
theja&i&u were ton isuit'd relatively laieT indicating lha! the ninefold and
twelvefold lists as they arc now constituted should uol be readily judged
to be early lists. A Tull consideration of this problem would include dis-
Cu&iobS of the Khuddaka-nikaya of the Pali canon and ihe T ia tiangs (kfu-
d rtth ip iu th ts^ which it re sometimes mentioned in conjunction with the
four A g a m a s.
 CHAPTER 6

The Development o f the

Buddhist Order

T h e O r d e r a f t e r th e B u d d h a s D e a th

A t rHE Tim e of the B u d d h a 's d e a ih . th* B uddhist o r d e r h ad Spread

only w ithin te n ir a l In d ia T h e B ud d ha'* b irth p lace , LumbinT, and the
plate where he died, K u s in a g a ra , were both on the n o r th e r n fringes of
central In d ia . B u J d l u y a y a , w h ere he a tta in e d e n lig h te n m e n t, was in
(hi’ s o u th e rn part o f cen tral In d ia . T h e J)i-cr P ark ai S a r a a t h , w h t r t he
p re a c h e d his first s e rm o n , w as in the w estern p a n o f centra! India.
T h e s e four sacred sire* t]f relitftjarics o r m em o rials (caiiya) soon
flourished as pilgrim age c e n te rs (/W , vol. 2, p, 140). For early B u d ’
iJhists, the te rm " c e n tr a l c o u n t r y ” (rmdhya-dtsa), found in m a n y B u d ­
dhist texts, referred [o cen tral I n d i a . 1
A fter the B u d d h a ’s d e a th , m issionaries sp read B u d d h is m io the west
an d southw est, (T h e V in d h y a M o u n ta in s blocked the sp read o f B u d ­
dhism to the south, a n d the east was tropical a n d u n d e v e lo p e d .) T h e y
wi re p artic u la rly .successful in the southwest. B u d d h ism a d v an ced m o re
«lowly in the west because this a r e a was a stro ng ho ld o f B ra h m a n ism .
D u rin g Ihe B u d d h a ’s lifetim e, m issionary activity Is reported En the
w estern p a n o f l n d i a , O n e of rhe B u d d h a ’s ten ch ief di trip les, M a h a k a -
ty a y a n a (P. M a h a k a c e a y a n a ) was a native o f A vanti {where UjjayinT
was the capital). M a h a k a ty a y a n a is said have been especially adept a1
giving d etailed ex p lan atio n s o f th e terse s u m m a r ie s o f teach in g s that the
B u d d h a ’s disciples h a d m e m o riz e d A cco rdin g to the Agamas, M a h a k a -
I y Elyan a later r e tu r n e d to Avanti to p reach . W hile he was in A v an tir
M a h S k a ty a y a n a o rd a in e d S r o n a k o d k a rn a (P. S o n a k u ;ik a n n a ) n a native
o f A p a r a n ta k a (Is. A p a ra n ta ), which was on the west coast o f Ind ia.
W h e n ^ f o o a k o tik a r g a was a b o u t to go to visit the B uddha in S ravasti
(P. S av atth i), M a h a k a ty a y a n a requested th at her ask [hr HimIdlLa for
perm ission to m ak e five except ions to the ob servan ce o f tht: precepts.
O n e o f these p e r m u te d m onks living in rem ote areas, w here it was diffi­
cult to assem b le the req u ired n u m b e r o f m o n ltsh to o rd a in new m onks
w ith an o r d e r o f five m o nk s instead of the u su al ten. a
A cco rd in g to virtayas o f the S th av tra lineage, S roflakotikarna was a
disciple o f M uhakatyElyana, H o w e v e r Anayas o f ih e M a h a s a n g h ik a lin ­
eage state th at S ro n a k o tik a rn a was a disciple o f P iirn a (P. P uiina), a
native- o f S n r p a ra k a in S u n a p a r a m a k a . S n r p a ra k a , also know n as Sopa-
ra, was a seaport on th e west coast o f In d ia to the n o rth o f th e m od ern
city o f Bombay. O n e o f A soka1s edicts was discovered in this a r e a A fter
P i n n a realized e n lig h te n m e n t, he re tu rn e d to preach in his ow n c o u n ­
try, w h e re he m ad e m a n y disciples- T h e tuira in w hich h r tells the Bttd-
d h a abo u t his detcrminEition to spread B ud d h ism is widely k n o w n (A/,Vp
no. 145), T h r o u g h his efforts, B u d d h ism w as established in thin a r e a in
w estern India. Stories a b o u t th e m an y m erch an ts w ho hccam e B u d ­
d hists a re found in the Agamas. M a n y o f these con verts h a d com e lo c e n ­
tral India for business p u rp o ses, professed th eir faith in B u d d h ism , an d
th en re tu rn e d to th eir h om es to preach th eir new religion. Such figures
□s P iir n a anti M a h a k a ty a y a n a are ex am p les o f this type o f L tticv er. A
n u m b e r n f riitras descrihe how M a h a k S ty a y a n a preach ed in M a th u r a
( n e a r D elhi) a n d Avanti.
T h e verses in the prologue to the Pdrdyanti'i<a^g/t ( C h a p t e r on the
R o a d to the Beyond) o f th e Suttuntf^dla ( G ro u p o f Discourses) relate ihe
Story o f a B ra h m a n n a m e d B avarj, w ho lived n e a r rhe u p p e r reaches of
the G o d a v a ri R iv e r in the D eccan . W h e n he h e a rd a b o u t the B u d d h a ,
he sen < sixteen disciples to listen to the B u d d h a 's teaching. "1’he disciples
w ent fro m P r a u t f h a n a (P. Pat it [liana) on the G o d a v a r i River, alon g the
S o u th e rn R o u te (D a k sin a p a th a ), p a w in g throu gh U jja y im , V id isa,
K a u s a m b i, a n d S ak eta on th eir w ay to Sravasti. T h e sixteen disciples of
the B r a h m a n q u estion ed th e B uddha, whose reply is said to be p r e ­
served as rhe Parayana zxtgga o f th e Suttanipdta Both this c h a p te r a n d th e
Atihaka-vagga ( C h a p t e r o f th e Eights) o f the SuUanipdta are w ritten in a
very old style o f Pali and are thus thought to E:cLong to the oldest strata
o f the Agamas. H ow ever, w hen these ch ap ters are co m p ared w ith the
lan g u a g e used in A solta'i edicts* it is im possible to d e te r m in e w hich is
earlier. T h u s h although the Pardyana-vagga is w ritte n in an early style of
Pali, it c an n o t be proven that it was co m po sed d u rin g the B u d d h a 's life­
time. M oreover, the verses th at com p rise the p rologue o f the Pamyana
vagga w ere co m po sed la te i th a n the verses that the B u d d h a is said to
h a v e spoken m the Pdrayana-i-agga itself. C on sequently, the p ro lo g u e
d o t s not provide evidence th at the B u d d h a's fam e ex ten d ed to the [)cc-
c an d u rin g his lifeiime.
P a r a g e s such as ihese prove that B u dd hism sp read along th e S o u th ­
e rn R o u te after th e B u d d h a 's d e a th . T h e b irthplace rtf K in # A so k a’s son
M a h in d a , w ho is cred ited w ilh bein g the tra n s m itte r o f B u d d h ism to Sri
T a n k a , is said to hav e been UjjayinT. T h e texts o f Sri L a n k a n B u dd hism
are w ritten in Pali, a lan g u a g e closely resem bling that in one of A l o h a ’s
edicts found at G i r n a r on the K a th ia w a r P eninsula n e a r A p a n in ta k a .
B u d d h ism w as obviously firm ly established in this region by the tim e of
K in g A so k a.7

T h e Political Situation

A cco rd in g to Sri L a n k a n sources, the B u d d h a d ied in the eighth y ear of

the reign o f K in g A ja ta s a tru (P. A jatasattu ), ru le r o f M a g a d h a , w ho
had su cceeded to the th ro n e after killing hi.s father. K ing Himbi5ara.
A ja ta s a tru c o n q u e re d m uch o f central In d ia a n d increased th e p o w er of
M a g a d h a . His d y nasty c o n tin u e d for several generation s until the p eo ­
ple o v e rth re w it d u rin g ihe reign o f K in g N agadiisaka- O n e o f Niigada-
srtka's m in isters, S u s u n a g a , was cro w n ed as the new king a n d founded
the S u sim 5 ga d yn asty D u rin g this period , M a g a d h a c o n q u e re d Avanti.
H o w ev er, after a sho rt tim e, the S u s u n a g a dy nasty was replaced by the
N an da dynasty, w hich th en am assed great m ilitary p ew er a n d con-
q u e r e d a large territory, e x te n d in g its b o rd e rs bey on d In d ia , H ow ever,
ii declin ed after only tw enty tw o years. Trt 327 b c.E. A le x a n d e r ihe
G real led a targe a rm y in to n o rth western In d ia a n d c o n q u e re d it.
Instead o f pressing on , how ever, he led liis a rm y out o f In d ia a n d died
in Babylon in 323 n, c f ~ T h u s cen tral In d ia w as sp ared conquest W th*
M a c e d o n ia n s, In the a lte r m a th of the d iso rd e r b ro u g h t a b o u t by the
M a c e d o n ia n invasions, young C a n d r a g u p t a , w ith the aid o f his p rim e
m in ister K ao[ilya, assem bled troops, toppled the N a n da. dynasty, an d
foun ded the M a u r y a n dynasty. H e destroyed M a c e d o n ia n p o w er in
northwestern In d ia , c o n q u e re d m u ch o f ihe rest o f In d ia , a n d thus
established a stro n g k in g d o m , w hich he ruled for tw en ty-lbu r years.
C n n d r a g u p ta was succccded by his son B in d u sara , w ho ruled for
tw enty-eight years, B in d u s a ra 's son, Asoka, ascend ed the th ro ne in
268 B.C.Ei
A cco rd in g to the Sri L a n k a n chronicles, 21fJ years passed betw een
th e lim e ol the B u d d h a 's d e a th a n d ihe y ear Asoka bccam c king In c o n ­
trast* sources in the N o r th e rn trad ition state that the time b etw een these
iwu events w as only one h u n d r e d years. If the above account o f the
political situ atio n in Ind ia is correct, one h u n d r e d years w ould seem to
be too short fo r (he tim e sp a n betw een the B u d d h a ’s d e a th am i A£oka's
succession In the A^-ju-wang chiian ( T 50:99c hAssikardjaoedana*}, a work
belonging to th e N o n h e rn trad itio n of B u d d h is m , the n a m e s o f twelve
king* of M a g a d h a arc listed, b e g in n in g with E im b isara and co n clu d in g
with S usim a, a C ontem p orary o f Asoka. T h e d u ra tio n s o f th e ir reigns,
how ever, a n : not listed, m a k in g it difficult to d e te rm in e w hether the fig
u re o f 100 years o r ?]ft years is m o re trustw orthy. T h e m a n y p o in ts m
which the various accounts disagree prevent a n y o f them from being
co nsidered an infallible source. A lth o u g h the dates in the Sri L a n k a n
chronicles w ould sec in to be m ore tru stw o rth y th an those in o th e r
accounts, even the Sri L a n k a n histories p resent m a n y difficult p ro blem s
when they are used to reconstruct a history o f the early Buddhist order.
C o n seq u en tly , the p ro blem of d e te r m in in g w hat period elapsed betw een
th e B u d d h a a n d Asoka m u st re m a in u nso lved for the p resen t. T h e fol­
low ing acco un t o f the d ev elo p m en t of rhe B ud d hist o r d e r relies u p o n
b o th th e Sri L a n k a n chronicles and the N o r th e rn so u rces.1

T h e Second Council and the First M a jo r Schism in the Order

A fter th e B u d d h a ’s d e a th , m issionaries sp read B u d d h ism from cen tral

In d ia to the southw est along the S o u th ern R o u te , B u d d h ism was aJso
tra n sm itte d to w estern In d ia , w h ere it flourished in M a t h u r a (M a d h u -
rit), a tiiy on the b a n k s o f (he J a m u n a to the so uth east o f m o d e rn Delhi.
M a th u r a is a considerable distance from central India. Because it is the
1o ra tio n w here K rish n a w orship arose, it is a sacred place to H in d u s . A t
one tim e, how ever, B u d d h ism flourished there, and it was a stronghold
o f [he S arv astiv ad in School, A cco rd in g to scrip tures, M a h a k a ty a y a n a
preach ed in M a th u r a . N o sutras record the B u d d h a as p r e a c h in g there.
In fact. he s ta te d that M a t h u r a had five m a jo r p ro b le m s that m a d e it
u n p leasan t tn live in (su rh as bein g d u sty a n d h a v in g m a n y m ad dogs),
and he therefore avoided it. Since M a th u r a was far from cen tral In dia,
it w ould take som e tim e before B u d d h ism reach cd It.
O n e h u n d r e d years afier th e B u d d h a 's d e a th , at ihe tim e o f the Sec­
ond C o u n cil. B u d d h is m was still not strong in M a th u r a . T h e Second
C o u n cil was held because th e m o n k s o f Vaisali w ere said to have
a d o p te d ten practices th at violated the precepts. W h e n a d isp u te arose
o v er (hose practices, seven h u n d r e d m o nk s assem b led in Vaisah an d
d e te rm in e d th at (he m o nk s o f Vaisali w ere in error. A lthough deciding
the status o f th e ten practices in question was the m a in reason for the
m eetin g , tht- Dtpavatftsa, a S o L an k an chronicle, refers to th e m eeting as
[Ik- “ Second C o u n c i l " b ecause th e c a n o n w as ch a n te d after the oilier
business h a d b e e n com pleted;* However^ the “ C h a p t e r on [he C o un cil
hhj' the S even H u n d red * ' in (he Virvija stales only that th e m e e tin g con
d en ied the ten practices a n d d o t s not co n sider it 10 be th e Second
Council.
A cco rd in g to Pali sources (he ten d isp u ted practices a n d th e rules they
violated w ere as follows:

i. C a r r y i n g salt m a n a n im a l h o r n — violated a rule against the

storing o f food
%. Talcing Food w hen die shado w on the su nd ial is tw o lingers past
n o o n — violated a rule a g a in st eatin g after noon
3. After eating, traveling io a n o th e r village to eat .m o th er m eal the
satiiL' d a y — violating the rule against o v ereatin g
■I. H o ld in g several fortnig htly assem blies w ithin th e sa m e b o u n d a ­
ries (sima) — v io lated p ro ced u res r e q u irin g all m o nk s w ithin the
s\md ro a tte n d the sam e fortnightly assem bly
5. C o n firm in g a n ecclesiastical act in a n in co m p lete assem bly and
obtain m g a p p ro v a l from ahsent m on ks a f te rw a r d — v iolated the
rules o f p ro ced u re ai m o nastic m eetings
(i. C itin g h a b itu a l p ractice as (he au th o rity for violations o f m o n a s ­
tic procedure®—violated the rule? o f p ro c e d u re
7. D r in k in g m ilk w hey after m eals— violated th e rule against eatin g
special Rkx I w h en o n e was not sick
H. Drinking u n l e m i t n i e d w ine— violated the rule against d rin k in g
in tox icatin g beverages
9 U sing a mat with fring es— violated the rule c o n cern in g the me a
su rc m e n ts o f rugs
It). A ccep tin g gold a n d silver— violated the ru le p ro h ib itin g m onks
from receiving gold a n d silver

All at these practices w ere b a n n e d in the full sets o f p recep ts lor

m o n k s.4 B ecau se o b s e rv in g the full precep ts would have req u ired s p e ­
cial efforts by (he rnonks, the ad v o cates o f th e te n practices were
a tte m p tin g to liberalize m o nastic practict-. 1 he a r g u m e n t co n cern in g
th e tc a th practice, w h e th e r m on ks could m uch gold a n d silver, was
especially bitter* In the: following discussion, the story o f the S econd
C o u n cil is s u m m a r iz e d in acco rd an ce with the " 'C h a p te r on the C o u n c il
o f Seven H u n d r e d ” from the Pali Vimya
A p p ro x im a te ly one cen tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , a m o n k n a m e d
Ya£as (P Y a s a -k a k a p ^ ik a p u tra ) w as traveling in Vaisiili w h en he
D evelopm ent of r u n R u n n m s r 0 &[h ; r 81

noticed [hat the nuinks o f th at a r e a were receiving aims o f gold a n d sil­

ver directly from Jay believers. W h e n he p o in ted oul to th em ihat their
activity w as in violation o f th e rules in ihe WJUtya, (he m o n k s tjf Vaisall
expelled him from the o rd er Yasas th en traveled west to seek assistance.
Yasaji appealed Lu m o nk s from Avanti* P av a ( P a th e y y a k a ) h a n d areas
alo ng the S o u th e rn R o u te , Avanti an d Other areas along the S o u th ern
R o u te h a d alread y been o p e n e d up to B u d d h ism hy M a h a k a ty a y a n a
a n d P u r n a a n d (hus m u st hav e been the sites o f w ell'established orders
by this tim e. T h e m o nk s o f P a v a were p ro b ab ly from the w estern p a n of
K au sala. T h is area was to the far west o f SravasEi, and included S ahka-
sya a n d K a n y a k u b ja A little further to rhe west was M a th u r a P a v a
was the she o f a very strong B uddhist o rd er ai ihis tim e. T h u s , a c e n ­
tury after the B u d d h a 's death h B ud dh ism h a d sp read b e y o n d central
In d ia a n d was becom ing a n im p o rta n t force in w estern India.
A m o n g the in flu ential m on ks in the west was an elder n a m e d Sam*
b h u t a Saflavasi, \w cd on M o u n t Ahngang:). A n o th e r im p o rta n t
cid er was K evata, w ho was from Soreyya* a town on the u p p e r r e a d ie s
o f the G a n g e s R iv e r n e a r S an k asy a, th e c en ter ol the area a ro u n d Pava*
B ecause Yasas so u g h t help in the west, th e a r g u m e n t o v e r the len points
o f vinaya is o fie n |h o u g h t o f as a d isp u te b etw een ihe m o nk s o f ihe easi
a n d the west. H o w ever, because some m on ks in the east ( M a g a d h a an d
VaiSali) jo in e d w ith those in th e w cji in opposing th e ad o p tio n o f the ten
points, the dispu te should be viewed as o n e betw een a conservative
g ro u p , which ad v o cated a sirict in te rp re ta tio n o f ihe precepts, a n d a
m ore liberal g ro u p , w hich w ished to p erm it ccrtain ex cep tion s to the
o b serv an ce o f the precepts.
T h e d issem ination o f B ud d h ism d u rin g the r e n tu r y after the B u d ­
d h a 's d e a th led to an increase in the n u m b e rs o f m on ks a n d its diffusion
o v e r a b ro a d e r geog raph ical area. A m p le o p p o rtu n ities existed for d if­
ferences o f in te rp re ta tio n ro lead to con trov ersies In vo lv ing the order.
T h e conservative position prevailed at th e council, p ro b ab ly because
m ost n f ihe elder? favored a conservative a p p ro a c h . Eventually, a d e c i­
sion weis reached to ap p o in t four m onks from the west a n d four from (he
cast to consider the ten po im s a n d judge their orthodoxy. T h e elders
chosen as represen tatives ru le d Ehar all ten points should be rejected.
M a n y m o n k s, how ever, refused to accept th e ir ruling, a n d th eir d issat­
isfaction c o n trib u ted to a schism in the order.
T h e schism , often callcd the basic schism (C h, ken-pm
resulted in the form atio n o f two schools: the M a h a s a h g h ik a , whose
m on ks refused to accept the c o n s e rv a tiv e ru lin g o f the co m m ittee of
cighi m o n k s, a n d (he S ih av irav a d a (P. T h e ra v a d a ), whose m o n k s
agreed with the co n serv ativ e ru lin g T h e n a m e M a h a sa h g h ik a m ean s
" g r e a t assem b ly " a n d suggests (hat m an y m o n k s belon ged Id the liberal
l a d ion.
According io [lit1 jrpii-tsung-iuri'jtiw ( / 2 (W], SutHtiytibtiedufKiTtitittuua-
h a 9', hereafter cited as Samaya), ii work by Vasumllra from the Northern
tradition concerning ihe formation of [lie schools of Hinayana Bud­
dhism nHiid their doctrines, the cause of the basit schism was five teac h-
ings promulgated by Mahadeva However, many modern scholars
believe ihai Nfah3devu*s five [joints Were in Faci the cau.se of a later
sl Iies.ui ttiul thai they mistakenly were considered by Vasumitra to have
been the cause of the basic schism.
A cco rdin g lo th e t-inayas ol v ario u s schools a n d o th e r sources, ihe c o n ­
troversy over ih# ten points o f practice o ccu rred a c e n tu ry a fte r th e Rud-
d h a 5 d e a th M oreover, th e Sri L an kan c h i o n i d e s a n d t h t Sam aya o f the
N o rth e rn tra d itio n both d a te the basic schism to the sam e tim e Still
o th e r stories c o n c e rn in g schisms in the o rd er a re reco rd ed in T ib e ta n
sources; how ever, b o th N o r th e rn an d S o u th e rn (Pali) sources arc in
a g re e m e n t that a schism thai resulted in th e far m at ion of the M alta-
sah g h ik a a n d Stftavtra schools o ccurred otic c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a 's
d e a th Since th e I'inayas o f th(? T h e r a v a d a , S arv astiv S d im MahTiSasaka.
a n d D h a r m a g u p ta k a schools all record ihai th e cortiroversy/pver th e ten
p o in ts o f virtaya (iccurred one cen tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , this dis­
p u te m u st be co nsidered lo be the cause ol the basic schism .
1 h r five p o in ts ol d o ctrin e ad v an ced I»y M ahfideva m ay have added
to rhe co n tro v ersy s u rr o u n d in g th e first sc h is m . M a h a d e v a laughi [hat
{1) arhats m a y be sexually tem p led , (2) at hate h a v e a residue ol ignn’
ranee, (!*) arhtits m a y hav e d o u b ts , (+) nrfiat^ m ay attain en lig h te n m e n t
th ro u g h th e h elp o f others, a n d (i>) the p ath is a tta in e d with an ex c la m a ­
tory rem ark . 'I'he five points in dicate th at M ah& deva had a low o p in io n
ol the e n lig h te n m e n t of arhats. M a h a d e v a ’s five po in ts o f d o ctrin e are
included in ihe SarvAstivadin ^ c K b d 's fanui^i ( 7 49:1 5a, Itta, 20a) anti
Mahdmbha^a (7 * 2 7 :5 1 ] a - c ) h as well as th e T h e r a v a d a work, ththKathdvat
thu (bki '1, p a n s 1-3). M a h a d e v a s Five poin ts o f d o ctrin e thus are re p re ­
sen tativ e o f ihe issues d e b a te d by ihe schools o f H i n a y a n a B uddhism .
lu discussing the basic schism , the ex ten t o f buddhism's sp read in
India a n d the difficulties in c o m m u n ic a tio n betw een areas o f In d ia must
be ta k e n inm account. T h e schism p ro b a b ly d id not o ccu r o v e r a period
oi d a y s d[ m o nth s. C o n seq u en tly , scholars c an n o t d e te r m in e exactly
w h e n it o c c u rre d o r at w hat poim it w as com pleted. H o w ev er, the
schism clearly did u ccu r a Utile m ore [han a e e m u ry after the B u d d h a 's
d e a th . As th e dissension g rad ually sp read a n d involved m a n y o f the
o rd e rs lei v a rio u s p a r ts ol In d ia , a rg u m e n ts o v er a n u m b e r o f different
p o in ts arose. A ccord ing to th e Sam aja, M d h ls a n g frtk a d o ctrin e included
certain views on the bodies o f the B u d d h a a n d the concept ol the bodhi-
s a ltv a that mi ght have d raw n opposition from m ore conservative
m onks. H o w ev er, these doctrines were p ro b a b ly developed by J a m
M a h a s a n g h ik a m o nk s a n d do not represent M a h a s a n g h ik a do ctrin e at
the tim e o f the basic schism.

SariavasI and Monastic Lineages

T h e ch ap ters on rhe S cco n d C o u n cil container! in the v ario u s uinayas are

m ag re e m e n t a b o u t the identities o f the senior m onks o f rhe B uddhist
o r d e r ap p ro x im ately a cen tu ry after the K ud d h a's d e a th . In the east
S a rv ak arn in was an im p o rta n t elder, a n d in the west R e v a ta a n d Sarfi-
b h u ia S an av ast were in fluential. T h e roles o f these three m en are
stressed in the Sri L a n k a n sources an d a re relarcd to the acco u n ts o f a
m onk n a m e d S an a k a v a si in N o rth e rn sources.
In Such N o rth e rn sources as the DiujidL'adarja, A yu-w ang ttman ( 7 ’
2042, Asokardjdl'addrta*), A-yU W&Tlg tkw g ( 7 '3 0 4 3 , Asokatdja.Jji(fd?), an d
Ken-ptn yu-pu lii tsa-skih ( 7 ’ 145 J ( AftiimaTVtishvdda Liriayak.iudrakavaitaj?},
the following p atria rch al lin eag e is given: M a h a k a s y a p a , A n a n d a ,
& anakavasi, a n d U p a g u p ta . T h e m o n k M a d h y a m ik a m u s t also be
m e n tio n e d M a d h y a m ik a was a fellow s tu d e n t w ith SiJ^aicavJs^ u n d e r
A n a n tla ; how ever, since M a d h y a m ik a becam e A disciple o f A n a rida j u s t
hefore A n a n d a d ied , M a d h y a m ik a should p ro b a b ly be co n sidered a
c o n te m p o r a ry o f U p a g u p ta . S an ak av asi, M a d h y a m ik a , U p a g u p r a , an d
o th ers m e n tio n e d in these lineages are also discussed in bri L a n k a n
.sources. In th e following p a ra g ra p h s , the roles o f these m e n a n d rhe
relatio n betw een the N o r th e rn a n d Sri L a n k a n acco u n ts o f th em are
an aly zed .
Sam bhiltii S an av asi is m e n tio n e d in the c h a p te r on the Second C o u n ­
cil in the Pali Vinaya. H e w as a disciple o f A n a n d a , as w as S an ak av asi,
w ho is m e n tio n e d in N o r th e rn sources. Both lived abo ut one cen tu ry
after ihe B u d d h a 's d e a th A ccord ing to the Pali Vm aya, Sail a vast lived
on M o u n t A hoganga. &anakavasi is said ro have resided on M o u n t
U i u m u n d a in M a th u r a (JP ivydpadatta, p. 3 i9 ) . A lth o u g h the n a m e s of
the two m o u n ta in s w ere d ifferent, b o th m o u n ta in s arc said to have been
reached by boat. ( T h e n am e o f M o u n t A hogariga indicates that it w as
p ro b ab ly on the G a n g e s R iver.)
T h e n am e “ S a n a v a s i” does not a p p e a r in the following tist o f p a tri­
a rch s found in Sri L a n k a n sources: U pali, D asak a, Son ak a, Siggava,
a n d M o g g a lip u tra T issa. A so k a’s teacher M o g g aJip u tta Tissa is said to
h a v e resided on M o u n t A h og artga {SamantQpds&iikd, p. 53). K ing ASoka
sent a boar to rhe m o u n ta in to b r in g M o g g a lip u tra hack rn rhe capita].
Ell c o n tra st, N o rth e rn sources state both that S a n a k a v a sl's discipte
U p a g u p ta was Anoka's teach er Hnd ih at U p a g u p ta su tc c c d c d his
teacher on M o u n t U n i m u $ t f a . M o reo v er, acco rd in g to N o rth e rn
sources, Asoka sent for U p a g u p ta with a boat a n d the b o at then
r e tu rn e d to P a ja lip u tra In conclusion, alth o u g h th e n a m e s nf ihe tw o
m o u n ta in s are different, the accou nts resem b le eai:h o th e r in m a n y
ways. S an a k a v a si o f N o rth e rn sources is not called " S a i p l i l m t a 1' as is
SanavasT o f the Sri L an kan 1rati it ion. A lth o u g h ^at.iakavajfT a n d Sarji-
b h u la S a n a v a s i can n o t be p ro v en lo be identical, since they w ere both
A n a n d a *s disciples a n d lived at the sa m e tim e a n d in sim ilar places, they
p ro b ab ly w ere, tn fact, the sam e person.
In Sri Lankan sources such as the DipQikiqua, Afafttivawsa, a n d the
Samantapdsddikd, the following lineage o f vinaya m asters is recorded;
U p a li, O a s a k a , S o n a k a , S iggava, a n d M u ^ d l i j j u t t i i I iSsft, S m c e ,
accord ing io Sri L a n k a n sources, M o g g aJip u tta T issa ii saitl to have
been A soka's teacher, five g e n eratio n s ol leachers w ould have served
betw een the d e a th o f the B u d d h a an d th e accession o f Asoka to the
th ro n e. In N o r th e rn sources, Asoka's teacher is said to have been
U p a g u p ta ; th us, ac c o rd in g to N o rth e rn sources, four g en eratio n s of
Leachers would have passed betw een the d e a th o f the B u d d h a an d
Asoka. S a in h h u ta SiinavasL does dot a p p e a r in the lineage in the N o r t h ­
e rn sources b ecau se, as a disciple of A n a n d a , SanavasT belonged to a
different lineage In c o n tra st, the Sri L a n k a n lineage o f mnaya m asters
w as based on the fact th at M o g g a lip u tta 's p recepto r was Siggava an d
S ig g av a’s p re c e p to r was Son ak a and so forth back lo UpaJi. C o n s e ­
quently, there w as no place in the Sri L a n k a n Uncage to add A n a n d a .
A cco rd in g lo die lineages found in N o r th e rn sources, U p a g u p t a ’s
p recep tor was SanakaviisJ, S an ak av asl's p recepto r was A n a n d a , an d
A n a n d a "s p re c e p to r was M a h a k a sy a p a . H o w ev er, d o u b t exists a b o u t
w h eth er A nanda"b p re c e p to r was M a h a k a sy a p a . A cco rd in g lo the Pali
Vinaya, A n a n d a 's p re c e p to r was n a m e d B cla^hasfsa, indicating that
A n a n d a ’s p re c e p to r p ro b ab ly was not M a h a k a s y a p a (Vinaya, vol. 4, p.
&6). W h y M a h a k a s y a p a was listed eis A n a n d a ’s p recep to r m u st be COJV
sidercd further.
A fter the B u d d h a 's death M a h a k a s y a p a was p ro b ab ly the B u d d h a's
m ost pow erful disciple. Mahakasyapa presided o v e r the First C o un cil
M o reo v er, a n u m b e r o f stories in the Agamas d e m o n stra te ihe respect
lie Id for M a h a k a sy a p a . For ex am p le, in one story the B u d d h a shared
his seat w ith MahE~tka£yapa a n d then h a d hint preach. In a n o th e r story,
the B uddha ex ch an g ed Ins ta tte re d robes for M a h a k a s y a p a 's large h e m ­
pen robe (sanghati). Since S a r ip u lr a a n d M a u d ^ a ly a y a n a It ad prede-
ceased (he B u d d h a , M ah ak aS y ap a w as rccognizcd by ev eryo ne as the
most influem ial figure in ihe B uddhist o rd er after the B u d d h a ’s d e a th .
C o n sequently, later, w hen those in A n a n d a 's lineage traced t h r i r sp irit'
ual ancestry, th ey did not m entio n A n a n d a s actual p re c e p to r since he
was alm ost com pletely u n k n o w n an d did nothing to b o lster A n a n d a hs
au thorit y. 1n s te a d , t hey devi sed a le g en d in w h ich M ah jitc a syap a
bestow ed the leach ing on A n a n d a .
O n e n f the m ajo r objections to the (radLtioh that M a h a k a s y a p a was
An an d a ’s p re c e p to r is th at m a n y legends suggesting that serious discord
existed b etw een M ah afcaiy ap a a n d A n a n d a a re fo u n d in m e Agamas an d
vinayas. F o r exam ple* accord ing to the c h a p te r on the First C o u n cil in
the Vinaya, a fter the First C o u n cil, M a h a k a s y a p a described several s e ri­
o u s erro rs m ad e by A n a n d a a n d urg ed A n a n d a to confess them . O th e r
stories concern criticism s that A n a n d a ’s followers m a d e against M a h a ­
kasyapa w hen he was older. M a h a k a s y a p a w as influential im m e d ia te ly
after the B u d d h a 's d e a ih , bur Eater A n a n d a 's followers gained in
s tre n g th until they b ecam e the stro ng er faciion.
A n a n d a h a d m a n y strong connections with ihe o rd e rs in the west. In
m a n y episodes in ihe Agamas, he is described as staying anti p reach in g
to people at ihe G h o s ita r a m a in K a u sa m b I, in the w estern part o f e e n ’
tral India,® Since A n a n d a liked to proselytize in the west, he p ro b ab ly
h a d m a n y discipics there. W h e n a c o m m itte e o f eight m on ks was chosen
to investigate ihe poinls at issue at (he S eco n d C o u n cil, six o f (he eight
w ere An a n d a 1s disciples. Because A n a n d a h a d lived lon ger (Han most of
(he H uddha'? o th er im m e d ia te disciples, his disciples w ere a m o n g the
eldest m e m b e rs o f the o r d e r a p p ro x im a te ly one cen tu ry after rhe B u d ­
d h a ’s d e a th .
T h e above accou nt agrees w ith o th e r in fo rm aiio n ab ou t A n a n d a 's
age. At the tim e o f the B u d d h a 's d e a th . A n a n d a served as his personal
a tte n d a n t, a position p ro b ab ly not held by an elderly m o nk . A ccording
to the Ta-chih'tu tun ( 7 '2 5 : 6 t i a h MahaptajMpatamitopadeia) a n d th e com
m c n ia r y cm (he Thfragdtkd, A n a n d a was the B u d d h a 's a tte n d a n t for
tw enty-live years. If A n a n d a h a d becom e rhe B u d d h a 's a tte n d a n t
im m ed iately after he was o rd a in e d , th en he was p rob ab ly forty-five
years old ai the B u d d h a 's death a n d m ight well have lived for a n o th e r
thirty to forty years.
A m in d a 's disciple S an a k a v a si was a native o f R a ja g r h a acco rdin g to
N o r th e rn sources such as th e A-yu-wang thing ( T 2(H3, Aiokartijasuita?)
H e in tro d u ce d B u d d h ism to M a lh u r a io £(he wcsl M o u n t U r u m u n d a ,
m e n tio n e d earlier, was in M a r h u r a , an d S a n a k a v a si's disci pic U p a g u p -
(a was a native o f M a th u r a (A-yii-wong chuon, T 3 0 :1 1 4 b , 117b). T h u s
by rhe tim e o f Sariakavasi, B ud d h ism was sp read in g (0 M a th u r a .
 A cco rd in g to Sri L a n k a n sources, m ost o f ihe eiders chosen io serve
on the c o m m itic c to d ecid e the issues th at arose at rhe lim e o f the See-
a n d C o u n cil I raced their (meji^es b ack io U pali even while ack n o w led g ­
ing thar (hey were A n a n d a 's disciples. T h is d iscrep an cy probably
occurs because M a h in d a , rhe m onk w ho tra n sm itte d B ud d h ism ro Sri
L a n k a, was in U p a li’s lineage (U p a li. U a s a k a , S on ak a, S iggava, M og-
g a lip u tta , M a h in d a ). M a h i n d a ’s lineage was probably em ph asized in
Sri L a n k a n sources because M a h in d a was o n e o f the most im p o rta n t
figures in Srj L a n k a n B u d d h ism , Lineages were a Sacred issue for
m o n k s, a n d tra cin g a lineage back ih ro u g h a series o f p receptors an d
disciples was an ackn ow led ged way of p ro ving the o rth o d o x y o f a p e r ­
son's o rd in a tio n . C on sequ en tly , m onks w ould not hav e forgot len o r fa b ­
ricated ihe Im eage o f M a h in d a a n d his preceptor. T h e fact th ai m onks
such as S o n a k a a n d S ig g a v a h w ho are included in ihe lineage betw een
U p ali a n d M o g g a lip u tta T issa, do not a p p e a r a s m a jo r figures in the
history o f the liuddhist o r d e r suggests that such lineages a re p ro b ab ly
au th en tic. T h e lineage should be u n d ersto o d as referrin g to the relatio n­
ship b etw een p recepto r a n d disciples, not as in d icatin g th at figures such
as S on ak a a n d Siggava w ere p a n o f a lin eag e of m o nk s w ho su pervised
ihe order.
A cco rd in g (o Sri L a n k a n sources, th ere w ere five gen eratio ns of
i-'truiya m asters b etw een th e d e a th o f die B u d d h a a n d the lim e ol A£uka.
A ccording io N o r th e rn sources such as die A-yii-wang chuan ( T
Afojarajiivddma *), b ecau se A n a n d a 's disciple San aka vast was long-
lived „ A sok a's teach er U p a g u p ia was in the fourth g en eratio n after die
H uddha. T h e lineage in the N o rth ern sources from A n a n d a to Sana^
kavasT io U p a g u p ta was based on ihe relation ship of p re c e p to r lo d isci­
ple, reflecting the im p o rta n c e o f o rd in a tio n s, bul the relationship
b etw een M a h a k a sy a p a a n d A n a n d a was not o n e o f p re c e p to r ro disci­
ple. To explain d m discrepancy, the lineage in N o r th e rn sources h a d to
a s su m e rhe form at o f being a transm ission o f rhe reaching ra th e r than
an ordination lineage. A c c o rd in g to N o rth ern sources, A sok a's teacher
was U p a g u p ta o f M n u n i U r u m u n ^ a . in Srt L ank an sources, A soka's
te a c h e r was M o g g a lip u n a T issa o f M o urn A h o g an g a. Aii h o u g h the tw o
teach ers resem b le each o ih cr in certain ways, th ey can n o t reaso n ab ly be
identified as ihe sam e person Q u e stio n s c o n cern in g w h eth er only one
m o n k o r both m o n k s w ere A s o k a ’s teach ers re m a in u n a n s w e re d ai
p resen t.
Evidence from the lineages ih u s indicates th ai the Sri L a n k a n figure
o f 218 years for the period b etw een the B u d d h a 's d e a th a n d Asoka's
succession is sim ply lot) long. T h e figure o f 116 years found in N o rth e rn
sources is m u c h m ore reaso nab le.
 M a d h y a n tik a an d the D isp a tch o f M issio n a ries

T h e N o r th e rn a n d S o u th e rn (Sri L a n k a n ) tra d itio n s agree on a n u m b e r

ol po ints co n cern in g M a d h y a m ik a - A ccording lu ihe N o r th e rn t r a d i ­
tio n , he was A n a n d a 's Iasi disciple. A p p ro x im a te ly a h u n d re d years
after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , h e w ent to K ash m ir, w here he built a place 10
m editate a n d live- Stories ab ou t him describe how he conv erted some
evil d rag o n s (N a g a ) in K a s h m ir ro B u dd hism , sp read B u d d h ism a m o n g
the people, a n d laug h 1 the people how lo grow tulips to m ak e their
living.
A ccording to the Sri L a n k a n tradition , m issionaries from the Bud-
dhisi o r d e r w ere sent to v ario u s lands d u rin g th e reign o f Asoksi at the
re c o m m e n d a tio n o f M o g g a lip u tia T issa. E m in e m m on ks w ere dis­
p atched to n in e areas, with M a jjh a n tik a going to K a s h m ir a n d G a n -
d h a ra . M a jjh a n tik a look five m o nk s with him to K a s h m ir a n d c o n ­
verted evil d rag o n s th ere by using his s u p e r h u m a n pow ers a n d (he
people by teach in g the Asivisopama'siida. M a jjh a n tik a is p ro b ab ly the
sam e person as the M a d h y a m ik a m e n tio n e d in ihe N o r th e rn sources.
Since the M a d h y a n tik a m e n tio n e d in the N o r th e rn sources was said ro
he ihe Iasi disciple o f A n a n d a , he could hav e been a c o n te m p o r a ry of
U p a g u p ta . A n d if U p a g u p ta Uved d u rin g A so k a's reign, then th e m is­
sionary activities o f both m en w ould hove b een assisted by A sok a's sup-
port o f B u d d h ism . Since B u d d h is m h ad sp read to M a ih u r a d o lin g this
tim e, Ihen M ad h y an lck a m ight Very welJ have taken it farth er n n rlh to
K ash m ir,
A cco rd in g ro Sri L a n k a n chronicles, at th e sam e tim e M ajyhantika
w as p roselytising in K ash m ir, o th er e m in e n t m o nk s from the o rd er in
M a g a d h a were sp read in g B u d d h ism to o th er p a rts o f In d ia , Each e m i ­
nen t m o n k w as seni with a g r o u p o f five m o n k s, since five w as th e m in i­
m u m n u m b e r re q u ire d to p erfo rm fult o rd in a tio n s . A lisr o f these e m i ­
nen t m onks, the a re a s in which they proselytized, a n d the tutr& s that
they p re a c h e d follows.

Mahideva went lo Mah isainandalu and preached the D evadutosutta

Rakkhita went to Vanavast and preached the An^itiattagivOiuUa
Dhammarakkhtta went ro Apa ran taka and preached tlv AgghiJchtuuiu-
p a m a su tta
M a h a d h a m m a r a k k h i ta w em to M a h a ra s jh a a n d p re a c h e d the MaAa-
ndradakassQpa -jdtaka
M ah iirak k h ita w ent to YonaJoka an d p reach ed ihe Kdtakdrdjnasuttonta
M a jjh im a w ent to H im ttv sftla p a d e sa a n d p re a c h e d ihe Dhammaaikka'
pavattnnauiita
 S n n a k a a n d U t t a r a w ent to S u v a n g a b h fim i a n d p re a c h e d the Brahma-
jdlasutia
M a h in d a w eni to L a h k a d ip a (Sri L a n k a ) a n d preached the Culahatihi-
padopamasutta a n d o th e r sutras

M a h is a in a p d a la , w here M a h a d e v a was sent, seem s to b e lo ihe south

o f the N a r m a d a River* but ii has also been identified widi M ysore.
A ccording to ihe StafwAi'ffl tti ( T 24:6ft lc-fi2a), the C h in ese iranslatio n
o f B u d d h a g h o s a ’s Samantapdsddika, M a h a d e v a a n d M a jjh a n tik a were
teachers (dcdrya) at M a h i n d a ’a full o rd in a tio n . Episodes co n cern in g two
figures n a m e d M a h a d e v a a rc inclu ded in S arv astiv ad in sources, M a h a ­
d e v a is said to be b o th a m o n k w ho caused the schism b etw een the
Schavira a n d M a h a s a n g h ik a schools b y p re a c h in g his “ five p o in ts 5’ an d
a M a h a s a n g h ik a m onk w ho lived at M o u n t C aitika a n d caused the
schism th at ted to the form atio n ol the C a itik a School (w hich is related
to the M a h a s a n g h ik a School) by p roclaim in g the Hlfive p o in ts ." T h e for­
m e r figure, the m onk responsible for the basic schism , is p ro b ab ly a fie*
tionaJ ch aracter, T h e jaLter lived a p p ro x im a te ly two cen tu ries after the
B u d d h a ’&d e a th ai M o u n t C a itik a , along th e m idd le p a rt o f the K rsn a
R iv e r in A n d h r a . It is u n c le a r w h eth er this M a h a d e v a should be id e n ti­
fied with [he (Tiunk o f th e sam e n a m e who wa>i disp ^tchi'd as a m issio n ­
a ry by M o g g a lip u tta T issa.
T h e place called “ A p a r a n t a k a ” has been identified with a site on the
west coast o f In d ia , an a r e a previously o p e n e d to B ud d h ism by Purrta.
M a h a ra ( f h a is n e a r B om bay in M a h a ra ^ r a ;, Yonaloka was in the n o rth
in the area w here a n tim b e r o f C re e k s lived. H im a v a n ta p a d e s a w as in
the H im a la y a n regio n, a n d S u v a n n a b h u m i was in e a ste rn In d ia n e a r
B u rm a .
Besides M a jjh im a , fo u r o th er m o n k s — K a s s a p a g o tta h A lakadcya,
D u n d u b h is s a ra j a n d S a h a d e u a — helped p ro p a g a te B ud d h ism in the
H im a la y a n area A m o n g ih e fu n erary u rn s found at the second stupa, at
Sanci w ere one for " K a s a p a g o t a 11 [n rj, a teacher in the H im a la y a n
area, a n d a n o th e r for the sage “ M a jh im a " {*&]■ T h e se archcological
finds p ro v id e ad d itio n a l evidence co n cern in g M a jjh im a ’s activities in
H im a la y a n areas.
M a h in d a e q u ip p e d h im self for his jo u r n e y to Sri L a n k a at th e V idisa
m o n a ste ry (P. Vedisagiri) n e a r SancT, b ade farewell lo his m o ih cr, an d
d e p a rte d with five m o n k s. F ro m V id isa he p ro b ab ly traveled to the west
coast o f In d ia , b o ard ed a ship going south, ro u n d e d the tip o i l tie In d ia n
s u b c o n tin e n t, a n d lan d ed in Sri L anka. Because the dispatch of mis*
sio n aries to v ario u s p a rts o f In d ia is p ro ven in p a rt by in scriptions, the
sc rip tu ral account o f the m issionaries m a y be reg ard ed as essentially
factual.
To s u m m a riz e , A n a n d a o p en ed K ausam bT to B u d d h ism . O n e h u n ­
d re d years after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , B u d d h is m h a d sp read ro Sarika-
sya, K a n y a k u b ja , A vanti, a n d along the S o u th e rn K uute. B u dd hism
was s u b se q u e n tly in tro d u ce d to M a th u r a by ^aipakavasj a n d U p a g u p ta .
M issio n aries were th en disp atch ed to K a s h m ir, s o u th e rn I n d ia , a n d the
H im a la y a n region. StOne.s co n cern in g th e te rrito ry otpOS-ed to Bud*
d h ism d u r in g the lifetimes o f &anakavasl a n d U p a g u p ta agree with the
accou n t o f the d isp atch o f m issionaries in the n ex t period. T h u s the m is­
sionaries w ere probably sent out betw een 100 a n d 150 years after the
B u d d h a ’s d e a th . If the Sri L a n k a n version o f B ud dh ist history is
followed in w hich 218 years elapsed betw een the B u d d h a 's d e a th an d
A s o k a ’s succession, then th ere w o uld b e a h u n d r e d -y e a r gap b etw een
Kacifikavjm a n d M o g g a lip u tta d u r in g w hich the o rd er w ould have
been virtually m o rib u n d .

Th e T h ir d Council

As the above diseussion indicates, a n u m b e r o f differences exist betw een

the N o rth e rn a n d S o u th e rn acco u n ts o f the early B u dd hist order. T h e r e
are also im p o rta n t points o f a g reem en t betw een the different accounts.
By the tim e o f K in g A fc k a , th ere h ad been four o r five gen eration s of
leaders o f the sangha, a n d the p ro p ag atio n o f B u d d h ism in K a s h m ir h ad
b egu n. In die s o u th h B uddhism h a d sp read ro rhe Deccan plateau .
A ccording ro rhe Sri L a n k a n traditio n, d u rin g A io k a 's reign m ission­
aries w ere sent to various parrs o f l n d i a . H o w ev er, a project o f this m a g ­
nitude p ro b ab ly could not have involved ju s t one school o f N ikaya
(H in ay iln a ) B u d d h ism , the T h e r a v a d a . M o reo v er, ac c o rd in g to the
fifth c h a p te r o r the Dipavanisa, a Sri L a n k a n chronicle, m a n y schism s
o ccurred d u rin g rhe second e e n tu ry after the B u d d h a ’s d eath. T h e se
schisms ev en tu ally led to the eighteen schools o f N ikaya B ud dh ism .
T h u s according to th e Sri L a n k a n accou nt, the C a itik a School o f the
M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage (fo un ded by M a h a d e v a ) w ould alread y have
been establish ed in A n d h r a by the time o f A so k a’s succession to the
throne. T h e D h a r m a g u p ta k a a n d th e K aSyapiya schools w ould have
already split away from th e S arv asiiv ad in School, a n d the K a s h m iri
S arv n stiv ad m School w ould alread y have h a d a stro n g base. In a d d i­
tio n , accord ing to the Sri L a n k a n tra d itio n , o th e r schools h a d been
established by A so k a’s tim e , such as the M ah lsasak as, D h a r m a g u p la -
kas, S a m m a tly a s , a n d VataJputrlyfls, a n d h a d p r o b a b ly sp read beyond
c en tral In d ia . T h u s , acco rd in g lo Sri L a n k a n sources, by the tim e of
Asoka, B ud d h ism h a d probably alread y sp read th rou gh our Indio an d
m o i t o f the schism s ol N ik ay a B u d d h ism h a d alread y occurred, h is
d o u h tlu l w h e th e r m issio naries w ould have been d isp atch e d to these
areas when B u d d h ism was alread y so firmly established in th e m . T h e
acco u n ts in die Sri L a n k a n chronicles o f th e schism s a n d th e dispatch nf
ihe m issio naries b y A soka a r e clearly diJTiculf to reconcile with each
other.
If bo th the schisms a n d ihe dispatch o f m issionaries a re historical
ev en ts, then the N o r th e rn tra d itio n ’s accou nt is m o re reasonable.
A cco rd in g to this acco u n t, th e m issionaries were dispatched before the
schisms* o f N ikaya B u d d h ism . ( T h e Sri L a n k a n claim that m a n y o f the
schisms occu rred before Asoka's reign is discussed in c h a p te r &.)
A c c o rd in g to the Sri L a n k a n chronicles, b itter dissension was evident
in the o rd er d u r in g Asoka's tim e. H o w e v e rh such discord w o u ld pro ba-
bly have b een resolved by a series of schisms that gave m o nk s a choice
cjf orders. A m ore n a tu r a l o rd er of events w ould place die dissension
before the schism s. T h e Sri L a n k a n chronicles describe discord in the
o rd er at ^ a ja lip u tra d u rin g A soka's reig n , indicating th at discord had
b rok en out in the o rd e rs o f central India. To resolve the situ aiio n . M og-
g a lip u tta T issa was s u m m o n e d Irotn M o u n t Ahogariga. T h e edicts of
Asoka from K a u s a m b i, S a f n i, an d S a rn a th strongly w arn ed against
schisms in the order, statin g th at m onks w ho caused schisms w ere to be
expelled a n d laicized, ( T h e fact th a t the e d k i s w ere c arv ed in stone s u g ­
gests th at th e discord probably h a d been o ccu rrin g for a long period .)
T h e carved edicts w a rn in g against schisms w ere located at the stro n g ’
holds o f the w esiern m o nk s o f Avanti a n d the S o u th e rn R o u te at the
tim e o f th e Second C o u n c il, a n d thus reflect the s itu a tio n in In d ia n
B uddhism after the dispu te o v e r the ,htc n p o in ts 1’ o f vsnaya had
o ccu rred .
A cco rd in g to the Sri L a n k a n trad itio n , M o g g alip u tta Tissa was
invited 10 M ajalipm ra, w h ere he defrocked heretics a n d purified the
o rd er so th at those re m a in in g a d h e re d to V ib h a jjh a v a d a doctrine. L ater
he assem bled one th o u sa n d m o n k s an d c o n v e n e d the T h i r d C o u n cil. To
specify o rth o d o x doctrinal positions, lie com piled the Kathdi'titthu (P o in ts
of C o n tro v e rsy ). T h e se events o ccu rred in a p p ro x im a te ly th e eigh ­
teen th y ear o f A so ka's reign. H ow ever, if most o f the schisms o f N ikaya
B u d d h ism h a d alread y o c c u rre d , as is stated in the Sri L a n k a n sources^
it is unlikely th at (he v ario u s orders could have been purified a n d forced
to conform lo V ib h a jjh o v a d a d octrine. M o g g a lip u tta T issa p ro b ab ly
w ould not h av e been able to stop the a r g u m e n ts betw een the m on ks of
Kau£3mbTt SlficT, a n d Sftmathf. M o r e o v e r if M o g g a lip u tta Tissiy did
assem ble o n e rh on sand m o nk s a n d co n v en e a council^ he p ro b a b ly
w ould not have selected m o n ks from o th er schools. C o nsequ ently, rhe
T h ird C o u n cil can n u i be recognized as an event in vo lving th e Buddhist
o rd e rs o f .ill o f India.
Since ihe Kathavaithu was co m piled w ithin the T h e r a v a d a order, som e
so n o f council m u si hav e been con ven ed . H o w ev er, (hr- council was
held nor d u rin g Asoka's reign , but a p p ro x im a te ly a c e n tu ry after
Asoka. Since the doctrines o f the vario us schools o f N ikaya B u dd hism
art- e x a m in e d a n d criticized in th e Katkdwtttfiti, this texi tnust have h e r n
com piled after these schools arose, probably d u r in g the last hall o f ihe
second cen tu ry n.c.E . T h u s if [he T h ir d C o u n cil IS c o n s i d c m l to be a
historical ev en t, ii was a council held only w ithin ihe T h e r a v a d a School
d u r m g [he la tte r p a rt n f [he SL'rond re n tu ry h .C . k .

T h e D ates o f the B u d d h a

T h e above discussion clearly d e m o n s tra te s fhc difficulties o f accepting

the tra d itio n al Sri L a n k a n account of ihe early Buddhist o rd e r. Sri
L a n k a n statem en ts that [he B u d d h a died 2 IS years before A sok a's s u c ­
cession to the thro ne a n d th at most o f (he schisms in the o rd e rs had
o ccu rred by A sok a's tim e are difficult to reconcile with o th er aspects o f
B u dd h ist in<nirutinnal history. Since b o th the N o rth e rn a n d S o u th e rn
tra d itio n s agree that only fo u r ot five gen eratio n s passed betw een the
B u d d h a ’s d e a th a n d the lim e o f Asoka, a figure o f a p p ro x im a te ly one
cen tu ry for this period seem s reasonable. M o reo v er, a survey o f o th er
p rim a ry so urce m aterials reveals that only the Sri L a n k a n trad itio n lias
m a in ta in e d the lo ng er p eriod; the “ 218 y e a r s ” figure does not a p p e a r in
m ateria ls from India proper. M o reo v er, th e absence of the figure o f 2 1if
years in In d ia is not d u e to a n y lack o f c o m m u n ic a tio n b etw een Sri
L a n k a a n d India. A Sri L a n k a n king h a d the M a h a b o d h i-s a h g h a ra m a
built at R u d d h a g a y a as a residence for Sri L a n k a n m o nk s (Ta*f 'any ftsi-
yu chi, T 31 ;9J8b), a n d a Sri L a n k a n tem ple existed at N a g a r ju n a k o n d a
(see c h a p te r 14). D espite such ties, no m e n tio n o f a ftgu re o f 2 18 years is
m ad e in In dian sources.
S o urces from In d ia p ro p e r generally state that A soka becam e king
a r o u n d o n e h u n d r e d years after the B u d d h a ’s nirvana. F u r th e r m o r e , the
Figure 218 years is not (he only one found in Sri L a n k a. F a -lm c n was
a C h in ese B ud dh ist pilgrim w ho (raveled tn In d ia a n d Sri L a n k a an d
th en r e tu rn e d to C h in a in 4 J6 . H e spent two years at the A b h ay ag iri
m o n astery in S n L a n k a, lo his (rave! diary, ha-hsjen no ted (ha( at th e
lim e o f his a m vat in Sri L a n k a , monies there claim ed thai 1,457 years
had elapsed since (Jit: B u d d h a 's nirvana ( T 5 I :8G5a). C a lc u la tio n s bused
on (his figure in d icate that ih e B u d d h a's ntrvdna w ould have o ccurred
s o m e tim e before (000 a .c .n ., a d a te nor even clo.se to o n e b ased on a
p erio d o f 218 years betw een (he B u d d h a ’s d eath a n d A soka's succes­
sion. T h e figure o f 218 years w as thus not ev en accepted by alt Sri
L a n k a n m o nk s.
A su rv ey o f o th e r p rim a ry source m ateria ls fro m In d ia reveals lh al in
m ost cases A s o k a ’s reign is d a te d one h u n d r e d years o r slightly m ore
a fter the B u d d h a 's nirvana. A m o n g the texts with a figure o f one h u n ­
d re d years are the To. chuan-ytn tun thing ( T 4:309c, Kalpandmanrfitika*),
Scng-th u so-chi thing ( 7 '4 : 1 4 5 a ) h H stenyit thing ( T 4:368c, Dairtu-
mukaniddAdSiitra), Ts& pi-yu thing ( T 4 : 5 0 3 b ) , Chung-thing thuan tsa -p ’i yu
( T 4:541c), T ta a-han (htng ( 7 ’ 2:162a. Satnyukidgama), Dttydvaddna (p.
36ft; Vaidya tLd . Hp. 2 3 2 )hAy&*wang chuan ( 7 ' 5 0 9 9 c b Aioknrdjdvaddna*).
A yu-wang thing ( T 5 0 : 13 2ah A.iokardjasdtTa?), Ta-thih-tu fan (7" 25:70a.
A/ahaprajfidparamitftpodtia)„ a n d the Fcn-ptrh kitng-tr tun (7 25 :39 a). In
H s u a n -ts a n g 's travel d ia ry (7 * 5 1 :911a), the period is o n e h u n d r e d years
long, a n d in l-c h in g 's travel d ia r y ( 7 ’ 54:205c) it is only som ew hat
longer, thus in d icatin g that the figure o f app rox ifn aicly one h u n d re d
years was accepted in h id Ia at the tim e of their travels.
In the T i b r i a n tra n slatio n o f the SamayabhedopaTananatakra (P e k in g no.
5639), Asoka's succession is said to have occu rred one h u n d r e d years
a fter the B u d d h a 's nirvana, white in H su a n - l u n g 's C h in ese tran slation
(7" 49:15a) rhe period is said to be m o re th an one h u n d r e d years.
P a r a m a r t h a 's C h in ese tra n sla tio n , the Pu chih-i tun, a n d a n o th e r C h i ­
nese tra n sla tio n , the Shift pa pu tun , b o th have a figure o f 116 year* (7~
4 9 : lfla, 20a); how ever, in th e Y i i a n a n d M i n g d yn asiy ed itio n s o f Para-
m art h a 's tran slatio n, the figure is ch a n g e d to [60 years. A cco rd in g to
the 7"a-fang-ieng wu-hsiang thing ( T J 2 : 1097c; M ahdmtghastiiTaff). !20 years
elapsed betw een ihe B u d d h a 's nirvana a n d A sok a's succession. I n the
Alo-ho r t o-yth thing ( T 1 2 :10 13ca Ajahdnidydsutra?), rhe period is stated to
be less t h a n 200 years. A cco rd in g to B h av y a 's Sde-pa tha-dad-par bytd-pa
dan Tnam-par bsad-pa (Nikdyabhtdavibfuxriga'Vydkhydna, Peking no. 5640), a
T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n d a te d ihe first m a jo r schism b etw een the S thavit as
a n d M a h a sa h g h ik a s as occu rrin g 160 y ears after the B u d d h a 's nirvana,
d u r in g A sok a's reign.
S o m e scholars have relied heavily on B h av y a 's figure o! 160 years
a fter the B u d d h a ’s death for the first schism O n the basis o f the figure
o f 160 years, w hich occurs in th e Yiian a n d M in g d y nasty editions o f the
Pu chih-i tun, they have a rg u e d th at the figures o f 116 years o r “ slighdy
m ore lh an one h u n d r e d y ears" found in o th e r tran slalio n s should be
amended to 160 years. However, the S u n g dynasty and th e Korean edi­
tions of the Pu <fuh-i Inrr, both older t h a n either the Y uan nr the Ming
dynasty editions of the text, have figures of 1 1 6 years. Sinre (he evi­
dence for the figure of 160 years is comparatively late a n d si [tee no other
materials with a nrt of 160 years hitvi: been found, the figures of I 16
years or “ slightly more [lian one hundred years'1 must be accepted as
more trustworthy, Moreover, Rhavya presents (he figure of 160 years as
only one of a number of theories. Finally^ the 160-year figure must still
Ue reconciled with the Theravada figure of 1^16 years. Thus* the evi­
dence for the figure of 160 years is highly questionable
O n the basis o f the d ev e lo p m e n t of th e Buddhist o rd er a n d Buddhist
historical m ateria ls, th en , a figure o f ab ou t one h u n d r e d years has been
shown to be the most reason able figure for the perirtd Ix'twecn th e d eath
o f the B u d d h a a n d the succession ol Asolta to the thron e H o w ev er, an
investigation o f the reigns o f the kings o f M a g a d h a indicates th at 116
years is loo sho rt, a n d thus m a n y scholars lav o r a perio d o f 2 J 8 years or
ad v o cate a c o m p ro m is e figure o f 160 years. H ow ever, the three figures
c an n o t all be a d o p te d at th e sa m e l i m e F o r (he p u rp o se n f discussing
th e lu sto ry ol th e B u d d h ist o rd e r, s m r e th e 2 1 6 -y e a r fig u re p r e s e n t
m a n y problem s, the 116-year figure will be followed in this accou nt.
In sum m ary, after the d e a th o f the B u d d h a , the B u dd hist o r d e r
sp read to the west a n d southw est. T h e B u d d h a ’s Lonfrlivcd disciple
A n a n d a was influential d u rin g this p eriod . L ater, A n a n d a 's disciple
ftanakavasi w as p re e m in e n t un the w estern ord er; how ever, B u d d h ism
H&d still not sp read as far as M a t h u r a at thts tim e. Stilt later, S arv a-
kAniin (P. S a b b a k a m in ) was p reem in en t in th e eastern o rd er while
ReVAt a was influential in ihe w estHAt this (hue, the Controversy over
the ten p oints o f aimxya arose, a n d the etders m et in Vais all to d elib erate
o v e r the d isp u tes and resolve th e m . M a n y m o nk s did not subm it to the
court t i l ’s decision, how ever, a n d the dispu te taler becam e a cause for
the schism th at resulted in the S th av ira a n d M a h a sa n g h ik a schools.
T h u s Ha p p ro x im a te ly one h u n d r e d years after the B u d d h a ’s d e a th , there
w ere alread y frequent d isp u tes in the Buddhist o rd e rs in the %aritius
p arts o f India.
D u rin g & an ak av asfs later years, B ud dh ism spread to M a th u r a A tit­
tle m ore t h a n o n e c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , Asoka cam e to the
th ro n e. Sap^kavasL h a d alread y died, a n d U p a g u p ta a n d M o g g a lip u tla
w ere th e p re e m in e n t m o nk s in th e order. W h e n Asoka co nv erted ro
B u d d h istn , he iiiivited the tw o leachers to his cap ital at P a ta lip u tra .
A ccording IO N o r th e rn sources, at U p a g u p ta 's u rg in g , Asnka traveled
lo B udd hist pilgrim age sites wirh U p a g u p ta a n d erected slup&s at v a r i ­
ous p l a c e s , A sn k a’s pilgrim ages are m e n tio n e d , in fact, in his inscn p-
tions* A cco rd in g io Sri L a n k a n sources, M o g g alip u tta put an e n d to the
disputes a m o n g the m on ks in P a ia lip u tra am i ad v o cated [he d isp atch of
m issionaries to vario u s lands. M a jjh a n tik a was sent io b rin g the teach ­
ings of B u d d h ism tn K a s h m ir, M a jjh im a a n d K a ssa p a g n tta rn the
H im a la y a n regio n, and M a h a d e v a tu s o u th e rn In d ia . B uddhism thus
sp read ro all o f In d ia wirh A so ka's conversion a n d assistance. D u rin g
A sok a's reign, t h t disputes w ithin ihe o rd er became* m o re e v id en t, but
still not severe en o u g h to C&UsC a schism. O n ly after A soka'a d eath did
th e actual schism o f the o r d e r into the S th av ira a n d M a h a sa n g h ik a
schools occur, p rob ably in p a r t b c ta u s c o f the decline o f the M a u r y a n
em p ire. T h u s serious d isp u tes arose w ith in the early Buddhist o rd er's
ra n k s before A so ka's reign , but the o r d e r did not actually split into
schools until after A sok a's d e a th . T h e spread o f B uddhism to all o f l n d i a
m e a n t th at regional differences w ere added to doctrinal differences with
the result th at f u rth e r schism s o ccu rred rapidly d u rin g the c e n tu ry after
A sok a's d eath .
 CH APTER 7

The Buddhism of King Asoka

T h e E d icts

T h e B u d d h i s m ol K ing A soka is p r e s o r te d here tn c o n ju n c tio n with

E a rly RiitJ-rthi^in r since A io k n ’s ideas a re closer tn E arly B u d d h ism than
to N ikaya B u d d h ism . I he d ates o f K in g A soka n reigU, usually given nx
2 6 8 -23 2 t i . c. f . , a rc b ased on Rock Edict X I I I , which listed the n a m e s
o f five kings to the west o f In d ia to w hom K in g A soka sent m issionaries
to s p re a d B uddhism - In clu d ed were (he kings o f S yria, Egypf, an d
M a c e d o n ia . T h e d ates o f K in g A soka's reig n , w ith a possible e r r o r of
two m ten years, w ere calcu lated by c o m p a r in g the d ates o f these li^e
kings. Because In d ia n s h a d little ini crest to hisrory, we have few In d ia n
historical records; these d ates provide a b e n c h m a rk u p o n which m an y
o th er d ates of an cien t In d ia n history are based. A ccord ing to the Sri
L a n k a n historical ch ron icle the Altihavamsa (chap , 20, v P 6), Asoka
reig n ed for fhirty-sevcn years- according to the Purdnas, he ruled for
thirty-six years. The inscriptions that survive from A so k a’s reign p ro ’
eide the m osi reliable source for discussing his tim es. Besides the edicts,
Sri L a n k a n sources such as the M ahauamui, a n d Samanlapdsd-
dika should also be consulted. T h e N o r th e rn trad itio n includes such
sources as the A -yu iu a n g eftwin ( T 2042, ASokarajdw ddna*), the A y u -w a n g
thm g AfokarajastUra?)) a n d the Divydvadax/i
A cco rd in g to le g e n d a ry biographies, Asoka led a violent life as a
y o u ih an ti weis responsible for the deaths o f m a n y people Later, h o w ­
ever, he co n verted to B ud d h ism a n d ruled benevolently C onsequently;
he was e a tlrd D h a rm a so k a (Asoka o f the T eaching) A so k a’s edicts a re a
m ure reliable sou rce Tor in form ation a b o u t his lift, T h e y state (hat
Asoka co n v e rte d io B u d d h ism a n d b ecam e a Buddhist lay m an in th e
s ev en th year o f Ms reign, b u t was not particularly pious for the follow­
ing tw o a n d o n e -h a lf years. In the eighth y ear o f his reign he c o n q u e re d
the co u n try o f Kaliriga after a c a m p a ig n in w hich he saw m a n y in no cen t
people killed. P riso n ers w ere d e p o rie d to o th e r land s, ch ild ren w ere s e p ­
a rated fruin p arents, a n d h u s b a n d s from wives. T h e king was greatly
s a d d e n e d by thejie scenes a n d cam e to believe ih at w a r w as w ro n g , ihat
the only real victory was one b ased on the tru th s o f B ud dh ist (cachings
( dha rrrvs-uijaya), not one based on force a n d violence.
F o r m ore th an a year, A soka lived n e a r a B u dd hist o rd er a n d p e r ­
form ed religious austerities In the tenth y e a r o f his reign, he ‘ w ent to
sambodhi" (R ock Edict V IJJ), T h e te rm “sambodhi'1 m e a n s e n lig h te n ­
m e n t a n d can be in te rp re te d as m e a n in g c ith e r that the king was
en ligh tened o r that he jo u r n e y e d to B u dd hagay jt, the place o f the B u d ­
d h a ’s e n lig h te n m e n t; F ro m thai lim e on, Asoka e m b a rk e d on a series of
pilgrim ages to sices c o n n e c te d with [he B u d d h a 's life. A cco rd in g to one
edict, some tim e alter the tw entieth year o f his reign, he visited L u m -
b in i, the site o f the B u d d h a 's b irth ( R u m m in d c i Pillar Edict), A soka
assiduously p racticed his religion a n d strove to establish a n d extend the
D h a r m a in ih« lan ds he ruled o r influenced. U n d e r his reign, th e people
w ere ta u g h t w ith pictures depicting heavenly palaces. T h u s , according
to the in scrip tio n s, the people w ho form erly h a d no relations with the
gods now h a d such relations (B ra h m a g iri R o c k Edict).
F ro m the twelfth year o f his reign until the tw en ty -sev en th year, K in g
Asoka w orked t o sp read Buddhist teaching s as h e U nderstood them by
h av in g stone inscriptions carved. M a n y o f these have been discovered.
S om e, carved on polished stone slabs, are know n as Rock Edicts, while
o th ers, c arv ed on larg e s a n d s to n e pillars, a re called Pillar Edicts. T h e re
a n 1 two types o f Rfick Edicts. F o u rtee n M a jo r Rock Edicts have been
disco vered at seven places alo ng the b o rd ers o f the territory that A soka
contro lled , inclu din g G im a r . T h e y generally have long texts a n d a re the
m ost rep resen tativ e n f the edicts M in o r Rock F-dicts have been d isco v­
ered at seven places in cen tral a n d so uthern India. T h e se edicts g e n e r­
ally co n cern B u d d h ism , bui so m e co n cern Asoka's practices. T h e
in scriptio n concerning the seven suiras that Asoka re c o m m e n d e d (see
below) was found at Hairat t one o f the sites o f the M in o r Rock Edicts
B oth M a jo r a n d M i n o r Pillar Edicts have survived. Six n r seven
M a jo r Millar Edicts have Ejeen discovered at six sites, p rim a rily in c e n ­
tral India. Like the Rock Fidicts, th ey gen erally concern the co n ten t of
the D h a r m a . T h e y w ere erected after the tw enty-sixth y ear o f Asoka's
reign. T h e M in o r Pillar Edicts were usu ally situ ated at Buddhist pi]-
 g rim age sites such as S a r n a th a n d Sanci. T h e subjects covered by them
concern the B ud dh ist o rd er (sangha) and include w arning s against
schisms. T h e se pillars were generally cap p ed wilh carv in gs o f anim als.
T h e pillar discovered ai S a r n a th is cap ped by four lions facing o u tw ard .
Beneath th e m a re four wheels o f the teach ing , T h is exquisite carving
has b een ad o p ted as a n ation al sym bol, a p p e a rin g on m o d e rn I n d ia 's
seal; the wheel ap p e a rs on its flag.
A noka’s inscriptions w ere first discovered by m o d ern scholars in the
n in eteen th century, T h e se discoveries have c o n tin u e d in recent years.
In 19+9 a n inscription in A ram aic was discovered at L a m p a k a in
A fg h an istan . An inscription w ritte n in b o th G reek a n d A ram aic was
fo u n d ai K a n d a h a r in 195JJ, a n d the discovery o f a R ock Edict within
th e d t y limits o f Delhi was rep o rted tn 1966. M o re th an th irty edicts
h av e been identified- A lthough g reat progress has been m ad e in u n d e r ­
s ta n d in g the inscriptions since rhe first o n e w as deciphered in 1873 by
J a m e s Prinscp* m a n y un solv ed p ro blem s co n cern in g the inscriptions
re m a in .

T h e D tiarm a P reached b y K i n g A soka

T h e king believed th e B u dd hist teach in g th at all m en w ere essentially

equal. H e n c e t ajl m en, inclu din g him self, w ere to observe the B u d d h a 's
T e ach in g ( D h a rm a ) . People w ere to follow a m o ra l code o f co m p assio n
a n d sincerity. A m o n g the reco m m en d ed activities w ere h a v in g c o m p a s ­
sion for living beings, speaking th e t r u t h , acting w ith fo rb earan ce an d
patience, a n d h elp in g the needy. A lthough these prescriptions a re sim ­
ple, A soka believed th at they w ere im m u ta b le t i l t h s th at all should fol­
low. To tra n sm it th e m to fu tu re gen eration s, he had his edicts carved in
stone.
T h e im p o rta n c e o f respect for (he lives o f sentient beings was repeat*
edly stated in A£okaTs edicts. N eedless killing was pro h ib ited . I f a n im a ls
w ere to be killed, p reg n an t a n d n u rsin g a n im a ls w ere to be sp ared . Two
types o f hospitals were built in the country, o n e for a n im a ls a n d one for
people. M edicinal plants w ere cultivated, trees p la n te d alongside th e
roads, a n d wells dug. Places to rest a n d o b ta in d rin k in g w a te r were
built for travelers (R o^k Edict III). In these ways, Asoka eased the lives
o f both m e n a n d anim als a n d d e m o n stra te d his love a n d affection (dayd)
for all sentient beings.
In A so k a’s edicts* the im p o rta n c e of o b ed ien ce io p arents, teachers,
a n d su p erio rs was repeatedly 3tres3ed, Elders w ere to be tre ated with
courtesy. F rien ds, scholars, b r a h m a n s , tmmanas, p o o r people, servants,
And slaves were to be tre a te d properly, a n d the d ignity o f each person
respected. In ad d itio n , alm s w ere Eo be given [o b r a h m a n s , hamanas,
and the poor. T h e king h im self gave u p the sport o f h u n tin g an d
e m b a r k e d on D h a r m a lo urs (dk&rma-yatrd) a r o u n d the co u n try (R uck
Edict V III), O n these tou rs, he visited religious a u th o ritie s a n d schol­
ars, gave alm s, held interview s with the c o m m o n p co p te1 anti tau g h t
a n d a d m o n is h e d the people a b o u t ihe D h a r m a . T h e se D h a r m a tours
were Asoka's g reatest pleasure. F or Asoka, teaching n r giving the
D h a r m a (dkarma-ddrm) to others co n stitu ted the m ost excellent fo rm of
alm sg iv in g a n d res it tied in friendships based on the D h a r m a . By
p re a c h in g the D h a r m a to others, a person w ould receive rew ard s in this
lile, a n d cou ntless m erits w ould be p ro d u c e d for his later lives. A long
wiih the em p h asis on givin g the D h a r m a to others, Asoka u rg ed people
to c o n s u m e less a n d a c c u m u la te little, a n d th u s control th eir desires.
Asoka was especially diligent io his co n d u ct of government a flairs.
H e o rd e re d ihat governmental p rob lem s be re p o rte d io h im at a n y an d
all tim es, ev en w h e n he was e atin g , in th e w o m e n 's q u a r te r s , o r in his
g ard en s, For Afioka, c o n d u c tin g good g o v e rn m e n t was (he k in g 's chief
responsibility tu the people n f the country. Benefiting ai! the Ijeiugs of
the w orld ant] th en increasing (hose benefits w as (he noblest (ask in the
world. All die k in g 's efforts to rule were thus expressions o f his desire to
repay his d eb ts to o th er sentient beings H e w ished to m ake people
h app y in this w o rld and help th e m attain h eav en in th eir fu tu re Lives,
H e co n sid ered all seniient h rin g s (o be his ch ild re n (R ock Edict V I).
In the edicts, ihe D h a r m a w as defined in a variety of ways, as good-
ness (iddhu), few passions (aipefrapa), m a n y got>d acts (hahukalyoiia),
affection (daya)r alm sgiving (dana), tru th (satya), a n d p u rity o f action
(sauca). T h e realization o f D h a r m a (dharma-pralipatti) was said to consist
o f affe c tio n t generosity in giving, I r u t h , purity, gentleness (mSrdam),
a n d goodness: if a person e n g a g e d tn alm sgiving, but had not le a rn e d to
control his senses (samyama) o r lacked g r a titu d e (krtejtiaid) o r was w ith ­
out steadfast sincerity (drdhabhakiCd}, he was a base person Asoka
w a rn e d that b r u ta lity in h u m an ity , anger, p rid e , a n d jealousy all led
to even m ore defilem ents ^Clood is noi easy to accom plish A nyone
just b e g in n in g to do good will find it difficult,'' he stated- But then
A io k Li noted th at lie had ” accom plished m a n y t;cH>d d e e d s " {Rock
Edicts IV -V ).
A soka sp read his views on the D h a r m a m tw o ways, th ro u g h regula-
tion& c o n c e rn in g (he D h a r m a (dharma-niyama) a n d qu iet co n tem p latio n
o f the D h a r m a (dharma+atdhyati), R eg u latio n s co n cern in g ihe D h a r m a
were p ro m u lg a ic d by the king T h e se laws were directed in p a rtic u la r
a g a i n s t kil ling. T h u s * t h r o u g h t h t f or ce o f l a w i h e p e o p l e w e r e m a d e [rj
o b s e r v e A s o k a ’s v i e w s o n t a k i n g life.
Contemplation o f the D h a rm a involved quieting the m in d a n d m ed i­
ta tin g on ihe D h a r m a . T h r o u g h such co n tem p latio n the people w ould
attain a d eep er u n d e rs ta n d in g o f the p ro h ib itio n on tak in g life a n d then
app ly ii 10 th eir o th er actions. Q u ie i co n tem p latio n o f the D h a rtn a was
considered to be su p erio r to regulations rn fo rc in g the D h a r m a (P illar
Edict V II).
Asoka em p h a siz e d th t im p o rt a nee of n o t killing, o f v alu in g all life,
a n d o f re s id e lin g people. Even a person sentenced to tleaih w as given a
respite ol th ree days for relatives to app eal o r for ihe c o n d e m n e d to p r e ­
pare for the next Jife By th e tw enty-sixth yeitr o f his reign, Asoka h ad
alread y declared am nesties fnr p riso n ers twcnty-five times (P illar Edict
V ) r T h e m a in teaching o f A so k a’s D h a r m a , respect for Jife, was based
on the realization that o th e r beings w ere also alive a n d had feelings.
The o th e r v irtu es stressed by A sok a— k in d n ess, giving, truth fulness,
p u r ity o f action, o b e d ie n c e to p a re n ts, just trc a im e n t o f o th ers, g rati­
tu d e to society— all arose out o f that basic realization. T h e co n ten ts of
A s o k a ’s D h a r m a were rich indeed.
In o rd er that the D h a r m a m ig h t always he practiced th ro u g h o u i the
area he ruled, Asoka a p p o in te d m in isters o f D h a r m a (dharma-mahdnidira)
w ho w f r t tO travel ih riio gh ou t the c o u n try every five y ta r s a n d ascer­
tain (h:H ihe D h a r m a w as being p reached (S e p a ra te Rock Edict I:
D h au li).
Because the longest c d ir t, R o ck Edict X I V , does n o t specifically state
th at A so k a’s D h a r m a was derived from B u d d h is m , some scholars have
q u estion ed w h eth er it was Buddhist. H o w ever, rhe D h a r m a p reach ed
b y Asoka was not based u p o n a n y n o n -B u d d h ist tra d itio n . F o r e x a m ­
ple, the te rm “dharma " WAS discussed in such H in d u Bharmaiditra works
as the Law s o f Alanu, w here it was used to m e a n law as in crim in al an d
civil law, T h e te rm was also used in N y aya th o u g h t, and both dharma
a n d adharma w ere term s in J a i n a philosophy. But in each ctise. (he term
was used in co m pletely different ways from A so k a’s edicts. T h e term
“dharma" was used in Vedic a n d U p ani^adtc literatu re w ith a m e a n in g
close but not identical to A Soka’s use. T h e c e n tra l idea o f th e Upanisads,
how ever, was the identity o f B rah m an a n d dlmart, I he term “dharma " d id
not occupy th e cen tral position in U pani$adic tho ught as it did in A so ­
k a ’s thou gh t.
In the Bhagavad*gitdr dharma was an elem en t in the im p o rtan t term
' svadharma p o n e ’s own d u ty ), which was used in the K a r m a y o g a (Way
o f A ction) system . A variety o f m oral virtues was listed in rhe Rhagavad-
gila, mfcmy o f them identical to those in Asoka's edicts. H ow ever, w a r
was c o m m e n d e d ill the Bhagavod-gitd, w hereas A£oka d isap p ro v ed o f it.
in c o n tra st to nn n-B u d d h ist religion, th e te rm l<D h a r m a 1' occup ied a
cen tral place in Buddhist th o u g h t. It is one o f the T h r e e Jew els (trimtna):
the B u d d h a h his l e a c h i n g ( D h a r m a ) . an d the o r d e r (sahgha). T h e M in o r
Rock a n d Pi IEar Edicts reveal th at A soka was a devoted B uddhist, T h u s
A so ka's D h a r m a was clearly derived from B ud dh ism .

A s o k a ’s Su p p o rt of the B u d d h ist O rd er

A lthough ASoka h a d co n v e rte d TO B u d dh ism , he ire aied o th e r religions

fairly. R o ck Edict X II stales ihat he " g a v e alms (ddaa) a n d h o n o red
(pujd) both m em b ers o f religious orders a n d the laity o f all religious
groups (pdr$ada) . h1 In R o ck Edict V I ], he d eclared th at he " w ish e d
m e m b e rs o f aJl religion!! to live ev ery w h ere in his k i n g d o m / 1 In Pillar
Edici V I I , A soka tinted th at he had ap p o in ted m inisters o f D h a r m a lo
he responsible for affairs related lo the B udd h isi order. O l h c r m inisters
of D h a r m a w ere responsible for the affairs o f B ra h m a n s , Ajivikas, or
J a in a s (N trg ra n th a s).
Asoka was lair in his tre a tm e n t o f all religions, but he w je p a r tic u ­
larly d ev o ted to Buddhism* as is illustrated by the inscriptions c o n c e rn ­
in g his ow n life. A soka c o n v e rte d to B ud dh ism a ro u n d the seventh year
o ftiis reign. A ccording to th e M in o r Rock Edict from R iip n a ih , for the
next two years he was not very devout in his practice, but (hen for a
period o f m ore th an a y ear be " d re w u car lo the o r d e r ” (iahghah upttah)
a n d practiced assiduously T h e p hrase " d r e w n e a r to rhe o r d e r 1' p r o b a ­
bly indicated ih at A soka was affiliated wilh the B u dd hisi o rd er a n d p e r ­
form ed ihe s a m e practices as a m onk. A cco rd in g to Rock Edict VIM.
A soka w eni to “j ambodhi’' (p ro b ab ly the bodhi irec at B u d d h a g a y a ) it)
the te n th year o f his reign. T h e INfigalisagar Pitlar Edict recorded th at in
the fo urteen th year o f his reig n , Asoka h a d a stupa ded icated to th e past
B u d d h a K u n iik a m a n a rep aired a n d then personally m ad e offerings at
it T h e L u m h in i Pillar Edict recorded th at so m etim e after the tw em jerh
year o f his reign, A soka traveled to the B u d d h a 's b irth p lace a n d p e r s o n ­
ally m a d e offerings Ihere. H e th en h ad a stone pillar set u p a n d reduced
the taxes o f ihe people in lhal area. T h e edicts at S ah ci, S a r n a th . an d
K a u s a m b i ail w a rn e d against schisms in ihe o r d e r a n d d eclared th at any
m o n k o r n u n w ho tried lo cause a schism w ould he defrocked. W a rn in g s
against schisms w ere includ ed in the M in o r R ock Edicts as well.
In the Bairai E dict, A soka paid h o n o r to the o r d e r a n d then declared
lhal he respected (gaurat/a) a n d put his faith (p ra id d a ) in the T h r e e J e w ­
els. Mr th en stated that all o f the B u d d h a's teach ing s were good, but
rhai certain d o t trines (d ka rm a p a iy d y a ) w ere p ari icruleuiy useful in e n s u r ­
ing that B ud d h ism w ould e n d u r e frar a long lim e. T h e n a m e s o f the fol­
low ing seven texts w ere then listed.

L V utayosam ukoM { T he S u p e r io r T eachin g o f the V in a ya ; Vinaya, vol.

I, p. 7ffv)
2. A t i j o m t s a i t i ( N o b l e L i n e a g e ; A N t I V : 2 f l n v ol . 2. p. 2 7)
3. A n d g a ta -b fia yd m ( D a n g e r s o f t h e F m u r e ; A N , V T vol, 3, p. 100F*)
4. M u n ig d ih d (V erses oil RecUises; S u tta n ip S ta , vv, 207-22 1)
5. M o m y a s u it (S u tra o n the Practice o f Silence, S u tta n ip d ta , w.
6 7 9 -7 2 3 )
G Upatisapasine (Upatia&a'g Q u estio n , SitUanipfta, vv. 9 5 5 -9 7 5 )
7. Ldghuhvdda (T h e E x h o rta tio n to R fibula. M N , itur 61)

In o rd er th at ihe correct te a c h in g m ight lon g e n d u r e , m o n k s, n u n s , la y ­

m en, a n d lay w om en w ere (o listen to these w orks freq uen tly a n d re Heel
o n th eir contents.
T h e only edici co n cern in g stupas relates how A soka rep aired a stupa
hclonginjj Lo the- past B u d d h a K o n a k a m a n a ( K o n a k a m u o t). H o w ev er,
in literary sources such as the A-yii-ivartg chtng (7* £043, AfokafdjaSUtfd?)
descriptions a r e lo u n d o f how Asoka m ad e offerings to the B u d d h a 's reb
ics. In a d d itio n , Asoka is said to hav e o rd e re d fi+hOOO stupas built
th ro u g h o u t the realm a n d to hav e benefited m a n y people. Al the u rg in g
o f U p a g u p ta , Asoka e m b a rk e d on a series o f pilgrim ages fn pay hom age
nt Buddhisi sices, including L u m b in i, the D eer P ark at S a r n a th , Bud-
d h a g a y a , a n d K u s in a g a ra . At m an y o f these sites he had stupas c o n ­
structed, Stupas w ere also built for two o f the B u d d h a 's m ost im p o rta n t
disciples, S a r ip u tr a a n d M a u d g a ly a y a n a - L ater, w h en the C h in ese pil­
grim s F a-hsicn a n d H s iia n -tsa n g traveled th ro u g h In d ia , th ey rep o rted
that m a n y o f these stupas still rem ain ed- fn m ore recent tim es, archeolo-
gists have excavated a n d stu died m an y stupas a n d discovered th at rhe
oldest p a n s o f the slUpas often d ate back to Asoka's tim e, in d icatin g the
accu racy o f these records.
Because Asoka was a fervent convert to B uddhism a n d strove to
p ro p a g a te tt+ he was p raised a n d called " D h a r m a A so k a." T h e ideology
o f D h a r m a p ro p ag ated by Asoka included m a n y lofty ideals. U n f o rtu ­
nately, how extensively it sp read a m o n g ihe people a n d how deeply it
was u n d ersto o d by rhem rem ain s unclear. Asoka greatly aided the B u d ­
dhist order, recognizing th at it co n tain ed people who p u t the D h a r m a
i n t o practice. H ow ever, as the o rd er b e c a m e wealthy, the discipline o f
those in it m ay well have b e g u n to dec t i n e . L argo gifts to t h e o rd er
b e c a m e b u rd e n so m e to t h e n a t i o n ’s economy.
Accounting to the A-yu-uwug ching an d o th e r sources, w hen A.soka was
o t d h his m in isters anti the p rin c e acted against ASoka Eind forbade any
g ]fu to the order., In (he en d , Asoka was avow ed to give th e o r d r r on]y
h alf a m y m h a la n fiimataka) fruit, which he held in th e palm o f his h an d .
T h is legend ind icates th at A so ka's c a re e r probably declined at the end
o f his life. Tn fact, rhe M a u r y a n e m p ire losr m uch o f it s p o w er a n d dis­
a p p e a r e d shortly after A so ita1s death. Yet A soka's D h a r m a c an n o t be
ju dged as being without value because o f the fate o f his e m p ire . R ath er,
his D h a r m a m ust be ju d g e d on its ow n merits.
 PART T W O

NIKAYA
BUDDHISM
 CHA PTER &

The Development of
Nikaya Buddhism

THF.TF.klw “ N ikaya B u d d h is m M1 refers to m O n .u lit B uddhism after (he

initial schism into the M a h a sa n g h ik a a n d S lh a v ira schools had o c ­
cu rred- It m usi he re m e m b e re d , however, (hat o lh e r group* o f B u d ­
dhists existed at this tim e. F o r ex am p le, B u d d h ist lay m en w ere not
in clud ed in ihe Buddhist sangfiat b u t w ere very active d u r in g a n d after
the B u d d h a 's life. Im m e d ia te ly after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , laym en
divided his rem ain s (la n m ) in to eight p a rts anti con stru cted burial
m o u n d s (stupas) for [hem, T h e se stupas w ere c o n stru cted at the in tersec­
tions o f m a jo r roads (D i\\ vol, 2, p. 142) w h ere large g ro u p s o f people
cou ld assem ble, not at the m onasteries w here m on ks lived. Stupas were
ad m in istered by laym en w ho w ere a u to n o m o u s from the o r d e r of
m o n k s, a n d most o f (he devoices were also laym en. A cco rd in g (u the A -
y n iv a n g th in g ( T 2043, Aiokardjo.sutra?)i a bio g ra p h y o f K in g A soka, the
king o rd e re d th at th e eight stupas be o p en ed a n d the relics divided an d
d istrib u te d th ro u g h o u t the country, where th ey w ere io be the basic of
new stupas. In p a rt, Agoka was r e s p o n d in g to th e g ro w in g p o p u la rity of
stupa worship* In a d d itio n to (he sites o f the old stupas, four great pii-
grim age sites h ad been established a n d w ere frequently visited by
believers: the B u d d h a ’s b irth p lace , ihe tree u n d e r w hich he attained
en lig h te n m e n t, the park w h ere he preached his first se rm o n , a n d th e
place w h ere he died. U nfo rtu nately , how ever, lite ra ry sources do not
describe in a n y detail the beliefs o r d o ctrin es held by these g ro u p s o f lay
believers, alth o u g h they obviously con gregated a r o u n d stupas to praise
the B u d d h a a n d stren g th en th eir faith in him .
A lthough (he activities o f these groups o f lay believers later cam e to
play an im p o rta n t role in the rise of M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m , the m ain-
s tr e a m o f E arly B u d d h is m was co n tin u ed not by such lay grou ps, b u t hy
the schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism T h t B u d d h a ’s m a in teachin gs wfcrtr
tra n s m itte d by his im m e d ia te disciples such as M a h a k a sy a p a an d
A n a n d a ( S a rip u tr a a n d M a u d g a Jy a y a n a h a d p red eceased the B u d d h a)
to th eir disciples, a n d th en were ev entu ally passed on to the m o nk s of
N ik ay a B u d d h ism .
N ikaya B u d d h ism w as often callcd " B u d d h is m for disciples’* or
" B u d d h i s m o f those w ho s tu d ie d .11 It did not stress the im p o rta n c e of
tr^ c h in g others. Because N ik a y a B u dd h tsm seem ed so passive In
M a h a y a n a B uddhists, they called it ^ r a v a k a y a n a (ihe vehicle o f (he
srdvakas). T h e te rm “ inindbaPJ m e a n t " th o s e w ho listened to the Bud-
d h a 's w o rd s,” a n d thus referred to his disciples. O rig in a lly lay people
w ere also called smvakast but by the tim e of N ikaya B u d d h ism the te rm
seem s to have been lim ited to those w ho h a d been o rd a in e d
N ik a y a Buddhist d o c trin e w as a m o n a stic teach in g for those who
w ere willing to leave th eir hom es to becom e m o nk s o r n u n s , strictly
observe the precepts, and p erfo rm religious practices. B oth doctrinal
study a n d religious practice p resu p p o sed th e a b a n d o n m e n t o f a p erso n 's
life as a householder. A strict line s e p a ra te d those w ho h a d been
o rd a in e d from lay people. In ad d itio n , N ik ay a B u d d h ism was for those
w ho were secluded in th eir m o n asteries. W hite in retreat, they led
ascetic lives a n d devo ted them selves to scholarship a n d religious prac*
hees. Il was not a B u d d h is m iff the: streets, d e d ic a te d to sa v in g Others;
rather, the e m p h a s is was On the co m pletion ol a p e rso n 's ow n practice.
C o nsequently, M a h a y a n a B ud dh ists d e p re c a te d N ikaya B u d d h is m by
calling it H in a y a n a (small vehicle), m e a n in g it had a n arro w o r inferior
teaching.
Since th eir m o n asteries w ere often wealthy, N ikaya Buddhists did not
have to trouble them selves a b o u t living ex p en ses a n d w ere able to
d ev o te m ost o f th eir tim e to religious practices. T h e ir o rd e rs often
received th e devotion Emd (m a n u a l help o f kings, q u e e n s , a n d m e r­
c h a n ts , w ho gav e large estates to the m o n asteries. K in g K am sk a was
p articu larly fam o u s for his su p p o rt o f th e S arv astiv ad in School; hut
accord ing to in scriptions, ev en before K a n i$ k a h a N o rth In d ia n go ver­
n o r general (mahskfatrapa) n a m e d K u s u lu k a a n d a g o v e rn o r (kfairapa)
n a m e d P atika gav e lan d to the order. In S o u th In d ia , the q ueens an d
royal families o f th e A n d h r a n d y n a sty s u p p o rte d the Buddhist orders.
M a n y inscriptions survive re c o rd in g th eir gifts o f lan d M a n y o th e r
inscriptions d a tin g from the second cen tu ry b .c .e . to the fifth ccn tu ry
c .k . record gifts o f cav e-tem p les a n d land tn stupas a n d to the B uddhist
o r d e r as a whole. A cco rd in g to these in scriptions, orders b elo ng ing to
m ore lh an tw enty sehoots existed d u r in g this p eriod
 In ad d itio n to ret liv in g su p p o rt from royalty* B u d d h ist o rd e rs were
aided by th e m e rc h a n t classes. M e rc h a n ts tra d e d w ith foreign countries
a n d distant cities, trav elin g across deserts a n d th ro u g h d a rk forests in
c a ra v a n s o r crossing (he sea tn reach th rir d estin atio n . To overcom e the
difficulties and d a n g e rs ihat they e n co u n tered on th eir travels, m e n
chants h a d to be b ra v e , patient* a n d capable o f m a k in g calm an d
ratio n al decisions. T h e ratio n al qualities o f B ud d h ism m atch ed the
n eeds o f su ch people. In a d d itio n , when m erch an ts trav eled to foreign
countries, they h a d to be able to ^ s e r i a t e freely w ith peoples o f different
nationalities a n d social cl asses. T h e strict caste system o f H in d u ism
m a d e it an in a p p ro p ria te religion for such m erch an ts. (Farm ers* in co n ­
trast, w ere strongly tied to H in d u ism ) Since B u d d h ism did not recog^
nize the caste system , it was especially attra ctiv e to m erch an ts.
M e rc h a n ts w ere in terested not only in the schools o f N ikaya B u d ­
d h ism , b u t also in the M a h a y a n a orders. A m o n g the rich m e rc h a n ts
a n d leaders of m e r c h a n t classes (srepfhin) w ere U g ra a n d S u d a tta , a co n ’
vert o f th e B u d d h a w ho was k n o w n for the alm s he gave to o r p h a n s a n d
th e needy. T h e n a m e s o f m a n y olhcr m erch an t leaders w ho w ere early
B uddhist believers a re k n o w n from early B ud dh ist sources M erchant
leaders w ere often p o rtra y e d as b ein g in the au d ien ces in M a h a y a n a
scriptu res. Such people p ro b ab ly also gave alm s 10 the N ik ay a B uddhist
orders. W ith aid from both king* an d m e rc h a n t leaders, the m e m b e rs of
the N ikaya Buddhist o rd e rs could devote them selves to iheLr scholarship
a n d practice. T h e analytical a n d highly detailed abhidharma systems o f
Buddhist doctrine w ere fo rm u lated in such m onasteries.

T h e Se co n d and T h i r d C o u n cils

t n c h a p te r six w c analyzed the story o f how a d isp ute o v e r ten items of

m on astic discipline led to an assem bly o f elders at Vaisali. A ccording to
the C h a p te r on the C o u n c il o f Seven H u n d r e d o f the Pali Vinaya, seven
h u n d r e d elders discussed the ten item s in acc o rd a n c e with the utnaya
T h u s , th eir m eetin g is called a council on vinaya (pina/asaAgtti). No men*
tion is m ad e in the Pali Vtnaya o f the com p ilation o f the Suirs-pitaka or
Vinaya-pi taka after the investigation of the ten points was concluded.
The C h in ese tran slatio n s o f the full uinayas Jigrcr with Ihis account.
Although the c h a p te r tides o f the C h in e s e vimtyas on the council s u r e s t
that the vinaya w a s recited a n d com piled a g a u ’L, W L t h m | h e t h a p l e r s
them selves no m en tio n is m ad e o f a re o rg an izatio n o f the Vinaya■ or
Siitra-pitaka. In c o n tra st, acco rdin g to the Sri L a n k a u chronicles, the
Dipavamia a n d Mahd\bamsa, after the d ispute over the te n item s was con
elu ded, the seven h u n d r e d elders with R e v a ta as th eir le a d e r held a
council on d o ctrin e (dhamma-sangnha) th ai req u ired right m o n th s In
com plete. T h is is called (he Second C o u n cil (dutiya-saiigaha) in the
T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n .
T h e Dtpwantsa acco u nt c o n tin u es, a d d in g th at the d issen ting monks
w ho w ere expelled from [hr o r d e r th en g ath ered ten th o u sa n d sup-
porters a n d held th eir ow n council to com pile (he B u d d h a 's teachings.
T h is was called th e G re a t C o u n cil (Mah&sarigiti). These m on ks were said
to have Compiled taJse teach in g s, rejected the canon agreed upon al the
First C o u n c il, a n d com piled th eir own can on . T h e y m o v ed sutras fm m
o n e p a n o f th e c a n o n to an o th er, thereby disto rtin g the d o ctrin e s of the
five Nikdyas. T h e y confused o rthodox a n d h etero do x teachings a n d did
not disting uish b etw een teach ing s to be taken literally a n d those re q u ir­
ing in te rp re ta tio n s. T h e y disca rd ed p arts o f th e Sutra* a n d the tiinaya an d
coin posed false seripiures, w h ich they su b stitu ted for the rejected texts.
A ccording to the Dipavamsa acco un t, the m o nk s o f the G re a t A ssem ­
bly com piled new versions o f the sulras a n d vinaya q u ite different from
those o f the S thav iras. T h is g ro u p is called **the m on ks o f th e G re a t
C o u n c i l " (M ah asarig itik a) in the Dipavamsa a n d “ the G reat A ssem b ly ”
(M a h a s a n g h ik a ) in the Mahavtfrnta T h e n a m e " M a h a s a n g h ik a " m eant
th at these m o nk s co n stitu ted rhe m ajority o f m on ks at the initial schism
T h u s , a c c o rd in g to ihe Sri L a n k a n trad ition , after the initial schism the
T h e r a v a d a a n d M a h a sa n g h ik a schools eaeh held a sep arate council.
N o m e n tio n o f a council is found in the / pu {sung l m tun ( 7 ' 203!l»
SamayabhtdoparacanQcahaH, h e re a fte r referred to as a history
a n d discussion o f the schools o f N ikaya B u d d h ism accord ing to N o r th ­
ern B u dd hist traditions. A ccording to (lie -Samcyw, a h u n d r e d years afler
the B u d d h a 's death h d u rin g the rctgn o f K in g A£oka, “ four groups
could not reach ag re e m e n t in discussions a b o u t the live points o f d o c ­
trin e proposed by M a h a d e v a " {"/" 4!):l5a}. C o nseq uently, th e Buddhist
o r d e r w as divided into tw o schools, the S th a v ira a n d the M a h a ­
sanghika. T h e four groups w ere th e N aga g r o u p ('fib . G n as-b stan -k lu ),
the g r o u p from the b o r d r r a r e a (T ib , S ar-p ho gs-pa), the learn ed g ro u p
(T ib . M ari-d u -ih o s-p a), a n d the v en erab le group. (O n ly three groups
a re m e n tio n e d in rhe T ib e ta n translatio n, bur four g ro u p s are m e n ­
tioned in a C h in ese tra n sla tio n , T 4 9 :2 0 a.)
Viriayas from both the M a h a sa n g h ik a a n d die S ih av ira lineages
a g reed th at a council o f seven h u n d re d m on ks was c o n v e n e d to discuss
ten p oin ts o f controversy. {H ow ever, the ten points a re not specifically
m en tio n ed in ihe Mo-hit-seng-ch 'i lu, T 1425, Mahdsanghikavtnaya5.)
T h u s , there is ag re e m e n t th at a council was c o n v e n e d , but only
T h e r a v a d a sources such as th e Dtpaiamia include statem en ts th at the
Sutra-ptiaki was recited and ex a m in e d after the council. T h is series ol
ev en ts is generally referred to as the Second C o u n cil, but sources do not
agree ab ou t w h e th e r the Vinaya- and Sutra-pitahn w ere re o rg a n ise d at
this lim e. Since sources do agree dial seven h u n d r e d m on ks Hid a s se m ­
ble a n d co n vene a council, at least this aspect o f the trad itio n m ust be
recognized as a historical fact.
T h e story o f ihe T h ir d C o u n cil is found only in Sri L a n k a n sources
such as th e Dipavamsg, Mahduatnsa, an d Samantapdsddikd. A ccording to
th ^ sr sources, the Second C o u n cil was h eld a h u n d r e d years after the
B u d d h a 's death d u rin g the reign o f K ing K alaso ka; the T h i r d C ou ncil
(iatiya-SQngoha) was held d u rin g th e reign o f K ing A$oka, w ho wife
crow ned 218 years after the B u d d h a 's d eath. T h t ‘ T h ir d C o u n cil is said
to hav e been presided over by M o g g alip u tta Tissa, and the doctrines
discussed at the council io hav e been recorded to the Kathduatihu (P o in ts
o f C o n tro v ersy ). T h e Sri L an k an trad ition thus distin g u ish es betw een
the reigns of K alasoka (1*. K a (asoka) a n d A soka (P. Asoka) a n d re fates
the sto ry o f tv/o councils. In c o n tr a s th in the & n u y d ( T 4 9:18a), a w ork
in the N o rth e rn tra d itio n , K in g A s u k a ’s reign is said to h a v e o ccu rred a
little m o re th a n a c e n tu ry after rhe B u d d h a 's d e a th . T h is la tte r timt*
scale does not allow sufficient tu n e for a T h i r d C ou n cil Lo have been
c o n v e n e d . M oreover, the work in which the d isp u tes o f the T h ird
C o u n c il a re said to have been collected, the Kathduatihu, is fo u n d o n ly in
the T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n . T h e 'H u rd C o un cil is not m e n tio n e d in the lit­
e r a tu re o f th e o th e r schools. T h u s , if it w as held, it a p p aren tly Involved
only the T h e r a v a d a School.
I he Sri L a n k a n acco un t o f the T h ir d C o u n cil follows. D u rin g die
reign o f K in g A soka, the B udd hist o rd er flourished because oi the king's
financial s u p p o r t, b u t m a n y people b ecam e m o n ks only b ecau se m o n a s­
teries offered an easy w ay o f life (thsyyasamudsaka). M o n a stic rules were
not closely ob served a n d religious practice was neglected. D isp utes
arose in the order, N ot ev en th e fortnightly assem bly was held- To cor
reel such abuses, M o g g a lip u tta T tsss with the su p p o rt o f K ing Asoka
p u rged the order. T h o s e who ag reed th at B u d d h ism was vibhajjevdda
(th e teach in g o f d iscrim in atio n ) were accep ted as B ud dh isi m onks;
those who d isag reed were expelled from the order. M o g g alip u ita Tissa
then com piled the Kathdvatthu to explain the orth od ox position, a s se m ­
b led a th o u s a n d arhttts, a n d held a council to com pile the D h a rm a . T h is
was the T h i r d C o u n cil.
Tin: Sri L ank an T h e r a v a d a School u n d ersto o d B uddhism as the
“ reaching o f d is c rim in a tio n " (vibhajjuvatia). N o th in g was to he a d h e re d
to in a o n r-s id e d m an n er. If people single-mi n dedly insisted that they
u n d e rsto o d the tru th , a rg u m e n ts w ould in ev itab ly en su e. T h u s , reality
was to be u n d ersto o d by ^ d is c r im in a tin g ” b etw een o n e s id e d n eg ativ e
an d poiiiivL: pOiitiuns. T h e T h e r a v a d a Sfiidot was also called ihe
V ib h a jja v a d in (those w ho d iscrim in ate) School* T h e T h i r d C o u n cil was
p ro bab ly held at some point w ith in the T h e r a v a d a School a n d focused
on this trad itio n o f d is c rim in a tin g betw een e x tre m e s. T h u s , ihe histn-
ritity o f the T h i r d C o u n cil c an n o t be com pletely d en ied,
T h e co n ten ts o f the K a th d o a tth u are b ased on points o f co n trov ersy
th at arose am o n g tlur various schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism . T h e text
thus p resup po ses the c o m p letio n o f the v ario u s schisms of ihe schools.
T h e p resent text o f rhe Kuthavatiku nmsi be d a te d n( least one hundred
years after A soka, pertiaps d u r in g the last h a lf o f the second cen tu ry
BlC.e. If the lest o f th e K dthdoattha accurately r e f i e m th e issues o f ihe
Third C o u n cil, then that council mu*t hav e o c c u rre d in the t t e o n d c e n ­
tury* n.c.E.

Later Schisms

A fter the initial split that resulted in Iin' S th a v ira a n d M a h a s a n g h ik a

schools, fu rth er divisions o ccu rred [hat led to a proliferation n f *c hoots.
T h e M flhasdrighika School was rhe first to experience a schism, p r o b a ­
bly because It h a d m ore m e m b e rs a n d h a d a d o p te d a m o re liberaE alii*
t tide 11 !vvj] j i F d o c I r i nal i s;>u t S . A s a r e s U MT it W a s m u re d r fJ in i It Id
a d m in is te r th an th e S th a v ira -School. A ccording m ihe& m flya (7*2031),
th ree ad d itio n al schools— th e lik ak v y av ah ai ika, L o k o tta ra v a d in , an d
K a u k u f ik a — split o ff from the M a h a s a n g h ik a d u rin g the second cen tu ry
after the B u d d h a 's d eath T w o m o re schism s, which o c c u rre d d u rin g
the second c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , resulted in ihe Bnhusru-
tTyn a n d the P r a jn a p tiv a d in schools. At the e n d o( th at century* M a h a ­
dev a proclaim ed his five points at a caitya (re liq u a ry ) in Southern India.
T h e a rg u m e n ts that arose co n cern in g the five p o in ts resulted in a fou rth
schism a n d three new sctiools: the Caitilca, A p a ra sa ila , a n d Uttar&£aila.
T h u s , a total o f eight new schools arose out o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a School
d u rin g the second cen tu ry after the B u d d h a's d e a th .
A ccording to t h e Satnaya, rhe S th av iras m a in ta in e d th eir u n ity d u r in g
th e c e n tu ry w h en ihe schools o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a lin eage w ere under*
goinjj schism s. However^ divisions in the S ih a v iia lim-a^e began o c c u r ­
rin g d u rin g the th ird cen tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th . F irst, th e Sar-
v astiv ad tn (also know n as the H c tu v a d a ) Schon] split aw ay from the
S th a v ira (or H a im a v a ta ) S c h o o l . N e x t , the V atsFputny* School bro ke
aw ay from the Sarvitstivadin School. T h e VatsIputrTya School su b se ­
q u en tly gave rise to four m ore schools: the D h a rtn o tla rfy a , B hadraya-
niysi. S a m rn a tiy a , a n d $ a n n a g a rik a . In a fourth schism , th e S a rv jb tiv a-
din School gave H « to the M ahtSasaka S chool, which in tu r n , in a fifth
schism , led to the fo rm atio n o f ihe D h a r m a g u p ta k a School. H i t
D h a r m a g u p ta k a School claim ed that its (cachings h a d been received
from (he B u d d h a 's disciple M au d g aly fty an a. In a sixth schism, the
K asy ap iy a {or Siivargaka) School broke a w a y from ihe S arvastivadin
School. T h e above sis schism s o ccurred d u rin g ihe Ihird c e n tu ry alter
t h t B u d d h a 's d e a th . T h e seventh, in w hich the S a u tra n iik a (or
S a n k r a n tik a ) School broke aw ay from th e S arvastiv ad in S chool, o c ­
c u rre d d u rin g the fourth cen tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d eath. T h e Sau*
u iin n k it Sdifiol c n i p h a ^ i ^ d th t im p o rla n c e o f sutra; over sditras an d
claim ed th at its teachin gs o rig in ated w ith A n a n d a , the m onk w ho had
c h a n te d thejjJiraj at the First C o un cil.
T he S th av ira lineage u n d e rw e n t seven schisms that resulted in eleven
schools, while the M a h a sa n g h ik a School divided into a total o f nine
schools. T h e sch ism s in ihe tw o original schools th u s resulted m a total
o f tw en ty schools. T h e p h rase " t h e schisms into the eighteen schools,"
w h ic h is found in a n u m b e r o f Buddhist te x ts , refers to r h t e ig h te e n
schools pro d u ced by these later schisms, b u i not jq the tw o original
schools.
T h e M a h a sa n g h ik a School co n tin u ed to exist as a sep arate en tity
despite u n d e rg o in g four schism s. T h e fate o f the original school o f the
Si ha v ira s is not so clear. T h e first schism in the S th av ira lineage
resulted in the S arv astiv ad in a n d H a irn a v a la schools. A lthough the
H a im a v a ta School is called the "o rig in al S th av ira S cho o l" tn the
S&tktya, th e H a t m a v a t a S rhool was influential o n ly in an a r e a in the
n o rth a n d was far from cen tral I n d ia , w h ere m ost o f the im p o rta n t
even ts in very early B uddhist history occu rred M o reo v er, the school
does not seem to have been very powerful. T h e o th e r schools tn the
S th a v ira lineage split off from the S arv astiv ad in School. C onsequently,
th e acco un t found in the Samaya seems qu estionable. V a su m itra , the
au th o r, was a S arv astiv ad in m o n k , an d m ay h av e w ritten (his account
to d e m o n s tra te th at the S arv astiv ad in School w as the most im p o rtan t
school a m o n g those in the S arv astiv ad in lineage. V a su m itra 's overall
position thus w ould seem to conflict w ith his statem en t that the
h a i m a v a l a was the original S th a v ira School.
T h e early schisms o f the S th av ira lineage o ccu rred d u r in g the third
c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th . A ccording to Ui H a k u j u ’s theory, (be
B u d d h a died in 386 E.C.L. (o r 333 B.C.E. accord ing to N a k a m u r a
H a jim e ), 116 years before Asoka's co ro n atio n . If U i's d ates a re used,
th en the M a h a s a n g h ik a schisms would have n ccu rrcd d u r in g the third
c e n tu ry b . c , e , an d the S th av ira schism s d u rin g the second a n d first con-
F ig u r e 2 . T h t S ch o o ls o f N i k a y a B u d d h i s m a c c o r d in g i o th e Sam aya

School i of the M ah ng hi fcfi lin tijjf

(total of nine schools: eighi according to ihe Ch hen dynast / translation
o f th e

Mahasanghika

first schism Ekavyavaharika

Lokottaravadin
(second century a, r (after Buddh a's Kauku|ika

second schism
BahuSrutiya
(sccond century a n .)

third schism
■----------- *-----*———------ ------ ------ ---------------- - P r aj napt tv adin
(second century a n )

fourth schism Caitika

— Aparafaila
(end of the second ccntury a n ) — Uttaraiaila

m ric s Brt;r£. T h e S a u tra n iik a School w ould h a v e com e into existence by

the f i r s t c e n t u r y b . c . e . 1
If the Sri [,a n k a n chronicles a re followed, how ever, th en the B u d ­
d h a 's d e a th is placed in 4S4 b .c .e . (according to J a c o b i a n d K a n a k u r a
KclsIlo), 213 years before A s o k a fS co ro n atio n . T h o s the M a h a s a n g h ik a
schism s would have o ccu rred before A so k a's tim e a n d the S th a v ira
schisms d u r in g the c c n tu ry after A iok a. E:igurc 2 illustrates the schisms
acco rd in g to H i d a n - t u d g ’i tra n sla tio n o f th e Saitmya ( 7 T2G31).
T h e acco un t o f the schism s p resen ted in the Sri L a n k a n chronicles,
th e Dtp&vamsa a n d Mahdvam.sat differs sub stantially from rhe descriptio n
fo u n d in the Samaya. A cco rd in g to the Sri L a n k a n chronicles, the
schism s in b o th the M a h a sa n g h ik a an d T h e r a v a d a (S th av ira) lineages
all o ccu rred d u r in g ihe second c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th . Since
the Sri L a n k a n chronicles state that A soka b ecam e king 218 years after
the B u d d h a 's d e a th , the schism s p resu m ab ly w uuld have been com -
 School ■of tb c S th a v ira l in c i^ r
(Itifiil o frlrven schools; ihe original Slhavira and Haim avata schools ate
distinguished tn th e C h 'i n translation, making a tot at o f twelve)

Original Sthavira (Ch. pen shang-tso) o r H aim avau

Sthavira
r.
first schism
(beginningufihind ccntury a .*.}
I_______________ Sarvastivadin or H ctuvadm ■

sccond schism third schism — Dharmouariya

Vatsiputriya- ■Rhadrayaniya
(third century a n .) (third century a . n .) — Sam m atiya
— §annagarika

fourth schism fiflh schism

Mahtiasaka- D harm ag up tak a
(third ccntury a . n .) (third century a . n . )

sixth schism
KaiyapFya or Suvarjaka
(third century a .s.)

seventh schism
Sautrantika or Sahkrantika
( b e g i n n i n g o f fourth c c n t u r y a n ,)

p itte d before ASoka ascen ded the throne. A soka w o u ld th u s have

reigned d u rin g tht height o f sectarian B u d d h ism . The A sokan edicts,
however* give little evidence rhat ASoka ruled d u r i n g a period w hen
B u d d h ism was fiercely sectarian .
A c c o rd in g (o the Dipavamsa a n d Kiahdvamsa, the first schism o ccu rred
w h en the M aha& trighika ( M a h a s a n g itik a o r M a h a sa n g h ik a Vajjiput-
tp k a ) School s^v c rise to the G o k u lik a (called the K a u k u ;ik a in th e
Samaya; the SaWtaya eq u iv alen t is given in p a re n th e se s for th e next feiv
p a r a g ra p h s ) a n d the E kavy oh arik a (E k a v y a v a h a rik a ) schools. In a sec^
o n d schism , the Pafinati ( P ra jn a p tiv a d in ) a n d B&hussutaka (B a h u s m -
tfya) schools broke aw ay from th e G o k ulik a School (A cco rd in g to the
Samaya, all four o f (he above schools Spill aw ay from (he M ah a'iah g h ik a
School.) N ex t, th e G e tiy a v a d a (C aitik a) School arose. A cco rd in g to the
Dipavamsa, it b ro k e away fro m the M a h a s a n g h ik a School; but in the
Mafiatrtrtisa, it is said ro h a v e arisen from th e Pafinari a n d B ah u ssu tak a
schools. A total o f six schools (in clu din g the M a h a sa n g h ik a ) is m e n ­
tioned in this scries o f schisms.
T h e later schisms in the schools o f [he T h e r a v a d a (S th av ira) lineage
h r gill wilh the form al inn o f [he M a him sasaka (M a h is a sa k a ) a n d Vajji-
p u tta k a (V atsipu triya) schools out o f the T h e r a v a d a School. N ex t, four
schools— the D h a in m u ta r iy a ( D h a rn iu tta rty a ), B h a d ra y a n ik a (Bha-
d r a y a n ly a ), C h a n d a g a r ik a ( 5 a o n a gflrik a)p a n d S aip ra itly a (S a m m a tly a )
- - a r o s e out o f th e V ajjip u ttak a School, T h e S a b b a lth a v a d a (Sarvas-
rivada) a n d D h a m m a g u ttik a ( D h a r m a g u p ta k a ) schools w ere th en
fo rm ed out o f th e M a h im s a s a k a (M a h is a sa k a ) School- (T h e 5dma>'a, on
[he o th er h a n d , m ain tain s that btith [he M ah isa sa k a a n d the VaiSJpU*
trly a arose from [he S a rv a stiv a d a .) T h u s , the S a rv a stiv a d in School is
p o rtra y e d as o n e o f the oldest schools in the Samaya, b u t as a m ore
recent school in th e Sri L a n k a n chronicles. In b o th traditions, the Vatsi-
p u triy a is said to have been th e suurcc for four later schools including
ihe Sam m atTya a n d D h a rm o ita riy a . Finally, acco rdin g to ihe Sri
L a n k a n chronicles, the S a b b a tth a v a d a gave rise to the fCassapiya
(K a sy a p iy a ) S ch o n ^ w hich in lu rn gave rise to the S arikantika (Saii-
k ran tik a) School. I"he S u tta v a d a ( S a u tra n tik a ) School later b ro k e away
from th e S a h k r a m ik a . (In the Samaya the last th ree schools are said to
have split aw ay from the S arv astiv ad in S cho ol.)
In [he above a c c o u n t, the T h e r a v a d a a n d o th e r schools o f its lineage
total twelve. W h e n these twelve arc added to th e six schools from the
M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage, (hey totaJ eighteen schools. T h e freq u en t m e n ­
tion o f ' ‘eig hteen schools” in v a rio u s sources p ro b ab ly in d ira te s lhal at
one tim e eigh teen schools did* in lac[h exist. A ccording to [he Sri
L a n k a n chro nicles, the eig hteen schools w ere form ed d u r in g the second
c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th . O cher schools a p p e a re d later, h o w ­
ever. T h e Dipai-amm lists the following six schools without identifying
the schools from w hich th ey arose: H e m a v a tik a ( H a im a v a ta ) , Rajagi-
riya, S id d h a tth a k a . P itbb aseliya, A p araseliy a (A p arasaila), a n d A para-
rajag irlk a. In the Samaya, the H n im a v a ta is identified with the S th a v ira
School form ed at th e tim e o f th e initial schism , a n d is thus one o f the
oldest schools. I n the Mahdvamsa, in co ntrast, it is listed as a later school.
T h e A p araseliy a School is included in [he schools th at d ev eloped out of
the M zihasuhghika S chool, according to the Samaya. i n B u d d h a g h o s a 's
c o m m e n ta ry on the Kalhatxitthu, four schools a re callcd " A n d h a k a
schools"1: the Pubbaseliya, Aparaseliya, R ljagiriya, and Siddhatthaka.
They seem to have been i elated to the Mahasanghika School.
In the Aftihrit'amia’» list nf e3]t- .six later schools, the A p a ra riija g in k a
School is rep laced by the Vajiriya School, In a d d itio n , the D h a m m a r u c i
a n d Sagaliya schools* w hich broke aw ay from the Sri L a n k a n T h c ra v a -
d a School, a rc also m e n tio n e d . T h e schisms ac c o rd in g to the Sri
L a n k a n th r a n ic lc s a re d ia g r a m e d in F ig u re 3.
As has been n oted , the precedin g two acco u n ts o f the schisms in rhe
B u d d h ist prefers differ in several im p o ita n t ways, T h t accou nt o f the
origins o f the S arv astiv ad in Schnol found in the Sri L a n k a n chronicJci is
p ro b ab ly correct. T h e areas o f ag reem en t in the acco u n ts presen ted by
(he iw o tra d itio n s pro vide u$ with at least a general view o f (he o r d e r o f
the schisms.
T h e n a m e s o f a n u m b e r o f schools n o t found in th e above two
a c c o u n ts art" know n. A n d re Bareau has com piled tht' n a m e s o f thirty*
(bur schools from literary sources an d From inscriptions reco rd in g gifts
madr: to v ario u s orders. Below is a list oI schools that follows the spelling
given by B a r c a u .1

1. M a h a sa n g h ik a 20. S arv astiv ad in

2. L o k o tta ra v a d in V aib h asik a
3, E k a v y a v a h a rik a 21. M u lasarv ax tiv ad in
4. G ok ulik a 22. S a u tra n tik a
o r K u k k u jik a o r S a rik ran tiv ad in
5. B ah u sru tiy a 23. D af$ tantik a
6. P ta jn a p iiv a d in 24. V ib h a jy a v a d in (Sri
7, C a ih y a L a n k a n T h e ra v a d a Sch
o r C a itik a 25. MahTsasaka
8. A ndhaka 26. D h a r m a g u p la k a
9. P u rvasaila 27. K asyapiya
o r U ltarasaila o r S u v arsak a
10. A parasaila 28. T a m ra s a tiy a
11. K ajagiriya (Sri L a n k a n School)
12. S id d h a rth ik a 29. M a h a v ih a rn Sect o f the
13. S th a v ira T h e r a v a d in School
14. H a im a v a ta 30. Abhayagiriva.'iin
15. VatsTputriya o r D h a m m a ru c ik a
16. S a m m a tiy a 31. J c ta v a n ty a
17. D h a r m o tta riy a o r Sagalika
18. B h ad ray an iy a 32. H etuv& din
19. S a n n a g a rik a 33. U i ta r a p a th a k a
o r $ a n d a g iriy a 34. V etullaka
 Figure 3 . Schools of N ikaya Buddhism according
to Theravada Sources

Schooli of the Mahuadghika lineage

(relation of traditional si* school vindicated by solid lines; dotted lines indicate
additional schisim)

Bahussuiaka (Bahulika)
— Gokulika
C Pannativada
Mahasanghika —

— Ekavyoharika
Rajagiriya
— Cciiyavjda
Siddhatthaka

Pubbaseliya
(Andhaka schools)------
Aparaseliya

Apararajagirika (Vajiriya)

Schools of the Theriivada lineage

(rrlaciun uf traditional twelve schools indicated by solid lines; ducted lines
indicate additional schisms)

— Mahirnsasaka-—t— Sabbmihavada----- Kassaptya

Theravada —
T Dhammagutiika Saiikantika
1
Suttavada
■D h a m m u tla r iy a

— Bhadrayanika
— V ajjiputiaka^—
— Chafldagarika

—S^nimifiya

—Hcm avata

I— Dhammaruci

Sag ally a
 Sources for the S tu d y o f th t Sch ism s

In [he Sri l . a n b n tradition, the m a j o r sources for the study o f thr

schisms are such works as [he Dfpavajnsa, the .\fahdramsa, ami liutl-
dha ghu sa's K atM vatihu-QUhakathd A key sou rc e in ihe Sarvastivadin t r a ­
dition, V a s u m i t r a hs Samayabhedoparacanacakra (tiled as Samaya), survives
in three C h in e s e translations ( 7 ' 2 (J 31 - 2 0 3 3 ) and a T i b e t a n translation
( P ek in g no. 563 9), T h e above works are the mosl im portant so ur ce s for
t h e s t u d y o f the schisms o f Nikaya Bu dd hism . In addition, iwo Ch in e se
translations o f Indian texts, the W cn-fhu-shih-h usen chmg ( T 4 6 B , M an-
jufriparipfech a ? ) anti the She-h-fu wen thing ( T I 4 6 5 t Sdripiitrapariprcchd?),
are useful. I h e sixth pari o f [he third fascicle uf S e n g - y u ’ s Ch'u. jaft-
ts'ang-chi chi ( T 2 J 4 5 ) includes a valuable disrussion o f the schisms that
focuses on (he positions o f the five schools whose full vinayas were
translated into Chin es e. T h i s account was influential in C hinese B u d ­
dhis m.
T h e following sources in T i b r t a n are alsn impor ta nt : B h a v y a ' s Sde pn
tha-dad-par byed-pa dan rnam-par bsad-pa ( P ek in g no. 5 6 4 0 , Ahkdyabhe-
davibhanga-vyakhyana) , V ini lad eva 1s Gsb an tha- dad-pa rim -pat klog-ptih i
hkhor-to-las fd e p a tha-dadpa hat an pu b id a sp a ( P ek in g no. 564 I „ .S’ dttKzya-
bhedoparacauacakre nikaya-bhedopadesana-sarigraha), and the D ge-ttfiul'gyi
dan-pohi to dn-ha ( P ek in g no. 5 6 3 4 , SramayeTa-varidgia-pTccha}.
In H h a v y a s Nikdyahhedavibhanga-vydkhydria various theories c o n c e r n ­
ing the schisms o f Nikaya B u d d h i s m are p r e t e s t e d , including accounts
from the S lh a v ir a , M a h a s a n g h i k a , and S a m m a l t y a schools. According
to a S t h a v i r a legend, A so ka ascended the th rone 160 years afier the
Buddha’ s deaih. S a m m a r i y a traditions m ai nta in ed that the initial
schism be tween the S t h a v ir a and M a h a s a n g h ik a schools o ccu rr ed I97
years afrer rhe B u d d h a 's death Dissension co ntinued for the next s m y -
th ree years, with the llrst schisms in (he M a h a s a n g h i k a School occu r­
ring during lhal lime. S o m e mo de rn scholars regard [he da le o f 137
years after the B u d d h a 's death for ihe in ilia] schism as reliable. Bareau
h a s argued that (he acco un t in VinTtadeva’ s wnrk represents (he Mul»-
sarvaslivadin position, A n u m b e r o f theories are also presented in
T a r a n a t h a ' i history o f Ind ian Bu dd his m. However, since the works by
B h av y a and others ihat have survived in the T i b e t a n tradition were
co mp ile d during or after the sixth century, long after the schisms had
oc cu rred , their value as historical sources for the schisms is diminished.
O t h e r later sources with info rmation on the schisms arc the M ahdiyut-
p atti { e n tr y nO, 2 7 5 } and l-ch ing 's N an~ kaichi-ktm nri-Jn chuon ( T 2 J 2 5, A
Record o j the Buddhist Religion as Practiced nr In d ia and tht M alay A rchi­
pelago).*
 I n m o s l o f t h e s e w o r k s , i h e in it ia l s c h Lsni is s a i d t o h a v e r e s u l t e d in
t h e f o r m a t i o n o f t w o s c h o o ls . H o w e v e r , t h e o r i e s al so ex is t t h a t m a i n t a i n
l h a l t h e in it ia l s c h i s m r e s u l t e d in t h r e e ( S t h a v i r a , M a h a s a n g h i k a , ai u l
V j b h a j y a v a d i n ) n r f o u r s c h o o l s ( c i t h e r rh e M a h a s a n g h i k a , S a n / a s l i v a -
d i n , V a t s t p u i r i y a . a n d H a l m a v a t a s ch o o ls o r i h e M a h a s a n g h i k a . S a r -
v a s t i v a d i n , T h e r a v a d a , a n d S a m m a t i y a sch oo ls) , h i t h e M a h a v y u tp a tli
t h e f o u r b a s t e s c h o o ls a r e list ed as (h e S a r v a s t i v a d i n , S a m m a f t y a ,
M a h a s a n g h i k a , a n d T h e r a v a d a . l - c h i n g li ste d t h e M a h a s a n g h i k a ,
I h e r a v a d a . M u l a s a r v a s t i v a d i n , a n d S a m m a t i y a s c h o o ls as t h e f o u r
b a s t e s c h o o l s ( 7 ' 5 4 : 2 0 5 b ) , H o w e v e r , in s o m e sutras a n d sdstr&i, a triaaye
t r a d i t i o n s i n g l i n g o u t t h e f o l l o w i n g live s c h o o ls f o r s pe ci a l e m p h a s i s is
m e n tio n e d : D h a r m a g u p t a k a h S a rv a stiv a d in , Kafiyapiya, M ah Jsa sa k a,
arid V a i s i p u t r l y a {it* s o m e lisis, the M a h a s a n g h i k a S c h o o l r e p l a c e s t h e
V atstpuiriya), H s u a m t s a n g m e n t i o n e d s u c h a vinaya t r a d i t i o n in his
travel diary ( 7 ’ 5 1 :882b).
To summarize, the first or initial schism resulted in two schools: the
Sthavira and the Mahas an ghika, After a n u m b e r of further schisms,
four schools emerged as the most powerful ones o f iheir time: the Maha-
n n g h i k a , T h e r a v a d a , Sarvastivadin, an d Sammaiiya. Later, the Sam*
matiya School b c ta m e particularly strong, as is indicated by the entries
in the travel records of Fa-hsien and Hsiian-tsang.
Ln the discussions of Buddhism found in Rrahmanical philosophical
lexis, ihe M a h a y a n a M a d h yam ik a and Yogacara schools and the
Nikaya Buddhist Vatbhaftka (Sarvastivadin) and Sautrantika schools
are often mentioned. Later, in Sankara's (eighth century) Brahma ultra'
bhasya (II. 2. lfl), three schools are discussed: Sarvastitvavadin (Sar-
vastivodtn), V ijnanasTitvavadin (Yogacara), and ftarvasnnyarvavadin
(M ad h yam ik a). According to scholars, the Sautrantika School was
included in the S arv astitv avad in category by Sankara. Later Vedanta
thinkers regarded S an kara 's philosophy as the high point of Indian phih
tMophy and ranked other schools nf thought below it in a hierarchical
fashion. For example, in works such as the Sawamata-snrigmha, Sdrvasid-
dhflntQ-fangTaha (attributed to Sankara), M a d h a v a ’s (fourteenth century)
StiTiddarsana-iangraha, and Madhusuclana Sarasvatl's (fificemh or *ix-
teentit century) 1'iahthdnabheda, the tnaterialist Lokayata tradition is
ranked the lowest. Directly above it is Buddhism (Battddha) and rhen
Jainism. Four traditions are listed u n d e r Buddhism: the M a dhyam ika,
Vogicara, S autrantik a, and Vstibhagika. T h u s ihe Sautrantika and Sar-
vastivadin schools were viewed as being representative o f H In ay ana
Buddhism.
Vedanta scholars probably chose these four schools of Buddhism
because ihey represented a variety of positions anti could be presumed
in a d ia g ra m m a tic fashion. T h e S a rv astiv ad in s w ere said to reg ard ihe
e x te rn a l w orld as real (bdhydrtha-pratyahatva). S a u tra n tik a s were
said ro regard the ex ternal world as h av in g only an in sta n ta n e o u s exis-
tence a n d limn to h av e a rg u e d th at its existence could be recognized
only th rou gh inference (bdhydrthantimeyatua). T h t Ytigiicarins were said
to recognize only consciousness eis existing a n d to d en y ihe existence
of the external w orld (bdhydrthaiunyeioa). Finally, the M stdhyam ikas
claim ed that hoth subjcci a n d objeer were toon su b stan tial (sart'asunyatva).

Later Developments in N i k a y a Buddhism

O n c e B ud d h ism had sp read t h ro u g h India d u r in g K ing A so k a’s reign,

il c o n tin u e d to develop, i n the initial schism betw een M ah asan g ltik as
an d Sthavira*; m ost o f the m on ks w ho s u p p o rte d the ad o p tio n o f ihe ten
item s of m on astic discipline in d ispute had been associated with the
Vrjis (V a[jipultaka) o f Vaisali in cen tral In d ia , they h a d conslitu ted (he
nucleus o f lhe M a h a s a n g h ik a Order. C onsequently, after the schism, ihe
M a h a s a n g h ik a * b e c a m e p articu larly influential in central India.
In f o o tr a s i, ihe m o nk s w ho opposed (he ten items h a d been from
Avanti in w estern In d ia a n d from along the S o u th e rn R o u te . Conse*
qu eatly , the S lh a v n a o r d e r was more- influential in w eilern India. Aso-
kti's son M a h in d a is tra d itio n ally crcdiied with introduc ing T h e r a v a d a
Ruddln^m lo Sri L a n k a. M a h m d a ’s m o th e r was from V idisa m U y a y in i
along rhe S o u th e rn Routed M a h in d a assem bled the m aterials for his
jo u rn e y in w estern In d ia a n d set out from th e west coast by ship. T h e
Pali lan g u a g e closely resem bles the lan g u ag e found on inscriptions at
G u n a r . All ol this evidence suggests that the S th a v ira o rd er w as cen­
tered in w estern India.
S arv astiv ad in works lead lo .similar conclusions co n cern in g th e geo-
graphical d istrib u tio n of the tw o schools. A cco rd in g to fascicle y(J o f the
Mahdvibkam ( T 2 7 : 5 1 0a~ 5l2a), the dispute o v e r the five issues that
M a h a d e v a raised o ccu rred d u rin g Asoka's reign AftcT the S th av ira
m onks w ere defeated in th e d e b a te by the g r e a te r n u m b e r o f M ah a-
sahghika m o nk s a n d expelled from the K u k k u ta r a m a m o n a ste ry (eslab-
lished in P lfa lip tttr a by A lo k a ), they wont ro K a s h m ir A cco rd in g ro the
A-yil-wang thing ( 7 ’ 5 0 :1 5 5 c - 15£a, AfokarajariUrv?)* U p a g u p ta esta b ­
lished B ud d h ism in M a th u r a , a n d M a d h y a m ik a csiablishoiJ it in
K a s h m ir. T h e s e tra d itio n s agree wilh the fact thai K a s h m ir later
b e c a m e a stron gh old o f ihe S arv astiv ad in School. T h e great wealth ihe
5arv&£tiv£duiS a c cu m u lated in K a s h m ir e n a b le d th r school to d ev elo p a
d etailed abhidharma philosophy.
 T h u » , ihe S ih av ira School was influential in the w estern a n d n o r th ’
ern p a n s o f In d ia , while ihe M a h a s a n g h ik a School was d o m in a n t tn the
c e n tra l a n d s o u th e rn parts of Ind ia, M a n y in scrip tio n s c o n cern in g the
M a h a sa n g h ik a School have been discovered in s o u th e rn Tndia, In gen-
era I, how ever, t h t M a h a s a n g h ik a tra d itio n w as w eaker th an the
S th a v ira tra d itio n . T h e n a m e s of m a n y schools b elo ng ing to the
S th av ira tra d itio n , such as the S arv astiv ad in , T h e r a v a d a , a n d S am m a-
liy;*, art- well know n. In c o n tra st, o utside o f the M a h a sa n g h ik a School
itself, the n a m e s o f relatively few schools from th e M a h a s a n g h ik a lin ­
eage a re well know n. In a d d itio n , m an y w orks belonging to schools o f
the S th a v ira trad itio n hav e su rv iv ed 1 but only the Mahai/oi(ur a b io g r a ­
phy o f the B u d d h a from ih e L p k o u a r a v i d i n School, a n d two o r three
o th er w orks from schools in the M a h a sa n g h ik a trad itio n are ex tan t.
M a n y q f the la te r schisms in N ikaya B u d d h is m o ccu rred d u rin g the
second ccn lu ry ft.c.K. T h e reasons for the schisms are nut clear. N n r is it
know n w here m ost o f the “ eighteen schools'' w ere located. A lthough
M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism h a d arisen by the first cen tu ry B . c . t ^ N ikaya
B u d d h is m did noi d c d t n e Instead , b o th N ikaya a n d M a h a y a n a B u d ­
d h is m llourished d u rin g the n e s t few centuries, i n fact* N ikaya B u d ­
d h is m was the larg er o f the tw o m ovem ents.
M a n y scholars have arg u e d that M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism arose from the
M a h a sa n g h ik a School- The M a h a s a n i'lu k a Schno! was nut, however,
ah so rh e d by M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism ' it c o n tin u e d to exist lo n g alter
M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m dev elop ed . E v en d u rin g I-c h in g ’s (t>35-7 I J ) tra v ­
els, it was co u n ted a m o n g th e four m ost pow erful Buddhisi o rd e rs in
India.
T h e re are relatively few m ateria ls ex tan t re g a rd in g the later d ev elo p ­
m e n t o f N ik a y a B u d d h ism . T h e travel records o f C h in ese pilgrim s to
ln d j ‘1 a re p articu larly v ^ tu a b lr in this nCspeet. I'a-h&icri left CbiiM in
3^9. In his travel record, the F b-km chi ( T 2 0 B 5 ) , he m en tio n ed ihree
classification* o f m onasteries: H in a y a n a m o n asteries, M a h a y a n a m a n -
astcries, a n d m onasteries in which bo th H in a y a n a and M a h a y a n a
teachings w ere stu died. F o r ex am p le, accord ing lo t ’a-h sien 's diary,
three th o u sa n d m o nk s in rhe c o u n try o f Lo-i ( R o h i o r Lakki) in N o rth
In d ia stud ied both H i n a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a teachings, a n d three thou-
sand m o nk s in P a - n a (B arm u o r R a r m u ) stu died H in a y a n a teachings.
Because F a-h sien 's d iary is only one fascicle long, the entries are not
d etailed , but he does in dicate that n in e c o u n trie s w ere H m a y a m s l,
ihree w ere M ah& yanist, a n d three were b o th H ln a y a n ist a n d M a h a y a -
nist. In ad d itio n h he m e n tio n e d m o re th an tw enty o th er c o u n trie s w here
B uddhism was practiced (alth o u g h he did not identify the ty p e o f B u d ­
d hism followed). W hile F a listen gives us some idea o f B u d d h ism in
fifth -century I n d ia , hi' did nut reru rd the n a m e s (if t h t schunls in the
v ario u s p a rts o f In d ia he visited, M a n y aspects o f o u r view o f In d ia n
B ud d h ism at th a t tim e m u st therefo re re m a in vague.
T h e n ex t significant travel d iary was w ritten by H s u a n -ts a n g (6 0 2 -
f>64), w ho left C h in a Ibr In d ia in 629. H is travel record, the H fi-yu thi
( T 2087, Buddhist Records o f the Western Worid)t is a d etailed rep o rt of
Endian B ud d h ism in t h r scvenlh century. T h e do ctrin al affiliations of
n in ety -n in e areas w ere reco rd ed . O f these* sixty w ere H inayana*
tw en ty -fo u r M a h a y a n a , a n d fifteen were places in which both H i n a y a ­
n a and M a h a y a n a teach ing s w ere followed. O f rhe sixty areas where
H in a y a n a teachings w ere followed, fourteen w ere S arv astiv ad in , n in e '
teen w ere S a m m a tiy a , two w ere T h e r a v a d a , th ree w ere M a h a sa n g h ik a f
o n e was L o k k o ta ra v a d in , five w ere M a h a y a n a - T h e r a v a d a h a n d sixteen
w ere only said to by H in a y a n is t w ith no fu rth er inform ation supplied.
T h e ahove n u m b e rs suggest that in the first h a lf o f the seventh c e n ’
tu ry h the H i n a y a n a o rd e rs w ere very influential in In d ia . T h e S a rv a sti­
vadin a n d S a rn m a iiy a schools w ere especially powerful. T h e o n ly mcn^
tions o f schools o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage w ere ihe th re e locations
w here th e M a h a sa n g h ik a School itself was followed a n d the single placc
idenrified as L o k o n a ra v a d in .
W h en H s iia n -tsa n g m e n tio n e d five places th at followed the M a h a y a -
n a - T h e r a v a d a School, he was p ro b ab ly referring ro a b ra n c h o f the Srt
L a n k a n T h e r a v a d a School th at h a d ado pted m a n y elem en ts o f M a h a ­
yana th o u g h t ( T 51 918b, 929a, 934a, 935c* 936e) In th e seventh cen-
tury. there were tw o m a in b ran ch es o f Sri L a n k a n B u d d h ism : (he
M a h a v ih a ra -v a s in , w hich represen ted [he ortho do x T h e r a v a d a School,
traditio nally said to have been b ro u g h t to Sri L a n k a by M a h in d a ; an d
t h t A b h ay ag iri-v ih ara-v asin , w hich ad o p ted m a n y elem en ts o f [he
V tuulyaka b ra n c h o f M a h a y a n a teachings. W h e n F a-hsien traveled to
Sri L a n k a in 41Gf he rep o rted th at Etye th o u s a n d m o nk s belonged to the
A b h ay ag iri-v ih ara-v asin , th re e th o u san d to the M a h a v ih a ra -v a s in , an d
tw o th o u sa n d to the C e tiy a p a b b a ta v jh a ra . W h ile he was in Sri L a n k a ,
F a-hsien o b ta in e d a n u m b e r o f tejtts of the M ahifiasaka School, in clu d ­
ing its Vinaya, C h ’ang a-han (c o rresp o n d in g to th e Pali Dtgha-nikaya), Tsa
a-tmn (co rresp o n d in g to th e Pali Khuddaka-nikiiya), a n d the Tsa~tsang ( T
7 4 5 r Kstidrakasutra). H s u a n -ts a n g was u n a b le to go to Sri L a n k a because
o f wars on th e island d u rin g the tim e he w as in ilndia, However* he did
note th at “ the M a h a v ih a ra -v a s in reject th e M a h a y a n a a n d p ractice the
H in a y a n a , while the A b h ay ag irt-v ih ara-v asin study both H in a y a n a an d
M a h ^ y ^ n a te a th m g s a n d p ro p a g a te (he Tripitaka'7 [ T 51:934b). T h u s
H s iia n -tsa n g p ro b ab ly called th e A b h ay ag iri-v ih ara-v asin a M a h a y a n a -
T h e r a v a d a g ro u p because they followed some M a h a y a n a teachings
while relying p rim arily on T h e r a v a d a teachings.
By the tim e o f H s u a n 't s a n g h In d ian B ud d h ism was already b e g in n in g
to decline, Hsuum [tiding described the general scare o f B u d d h ism at
G a n d h a r a w h en he w rote th at its stupa-i were largely ‘‘o v erg ro w n
ruins/* Also,, “ alth o u g h there were over one th o u sa n d m onasteries,
(hey w ere d ila p id a te d a n d deserted ruins, o v erg ro w n with weeds. T h e re
w ere also n in n y tem p les belon gin g ro no n -B u d d h ist relig io n s” ( T
5 1 :379c). H is description reveals fu rth e r th at H in d u is m was gradu ally
g ain in g in stren gth .
A lthough the S arv astiv ad in School h a d been rhe strongest school of
N ik ay a B u d d h is m , by H siia n -isa n g 's tim e the S a m m a tiy a Schuol h ad
b eco m e the m ost influential. F o r ex am p le, inscription* from S a rn a th
reveal th at a lth o u g h the m o n a ste ry at the D eer P ark had belonged to the
S arv astiv ad in School d u r in g the K u$aua dynasty, by the fo u rth cen tu ry
ii was cun trolled by rhe S a m m a tiy a School. O n e o f the m a in reasons for
this ch an g e m ay have been th at the S a m m a tiy a School's affirm ation of a
“ p e rs o n " (pudgala) was closer to the H in d u d o ctrin e o f Self (dtman) th an
ii w as tu the dharma theory o f th e S arv aa[ivadin S chool.
W h e n I*ching trav eled to In d ia in 67 I , he spent m ost o f his tim e
stud yin g at the great B u d dh isi u n iv ersity at N a la n d a . A ccording to his
travel diary, Non-hat chi-kuei nei-fa chuan ( T 2 125, A Record o f the Buddhist
Religion as Practiced in India and tht Malay Aichiptlago)y the distinction
b etw een H i n a y a n a and M a h a y a n a m o nk s was nor very clear. Both
ob serv ed th e 250 11H i n a y a n a " p re c e p ts a n d practiced in acco rd an ce
with the F o u r N oble T ru th s . T h o s e w ho read M a h a y a n a texts a n d w o r­
sh ip ped b o d h isa ttv a s were M a h a y a n ists , while those w h o did not do
eith e r were H m ay am S ts ( 7 ’54:2U5eJ. A m o n g the M ahay an ists* only the
M a d h y a m ik a a n d Yogacara schools were m e n tio n e d . I-r h in g generally
em p h a s iz e d the w ay M a h a y a jia a n d H i n a y a n a practices w ere m ixed.
I-chin g described H i n a y a n a Buddhism as b e in g d o m in a te d by
the M ahasahghika^ T h e r a v a d a , M u la s a rv a stiv a d in , a n d S a m m a tiy a
schools. In M a g a d h a all four schools w ere p racticed, a lth o u g h the Sar-
v asiiv ad in School w as partic u la rly strong. In S in d h a n d L o -c h 'a ( S a n ­
skrit n am e u n k n o w n ) in w estern India* th e S a m m a tiy a School was
d o m in a n t, alth o u g h the orher ihree w ere presen t to a lesser e x ten t. In
s o u th e rn I n d ia , the T h e r a v a d a School was pow erful a n d the o th e r
schools h a d only a m in o r presence. Sri L a n k a was com pletely d o m i­
nated by th e T h e r a v a d a School, a n d th e M a h a s a n g h ik a School h ad
w ith d ra w n from the island. In eastern In d ia , all four schools were
p resent. S outheast Asia w as d o m in a te d by the M u la s a rv a stiv a d in
School, w ith the S a m m a tiy a School m a in ta in in g a small presence. O n ly
M o-lo-y u (rhe M a la y p en in su la? ) exhibited M a h a y a n a influence.
T h e travel records cited above indicate th at In d ia n B u d d h ism in the
sixth a n d seventh cen tu ries w as d o m in a te d by the S arv astiv ad in , S am -
m a tiy a , a n d T h e r a v a d a schcjnls. W h e n H su an-t sang visited I n d ia , he
no ted the existence o f S arv asiiv ad in s, b u t m ad e no m e n tio n o f the
M u la sa rv a stiv a d in s, FL!'(y years later. I-chin^ n y [ t j [he existence o f the
M u la sa rv a stiv a d in s, bur did not m en tio n th e S arv astivadin 3 T h e term
''MuEftStuvBStivatfin” occurs p rim arily in sources from tht1 T ib e ta n
tra d itio n , such as the w orks o f flhavya a n d T i r a n J tt i f t a n d th e fatehauyul'
p a th I "he differences b etw een the two te rm s a n d the reasons th ey c a m e
to be used are not co m pletely d e a r . H ow ever, the distinction was p r o b a ­
bly m ad e w h en [he S a rv astiv ad in School in central In d ia d ra m a iiz e d its
differences with the school in K a s h m ir by ta ilin g itself the M u lasarv as-
tivadin S ch oo h
Sarvastivfidin teachings are said to hav e been passed alon g a lineage
consisting o f M d h a k h A y a p , A n a n d a , S a n ak av asi, U p a g u p ta , ^n d so
forth. Both S an ak av asf a n d U p a g u p ta fived in M a th u r a . U p a g u p ta
received K in g A so ka's p a tro n a g e ; M a d h y a n tik a . an able disciple of
S an ak av asi, established the school in K ash m ir. H ow ever, M a d h y a n tik a
was not listed in (he lineages o f the school. For ex am p le, a b io g ra p h y of
A soka (A-yU-waag chuan; T 5 0 : 121a, 126a) includes the following lin ­
eage: M a h a k a sy a p a , A n a n d a , SnnakavasT, U p a g u p ta , anti D hltika.
T h e sam e lineage is found in the fortieth fascicle o f the Ktn-ptnrsh uc-t-
ch ’ifh'yu'pu p ’i-na-yeh tsa-sftiA ( T 24:41 lb ), a w ork c o n ta in in g m iscellane­
ous in fo rm atio n on the M u la s a rv a stiv a d in vinaya, in d icatin g that the
lineage was accepted by rhe M u la sa rv a stiv a d in s. Tn c o n tra st, in a n o th e r
w ork on A soka, the seventh fascicle of the A-yH-wang cfiing ( T 50: 152t'),
the following lineage was inclu d ed: M a h a k a s y a p a , A n a n d a , M a d h y a n -
(ika. Sfmakavasi, a n d U p a g u p t a M a d h y a n tik a was probably inserted
in the lineage h e the insistence o f lh<r S arv astiv ad in s t i f K ashm ir. The
central In d ia n S arv astiv ad in s did not accept the lineage, how ever.
L ater, w h en the p o w er o f the K a s h m ir schuol declined, the central
I n d ia n school asserted its claim s to p re e m in e n c e by calling itself [he
M u la s a rv a stiv a d in School.

T h e T h e r a v a d a T ra d itio n of Sri L a n k a

T he island o f Sri L a n k a, off the s o u th e rn tip o f India, has an area of

a p p ro x im a te ly 25,000 s q u a re miles an d a p o p u la tio n o f th irteen million
people, in th e past, it has been called T a m b a p a n n l . Sirphala, Lahka-
d tpa. a n d C eylon. T h e ra v a d a B ud dh ism is practiced by m a n y o f the
inhabitants* a trad itio n [hat is also followed in T h a ila n d , B u rm a, Laos,
an d C a m b o d ia .
B ud d h ism was first b ro u g h t to Sri L a n k a by A so k a’s son M a h in d a ,
four o th er m o n k s, a n d M a h in d a 's servants. T h e king ol Sri L an k a,
D ev a n a m p iy a i ijlft, h a d a Idmplc to n slru clctJ tn [he capital city nf
A n u r a d h a p u r a for M a h in d a a n d his followers to practice in. T h e tem ple
was Jater called the M a h a v ih a r a an d b ecam e (he base for (he M ahavi*
h&raviutn sect in Srt L a n k a . T h e O t i y a p a b h a t a v i h a r a m o n a ste ry was
built in M ih in ta ie . the purl at which M a h in d a h a d arrived. M a h in d a s
y o u n g e r sister, the n u n S a h g h a m itta , also w ent to Sri Lanka. She
b ro u g h t a t u t t i n g from the b td h i- tm a n d established the o rd er o f n u n s
on th e island B ud d h ism su b seq u en tly flourished on Sri L a n k a, wilh
m a n y m on ks a n d n u n s jo in in g th e o rd er a n d w ith im perial su p p o rt c o n ­
trib u tin g to [he co n stru ctio n o f m on asteries.
Tht construction of the Abhayagiri-vihara in the first century n.c.c.
is especially noteworthy, since this monastery became the base fur a see-
ond major sect of Theravada Buddhism in Sri Lanka The stroggle
between the monks of the Abhayagiri-vihara and the monks of tht
Mahavihara continued to influence Sri Lankan religious history for the
next several centuries. In 4 4 ti.O.li,, Yaltagamani Abhaya became king
of Sri Lanka; however, he was forced to flee shortly thereafter by the
Tamils. Fifteen years later he refined the throne and ruled for twelve
years {Ji 9 - I 7 b.c.k.), In 2 3 b.c.e, he had the Abhayagiri monastery
built and presented it to rhe elder Mahatissa—whom the Mahavihara
monks had previously expelled from their monastery. When Mahatissa
wen I to reside in the Abhayagiri monastery, he was accompanied by a
number of munks from the Mahavihara, thus leading to a split between
the two groups.
D u r in g [he reign o f V a ^ a g a m a n i A b h ay a, ihe B uddhist c a n o n , which
had trad ition ally been tra n sm itte d th ro u g h m em o riza tio n and recita­
tio n , was finally w ritten d o w n . Five h u n d r e d m o n k s from [he M a h a v i­
h a r a sect p artic ip a te d in the copying sessions. T h e y did not receive any
assistance from the king since he su p p o rted the A bh ay agiri sect. T h e
m onks w ould recite th e w orks they had m e m o riz e d a n d o th e r m onks
w ould th en verify their accuracy. Next, the recitations w ere edited an d
w ritten d o w n . At this tim e, the Canon consisted o f the Tripilaka (sutra,
vinaya, a n d abhidharma) a n d co m m en tarie s. T h e decision to put the
c a n o n into w ritten form was a m ajo r step En a r riv in g at a definite f o r m u ­
lation o f its co n ten ts.
M ean w h ile, the A b h a y a g iri sect had w elcom ed a n eld er o f (he Vajji-
p u tta k a School in In d ia n a m e d D h a m m a ru c i a n d his disciples to their
m onastery. T h e A bh ayagiri sect is co n seq uently som etim es know n as
the D h a m m a r u c i sect. D u r in g * u h sc q u rm years, the A h hay ag iri seel
m a in ta in e d close relations with In d ia n B uddhists a n d ad o p ted m an y
new teach in gs from In d ia In co n trast, the M a h a v ih a ra sccr ha $ carc-
 fully m a in ta in e d the V ib h a jja v a d a trad ition oil T h e r a v a d a B ud dh ism
u ntil the present day.
D u rin g the reign o f V oharika Tissa (2 6 9 -2 9 1 ), a n u m b e r o f In d ia n
a d h e re n ts o f the; V etultavada sect o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism c a m e to Sri
L a n k a a n d w ere allowed to stay ai the A b h ay ag iri-v ih ara by the m onks;
but the king quickly expelled th e In d ia n m o nk s from Sri L a n k a T h e
V etuJlavada monk* la te r reasserted their influence at thf* A hhayagiri-
v ihara. In protest, a g ro u p o f m onks from A bh ay agiri left rhe m onas-
lery a n d established a th ird sect at D ak k h ip ag iri d u r in g rhe reign of
GofhaEihaya (3 0 9 -3 2 2 ). This g ro u p , k n o w n as the S ag aliya seel, w as
Associated w ith the J c t a v a n a m onastery. K in g G o fh a b h a y a h a d sixty of
th e V ctullavada m on ks arrested , expelled from the o rd e r, a n d d epo rted
to India. L a te r, K in g M zthascna ( r 334-361} suppressed the M a h a v i h a ­
ra seer, vvhieh th en e n te re d a Jong period o f decline. T i le A b hayagiri
sect, tn c o n tra st, pro sp ered D u r in g the reign o fS iri M e g h a v a n n a (3 6 2 -
409) a relic o f the B u d d h a , one o f his teeth, was b ro u g h t to Sri L an k a
fm m Kaliiiga in India a n d e n s h rin e d in the A b hayag iri m onastery.
In the fifth cen tu ry d u rin g the reign o f M a h a n a m a (4 0 9 -4 3 1 ), the
g reat c o m m e n ta to r B u d d h ag h o sa cam e to Sri L a n k a. H e lived at the
M a h a v ih a r a m onastery, w here he wrote c o m m e n ta rie s on the Trips t/tka
an d general expositions on Buddhist d o c trin e and practice A ccord ing
lo the Cutmamsa (3 7 :2 1 5 -2 4 6 ), B u d d h ag h o sa was fi B rah m an w ho had
co m e from th e vicinity w here the B u d d h a hatl a tta in e d e n lig h te n m e n t
in cen tral In d ia . A ccording to B urm ese sources, he was a native o f T h a -
to n , B u rm a , w ho traveled ro Sri L an ka 943 years after th e B u d d h a's
d e a th in the reign o f K in g M a h a n a rn a . R e c e n t scholarship has revealed
th at B u d d h ag h o sa w as p ro b ab ly a native o f South India. W h a te v e r the
case m a y be, it is c e rta in that B u d d h ag h o sa d id co m e to Sri L a n k a from
a foreign country, resided a t th e M a h a v ih a ra , and s u p p n rte d th e
M a h a v ih a r a tra d itio n . In ad d itio n , he w ro te ihe Visuddhimagga (P a th of
P u rificatio n ) a n d a scries o f detailed c o m m e n ta rie s on the B uddhist
c a n o n based on o ld er works in (he T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n . A cco rd in g to
so m e sources, he translated the old S in h a le s e c o m m e n ta rie s into Pali.
A fter he com pleted hts w ritings, he r e tu r n e d io his n ativ e country.
B u d d h a g h o s a 's f o r m u la tio n o f T h e r a v a d a docirines lias re m a in e d the
s ta n d a rd o n e until the presen t tim e.
T h e rivalry b etw een the M a h a v ih a ra a n d A bh ayagiri sects c o n tin u e d
th ro u g h the centuries. In g en eral, m o re rulers seem to have su p p o rted
the A b h a y a g iri sect. T h e M a h a v ih a ra sect, how ever, successfully
e n d u r e d its m a n y h ard sh ip s a n d preserved a p u r e r form o f T h e r a v a d a
d o c trin e a n d m on astic discipline D u r in g the first h a lf o f the eighih cen-
(ury, M a h a y a n a a n d Esoteric Buddhism w ere practiced in Sri L an k a.
T w o o f the m on ks responsible for p ro m u lg a tin g Esoteric B ud d h ism in
C h in a , V ajrflbodhi ant] A m o g h a v a jra , visited the island.
In the first h a lf o f the eleventh cen tu ry d in in g the r d g n ol M a h in d a
V, w hen Sri L a n k a was in v ad ed by rhe Saivite C h o la d y n a s ty o f S o u th
In d ia , the capital cily a n d ihe B uddhist m o n asteries w ere red u ced lo
ruin s. A fter a h a lf cen tu ry o f fighting, the Sri L a n k a n king V ijay ab iihu
I ( 1 0 5 9 - 1 113) Ibrced ihe C h o la s to leave the island, restored the m o n a r ­
c h y a n d invited B u dd hisi elder* from B u rm a to rcsiore B u d d h ism in Sri
L a n k a.
in the twelfth century, K in g P a r a k k a m a b a h u 1 (J 153-1186) d e ­
frocked the d e c a d e n t m o nk s in th e M a h a v ih a ra , A b h a y a g iri, an d
J e ta v a n a sects a n d purified the B uddhist orders in Sri L a n k a. T h e
o rth o d o x T h t- r a v id a B ud d h ism of the M a h a v ih a r a sect sub sequ ently
received g o v e rn m e n t su p p o rt, a n d the A b h a y a g iri sect was com pletely
b a n n e d , nev er to regain influence. T h is m a rk e d the e n d o f (he ten c e n ­
turies o f rivalry betwyun ihe sects. T h e M a h a v ih a r a sect a n d its o r th o ­
dox T h e r a v a d a trad itio n have c o n tin u e d to d o m in a te Sri L an k an B u d ­
d h ism until the present day.
In su b seq u en t cen tu ries, ihe island was in v ad ed by the C h o la s , P o r ­
tug uese, D utch, and British. Tn the eig h teen th century, K in g K ittisiri
R ajasitp h a invited te n m o n k s from T h a ila n d io h elp restore ihe B u d ­
dhist o rdc r. A ftcrw a r d , S o u t heast A sian mo nks, we re pc ri od ic all y
invited to Sri L a n k a to S treng th en the order. T oday Sri L a n k a n Bud
d hism is divided in to a n u m b e r of fraternities tra cin g th eir origins to
these m issions fro m S o u th east Asia. T h e m a jo r fratern ities are rhe
S iy a m , K a ly a n i, A m a r a p u r a , a n d R f u n a n n a .
 CHAPTER 9

Abhidharma Literature

T h e Establish m ent o f the A b h id h a r m a * P ifa k a

T h k litf.ra ru ithby which the schuol* o f Nikaya Buddhism are di ffe r-

entiated is called the abhidharma. The term ; 'abhidharma'’ (P. abhi­
dhamma) means “the study o f the dharma. ” The lerm “dharma " refers lo
the doctrines preached by the Buddha; it may also refer to the truths
revealed by (hose teachings. Consequent IJfi abhidharma may be inter-
p re ted as meaning studies of [he Buddha's teachings or research into the
truihs revealed by the Buddha.
Even before the co n tcn ls o f the Sutra-pitaka h a d been finalized, (he
B u d d h a 's disciples were a n a ly z in g his teachin gs wilh m eth o d s sim ilar m
those em ploy ed la te r in abhidharma. T h e se early anaJyses w ere often
in c o rp o ra te d in to lutras. A fter the SHina-pifaka h a d been established an d
its contentii determ ined* abhidharma investigations w ere co n sid ered to be
a s e p a ra te b ra n c h o f lite ra tu re . Abhidharma studies w ere la te r com piled
into a collection called the Abhidharma-pitaka, w hich was c o m b in ed with
ihe Suira-pttaka a n d Virtaya-pifaka to m ake u p [he ‘ T h r e e B askets” or
7 ripitaka (P. Tipttaka) o f the early Buddhist can on , T h e c a n o n was lim ­
ited to these ih ree baskets o r Collections, Jn the T h e r a v a d a S th o o l, the
te rm " P a l i" ( o r Paji) is used w ith the m e a n in g o f "‘s c rip tu re " to refer to
the Tnpitaka, b u t not to refer to the c o m m e n ta rie s on the Tripiiaka.'
The Sarvastivadin School argued that rhe abhidharma was preached by
the Buddha. Sarvastivadins thus believed lhal the entire Tnpitaka was,
in a broad sense, the Buddha's preaching. 1 However, the similarities in
the texts of the Sutra-pifakas and Vinaya-pitakas followed by the various
schools reveal that the basic contents of these two collections were deter-
iiiiiLtd W o r t the divisions tif Nikqya had occurred, in ton-
irast, the contents of abhidharma literature varies with each nf the
schools, indicating that this class of literature was compiled after the
basic divisions o f ih** schools had occurred. T he Abhidhantid-pifakas of
most of the schools were probably Compiled during a period beginning
in 250 b .c . 7.. (afier the first m ajor schism) and ending a ro u n d (he start
of the co m m on era.

F r o m S u tr a -p ita k a t o A b h id h a r m a ^ p ita k a

W ilh the increase tn the volum e o f abhidharma literature, a special divi­

sion of the canon, an Abhittharma-pifaka, was established. Before this, the
canon went through a transitional phase in which m aterial was placed
in a “ mixed b asket” (Ksudraka-pitaka) of the canon 1 T h e Kfudraka-pifaku
was the repository for materials thai had been left our of the four Agarrtas
(the Dirghdgama, Afadh j'amago in a, Sajnyuktdgama, and EkottnTdgama) and
thus included both early and later texts. T he Mahisasaka, D harm agup-
laka, and M ahasanghika were am ong those schools that included the
Kfudrai'fl-pi/aka in their cannn.
T h e only extant exam ple of such a division of the canon is found in
the T h era v ad a Tipilaktit where it is called the Khuitdaka-nikdya father
than the K f udraka-pifaka T h e term “kftidraka" (P. khuddaka) m eans
" s m a ll” or " m ix e d 1'; but the m eaning " m ix e d " is more appropriate.
However, a "m ix e d dgama" (Tsa a-han thing, or literally, kfudrakdgama;
cl. Abhidharmakosabhdsya, p. 466) ia included in the Chinese canon (7 99
and lOl). Since this work corresponds roughly to the Pah Sflfflyttfta-
nikdya and not to the Khuddaka-nikdya. the term ‘'Khuddaka-nikdya ,J is
translated into C hini^c for convenience as hsiao-pu or “ small section."
Fhe Khttddaka-mkdya is not small, however* as it is the larges! of I he five
Nikdyas >
Fifteen works arc included in the Pali Khuddaka-nikdya. A m o ng them
are very old writings such as the Dhammapada (W ords of the Doctrine),
Suttanipdta (Collections of Sottas), Theragdthd (Verses of the Elder
M on ks)Ha n d Thtiigalhd (Verses of the Elder Nuns). O th e r texts included
in the Khuddaka-nikdya were composed at a later date; arnon^; these are
ihe Niddesa (Exposition) a n d the Paiisambhiddmagga (Way o f Analysis).
In both style a n d content the latter two works are sim ilar to fully devel­
oped abhidhamma literature, and thus represent a literary stage between
the Nikdyas and the works of the Abhidhamma-pitaka* Both texts were
compiled a ro u n d 250 r . c . r . , a date that would m ake them forerunners
of abhidhamma literature.
 T h e Niddesa is d iv id e d in to tw o p a r ts : th e " M a h a n i d d e s a ' 1 a n d t h t
“ C u l l a n i d d e s a . ” T h t first p a n is a c o m m e n t a r y on th e " A n h a k a , 1' th e
fo u rth c h a p t e r o f th e Suitanipdta. T h e s e c o n d p a n consists o f c o m m e n t a ­
ries o n Iwo p a rts o f ih e Sutianipdta: on th e fifth c h a p t e r ( “' P a r a y a n a " )
a n d o n ih e Ktuiggauisdna-sutta, w h ic h is c o n ta i n e d in ih e first c h a p te r.
S in c e th e five c h a p te r s o f th e SultanipdUi a r e not e x p la in e d in th e o r d e r in
w h ic h th e y are fo u n d to d a y in t h e Pali c a n o n , th e Suttanipdia vjas o b v i­
o u sly n o t e d ite d i n to its m o d e r n fo rm a l o f five c h a p te r s u n til a fte r the
Niddes a w as c o m p ile d M a n y e le m e n ts o f t h e Niddtsa, such as its m e th o d
o f d e f in in g d o c tr in e s a n d its te ch n ica l te r m s , a r e s im ila r to those fo u n d
in abhidhamma texts.
T h e Pafisantbhidamaggii ( P a t h o f D is c r im in a tio n ) c o n ta i n s d iscu s s io n s
o f th e p ra c tic a l a p p lic a tio n s o f m a n y o f t h e to p ic s fo u n d in abhidhamma
lite ra tu re . At th e b e g in n in g o f rhe text is a list n f fifty-five to p ic s rhar are
d is c u s s e d in th e w o rk . T h e s e topics a r e called mdfikd, a te rm c h a r a c te r is ­
tically used in T h e r a v a d a abhidhamma texts. T h e list o f mdtikd in rhe Pafi-
samhhidamagga is nor as re fin e d o r as well o r g a n iz e d as th o s e in la te r
T h e r a v a d a abhidhamma tex ts.
T h e Niddtsa a n d Patisambhiddmagga a r e fo u n d o n ly in th e T h e r a v a d a
c a n o n . N o te x ts r e p r e s e n t i n g this tr a n s itio n a l p h a s e f r o m stitra to
abhidharma a r e f o u n d in eK tam S a r v a s tiv a d in lite r a tu r e

The Theravada Abhidhamma-pifaka

T h e T h e r a v a d a Abhidhamma-piiakA is c o m p o s e d o f s e v e n tre a tis e s c o m ­

p iled successively b e tw e e n 2 5 0 a n d 50 b . c . e . T h e oldest o f th e se is the
PuggalapanOati ( D e s ig n e r io n o f H u m a n T y p e s ) . T h e n e x t o ld e st tex t is
th e first p a r t o f th e Dhammasangajti, w h ic h c o n sists o f lists of 122 mdtikd
(m a tric e s o r to p ic s ) in rhe ' ‘A b h i d h a m m a - m a t i k a M a n d +2 in the
‘’S u ita - m a L ik a .11 T h e s e lists fu n c tio n as ta b le s o f c o n te n ts fo r th e w o rk .
T h e p re v io u s ly m e n tio n e d Puggalapannafi h a s its o w n list o f mdtikd, w hile
m o st o f th e o t h e r tre a tise s o f th e P & i Abhidkamma-pilaka a r e b a se d o n the
Iisls in rhe Dhammasangani (B u d d h is t P sycho lo gical E thics). T h e v a rio u s
dhammas are d iff e r e n tia te d o n ih e b asis o f th e se lists. T h e Vibhanga, h o w ­
e v e r, c o n ta in s its o w n list o f topics, th e “ S u i t a - b h a j a n i y a ” ; this list
a p p e a r s to be early. T h u s th e Ptiggalapantiati a n d th e lists at th e b e g in ­
n in g o f th e Dhamtnasurigani a n d Vibhanga (B o ok o f A n a ly s is ) c o n s titu te
th e oldest p a rts o f th e Pall Abhidhamma-pi taka Before th e abhidhamma
tents w e re c o m p ile d , the d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f lists o f mdtika w as a n i m p o r ­
ta n t issue a m o n g e a r ly B u d d h is t sch o la rs. T h e a n a ly s is o f dhammai tn
th e s e v e n tre a tise s o f th e Abhidhamma pi taka th e re fo re p r im a r i ly focuses
on th e 122 elem en ts o f ihe "Abhidhamma-mdtikd" o f the Dhammasarigani,
I he m e n w ho m em o rize d ihe mdtikd were k n o w n as mdtikd-dhara.
T h e r e m a in in g p o rtio n s o f the Dhammojangam a n d Vibhanga were
co m piled next. T h is literatu re consisted o f an alyses o f B ud dh isi d o o
trin e ih n ju g h th e e x a m in a tio n nf dhamntas from v ario u s perspectives.
T h e last w o rks o f the Abhidhamma pitaka to he com piled w ere the Dhdiu-
kathd (D isco u rse on E lem en ts), Yamaka (Book of P airs), a n d Patthdna
(C o n d itio n a l R elations). T h e se (hree treatises co n tain m o re detailed
analyses o f doctrines, in clu din g the dy nam ics o f the relations a n d in te r­
actions o f the vario u s dhammas. T h e Kaihduatthu (P o in ts o f C o n tro v e rsy ),
a work c o n ta in in g criticism s o f the heretical teach in gs o f o th er schools,
also was com piled d u r in g this later period.
T h e w o rks o f rhe Pali Abhidhamma-pitaka a re not a r ra n g e d in the o r d e r
of th eir c o m p o sitio n . R a th e r , they are found in the following sequence,
which was d e te rm in e d by B ud dh ag ho sa.

1. Dhammasangani (E n u m e ra tio n of Dhammas o r B udd hist P sycholog­

ical Ethics)
2. Vibhanga (T h e Book o f A nalysis)
3 . Kathdiatthu (Points of C ontroversy)
Fuggaiapannati ( D escription o f H u m a n T y p e s)
5. Dhdtukathd (D iscourse on E lem ents)
6. Yamaka (Book of Pairs)
7. Patthdna (C o n d itio n a l R elations).

M a n y o th er abhidhamma w orks exist in Pali, but they a re co nsid ered to

be extracanonicaJ a n d a re not in clud ed in the Abhidhatnma-pitaka.
T h e co n ten ts o f ihe three m a jo r sections o f th e T h e r a v a d a c a n o n —
rhe Sutton Vinaya t a n d Abhidhamma-piiakas— w ere finaJly d e te rm in e d
a r o u n d (he first c e n tu ry b,C,e, As th e study o f B u dd hist d o ctrin e an d
practice c o n tin u e d , c o m m e n ta rie s (atfhakathd) w ere w ritte n A n u m b e r
of texts survive th a t a re re p resen tativ e o f the tra n sitio n al period
betw een w orks in clu ded in the Abhidhamma-pifaka a n d full c o m m e n ta ­
ries. T h e y a re rhe M itixdapanh* (Q u estio n s o f K in g M iiin d a), the Netu-
pakarana (T h e G u id e ), a n d the PeiakapadesQ (P ita k a -D is c lo su re ).1 (T h ese
th re e w orks are included in (he Khuddaka-mkdya o f (he B u rm e se version
of the T h e r a v a d a c a n o n .) T h e Prtaka was also p ro b ab ly o f this genre,
h u t u n fo rtu n a te ly it has nor su rv iv ed r T h e s e w orks were w ritten in
ap p ro x im a te ly th e first c e n tu ry C.E., after the co n ten ts o f the Abhi-
dbamma-pitaka h a d alread y b e e n established -
T h e M\l\ndapanh& is based on discussions o f Buddhist d o c irin r
b etw een a G reek k in g M itin d a ( o r M e n a n d r o s , r. ca. 150 b . c .E.), w h o
ru le d in n o rth e rn In d ia , a n d a Ruddhisr m onk n a m e d N ag asen a. T h e
text exists in both Pali a n d C h in ese (Nu-hsitn p i-d t'iu thing, 7 1670),
Several srhnnls besides i h t "['heravada used the lexl "rhe Pctaka also
seem s ro have been stu died in a n u m b e r o f SCh o d s , (T h e term "p ’\-tePJ
referred to in the sccond fasciclc of the Ta-chih-tu inn [7 ’ 2 ^ :7 0 b ( M ahd-
pr&jndpdramitopadtia] m ay refer lo the Ft j aka.)

T h e A b h x d h a r m a - p ita k a of the S a r v a s t i v a d in School

T h e Abhidharma-pi taka o f rhe SarvastivaHin School is co m po sed o f seven

treatises. T h e m ajo r treatise is th e JndnapTaithdna (Source o f K no w led ge)
by K a ty a y a n ip u tr a ; it was com piled a p p ro x im a te ly three h u n d r e d years
after the d e a th o f the B u d d h a in the first o r seco nd c e n tu ry li.c.E. Since
this w ork system atized S arv astiv ad in d o ctrin e in a n a u th o rita tiv e w a y ii
was highly reg ard ed by S arv astiv ad in thin kers. Consequently, the oth er
six treatises w<rr<hcalled L'f e e t M (pada) n r auxiliary levts while the Jnarn-
prasthdna was k n o w n as the "'body'* (sarira) o r m a in text. {T h e term s
“ b o d y " a n d " le g s ” w ere ap p lied by later m o n k s.) All h o u g h the JUdna*
prasthdna was rhe m ost im p o rta n t of the seven texts, it was noi rhe e a r ­
liest.
T h e si* H,feet" texts do not all date from ihe s a m e tim e T h e earliest is
the Sangi(iparydyat followed by the Dharmaskandha T h e se tw o (realises
reflect (he sam e stage o f dev elo p m en t as lJali texts d a tin g fro m th e early
to the m id d le o f rhe period w hen the Abhidharnma-pUaka was bein g c o m ­
piled. T h e Vijndnakdya, Dfuttukdya, Prajnaptisdstra, a n d Prakaranapdda all
d isp lay m ore advanced doctrines an d are sim ilar in d ev elo p m en t ro rhe
la te r texts o f the Pali Abhidhanvna-pitaka, {T he firsl c h a p te r o f the Praka-
ranapada, on d o ctrin e s exp ressed as sets o f five elem ents, a p p a re n tly fir-
cufated as a n in d e p e n d e n t text at an early d a te . T h e fo u rth ch ap ter, on
sels o f seven, also seem s to hav e been a n in d e p e n d e n t tex t, suggest me;
th at the Prakaranapada m ay hav e been a collection o f in d e p e n d e n t texts.)
T h e Prajnaptisdstra a n d Jnanaprasthana both in clu d e m o re a d v an ced d o c ­
trin es th an the texts o f the Pali Abhidhamma-pitaka Such doctrinal treat-
m e n ts as the classification o f dharmQS into five m a jo r types (C h w u-w tf),
the sy stem atizatio n o f rhe m e n ta l faculties, rhe te a c h in g th at dharmat
exist in all th ree tim e periods (pasi, p resent, a n d fu tu re), (he four (or
som etim es th ree) aspects o f dharmas (o n g L n atio n , s u b siste n rr, dc^ayn
a n d extinction), a n d the classification oi th e four co n d itio n s a n d six
causes are all u n iq u e to ihe S a rv a stiv a d a School.
W ith the exception o f the Prajnaptisdstra, ihe “ b od y a n d six feel'' of
the S arv astiv ad in Abhidharma-pifaka are nil ex tan t in co m p lete C h in ese
translations. T h e C h in ese version c:T the Frajnaptisasira is a partial tra n s ­
lation, c o n tain in g only the section on causes' b u t a seem ingly com plete
T ib e ta n translatio n (P ek in g nos. 55 8 7 -5 5 8 9 ) exists wilh sections on the
cosm os, c a u s e s d a n d k a r m a T h e o th e r five “ feet" a n d the J m n a p m
slhdrta were not tran slated in to T ib e ta n , I he Jnanapraslhdrtti, iis six
‘T e ei,1’ <md the a u th o rs lo w h um the texts are a ttrib u te d are listed
below.

1, Jhdnapraslhana ( T 1543-1544) K a ty a y a n ip u tra

2 , Prakara napdda ( T 15 4 1-1 5 4 2 ) Vasu in i t ra
3, Vijndnakdya ( 7 H1539} D e v a s a rm a n
4 Dharmas kandha ( T 1 537) ^ a r i p u tr a
5. Prajnaptisdstra ( T 15 3 8} M a u d gal ya ya n a
6. Dhdmkdya ( T 1540) Purna
7. Sa rigitiparydya { T 1536) M ah ak au ;{h il a

T h e n a m e s o f the a u th o rs o f the seven treatises hsted above ate from

Y asom itra's Sphuidtthd Abhidharmakosattydkhyd (p. 11), w here the classifi­
catio n o f the seven treatises as “ b o d y " a n d “ feet” is also fou nd (p. 9).
T h e CEiinese tran slatio n s have a slightly different list o f au th ors.
M a n y o th er S arv astiv ad in abhidharma treatises exist. S om e S arv as-
tiv ad in s seem to hav e believed that the Abhidharma‘piiaka should not
hiLve been lim ited tt> the above seven texts. H ow ever, since the above
list has trad itio n ally been highly reg arded by Et odd hi sis (for ex am p le,
see th e Ahhidharmakasavydkhyd), these seven works should p ro b ab ly be
co nsidered as the S a rv a stiv a d in AbhidharrtUt'ptiaka
Besides the C h in ese a n d T ib e ta n tran slatio n s m en tio n ed abo ve, a
n u m b e r o f frag m ents o f Sanskrit abhidharma texts discovered in C e n tra l
Asia are e x tan t. F ra g m e n ts o f texts such as the Sarigilsparydya a n d the
Frakaranapado hav e been puEjlished by W ald sch m id t a n d o th e rs .6 T h e
existeiicc of a f r ^ m c n t o f the Dhamittikandha has also been a n n o u n c e d .'

A b h id h a r m a - p ita k a from O th e r Schools

T h e S arv astiv ad in a n d Pali Abhidharma-pifoJuts a re rx ta n i in th eir c o m ­

plete forms. In a d d itio n , several abhidharma works falling ou tside these
two tra d itio n s sh o u ld also be m e n tio n e d . T h e Sht-ti-ju tx-p'i-i'an tun ( /"
1548, Sdnputrdbhidharmasdstra?) in thirty fascicles, w hich probably b e ­
lo n g ed to the D h a r m a g u p ta k a School, is p articu larly im p o rtan t,*
A lth o u g h ii does not display th e advanced do ctrinal d ev elo p m en t o f the
Pali a n d S arv astiv ad in tra d itio n s, it is v aluable b ecau se it is o n e o f the
few ex tan t lo ng er ahkidharma works from an o th er tra d itio n , A short *
th re e-fast tele, incom plete translatio n o f a SammitLya work alsn s u r ­
vives, the S M -m ^ti-pu tun ( T 1649, Samtnitiyfl-s&tra?), T h e pudgdavadin
(personalist) position is p resen ted in this work. 'I he dale o f com position
o f th e Icjti has not been clearly d e te rm in e d .
T h e C h'm g sh ih inn [ T 1646, TbUoosiddhUastra?) by H a r iv a r m p n w as
p ro b a b ly co m p osed betw een 250 an d 350, a n d thus w as co m p iled loo
late to be included in a n Ahkidharma-pitaka T h e iext, w hich seem s to
reflect a S a u tra n tik a point o f view, was tra n sla te d in to C h in ese by
K u m a ra jiv a a n d stud ied widely in C h in a d u r in g the fifth a n d sixth c e n ­
turies.
W h en the C hinese p ilg rim H siia n -tsa n g r e tu rn e d from In d ia , he
b ro u g h t both H in a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a sutras a n d mj/reu w ith h im .
A cco rd in g to his travel diary, a m o n g the H in a y a n a texts w ere sixty-
seven w orks from th e S a rv a stiv a d in School, fourteen T h e r a v a d a works,,
fifteen M a h a s a n g h ik a w orks, fifteen S a m m a tiy a works, tw enty-tw o
M a h isa sa k a works, sev en teen KasyapTya w orks, a n d lorty-lw o D har-
m a g u p ta k a works, H s u a n - is a n g 's figures in d icate that the cano ns o f
these schools included Abhidharma-pitakai. H o w ev er, since H siia n -tsa n g
tra n sla te d only the S a rv astiv ad in texts, th e w orks from the o th e r schools
are no longer ex ianL I-clung* in his travel diary* notes th at the S a rv a s ­
tivadin, S a m m a n y a , T h e r a v a d a , an d M a h a sa n g h ik a schools each hart a
c a n o n of a p p ro x im a te ly 3 0 0 ,0 0 0 verses.

C o m m e n ts rial L iteratu re

O n ly the c o m m e n ta rie s on the AbhiHharmtt'pititktis o f the S arv astiv ad a

an d T h e r a v a d a schools are extant- A n u m b e r o f c o m m e n ta rie s were
com p osed in S inhalese in the First a n d second centuries c.E. by m o n k s
o f th e Sri L a n k a n T h e r a v a d a School, A m o n g thc.se c o m m e n ta rie s were
Mahdtthakatha. Andh&k&tt}wkatkdt Mah&p&Cwrii KvntMtoffhaJktlttet, Svnkhfifxx-
Uhakaihat a n d Uttarovihdratthakathd In th e fifth cen tu ry a new g r o u p nf
c o m m e n ta to rs a p p e a re d , w hich included B u d d h ag h o sa, B u d d h a d a tt a r
a n d D h a m m a p a la . T h e y p ro d u c e d new c o m m e n ta rie s based on Ihe
ones com po sed several c e n tu rie s earlier. Since their new co m m en tarie s
s u p p la n te d the o ld er ones, th e earlier c o m m e n ta rie s w ere sub sequ ently
tosi. T h e UlUtraviharaffhakcUha is a w ork o f the A b h a y a g iri-v ih a ra sect of
the T h e r a v a d a School. T h e C h in ese tran slatio n o f U p a tiss a 's (fl. second
c en tu ry ) Vimutlimagga, the Chiih-t'o'laQ lun ( T 164R), also e x p o u n d s (he
positions o f the sect.
T h e m ust im p o rlan l c o m m e n ta io r in the T h e r a v a d a trad itio n was
B udd h ag ho sa (fl fifth c en tu ry ). O n e o f his m a jo r works, the Vissudhi-
magga (P a th o f P u rificatio n ), explains (he d o ctrin es o f ihe M ahavihfira
sect n f the T h e r a v a d a Kt hnoL b u d d h a g h o s a also extensively utilized the
old S inhalese co m m en tarie s to write new c o m m e n ta rie s (althgknlhd) in
PaJi on th e Thcravacfjl c a n o n . B u d d h a g h o s a ’s v o lu m in o u s c o m m e n t a*
ries a re co nsidered to be ihe c u tm in a iio n o f th ree cen tu ries o f Sri
L a n k a n Scholarship, T h e most fam ous o f his c o m m e n ta rie s a re as fol­
lows:

SamtmiapdsadikQ— c o m m e n ta ry on the Vinaya

Sunutngatavilasinft—c o m m e n ta ry on the Dighanikdya
Fo.p(imaiiidfiiii—c o m m e n ta r y on the Maijhima-mkdyu
SaraUhappukasini— c o m m e n ta ry t>n the Samytiita^nikdya
M m w ethapSm tti— c o m m e n ta r y on (he Ariguiterfrrtikdya
Attfididitni— c o m m e n ta ry on (he Dhatnmastingani

In LidditLon, B ut]dhaghosa Wrote the DhammapadatthakQtha, w hich is a

c o m m e n ta r y on the Dho.rtimapada, an d the Paramalthajotikd, w hich in-
eludes c o m m e n ta rie s on the Suilampdta a n d the Khuddakapatha. Bud-
dlhaghosa m a n a g e d to write c o m m e n ta rie s on v irtu ally the entire
T h e r a v a d a c a n o n . H is A ttfm d tin i a n d VimddhimaggQ arc a m o n g the most
im p o rta n t exposiiions o f T h e r a v a d a d octrin e. H is c o m m e n ta ry on the
Kathai'tilthu, the Kfitk&VQllhuppakafana/fhaAatJid, is im p o rta n t because ii
identifies the pDjitions held by the H in a y a n a schnols in d n etrm a l con-
troVersies. E lem en ts o f M a h a y a n a d ocirinc a re also fo u n d in these c o m ’
m i l i t a r i e s a n d w ould m ak e a fruitful subject for f u rth e r research.
T h e Sri L a n k a n chronicles m u st also be m e n tio n e d here, altho ug h
they a re n o t canonical c o m m en tarie s. T h e Dipatwjisa relates th e sto ry of
th e B u d d h a 's b irth , the h isto ry o f ccnfra! In d ia , th e tra n sm issio n of
B ud d h ism to Sri L a n k a , a n d the su b seq u en t hism ry o f Sri L a n k a un til
the reign o f M ah ascn ii (r, 325-352). T h e id en tity o f the a u lh o r i.s not
k n o w n ; how ever, since K u d d lu g h o s a was fam iliar w ith ihe Dtpavamsa, it
was a p p a re n tly com piled d u rin g the first h a lf o f [he iifth century. T h e
ch ron icle is a v aluab le source, for il re]ales secuEar political history as
well as Buddhisi history, Because (he literary style o f the Dipaiarjisa was
a w k w ard , it w as rew ritten as (he Mahavarnsa by M a h a n a m a d u r in g the
reign o f D h a tu s e n a (r. 460-47B). A lth o u g h th e subject m a tte r o f the
Alahdw m ia is die sam e as lhal o f the Dfpovamsa, the Mahdvamja is m ore
d etailed. T h e Cuiaumnsa is a long chronicle, based on the Mahauamia,
that relates Sri L a n k a n history u p to the eig h teen th century. T h e
Sdsanauamsa, co m po sed in B u rm a by P a n f ia s a m in , is also an im p o rta n t
historical source, it traces the history o f cen tral India u n til the tim e of
th e T h i r d C o u n cil a n d th en relates th r m issionary activities o f m o nk s in
 v ario u s lands, T h e section co n cern in g B u rm a (know n in ihe chronicle
£3 A p arao tara fg h a) in Lhc sixth c h a p te r is especially valuable. A lth o u g h
the Sdsanavamsa, com piled in 18G1, is a relatively recent w ork, it is b ased
on m u ch older sources.
A fter the tim e o f B u d d h ag h o sa, Sri L a n k a n B ud d h ism d eclined for
several centuries. In th e elev en th century, the M a h a v ih a r a sect reas­
serted itself, a n d m a n y scholarly m onks a p p e a re d . A m o n g th em was
A n tiru d d h a , a u th o r o f the AbhidhammaUhasadgahgt a n o u tlin e o f T h e r a ­
v ad a B uddhist d octrinc.
In Ind [a the S arv astivadin School flourished in both G a n d h a r a an d
K a s h m ir T h e two gro up s, how ever, differed on certain points o f d o c­
trin e. T h e G a n d h a r a g ro u p was the m o re progressive, a n d eventually
the S a u tra n tik a School arose out of it. Since the K a s h m ir g ro u p was
m ore c o n s C n / a l i v t , K a s h m ir re m a in e d H S arvastiv ad in s l m n g h u l d .
After th e Jndnaprastfiana a n d its six au xiliary treatises w ere com p o sed, a
school o f c o m m e n ta to rs i( vaibhdsika) arose. T h e results o f tw o h u n d re d
years o f scholarship by these c o m m e n ta to rs was com piled in to the A-p V-
ta-mo ia -p ’i p ’o-sha tun ( T 1545, Abhidfiartha*miih<ii/ibhdfd-sd5tTa?,t hereafter
cited as the Aiahdmbhdsd). T h is w ork was com piled as a c o m m e n ta ry on
the jM naprasthdna, b u t it is m u c h m o re t h a n a co m m en tary . It contains
discussions o f nr:w d ev elo p m en ts in S a rv astiv ad in d o c t r i n c an d h a rsh
criticism s o f ihe doctrines o f oth er g ro u p s of m o n k s, in clu d in g the
M ah asarig h ik as, D a rsta n tik a s , an d D iscrim in ato rs. H e te ro d o x d o c­
trines held by some S arv astiv ad in m onks a re also criticized.
T h e Mahdvibkdfd is ex tan t only in C h in ese, A tw o -h u n d red 'fascicle
tra n sla tio n o f the text was d o n e by H s u a n t s a n g ( T 1545), (E arlier, dur*
ing the N o r th e rn L ia n g d y nasty [397-439J, a hundred-fascicle tra n s la ­
tion was com pleted by B u d d h a v a r m a n a n d o th ers, but part o f it was
b u r n e d in a ft re d u rin g ihe freq u en t wara o f lhal period so th at only rhe
first sixty fascicles o f that tra n slatio n are ex tan t |A -p 'i-t an p *i-p 'o-sha
inn, T 1546}.) A cco rd in g to a n afrerw ord by H s iia n -tsa n g , fo u r h u n d re d
years after the B u d d h a 's d e a th K in g K a n a k a (r, 132^152) assem bled
five h u n d r e d arhais and had rhem compile th e c a n o n ( T 2 7 : 1004a). T h e
S arv astiv ad in Abhidharma-pitaka is said to d ate from th at time. M o d e rn
scholars call this the F o u rth C o un cil (A ccording to H s iia n -ts a n g 's
travel diary, the H ti-yu c h i {T 51:882a], P arsv a presided over the m e e t­
in g .) Since K a n a k a 's activities a re m e n tio n e d in ihe Mahdvibhdfd, some
scholars believe it should be d a te d after K a n a k a 's reign. T h e w ork is
e n o r m o u s , how ever, a n d is certainly a co m pilation o f several ccn turies
o f scholarship. T h u s , it w as p ro b ab ly com piled in to its final form as a
sdstm so m etim e in the third century, while the essential p a n s of the w ork
d a te back to rhe sccond century c . f . , before th e tim e o f N a g a rju n a ,
In the Mahdiibhdfdy the positions of m a n y S arv astiv ad in scholars are
q u o te d a n d criticized P articu larly im p o rta n t arc the c o m m e n ts an d
criticism* o f four scholars know n as “ the lo u r critics o f th e Vibkdfd"
(Abhidharnutkosabhdfyat p. 296; Abhidkarmadipa, p. 259): G hogaka, D har-
m a t rata. V a s u m itra , a n d H u d d h ad ev a. T h e y represent th e o rthodox
S arv astiv ad in position, b u t ev en their views a re so m etim es criticized in
the Mahdvibhdfd. G hogaka is credited w ith th e a u th o rsh ip t>f the
Abtddhanoamfiarasalattra ( 7 1553), a h a n d b o o k o f abhidhamut; but it is not
clear w h eth er the a u th o r o f the h a n d b o o k is identical w ith the person
m e n tio n e d so often in th e Mahdvibhdfd. A n u m b e r o f figures n a m e d
D h a r m a t r a ta a re k no w n: the one m e n tio n e d in the Mahdvibhafd, the
com piler o f th e Uddnavarga, the au th o r o f the Wu-shih p 'i - p ’o-sha lun (7
I5 5 5 HPancavaslukavibhafdsdstra?}, an d the a u th o r o f the Tsa a -p ’i-l'on-hsin
iun ( T 1552, AbhidharmasdrapraitktmakasdstTa?). T h e a u th o r o f this last
w ork lived in the fourth c e n tu ry an d thus can n o t be identified with the
D h a r m a t r a t a o f the Mahdvibhdfd
F igures n a m e d V asu m itra a re m e n tio n e d freq uently in abhidharma
lite ra tu re , in c lu d in g th e scholar referred to often in the Mahdvi-
bhdsd a n d the a u t h o r s ) o f the Prakaranapdda( T 1541-1542), Samayabhedo-
p&rtean&t&kta. ( T 2 0 3 1-2 0 3 3 ), a n d T sm p fo-hsu-mi p'u-sa so-thi lun ( T
1549). D e te r m in in g w h eth er ail o f these figures a re identical o r not is
e x trem ely difficult; there w ere p ro b a b ly at least tw o peop le n a m e d
V asu m itra.
B u d d h a d e v a was a D ar?tan tik a thinker. T h e n a m e MB u d d h a d e v a M
a p p e a rs in a n inseription on a pillar w ith a lion-capital (Konow,
Kharofthi Inscriptions, p. 48), S o m e scholars have a rg u e d th at the
insert prion refers ro rhe s a m e m a n n a m e d in rhe Mahdvibhdfd. ParSva
was a n o th e r influential Vaibha$ika.
T h e com p ilation o f the Mahdvibhdfd w as a m a jo r ach ievem ent an d
m a rk e d th e e n d of one phase o f S arv astiv ad in abhidharma studies,
Hecause the w ork was so larg e, it did not offer a system atic view of
abhidharma theory. C o n s e q u e n t Iyhd u r in g the period w hen the Mahdvibhd-
>ij was being c o m p le te d , S arv astiv ad in scholars began w ritin g sh o rter
w orks o u tlin in g abhidharma theory. A m o n g these are the Pi-p 'a-sha inn ( T
1547, Vibhdfds'dstra?) by Sitapai^i(?)> th e A -p 'i-t'a n fuin iun ( 7 ’ 1550,
Abfiidharmah^dayasdstra?) by D h arm a£ ri(?), the Tsa a - p ’i-t'an hsin lun ( T
1552,, SamyiiAtdbhidharinahrdayasdstra?) by D h a r m a t r a t a , a n d the J u a-p'i-
t'a-rno iun ( T 1554, Abhidharmdvatdrasdsirajf) by S k an d h iia. tracer, Vasu-
b a n d h u com piled his m o n u m e n ta l w ork, the Abhidharmakosabhdfya. T w o
C h in e s e tran slatio n s ( T 1558 by H s u a n -ts a n g a n d T 1559 by P a r a m a r-
tha) a n d o n e T ib e ta n tra n sla tio n of rhis work exist. In a d d itio n , the
S a n s k rit text o f the verses w as published by V, V. G okhale in 1953 as
the Abhidharmakosakdrikd. T h e S anskrit text o f both rhe verses a n d prose
 c o m m e n ta r y by V a s u b a n d h u was published in 1967 by P. P r a d h a n as
ihe Abhidharmakofabhdfya.
S om e scholars place V a s u b a n d h u 's life from ca. 320 lo 400, hut a date
o f a ro u n d 450 seem? m ore reaso nable. T o explain rhe v ario u s p ro blem s
co n cern in g V a s u b a n d h u 's dates, Erich F ra u w a lln e r has su gg ested that
two m en n a m e d V as u b a n d h u m ight h av e played key roles in Buddhist
history. T h e earlier V a s u b a n d h u w ould hav e lived a r o u n d 32C-3B0 an d
been the y o u n g e r brOlher o f A san ga, w h ile (he la tte r w o u ld h av e been
th e a u th o r o f th e Abidharmakosa with d ates o f 400-480. H ow ever,
F r a u w a lh ic r ’s a r g u m e n t has not g ain ed wide acceptance. It is m o re r e a ­
son ab le 10 view V a s u b a n d h u as a single figure w ith d ates o f a r o u n d
400-480.®
V a s u b a n d h u 's Abhidharmakosa is a skillful a n d system atic p re se n ta tio n
o f (he S a rv a stiv a d in position. H ow ever, b ecause V a s u b a n d h u s o m e ­
tim es criticized S arv astiv adin doctrines from the S a u tra n tik a point of
view, S a rig h a b h a d ra wrote a treatise, the A - p ’i-ia-mo shun-chengdi tun ( T
1362 [AbhidhariTui] Nydydnttsdras'dstTa?), p re se n tin g th e position o f the
K ash m iri S arv astiv ad in School. In his w ork, S a h g h a b h a d r a refuted the
teachings o f the Abhidharmakosa a n d d efen ded o rth o d o x S arv astiv ad in
d o ctrin e s' but even S a rig h a b h a d ra was influenced by (he Abhidharmakosa
a n d ad v an ced some new d o ctrin e s that difTered from the tra d itio n al
position* m a in ta in e d by S arv aslivath ns. C o n s e q u e n tly his teachings
a re referred to as docirines o f " th e new S a rv astiv ad in ( S c h o o l) /1
S a h g h a b h a d r a aJso wrote the A p ’i-ta-mo'tsang hsien-imug lun ( T 1563,
A bhidhurmak osasdstrakdrikavib hdfya#).
T h e Abhidharmakosa p ro fo u n d ly influenced s u b seq u en t B ud dh ism ,
A fter it w as w ritte n , th e s tu d y o f the Abhidharmakosa b ecam e th e m a jo r
activity o f later abhidharma researchers, a n d a n u m b e r o f c o m m e n ta rie s
on ii w ere w ritte n . G u ^ a m a ii (4 0 0 -5 4 0 ) a n d V a su m itra a re both c r e d ­
ited w ith c o m m e n ta rie s on the Abhidharmakosa, but n eith er c o m m e n ta ry
is e x tan t, S lh ir a m a ti’s (5 1 0 -5 7 0 ) co m m entary, the Tattvdrtha, survives in
a com plete T ib e ta n tra n sla tio n (P e k in g no. 5fl75) a n d in fra g m e n ts in a
C h in ese tran slation ( 7 ' 1561), Later, V asom itra wrote the Sphutdrthd
Abhidharmakos'avydkhyd, w hich exists in S an sk rit a n d T ib e ta n (P e k in g
no . 5593). A c o m m e n ta ry by S a m a th a d e v a is aJso ex tan t in T ib e ta n .
R ecently the S an sk rit (no C h in ese o r T ib e ta n translation exists) text of
the Abhidharmadipa, an abhidharma work that follows the Abhidharmakosa,
was p ub lished. In a d d itio n , s u b c o m m e n ta rie s by P u r n a v a r d h a n a an d
o th ers exist in T ib e ta n .
T h e basic S arv astiv ad in abhidharma literatu re is com pletely ex tan t in
C h in ese tran slatio n a n d includes th e seven treatises o f the Abhidharma-
pifaka, the Mahdvibhdfd, th e Abhidharmakosa, a n d m a n y o th er texts Tibe*
(ftn rriin^latitms o f abhidharma materia] arc primarily conccrned with the
Abhidkannakosa and its commentaries. In recent years, Sanskrit texts of
such works as the AbhuHutrmokofOt Sphujartha Abfiidfiarmakosavyakhyd, and
AhhiHharrtiadipa have been found, adding to our understanding of the
ab/tidfianrm tradition. A m ong the texts discovered by a German expedi­
tion to Central Asia were some on abhidharma. Several oT these have
been mentioned earlier.1*

A b h id h a r m a Texts from Other Schools

Few texts from schools other ihan the T h eravada and Sai'vastivada are
extant. Texts such as the Sht-li-fu a - p ’ i-f'dfl /an ( T 1M 8, Sdripuirdbhidhar-
masdstra?), $an~mi-ti-pu lun ( T 1649), and C h ’cng-shih iun ( T 1646, Tattva-
siddhisastra?) have already been discussrd. Other abhidharma texts should
also be mentioned. T h e Ssu-ti /urt (7" 1647. CatuJuatyasdstra?) in four fzis-
ciclca contains citations from a text tailed the A 'p^ -t'an -tian g iun or
Tsang tun (Ptiaka?) and from Sautramika sources. Although it is clearly a
text compiled by the monks of one of the schools of Nikaya Buddhism,
scholars have not determined which school produced the Ssu-ti tun. T h e
P'i-chik-Jbym-yuan lun ( T 1650) in two fascicles is a com mentary on ihe
verses on the rhinoceros in the Sultanipdta. T h e Ftn-pith kung-le iun ( 7
1507) in five fascicles is a com m entary on the Ekottardgama ( T 125).
These texts, loo, were composed by monks from the Nikaya schools.
The Mah&vihkdjd ( T 15 4 5 )T Kathdvaithut and Buddhaghosa1^ com m en ­
tary on the Kathdvatthu also contain numerous references to the doc­
trines of Nikaya Buddhism. The best systematic account of Nikaya doc*
trine in a primary source is Vasumitra*s SanutyabArdofiaraiaaaatkra ( 7 '
2 0 3 1 -2 0 3 3 and Tibetan translation, Peking no. 5639). This text has
long been a subject of research in East Asia and is usually read with
K 3uci-chi's ( 6 3 2 - 6 8 2 ) commentary, the I-pu-tsung'lun-iun jh u -ch i (Zvkuzd-
k^6 parr I, vol. S3, fasc. 3). (T he fbushtirinrorj ju k k i hotsujin edited by
O yam a Ken'ei is a valuable reference,) Chi*tsang's ( 5 4 9 - 6 2 3 ) Sait‘ttm
ftfLitfFt-i also contains useful information on Nikaya doctrine, as do the
C h ’eng-yeh iun (7" 1609, A"afmm'u&thipraka ratta#), Wu-yun iun (7" 1612,
Panc&skai\dhaptakaranu§)t and Vydkhyd-yvkfo, alI by Va^ubandhu, M In
addition, M ah ay an a sources contain passages critical of the schools of
Nikaya Buddhism, which sometime* yield information about doctrine.
However, even when all of these sources arc consulted, a com prehen­
sive view of Nikaya doctrine is still difficult to formulate.
 C H A P T E R 10

The Organization o f the Dharmas

in the Abhidharma

A b h id h a r m a and M a tr k a

Um.IKF T1IF. TFR\j ‘'dharma/* which was in USC bcfiirc iht: tm ic o f th e

B u d d h a , The t e r m "abhidharma'' (P abhidhamma)*, is peculiar to Bud-
d h ism , Jn tht- Agemoj it is used in the sense o f " r e f e r r i n g *o the dharma. "
\ ,ntcr It also cam c to hav e th e m e a n in g o f “ research into the dharma. ,h
T h e elem en t “abhi1’ in the w ord abhtdhartrut has the m e a n in g o f " re fe r
rin g t o f" but it can also m e a n " s u p e r io r .'' C o n s e q u e n t Iy, abhidharma is
som etim es in te rp re te d as m e a n in g " s u p e r io r dharma, ” hi S arv astiv ad in
texts, ic is u sually found w ith [he sense o f “ refurring lo the dharma. "
while in P ali texts ic is m ost often used wiih the m e a n in g o f " s u p e r io r
dharma. ” *
T h e early stages o f the analysis of the D h a r m a (ihe T eachings n f the
B u d d h a) can be lo u n d m the Agamas In these passages, often called
abhidharma-katfia (discussions o f abhidharmti), the R uddhft's w o rds w ere
collected a n d classified, In analyses ta ile d vibhanga, his T eachings were
explained in sim p ler words o r exam in ed a n d ap p lied to o th e r situations.
T h e critical analysis o f teachin gs was an im p o rta n t aspect o f the B u d ­
d h a 's e n lig h te n m e n t T h u s some o f the texts in the AgamaS are dev oted
to d etailed analyses n f doctrine. F o r ex am p le, th r M id d le P a th consisted
o f an analyiical process o f cho osing the M id d le W ay from a synthesis n f
two e x trem e positions. In o th e r texts the te a c h in g is a rra n g e d according
lo the n u m b e r o f elem ents in the d o c trin e o r the subject m a tte r u n d e r
discussion.
O n c e the e o m e n ts o f the SHtra-pitaka h a d been firm ly d e te rm in e d ,
abhidharma studies could no lo ng er be included in it, a n d a new way o f
o rg a n isin g ihe results o f these analyses was n eed ed . S tu d ies o f (he
dhanrm Wi re com piled inlo ihe Abhidkamm-pitakas A m o n g (he im po riant
aspects o f s tu d y in g abhidharma w ere the selection o f topics for research
arid ihe su b se q u e n t analysis o f those topics {dharma-pravicaya). T h e se
topics w ere called mdtrka (P. matika), w hich m ay he ira n sla te d as
“ m a tric e s '1 o r “ lists,’"2 T h e people w ho devoted them selves to these
studies w ere called mdtikadharc in Pali. M dttka a re not clearly listed in
the S a rv a stiv a d in abhidharma icxts, but such lists o f lopics played a t e n
iral rote in th e d ev elo p m en t o f the PA]i abhtdhamtrui texts. In the begin-
n in g o f the earliest Pali abhidhamma treatise, the Puggalapanriaiti ( H u m a n
T y p e s), is a table o f co n ten ts called the mdtika^nddfsa, w hich lists the fob
low ing six topics (pannatii) th at co rresp o n d to mdiikd. khandha (a g g re ­
gates), ayaiana (sense o rg an s a n d (heir objects), dhaiu (sense organs,
sense object s, a n d sense-conscious nesses), sacca (tru th s), mdriya (facul­
ties). a n d puggala ( h u m a n types). T h e last catego ry is su b d iv id ed into
seclions th at e x ten d from one p erso n to ten persona M a n y ad dition al
mdlika are c o n ta in e d w ithin these divisions. I h e m a in subject o f the Fug
gahpanhatti is the analysis o f these n u m e r ita l g ro u p s o f h u m a n types.
T h e co n ten ts o f th e Sdnputrdbhidharmas'dstra ( T 1548) a re a rra n g e d in
ihe following o rd er: dyatnna, dhiitu, shandhat the P o u r N obte T ru th s , an d
indtiya. It th u s includes m ost o f the sam e mdtjkd listed in rhe Pali Puggaia-
pannatti. H ow ever, the topics o f th e Sdfiputrabfiidharmasastra are not called
mdtrka e ven th ou gh the y w ould s ee m to C or re s p o n d to mdljkd M o reo v er,
a variety o f o th e r topics has been inserted b etw een the e n d o f fascicle
five, w h ere the discussion o f indriya (bases o f co g nitio n) e n d s , a n d the
b e g in n in g o f fascicle t i g h t , w here (he discussion o f pudgala (persons)
begins.
At th e b e g in n in g o f th e Pali abhidhamma w ork entitled the Dhamma-
sangant (C o m p e n d iu m o f Dhammas) is a section called Lhe '‘Abhidhamma*
m dtikd" w h ere tw en ty -tw o threefold doctrin al topics a n d o n e h u n d re d
twofold topics are listed (A threefold doctrinal topic is a teach in g
divided into th re e p a rts, such 33 the T h r e e Jew els: the B u d d h a , his
T e ach in g , a n d the B ud dh ist o rd er.) T h e se lists a re followed by a sup ple­
m e n ta ry list o f forty-two iwofold topics entitled the ''Suttanttka-mdtikd "
T h e ex p lan atio n s o f the mdtikd th at co nstitute the m ain p a rt n f th e text of
the Dhammaiarigttni are placed after the lists o f topics. T h e process by
w hich these mdtikd w ere chosen an d collected by m e m b e rs o f the
T h e r a v a d a School ia not clear, but of the forty-tw o iw ulbld topics listed
in the "Svdaniika-tibhidhamma/* thirty-one are also included in a list of
thirty*three twofold lopics found in a sutta, the SarigitisuttanUi {D N t no.
33), Since the o r d e r o f the d esig n a tio n s listed in the tw o w orks is very
d o s e , the list o f dhammas in ih e Sarigiii'juttflFifti a p p a re n tly p ro v id e d the
basis fur the mdtikd. T h e Pali ian^tfi'juffartfa t o r res p o n d s to (wo works in
(he C h in ese can o n : th e Chung-(hi thing in the Ch'ang a-han thing ( T I,
Dfrghdgama) a n d the Ta-thi-ja-mm ching ( T 12, Sangttiiutra*). T h is sutra
e v en tu ally in Rue need t h t S arv astiv ad in abhidharma treatise ihe Sangiiipa-
rydya ( T 1536).
M dtikd a re explained in tw o o th er w orks o f the Pali Abhidhainma-
pitakq, rhe Vi&hanga &nd the Patthdrtar in d icatin g that the term mdtikd w as
used often in T h e r a v a d a B u d d h is m . In the SdripulrdbhidharrnasdstTa ( I
I54f3)n tuples identical to mdtrka are discussed, b m a re not referred to as
mdtrka. Mdtrka a re not m e n tio n e d in ihe seven treatise,*; of ih e Sarvas-
livadiii Abhidharma-pxtaka; how ever, io m e o f these SarvAsttvadin t r e a ­
tises, such as the Sangitiparydya ( T 1536) a n d ihe Dharmaskandha ( T
1537), are C om m entaries based on matrkd, C on sequently, in the S a rv a s ­
tivadin treatise Shun-chmg-Ii fan ( T 1562, Ny&pMtiS$r&£istr4?)t the rerm
“mdtrka** h exptained (7 '2 9 :3 3 (Jb ), an d a n u m b e r o f exam ples o f mdtrka
are listed . A m o n g ihe ex am p les are elem ents o f [lie t h i r l y seven acq u isi­
tions that lead to e n lig h te n m e n t (saptitnm&td'bwitupak?ikd-4hsrms^) such
as th e lour m indfulnesses (tatvari imrtyupdsthdnans) a n d the (bur right
efforts (cat van samyakprdhdnam). A c c o rd in g to ihe tex t, “ B eg inn ing wilh
the Sangitiparydya, Dharmafkandha, an d Prajiuxpii&Jtra, all such wyrk* are
called mdtrka” { / 29:330b). T h u s th e texts them selves were con sid ered
to be mdtfko. K!&ew here in the Shun theng it tun ( T 29 :59 5b ). the te rm
"upadrs'a,11 one o f tht: twelve divisions o f th e teach ing , is e x p la in e d as
heinR eq u iv a le n t to mdtrka a n d abhidharma.
Ln the A-yii-tvang chuan ( '/ ' 2042, Asokardjdvaddna*) a division o f the
c a n o n called rhe Mdtrka pifaka ( C h . me te-U c h ’ith tsang) is m e n tio n e d
instead o f a n Abhidharma-pitaka ( T 50:113c). Its t o m e n t s are said to
he gin w ith the four rypes o f m in dfulness, the four right efforts, a n d
o th e r elem ents o f ihe thirty-seven acquisitions that lead to e n lig h te n ­
m e n t, ;ind a rc thus close to the exp lan atio n in the Shun-thtrtg-Ii fan S im i­
la r ex p lan atio n s a re found in such w orks as ihe A-yu-wang (fang ( T
5 0 : l 5 2 a 1 Aiokardjautitra?) a n d the Ken-pen ytt-pu-la tsa-shih ( T 24:408b,
Mutasarutiytivdda vinQyukfudrakavustv#). T h u s mdtrkd w ere know n within
the S a rv astiv ad in a n d M u lasarv astiv ad in schools. T h e th jriy ^ e v e n
acquisitions lead in g to e n lig h te n m e n t were a p a rtic u la rly im p o rta n t
ex am p le o f mdtrka ior these schools. H o w ever, the term Clmdirkd " is not
found in the seven treatises o f the S arv astiv ad in Abhidhamu-pit&ka;
instead) th e le rm ' ‘abhidharma Mis used, C o n seq u en tly , th e com pilers of
[he Mahdvibhdsdidsira a n d the Abhidharmakosa did not discuss the term
mdtrka.
M dirkd w ere not only used for the classification o f dharma), they were
also fcmployed in vinaya texts Although matrkd are not found in the Pali
Vinaya, [hey a re iiis-erd in Sjtrvi^UYadid vinaya texts. T h e title o f the Sa
p 'o-to-pu p ’t-nt mo-U-U) ch *ith (7 " ] 44 1, Sarudstii'ddauirtayamdtrkd?) suggests
that ii is a co llection o f mdtrkd from the Vinaya A c o m m e n ta r y on tht
D h a r m a g u p ta k a Vt^aya, the m u (Jung ( T I4t>3, Vinqyam atrkdsutra^
has a sim ila r title.
As the mdtrkd used to exp lain tlic D h a r m a d eveloped, they were
g rad u ally in co rp o ra te d into the various Abhidharma pitAkas T h e term
"m atrkd " is still preserved l a th e treatises o f th e T h e r a v a d a Abhidham m a-
pitaka, but it has been e x p u n g e d from the S a rv a stiv a d in Abhidharma -
pitaka a nd I he Sdripuftdbh idha rm^'aitra a nd repl aced with ihe term
"abhidharma M As the mdtrkd system whs e la b o ra te d , exp la n atio n s and
c o m m e n ta r ie s c o n c e r n in g th e m e an in g s o f key words were developed
and d o ctrin e s were explicated in detail. G radu ally, a b ra n c h oE Buddhist
studies arose that was p rim arily concerned with the exp lan atio n o f d o c­
trin e. T h i s tradition was called "stu d ie s o f the D h a r m a "' o v abhidhaima.
O n e m e a n in g o f the word “a b h i" is " f a c in g / ' I f this d clln ition is
used, then abhidharma ca n be interp reted as " f a c in g or viewing the
P h a r m a ” and w as thus occasi^tialty tran slated into C h in e s e as " tut-ja . "
However* a s noted e arlier, "n b h i” also has the m e a n in g o f " s u p e rio r ,"
and abhidharma m ay also be interp reted as m e a n in g “ superior o r in c o m ­
p a ra b le D h a r m a " {Atlhasdiint, I. 2; The Expositor, vol. I , p. 4 ; dham-
mdUftka, dh& ntnavim affha,' Afahdvibhasd, T EM 5, fasc. 1t in ir o .), T h e lat­
te r in terp re ta tio n suggests that the abhidharma tradition is superior to
and tran scend s tEie earlier, unanalyzed D h a r m a . In the Alo-ho-seng-cht iii
(7 " 122:475c, Alahaiarighikai-inaya?), abhidharma ls said to be the ninefold
te a ch in g (navatiga-ta.'iQna), and it h interpreted as m e a n in g “ su p erior
D h a r m a . ” T h e Huddha's te a ch in g was thus so m etim es seen as abhi­
dharma.
T h e m a jo r ch ara cte ristic o f abhidhanna is iis em p hasis on analysis
(vibhanga), P ro b le m s arc e x a m in e d from a variety o f perspectives to
arrive at a co m p re h e n siv e u nd erstand ing o f issues, tn B u d d h a g h o sa ‘s
AtthasdiinT {{. 3; T h t Expositori vol. 2, p. 4) these invest l o t i o n s are called
analysis o f itutras (suttanta-bhdjansya), analysis o f abhidharma (abhidhamma-
bhdjaitiya), and analysis throu gh questions and answ ers (panhd-purfhaka-
Haya). In the S a rv a stiv a d in Sch oo l analyses o f dharmat involved a variety
o f perspectives such as w hether the dhatma is visible (ianidatianti) o r not,
im p en etra b le (pratigha) or not, influenced (.td.trai'a) by the d e filem en ts or
no i; w hether scru tin y (i-ndra) and investigation (mtarka) ca n be applied
Ui it or not; which o f the three realm s (d esire, form , and formless) it
cfdsts in' and w h e th er it is m orally good, b ad , o r neu tral. T h e s e c a t e g o ­
ries were called the " g a te s of a n a ly s is ."
 D h a r m a and A b h id h a r m a

1 ’hc te rm “ n h a r m a " refers to the T eachings preach ed by the !iu d [lh a.!
Stncc the B u d d h a 's T eachings co n cern ed th e facts o f h u m a n existence,
D h a r m a t a n be in te rp re te d as referrin g to the true n a tu r e o f h u m a n
existence. H u m a n existence is m ad e up o f constantly c h a n g in g p h e ­
n o m e n a a n d o f the basic entities that co n stitu te p h e n o m e n a . E x am p les
o f phenomenal existence a re th e body, the mind* a n d the external
w orld. H o w ev er, p h e n o m e n a l existence can he an aly sed further. For
ex am p le, w ithin the body a re elem en ts such as the visual, auditory, an d
g u sta to ry faculties Si nee [he visual a n d a u d ito ry faculties p erfo rm d if­
feren t functions, they have different qualities. T h e v ario u s types o f p e r ­
ception a n d the o rg an s th at a re rhe bases o f those p ercep tio ns are called
indriya* T h e b o d y is an aly zed in to visual, auditory, olfactory, gustatory,
an d tactile o rg a n s. T h e ‘'tactile o r g a n '1 refers to the skin, flesh, m uscles
an d o th e r pEtrts of the b od y w ithout th e o th e r four sense Organs.
T h e m in d , too, is an aly zed into c o m p o n e n ts such a* ju d g m e n ts ,
m em o ries, a n d em otions. T h e se co m p o n e n ts a re analyzed furth er,
revealing m a n y m e n ta l faculties. F o r ex am p le, a list o f defilem ents
(kltsa) m ight include lust (raga), h atred (dvffa Or pratigha), p rid e (tndnti),
d o u b t (mti&itsa), a n d w ro n g views (dfifi). O th e r m ental faculties were
also inclu ded in such lists. S om e pairs o f m ental faculties o r qualities
seem to be m u tu ally exclusive. Such pairs include love a n d dislike. lust
a n d h a tre d , a n d good a n d bad. C o n seq u en tly , so m e abhidharma th in k ers
a rg u e d th at it was u n re a so n a b le to believe th at all such m ental faculties
w ere a ttrib u te s o f a single e n tity callcd the m in d . R a th e r, the m in d was
co m p osed o f m a n y m e n ta l faculties actin g in concert. M en ta l faculties
such as d o u b t, faith, lust* a n d h a tre d w ere considered to be in d e p e n d e n t
entities, a n d the activities a n d changes o f the m ind w ere u n d e rsto o d in
term s o f th eir interactions. I he elem en tal entities o f w hich p h e n o m e n a l
existence was co m p osed w ere called “dharma*," a usage o f this term
th at is p artic u la rly im p o rta n t in N ikaya B uddhism . W h e n the te rm
frdharma " i s u s e d in the abhidharma tra d itio n , it often refers to the entities
that m ak e u p p h e n o m e n a .

U ltim ate E x iste n ce ( P a T a m d r th a - s a t) and

C o n v e n tio n a l E x iste n ce ( S a m i ^ t i- s a t)

In th e Abhidharmakosa ( T 2 9 :1 66b; Abhidharmakos'abhafya, p. 334, II. 1-2)*

existence is divided into two categories: u ltim a te existence (Paramaribo-
sat) a n d con ven tion al existence (sarpvrti-sat). Dharmas a re classified as
Paramaribo.-sat.* 1 he flilTcrcilce b d w e e n (he (wo calc^orics can b t illus­
tra te d wilh the following exam ples, A vase can be d estro y ed by s m a s h ­
ing it a n d is therefore said to exist in a co nv en tion al sense. A piece of
cl nth w ould be classified in the same manner. A human b ein g, a c o n ­
g lo m era tio n o f various physical an d m ental elem en ts, exists m a c o n ­
v en tio nal sense (samvrti-sat). H ow ever, if the vase had been g reen , th en
th at green color w ould c o n tin u e to exist ev en tho u gh the vase h a d been
sm ashed. E ven i f the vase were redu ced to the smallest elem ents, to
a to m s (paramdntt), the green color w ould still exist. Item s th at do not
d e p e n d on o th e r items for th eir existence, which exist in a n d o f t h e m ­
selves (o r have self-nature fivabhdvaf) are said to be u ltim ately existent
a n d are called dharmas. M e n ta l functions* such as lust, m a y also be
called dharmas since th ey can n o t be analyzed in to m o re basic elem ents
Dharmas a re also an aly zed in te rm s o f th eir powers. T h u s the dharma
called lHlu S lM has the p o w e r o f cau sin g lusl to arise in the m in d .
A ny dement th ai cannot be a n a ly s e d f u rth e r is ultim ately existent* It
is a dharma a n d has its ow n self-natu re (sa-wabhdva). Ii is a real existent
{dravyotah sat, Abhidharmakosdvydkhyd, p. 524, 1. 29), In the Muiamadhya
makakdrikd, ftclf-nattire (svabhdva) is defined as ''t h a t w hich exists in an d
o f i t s e l f ' (svobhdvahX “ s o m e th in g that is n ot m a d e M (kfyfrtfttdj), and
“ s o m e th in g not d e p e n d e n t on o th er things for its ex istence" f n trdpfkfd,
Prasannapadd, p. 262,11. 11-12).
A dharma is also defined as so m eth in g th at has its ow n d istinctive
m ark (svatakfanadhdrandd dfwrmnJi, Chu-she ion, T ^ S r l h ; Abhtdharmako
sabhdjya, p. 2, 1. 9; atlhano ta/cAhanam dhdrentiii dhamma, Visuddhimagga,
ch ap . 15, par. 3; H a r v a rd O r ie n ta l Series, vol. 4 1, p. 48, 1. 17). T h e
color green o f a dhanm o f green w ould be t h t distinctive m a rk ($tm-
takfana) o f that dharma. In c o n tra st, self-nature (svabhdva) w o u ld refer to
the existent called g reen, w hich is m ade u p o f atom s. Strictly speaking,
since self-n atu re itself is e q u iv a le n t to bein g a dharma, it is not correct to
say th at s o m e th in g having self-nature is a dharma. S o m e th in g th at has a
self-nature a n d is m ad e up o f dharmas has convention*!! existence. T h u s
s e lf 'n a tu r e — in o th e r w ords, th at which has a distinctive m a r k ^ i s a
dharma. H o w e v e r, th e term s +Hself-nature a n d ''d istin ctiv e m a r k " are
som etim es used in terc h an g eab ly w ithout the above distinction.

C o n d itio n e d Dharmas (Saijiskjta Dharma) a n d

U n c o n d itio n e d Dharmas (Axamskfta Dharma)

As was ex p lain ed above, dharmas have a real existence as elem ents.

H o w ev er, p h e n o m e n a are co n s ta n d y c h a n g in g , so th at alth o u g h dhai*
 mas arc real exist cn ts, th e y a r c n o t n e c e ssa rily e t e r n a l real ex isten ts.
C o n s e q u e n t l y dharmas w e re classified as e ith e r c o n d itio n e d ( tr a n s ito r y )
o r u n c o n d i t i o n e d (e te r n a l) dharmas. T h i s classificatio n o f dharmas is
fo u n d in rh e Agamas, b u t w a s nor sy ste m a tic a lly e x p la in e d u n til t h e rise
o f N ik a y a B u d d h is m .
Nirvana is a n e x a m p le o f a n u n c o n d itio n e d (asaniskfta) dharma. It is a
real existent* t r a n s c e n d i n g tu n e . W h e n th e J iu d d h a a tta in e d e n lig h te n ­
m e n t, h e w as o n e w ith nirvana. In the S a rv a s tiv a d in abhidharma sy ste m ,
nirvana is called a n aly tica l c e ssa tio n (praiisankhyd nirodha) — th e c essatio n
a tta in e d th r o u g h th e a n a ly tic a l p o w e r o f w is d o m . In O ther words*
t h r o u g h th e p o w e r o f w is d o m , t h e d e file m e n ts are c u t off a n d will n e v e r
a ris e a g a in . T h e S a r v a s tiv a d i n abhidharma s y s te m also re c o g n iz e d n o n -
a n a ly tic a l c e ssa tio n (apralisankhyd-niTodha) a n d s p a t e (akdsa) as u n c o n d i ­
tio n e d dharmas, m a k in g a total o f th re e ty p e s o f dharma m this category.
N o n a n a ly tic a ] c e ssa tio n (apratisankhyd*nirodha) refers to c e ssa tio n th a t
o c c u rs b e c a u s e th e n e c e s sa ry c o n d itio n s for th e p r o d u c tio n ( o f defile
m e a t s a n d so fo r th ) are not p re s e n t a n d will not b e p r e s e n t in t h e f u tu r e .
T h i s ty p e of dharma o f c e ssa tio n d o e s not rely o n th e a n a ly tic a l p o w e r o f
w is d o m to a ris e . Nirvana is re c o g n iz e d b y th e S a r v i s t i v l d i n s a s l>eing
th e s u p r e m e dharma. In th e Abhidharmakosa [Ohii'Sht Iun, fasc. 1), o n ly
nirvana is re fe rre d to as a dharma in th e u lt i m a t e s e n s e (paramdr-
thadharma).
Tn c e r ta in cases, ev en th e c h a r a c te ris tic s o f dharmas (dharmalak^anah)
a re c o n s id e r e d to b e dharmas (AbhidharrnakaJabhdfya, p, 2, 1, 5 )4 A dharma
is s o m e t h in g w ith its ow n d is tin c tiv e m a r k o r c h a r a c te ris tic . Nirvana is
th u s c o n s id e re d a dharma. C o n d i t i o n e d dharmas also h a v e th e ir ow n
m a r k s ev en (h o u g h th e y a r e i m p e r m a n e n t . B o th th e T h e r a v a d a a n d
S a r v a s tiv a d i n schools e x p la in th e im p e r m a n e n c e o r c o n d itio n e d dharmas
b y n o t i n g th a t a lth o u g h e a c h dharma h a s its ow n m a r k , th e m a r k exists
for o n ly a v e ry sh o rt p e rio d in th e p re s e n t. A c c o r d in g to th e Abhidharma-
kosabhasya (p. 193, 1. 1), “ C o n d i t i o n e d dharmas cease e a c h in s ta n t (sam-
skftam kjariikam). 11 A c c o rd in g to th e Visuddhimagga (c h a p . 11, par. 41;
H a r v a r d O r i e n t a l S e rie s 41, p. 308, J. 29 ), “ T h e y a r e dhammas b e c a u s e
th e y each h a v e (h e ir Own c h a r a c te ris tic a n d m a i n t a i n it for a n a p p r o p r i ­
a te le n g th o f tinie (khandnumpadhdrantna). " C o n d itio n e d dharmas a r e real
e x iste n t* , b u t b e c a u s e th e y ccasc in an in s t a n t , th e y c a n n o t be c lu n g to
o r g ra s p e d . I f this p o in t h a d b e e n p u r s u e d , ir m ig h t h a v e led to th e p o s i­
tio n that dharmas w e re n o n s u b s ta n tia l; h o w e v e r, th e e x iste n c e o f the
dharmas w as e m p h a s i s e d b y t h e schools o f N ik a y a B u d d h is m T h e proh-
le m o f th e n o n s u b s ta n tia lity o f dJtamt&i w a s e v e n tu a lly ta k e n u p by
M a h a y a n a B u d d h is ts .
I f th e p h r a s e " e v e r y t h i n g is i m p e r m a n e n t ” (sabbe sarikhdrd antcca,
Dhammapada, v. 2 11) is interpreted literally, it would mean (hat condi-
tioned dharmas cease instantaneously. This position was held by rhe
Sarvastivadin School. Although mental faculties dearly do seem to
cease instantaneously, same schools noted chat rhe dharmas chat consti­
tuted rhe phenomena of the outside world such as mountains, earth,
and our bodies seemed to last for a longer time. The Vatsiputriyas and
Sammatvyas recognized the principle that dharm as cease instantaneously
but insisted that the dharmas that constituted (he outside world persisted
for a time (S. katantara-wLsa?). According to rhe / pu-tsung lun iun ( T
49:l6c, 17b, Samayabhedoparatanatakrajf „ hereafter Samayo), besides the
Sarvastivadins, the Mahlsasakas and the Kasyapiyas maintained ihe
position that dharm as arose and ceased instantaneously.

A b h id k a r r tm as A bsolu te Truth an d C o n v e n tio n a l T ruth

As was explained above, nirvana was considered to be the highest of the

various dharmas. Since the study of these dharmas is callcd abhidharma, the
wisdom (prajnd) that arises along with an understanding of [he dharmas
may also be called abhidharma. The wisdom that knows nirvana is one
with nirvana; it is the wisdom of enlightenment. Thus according to the
Abhidharmakosa, “ Purr wisdom and Ms accOmpammrnt& are called
abhidharma. ” Thus the pure wisdom of enlightenment and the various
physical and mental dharmas that function in concert with that wisdom
are all called trabhidharma^ or abhidharma as absolute truth" (para-
jn&Tthikc 'bhidharmah, Abhidkarmakosabkafya, p. 2, 1. S> 7 19:1 b).
The term "abhidharma ,f also refers both to the texts thai enable the
practitioner to realize the absolute truth and to the knowledge still influ­
enced (sdsrava) by the defilements through which the practitioner studies
the abhidharma texts. These definitions of the term are sometimes
referred to as " abhidharma as conventional truth" (sdntttika ‘bhidharmah).
When abhidharma refers to (he wisdom wirh which nirvana is known,
monks stressed that abhidharma was the Buddha's preaching, if the term
was used to mean superior or incomparable Dharma, (he texts usually
referred (0 abhidharma as absolute truth Abhidharma texts thus employed
(he term “abhidharma " in two senses that corresponded to absolute and
conventional truth.

U n co n d itio n e d D h a r m a s and the B o d y o f the B u d d h a

One of the mos( basic ways to classify dharmas is according to whether

they are conditioned or unconditioned In the Sarvastivadin tradition
since the co m pilation o f ihe Dharmas kandha (7"2G ;505a). th ree u n c o n d i­
tio n ed dharrrtas have been recognized: analytical cessation (prtttiSfttikhyS*
niradha), non analytical cessation (apratisankhyd-modha), a n d space (aka*
fa). In, th e T h e r a v a d a tra d iiio n , only o n e u n c o n d itio n e d dharma, nirvana,
is recognized (Dhammnsarigani, p. 244), a position also m ain tain ed in the
Agamas a n d by th e V atstpu lriya School. A ccording to the Samaya ( 7
4 9 : 1 5 c ) , ihe M a h a s a n g h ik a , Ekav yav ah ari ka r Lokott a rav ad i n . an d
K a u k u ;ik a schools all recognized the following n in e u n co n d itio n ed dhar­
mas- ( I) analytical cessation, (2) nonanalytical cessation, ^3) space, (4)
the realm o f th e infinity o f space (dkdsdnantydyaiana), (5) the realm o f the
infinity o f consciousness (vijnaadnantydyalana), (6) the realm o f n o th in g ­
ness (akinicanytiyatana), (7) the realm o f n eith er consciousness nor u n c o n ­
sciousness (naivasQmjnd'mtffflfljwy/otoriG), (B) the law o f Du p en d en t O r i g i ­
nation (C h. yu a n -tki chih-hsing), a n d (9) th e law o f the nob le path (C h .
$hwg-tav chth h fin g ),1 T h e M a h js a s a k a School also recognized nine
u n co n d itio n ed dharmas, but its list differed som ew hat from lhal o f the
M a h a s a n g h ik a School a n d inclu ded such item s as im m ov ab ility (C h .
p u ttin g ), the e te rn a l law o f good dharma (Cli. shan-Ja chfn-ju), the e te rn a l
law o f b a d dharma ( C h . e-fa chtn-ju), th e etern al law o f in d e te rm in a te
dharma ( C h . wu*chi chenyu), the etern al law1o f the p ath ( C h . tao-thih chen-
j u) t a n d the etern al law o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n (C h. yuan-cki chtn-jtt).
T h r Jaw o f D ep en d en t O r ig in a tio n was included in the list o f u n eo n d i
tioncd dharmas bccause it was reg ard ed as an u n c h a n g in g principle. T h e
S o rv astiv ad in s disagreed w ith this position a n d did not recognize the
existence ol a p rin c ip le ol D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n sep arate from c o n d i­
tioned dharmas. F or the S arv astiv ad in s, th e Jaw o f D ep en d en t O r ig in a ­
tion itself was con d itio n ed .
For the M ah isasak as, the p ath (o nirvana w as recognized as an u n c o n ­
d itio n ed dharma because the practices established by ill? B u d d h a w ere
co n sid ered to be e te rn a l tru th s . T h e S arv astiv ad io s opposed this posi­
tion by m a in ta in in g that alth o u g h nirudfla was u n co n d itio n ed , the w is­
d om th e Butftdh# had realized was co n d itio n ed a n d not etern al. T h is
issue w as closely related ro the d e b a te a b o u t w h eth er the B u d d h a 's body
is eternal o r not. A cco rd in g to the S arv astiv ad in a n d T h c r a v a d in posi­
tions* the B u d d h a h a d e n te re d parinirt>drta in K u s in a g a ra w h en he was
eighty years old. T h u s both the body o f the B u d d h a a n d his w isdom
w ere not etern al. T h e R u d d h a w as co n sid ered io be a co n d itio n ed
entity, ex isting only in the form o f a n o rm a l h u m a n b ein g. A ccording to
the Santay a, the M a h a s a n g h ik a a n d related schools disagreed with this
in te rp re ta iio n . T h e y m a in ta in e d that B u d d h a s are all s u p e r m u n ­
d a n e . . . . T h e physical bodies (C h . shxh-sftm; 3 . rupakaya.J o f the B u d ­
d h a s are lim itless, . . , T h e kno w led ge that he has alread y m a ste re d the
F o u r N o ble T r u th s a n d ihai th ere is no thing m ore that h e m u s t arco m -
pli^h is alw ays p resent in a B u d d h a until the lim e o f his partntrvana" ( 7
4 9 :1 5 h -c ). T h e B u d d h a 's ex ig en ce h consc<]Licn!]yt exten ded bey on d the
eighty years o f life o f (he historical B uddha, S a k y a m u n i. A llhough this
conception o f ihe B u d d h a was not as developed as M a h a y a n a ideal? of
ih e sambhagaJtaya (b o d y o f bliss), it still recognized the etern al aspect o f
th e historical B u d d h a , Consequently* ihe a d h e re n ts o f these schools rec­
ognized the nohle p ath to sal vation as uncon ditio n ed-
l n te rm s o f the F o u r N oble T r u th s , the S arv astiv ad in s a n d T h e rav a-
d ins viewed only ihe T h i r d N oble T r u th — the (ruth o f nirvana o r the
extinction o f suffering— as u n co n d itio n ed , tn con trast, followers o f the
M a h a s a n g h ik a , M a h ls a s a k a , a n d related schools con side red b o th the
T h i r d (nirvana) a n d the F o u r th T r u th (the p a ih ) to be u n co n d itio n ed .
F urtherm ore* by con sid erin g the law o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n to be
u n c o n d itio n e d , they a rg u e d th at a n u n c h a n g in g tru th m o l d be found in
the w orld of d elusio n re p resen ted by ihe firsi iwu N oble T r u l h i (suTler*
m g anti its causc). T h e se theories later developed inio the concept thai
d elusio n a n d e n lig h te n m e n t w ere fund am en (ally the s a m e since both
were losub*!ani ial. It was also close t o [he position th ai the m in d was
inh erently p u re , b u t h a d been tainted with im pu rities. A ccording to the
SemayQ, the M ah asan g h ik a* h a d arg u e d , in facl, [hat the m in d was
essentially p u re ( 7 h4 9 :l5 c ). A cco rdin g to the Sdripuirdbhidharmasasira,
w hich m ay be a D h a r m a g u p ta k a text, the m ind h a d a p u re n a tu r e , but
was tainted by external d efilem ents (r2 8 :6 9 7 b } _ Implicit in such a posi­
tion w ere the beliefs that th e basic n atu re o f the m in d was etern al an d
u n co n d itio n ed a n d that th e essential n a tu r e o f co n d itio n ed dharmas was,
in facl, u n co n d itio n ed - T h e s e positions h a d m u c h in c o m m o n w ith the
d o c trin e th at the law o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n was u n c o n d itio n e d
A cco rd in g to the Sdriftitirdbfiidharmeiosifa ( T 2& 526c), there w ere n ine
u n c o n d itio n e d dharmas th at w ere o b j e n s o f the m in d (dharmdyatana):

E. C essation th ro u g h w isdo m (pratisankhyd-nuodha), w hich p e r m a ­

n ently elim in ates the defilem ents
2. C essation th ro u g h factors o th e r th a n w isdo m (&prati$ankhyd
nirtfdha) by which dkamuxs lose the possibility o f being p ro d uced
b ecau se the necessary co nd ition s for p ro d u c tio n a re not present
3. D e te r m in a tio n (myoma o r rtijcla) o f (he family (gvtra) of p ractitio n '
era to w hich a person belongs (on ce a p e rso n 's family has been
d e te rm in e d to be th at ufsravaJuis, pratyefnabuddfias, o r b o d h ttatfy as,
it c an n o t b e c h a n g c d .)
4. D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n seen as an etern al [ruth (dharma-slkiti)
5. T h e u n c h a n g in g quality of m u tu a l d e p e n d e n c e o r co n ditio nin g
(pratyaya; th e text lists ten types nfpraiyaya)
 6. K now ledge o f the infinity o f space (dkdsdnaniydyatatm-jtidna)
7. Knowledge of ihe infinity of consciousness (vijn d n /in a n iyd ya ta n a -
jn a n a )
S. K now ledge o f the realm o f nothingness (dkintcanydyatana-jndna)
9. K n o w led g e o f the realm o f n eith er p ercep tio n nor non perception
( n<iiw sam jnd' nasamjiutyatana-jiidna)

O f th e n in e, only the first a n d the th ird w ere u n co n d itio n ed dharmas

p ertain in g to the realization o f ittrvdpa. All nine w ere in clud ed in the c a t­
eg o ry o f m enial objects. It is significant that p ra tya ya is c o n sid e red to be
a n u n co n d itio n ed dharma sincc this position ts consistent w ith m a in ta in -
i n g t h a t D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n is u n c o n d itio n e d .
A cco rd in g to the Mahavibh&fQ ( T 2 7 :E l6 c ) h d ie D isc rim in a to rs (ftn -
pirh-lun cht) also a rg u e d th a t D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n was u n c o n d i­
tioned. T h e views on u n c o n d itio n e d dharmas o f m a n y o f the schools of
N ik a y a B ud d h ism arc intro d uced an d discussed in the MaMiibh&fQ an d
ih e KothaVaithiti in d icatin g lh al u n co n d itio n ed dharmas w ere cleEirly one
o f th e most con troversial subjects in N ikay a b u d d h ism .

Im p u r e (Sasrava) an<J P u r e (Andsrava) Dharmas

[impure dharmas a rc those ta in te d with defilem ents (kltx'a, P kdrsa). P u rr

dharmas are u n ta in te d . Because B u d d h as a n d arhaii have elim in ated the
d efilem en ts th ro u g h th e w isd om o b tain ed in e n lig h te n m e n t, such wis­
d o m is called pure. Since u n c o n d itio n e d dharmas do not co m b in e with
defilem ents, they Uh> arc pure. In the Abhidharmakosa ( 7 2 9 ; i b ) , the
te rm (im p u re) is defined as H<3!l th at is co n d itio n ed en ctp i the
p ath lo s a lv a tio n ,'1 Both the cause of this w orld o f illusion (desire, the
S econ d N oble T r u th ) a n d the effect (suffering, (he First N oble T r u th )
a re said to be im p u re.
W h e n defilem ent* laint o th e r dharmas, ihe dharmas h a r m o n is e with
each o th er a n d increase the stren gth o f ihe defilem ents (anitfdyita) T h is
o rc u rs in tw o ways. T h e first w ay occurs w h en dharmas associate an d
(aim each o th er (samprayogalo nusayita). F o r e x a m p le h iflu s t a n d wisdom
ju n ctio n sim ultaneously, th en w isdom will be tain ted o r colored by lust.
T h e second way occurs w hen defilem ents influence ev en ts throu gh
objects o f co gn itio n (alambana tnuiayitn). F o r ex a m p le , w hen a beautiful
object is seen, defilem ents o r passions arise anti [aim the object o f c o g n i­
tion, A B ud dh ist story relates how a B ra h m a n w o m a n 's passions were
arou sed w hen she saw th e B uddha. T h r o u g h this stuiy* S a rv asliv ad iu s
arg u e d th at even the B u d d h a 's physical b o d y could b c c o m e an object of
defilem ent, F u r the SarvastivacJins, since all of th e dfiamias that t a n
causc (he defilem ents to a rise a rc im p u re dharmas, all physical bodies,
in clu din g that o f the B u d d h a , a re im pu re.
T h e a d h e r e n ts o f (he M a h a sa n g h ik a School criticized this view by
a rg u in g th at all B u dd has are free o f an y im p u re dhannas. W h en a person
looks at the B u d d h a 's beau tiful body, since the flames o f his passions are
q u itte d , the b o d y o f th e B u d d h a can n o t be an object o f d efilem ent. T h is
d e b a te was related to a m o re general p ro blem in N ikaya B u d d h ism of
w h e th e r physical elem en ts w ere necessarily im p u re o r w h eth er some of
ih e m m ight be p u re.

T h e V arieties of D h a r m a s

T h e S a rv a stiv a d in system described above is som etim es c h aracterize d

by tht: p h ra se " th e firsE fifteen elem ent I (dhaiu) are all influenced by (he
d efilem en ts." I n o th e r w ords, out of the eighteen elements* the five
sense o r g a n s (eye, ear* nose, tongue, body), the five sense objects
(form s, sou n d s, smelts, tastes, and tangible objects), a n d the five c o rre s ­
p o n d in g sense-conscioustiesses are all tain ted . T h e s e fifteen elem ents
w ould be ta in te d even for a B u d d h a. O n ly the m in d , m e n ta l objects,
a n d m en tal consciousness m a y be u n ta in te d , th at is, free o f a n y in flu ­
ence from the d efilem ents;
T h r e e m ajo r classifications o f dharmas a re fo u n d in the Aganuu: ihe
five agijrc^ates {paricu-!,kflTjdf!dh)r the twelve ba ses o f cognition (dvadaia-
ayatandrtt), a n d rhe eighteen elem ents ( aptddafd-dkdtavaft) T h e ir re la tio n ­
ships are d ia g r a m m e d in F ig u re 1 in c h a p te r three.

M a tte r

T h e S a n sk rit te rm for m atter, rupa, is used in tw o senses in Buddhisi

texts. W h e n tt is in clud ed in lists such as the five skandkas (agg regates),
it is used in a b ro ad sense. In such cases, it refers to ten ol the twelve
bases o f co gn itio n (dyatana): the five sense o rg an s (indriya: eye, car. nose,
to n g u e , a n d b o d y ) a n d the live sense objects (trifQjKi; forms, sounds*
smells, tastes, a n d tan gib le objects), tn its n a rro w sense, the te rm
“rRpa” refers only to form (samsthdna) a n d color (narpa), the objects of
vision Besides classifying the live sense o rg an s a n d sense objects in die
ag g reg ate o f m a tte r (rvpa-itcandha), the S arv astiv ad in School classified
u n m an ife sted m a tte r (mtijnapti-rufxt) as a form o f m atter, m akin g a total
o f eleven types o f m atter.
 When rhe B uddhist notion o f m a tte r is reconciled w ith th e eighteen
d e m e n t s (dha(u), ihe five sense o rg an s a n d five sense objects are classi­
fied as m atter. Since un m anifested m a tte r is classified as a m ental
object. part o f the base of cognition (dynUina) o r elem ent (dhdtu) o f men-
Ml objects is in clud ed in (he aggregate o f m a tte r. W h en m a tte r is co n ­
sid ered in light o f [he twelve bases n f cognition, only th e m in d a n d some
m ental objects are not classified as m atter. In the classification o f the
eigh teen elem en ts, the m j n d f m ental objects except u n m an ife sted m a t ­
ter, a n d the six consciousnesses a re not m atter. But in the S arvaslivadm
List o f seventy-five dharmas, o n ly eleven dharmas art: m atter.
T h e varieties of m a tte r can b e classified into m ore precise categories.
A lthough the five sense o rg an s are not an aly zed fu rth er, the cerise
objects arc e x a m in e d in detaiE. F o r ex am p le, visual objects a re classified
into lour basic colors (blue, yellow, red, a n d w hite) a n d eight basic
sh ap es (long, short, sq u are, r o u n d , high, low, even , a n d u n ev en ).
O t h e r categ ories such as clouds a n d sm oke a re a d d e d to m ak e a total ol
tw en ty-o ne visual categories. In a d d itio n , th ere a re eigh t types o f
sou nd s (in clu din g pleasant a n d u n p leasan t), three (o r so m etim es four)
types n f sm ells (gnod, b a d , excessive, and not excessive), a n d six types
o f tastes (sweet, sour, salty, p u n g e n t hitter, a n d astringent). T h e re are
eleven tactile objects, in clu din g such qualities as heaviness, lightness,
a n d coldness. T h e four elem ents (mahdbhHta)—e a rth , w a te r, fire r anti
w in d —a rc also listed as tactile objects because they can be perceived
only w ith t h t body. T h u s , w hen a person looks at fire o r w ater, he m ay
see red o r blue, but the essence o f the c le m e n t, such as the heat o f fire
an d the w etness o f waier, can be pcrcetved only with his body. T h e
essence o f e a rth ts hard n ess a n d the essence o f w in d is m o v em en t.
All m a tte r o th e r th an the four elem en ts is called bhautika o r " t h a t
which ts com p osed o f the four e le m e n ts.” T h e five sense o rg an s, five
sense objects (except th at p a ri o f the catego ry o f tangible objects that
includes th e four elem ents), a n d u n m a n ife ste d m a tte r are all bhautika In
co n trast the four elem ents a re called “ that w hich m akes u p fo rm ."
A lthough the five sense o rg an s and five s e n s e objects a re co m p osed of
ato m s (paramdrm), bhautika m a ile r is not directly constituted o f atom s of
t h r e l e m e n t s . R ath er, th e elem en ts an d bhautika m a tte r a re each form ed
from different ato m s. All o f the basic types o f bhautika m a tte r necessary
for the Ib rm atio n o f " m o le c u le s 13 (form s, smells, tastes, a n d tangible
objects) m u st arise sim ultan eo usly an d be acc o m p a n ie d by the elem en ts
in various co m bin ation s. In fluids the w a te r elem ent is d o m in a n t, in
solids the e a rth elem ent p red o m in a te s, a n d in hot objects (he fire ele­
m ent is prevalent. T h e m in im u m state in w hich m aterial objects exist is
a “ m nlecu le” o f at least eight atom s th at arise concom itantly. T hese
eight a to m s a rt1 the Four elem en ts a n d four bhautika Atoms o f form ,
smell, taste, a n d touch. IT a n y o n e of these varieties 0 1 atom s is absent,
the “ m o le c u le ” c a n n o t exist. F o r s o u n d , n in e varieties o f atom s are
present, In the “ m olecules” o f the sense o rg an s, th e n u m b e r o f varieties
o f ato m s increases.
S ense o rg a n s, such as t h t eyes, are said to be different from o th e r
parts o f the b od y because they are delicate o rg a n s, h a v in g the function
o f cogn itio n, T h e y a re m ad e o f a su btle o r p u re form o f m a tte r (rdf>a-
prasdda). U nm aniTested m a tte r (iw ijn a p U -r u p a a lth o u g h classified as
m a tte r, is not com p osed o f atom s an d is thus called a m e n ta l object. As
th e te rm “ u n m a n if e s te d ’r implies, it is a ty p e o f m a tte r that can n o t be
seen. U n m a n ife ste d m a tte r is discussed in c h a p te r twelve.

C o rre sp o n d en ce s b e tw ee n D ifferen t Sy stem s of D h a r m a s

M a tt e r is given special a tte n tio n in m ost o f the early classification sys­

tem s o f dharmm such as the twelve bases o f cog nitio n o r the eigh teen ele­
m ents- In the twelve bases only the m ind a n d m e n ta l objects are not
m a tte r O f ihe eigh teen elem ents only the m in d , m e n ta l objects, a n d the
six consciousnesses a re not m atter. However* the m in d and its functions
w ere a n a ly s e d f u rth e r hy early B uddhists F o r exam ple, four o f the five
agg regates (sen satio n, perception, m e n ta l fo rm atio n s, a n d conscious­
ness) a re not m a tte r S en satio ns an d p erceptio ns a re each co nsid ered to
be psychological functions. S ensations (vedand) refer to the sensations
received by (he sense organs. PerceptLOn (sarrjnd) l s ihe m e n ta l process
o f form ing im ages o r n o tio n s in the m ind,
Ln the S arv astiv ad in tra d itio n , the v ario u s m ental o r psychological
fun ction s a rc reg ard ed as real entities o r dharmas. T h e y are called co n ­
c o m ita n t m e n ta l faculties (emiaiika-dharjm), a te rm also found in Pali
T h e r a v a d a abhidhamma texts (ttt&sika-dhomma).6 In S arv astiv ad in texts,
alt o f th e c o n c o m ita n t faculties except sen satio n a n d p ercep tio n are
in clu ded in the fourth aggregate, nam ely m e n ta l fo rm a tio n s (saitiskdra).
T h ose dharmas called "fo rces th at a re n eith er m e n ta l n o r m a te r ia l”
(ritta-vipTdysikta-stunskaTd dharmdh) arc also includ ed in the fourth a g g re ­
gate. fn ihe system s o f twelve bases (dyatana) and eig hteen elem en ts
(dhdtu), the ag greg ates o f sen satio ns, percept ion sT a n d m ental fo rm a ­
tions a r t inclu ded in the category o f m ental objects.
T he fifth ag g reg ate, consciousness (vijndna), is the subjective aspect of
cognition. S o m etim es the consciousness o r m in d (cttfc) is c o m p a r e d to a
k in g (Cjh. hsin-wang) a n d the c o n c o m ita n t m e n u ! faculties (C h- hsm-so)
a re c o m p a re d to the retain ers d e p e n d e n t u p o n the tdng. In the classili-
Cfttion o f The twelve b a s ts , the m in d c o rresp o n d s to the mana-dyatana or
m en tal base. In the classification o f the eig h teen elem ents, the m in d
co rresponds to t h t clem ent o f the m in d (manoiijiiijnadhdtu) a n d ihe six
consciousnesses, T h e three u n c o n d itio n e d (osarnsfota) dh^rmat are not
included in [he five ag g reg atesr O n ly co nd ition ed dhernws co rrespond to
the aggregates. H o w ev er, in the classifications o f t h t twelve b a s ts an d
eighteen elem ents, u n co n d itio n ed dhcrmas are ind ucted in the categ ory
o f m e n ta l objccts.
Since the co rresp o n d en ces b etw een the v ario u s classification system s
arc com plex, a b rie f review m a y be helpful. M a tte r corresp on ds to ihe
form aggregate. In the twelve bases it corresp on ds to the five intern al
an d five ex tern al b ases o f sense cognition a n d to p a rt o f th e base o f m e n ­
tal objects. In the eig hteen elem en ts, it corresp on ds to th e five sense
o rg an s, the five sense objects, a n d p a rt o f the category o f m en tal
objects. T h e m in d corresp on ds to the consciousness ag g reg ate. In the
twelve bases, it corresp on ds to the m ental base. In th e eigh teen ele­
m en ts it corresp on ds to (he m in d and to the six consciousnesses. T h u s
the var ious dharmas considered to be the ohjeets o f the m ind a re not a n a ­
lysed to a high degree in the Agamas. In the abhidharma lite ra tu re , h o w ­
ever, they a re analyzed extensively. C onsequently, m u c h o f abhidharma
philosophy focuses on the co n co m itan t m e n ia l faculties, (he forces that
arc n eith er m ental n o r m ateria l, a n d the u n c o n d itio n e d dharmas.

Defilements (K le s a )

M a n y o f the defilem ents m e n tio n e d in abhidharma fiterarure as c o n co m i­

tant m e n ta l faculties w ere originally fo u n d in the Agamas. A m o n g the
lists in the Agamas are (he three poisons o f Itisi (rdga), h a tre d (dvrsa)t an d
delusion (moha)' the four violent ouiflows (ogha) o f desire, w rong views,
ignorance, a n d a tta c h m e n t to existence, the five h ind rances (niuaTflna) nf
lust, h a tre d (pratigha)t sloth a n d to rp o r (styinam iddha), restlessness an d
w o rry (anddhatya-kaukrtya)t a n d d o u b t (vicikksd); the five fetters (samya-
jana) th at b in d a person to the desire realm , nam ely, belief in a Self,
d o u b t, the belief th a t ritu als will lead to salvation, lust, a n d a n g e r; the
five fetters th at bind a p erson to (he form a n d formless realm s, namely,
a tta c h m e n t (o form , a tta c h m e n t to ihe form less, p rid e , restlessness, an d
ignorance; a n d the seven fetters o f desire, h a tre d , w r o n g views, d o u b t,
pride, a tta c h m e n t to existence in rhe form a n d formless realm s, an d
ig norancc, In a d d itio n , th e Agamas include m en tio ns o f individual
defilem ents such as being u n a s h a m e d of one's w ro n g actions (ahrikye) or
lack o f a n y e m b a rra s s m e n t over o n e ’s w rong actions in front o f o th ers
(anapatrdpya). ( F o r ex am p les o f such lists sec [he Sangithutta, no. 33 of
the Dtghanikdya. ) M ost o f the m a jo r defilem ents discussed in the
abhidharma literatu re a re fo u n d in the above lists.
In the S arv astiv ad in abhidharma treatise the Dhatiikdya ( T 26:614b)
defile m en is a re categ orized into such groups as the te n general fu n c­
tions o f defilem en t, the te n m in o r functions o f defilem ent, the five
defilem ents, a n d the five w r o n g views. In la te r texts these g ro u p s are
o rg a n iz e d further. Finally, in [he Abhidharmakpia [ T 2 9 :1 9c), eighteen
d efilem ents are listed a n d d iv id ed in to ihe following three groups,

G e n cral funct ion s o f dc fi lem en t (kUivnu\hdbhumika dharmah)

1. D elusion (moha)
2. N egligence (pramada)
3. In do len ce (kausidya)
4. D isb elief(dsraddhya)
5. T o rp o r (stydna)
6. R estlessness (auddhaiya)

Minor functions <;f defilement (patiitakitsabhumikddharmdh)

1, A n g e r (krodha)
2. R e s e n tm e n t (upandha)
3, F lattery (sdthya)
4. J e a lo u s y (trfyd)
5 - R cjcct ion o f cri Iici sm (praddsa)
6. C o n c e a lm e n t o f w ro n g d o in g (mrakja)
7. P arsim o n y (mdtsarya)
8. Deceit (mdyd)
9. C o n ce it (mada)
10. C a u s in g inju ry (vihijjxsd)

G c neral funct ion s n f cviI (akuialatnah&bk tim tkd dha imah)

1. A bsence o f sh a m e (ahrikya)
2. A bsence o f e m b a rra s s m e n t (anapatrdpya)

[n ad d itio n lo [he above defilem ents, eight dharmas are Raid to he in d e ­

t e r m in a te fu nctio ns (amyata), T h e y are as fallows:

1. R e m o rse (kaukrtya)
2. D row siness (middha)
3. Inv estigation (vitarka)
 4. S cru tin y (vicdra)
5. Lust (rdga)
6. H a tre d (praligha)
7. P ride (mana)
8. D o u b t (vicikilsa)

W ith rhe exception o f inv estigatio n an d scrutiny, all of the in d e te r m i­

n a te dharmas can be co nsidered defilem ents. M o reo ver, lust, h atred ,
a n d d o u b t can be co n sid ered grave defilem ents. C on sequently, (he
Abkidhfirmakasa %system t)f classification o f in d e te rm in a te dharmas is not
com pletely satisfactory.
In rhe Abhidharmakosa (7~ 29:98b) the defilem ents are called proclivi­
ties (anusaya), a n d a c h a p te r is devoted to these proclivities. Si* o f them
a re listed: lust, hat red , pride, ig norance, w ro n g views, a n d d o u b t . T h e
category o f w ro n g views is som etim es e x p a n d e d to a list o f five proclivi*
lies: belief in a Self, d in g in g to ex trem e positions sueh an nih ila-
tionism o r etern al ism, disbelief in causal ton, clinging to w rung view s,
an d the belief th at rituals will lead to salvation. W h en the c a te g o ry of
w r o n g views is rep laced by these five beliefs, a list o f ten proclivities is
the result. T h e se ten proclivities are analyzed acco rd in g to criteria of
w hich o f the three realm s ( d e s i r e form , a n d formless) th ey o c c u r in an d
w h ich o f the P o ur Noble T r u th s o r m ed itatio n m ay be used to elim inate
th e m . A list o f ninety-eight deli lem en Is is th ereb y produced. T h e p u r ­
pose of religious p ractice is to cut ofT these defilements.
Io ad d itio n to th e n in ety -eig ht defilem ents, (he following list o f ten
b o n d s (p/iT}'avastfidna) is inclu ded in (he " C h a p t e r on P roclivities1’ in the
Abhtdhannakcfa. lack o f sh a m e o v e r one s ow n w rongdoing (dhrikya), lack
o f em barrassm ent: before o th ers over w ro n g d o in g (anapatrdpya), jealo u sy
(iTfyo), p a rsim o n y (rndtsarya)t d istraction (auddhatya), rem o rse (kaufatya),
to r p o r (stydna), drow siness (middha), a n g e r (krodha), a n d co ncealm ent of
w ro n g d o in g (mrakfa). W h e n ihese te n are a d d e d to the ninety-eight p r o ­
clivities, the resulting list is called th e V108 defil[-ments.,h
T h e categ o rizatio n of d efilem ents in the Abhidharmakosa has nor been
com pletely system atized sincc their tre a tm e n t van ies in different chap-
ters. T h e deli lem en is listed u n d e r such categ ories as th e six general
functions o f dcJileinent, ten m in o r functions o f defilem en t, two general
functions o f evil, a n d six o f ihe eight in d e te rm in a te functions are not
Completely consistent, particularly in the case o f in d e te rm in a te func­
tions.
In the T h e r a v a d a abhidhamma text the Dfwmmasarigarii(p. 76), a n u m ­
b e r of m enial functions a re discussed. T h e m ind is classified u n d e r
th ree categories: good. b a d h a n d neutral types o f consciousness T h i r t y
types of mental faculties contribute to the production of a bad type of
C on scious ness, itirludint; w m n i^ Vti'ws, w rori^ intention, la r k o f s h a m c ,
lack o f e m b a rra s s m e n t before others, lust, ignorEince, a n d dullness
I i ow ever, the T h e r a v a d a view on defilem ent! was si ill not com pletely
sy stem atized in the seven canonical abhidhamjttt treatises since no catc
gory for d efilem en ts alune was established, A la te r n o n c a n u n k a l
abhidhamma text, the Abhidhammatfhaiangaha, lists the fo[lowing fourteen
m e n ta l fun ction s ttf evih ig n o ra n c e (avijjd). lack o f s h a m e o v e r o n e 's
w ro n g d o in g s (ahirika), lack n f e m b a r r a s s m e n t b efore o th ers o v e r o n e 's
w ro n g d o in g s (anattappa)t b ro o d in g (kskkucca^ craving (lohha), w ro ng
views (ditthi)y pride (maria), h a tre d (paltgha), jealousy (ista), p a rsim o n y
(rnacchariya), restlessness (uddhacra), to rp o r (thina), drow siness (middha},
a n d d o u b t (iuctkiuhd). W h en these m ental fu n ctio n s o f evil act c o n t o n e
itantly’ w ith the m ind a n d o th e r m ental faculties, the result is a defiled or
evil type o f consciousness.

T h e A n a ly s is o f the M in d ;
Concomitant Mental Faculties ( C i t t a - s a m p r a y u k t a - s a m s k a r a )

Because a major objective o f B uddhist practice was to cut o ff the deft le­
m en is (klesa), a w ide variety o f passions was discussed in the Agamas.
Mm only the most basic m ental functions nfher th an (he defilem ents
w ere m e n tio n e d in the Agamas. A m o n g the m ental fu nctio n s m e n tio n e d
tn these early texts w ere sensatio n (vtdana), p crccptinn (samjnd), volition
(ttttaH), atte n tio n (manaskdra), contact (b etw een the sense o rg an , object,
a n d consciousness {jr^onfa]), m ind fuln ess (imj-ci), investigation (vitarka),
s c ru tin y (uicata), a n d dcsinc ((handa) W ith th e d ev elo p m en t o f ahhi-
dkarma lite ra tu re , o th er m e n ta l functions w ere a d d ed , giving a m u c h
m ore riel ailed view n f ihe activity of ihe m ind. To cut ofl the passions,
the relatio nsh ip o f the defilem en ts in the o th er m ental fu nctio ns h a d to
be investigated a n d described.
In the S arv astiv ad in tra d itio n , the process o f catego rizing an d
d escrib in g the mental fun ctio ns began w ith the abhidharma work the
DHdtukaya ( 7 1540). I he c u lm in a tio n o f these efforts is found in the
AbhidharmaAusa's list o f forty-six dharmas classified into the fol low ing six
c a Eegori es ( 7* 29; J 9 a ; A bhidharmakosabhdsyn, p . 55, 1. 13):

1. G en eral fun ctio ns (mahobhurnika), ten dharmas

2. G e n e r a l fu n ction s o f good (kusaUmahdbhiimika), ten dharmas
3. G eneral functions o f defilement (kitiiimahdbhumtka)^ sin (thermos
 4. General furtttiom o f evil (f&lijtatnniaklbhutnikil), [wo dhatm&i
ft. M in o r functions o f defilem ent (pan{t&MtSabhiimika), ten dharmas
6. In d e te rm in a te function* eight dharmas

In th e S arv astiv ad in system , the m in d is called atia-bhum i u r (hr

m in d -g r o u n d , a term that ap p e a rs in the Dhdtuktiya ( T 26: 4 lb). T h e use
o f tht* te rm ffbhiimi " suggests (hat (he tn in d is viewed as the b a te upon
w hich the m en tal faculties arc m anifested T h r ciftQ-bhumi also lias the
p o w er to p m d u r c the m ental faculties. T'he m in d m ay also be th o u g h t ol
as the base for the iu n c tio n in g o f the m en tal faculties. H o w ev er, since a
giHid m in d c a n n o t luhction with a base th at is not good, the c x i i t r n c f of
five types Of g ro u n d s (hhums) 13r b ases, each witli its ow n p artic u la r m e n ­
tal qualities, is postulated. (A lth o u g h six types o f m e n ta l faculties arc.
said 10 ex ist, in d e te rm in a te fun ctio ns are nut co n sidered to be a bhumt )
F o r ex am p le, the UcJa&bumt is con sid ered tu be the base from w hich the
d efilem en ts arise. D efilem ents such as lust a n d a n g e r are nor always
p re s e n t in the m in d ; th ey arise w hen circu m stan ces are favorable to the
profluciLon o f d e file m e n t 5- Consequently* a g r o u n d n r Ejasc w here they
exist in a httent form is thought to Eje p resent. O t h e r states o f m i n d ,
such as a good m in d , have th eir ow n bases. T h e base Tor m ental func*
rions such as e m b a rra s s m e n t he fore o th ers o v e r one's w ro n g actions
(apatrapya), sham e over o n e ’s actions (hri), a n d assiduous striving (v.irya)
is called the lHgood g r o u n d '’ (icusatabhiimi'). T h is type o f speculation
eventually led to ih e S arv astiv ad in S chool's division o f m ental faculties
in lo five types o f m en tal g ro u n d s: general Eunrtinns, g en eral Junctions
o f good, general fu n ctio ns o f defilem ent, general fu nction s o f evil, an d
m in o r Junctions o f defilem en t. A sixth categ ory o f in d e te rm in a te fu n c­
tions included those m ental functions not lim ited to any p a rtic u la r
ground(s).
T h e f o r ty - s ix m e n t a l f u n c t i o n s a r e liste d b e lo w ,
A. T h e te n general fu nction s a re those th a t arise in m e n ta l slates,
w h eth er they art' gOnd, evil. Or i n d e t e r m i n a t e a n d tn the m e n ia l stales
o| the th ree realm s (desire, form* and formless);

1. S en satio n (vfdand)
2. In te n tio n (cttand)
3. P ercep tio n samjnd)
4. D esire (chanda)
5. C o n ta c t (sparsa)
6. Wisdom (prajnd)
7. M i nd fu Iness (smrti)
 ti. M ental application (manaskdra)
9. A s c e rta in m e n t (adhimvksa)
10. C o n c e n tr a tio n (samadhi)

B. T h e len g en eral ju n c tio n s ol tjood a re alw ays p resen t in good m e n ­

tal states. W h e n ihe following ten m en tal fu nctio ns are p resen t in the
m in d , a “ good m ental s ta te 1’ exists:

1. Belief (sraddha)
2. E a rn estn ess (apramdda)
3. Suppleness (prasrabdhi)
4. E q u a n im ity (uptksd)
5. S h a m e (hri)
6. E m b a rra s s m e n t (apatrdpya)
7. Refra i n i n g froi n erav mg (aiobha)
3. R e fra in in g fro m h a tre d (adocfa)
0. R rfra in i ng fro/ft cau sin g in ju ry f.avihinuS)
JO. A ssiduous striv in g (vfrya)

C . T h e six general functions o f defilement are alw ays present in

defiled nuncl-s. T h e y art1 hsltd along with th t dharmas in (he fallowing
three categories in the section on defilements in this chapter:

D T h e I wo general fun ction s of evil

E. T h e ten m in o r functions o r defilem ent
f\ T h e eight in d e te rm in a te functions.

T h e AbhidhtiTmakaia states only lhal " investigation* sc:ruhny> rem o rse,

drow siness, a n d so fo rth " are in d e te rm in a te functions, a n d dues not list
eight dharmai. H o w ev er, sitice the dharrnas o f lost, h a tre d , p rid e , and
d o u b t are n o t in clu ded in a n y o th er categories, the C h in ese c o m m e n ­
ta to r P 'u - k u a n g a d d e d th e m to the List o f in d e te rm in a te functions to
m ak e a total o f eight ( Chii~she-luTi chi, T 4! :78b). T h e In d ia n c o m ­
m e n ta to r Y a io m ttra also state* th a t there a r t eight dharmns in ih e
categ ory o f in d e te rm in a te functions, su g g estin g that (he trad itio n o f in ­
clu d in g eight dharmas in this categ ory o rig in ated in In d ia (Abhtdhamia-
kttsabhdiya, p. I3‘2, 11. 2 i-2 2 ) . H ow ever, Y asom itra added four o th er d e ­
filem ents to the four alread y found in the Abhidharmakasa. R egardless
o f w hich list is followed, sources are in ag re e m e n t that eight dharrnaf
a rc in clu ded in this category, m aking a total o f forty-six m e n ta l fu n c­
tions.
 T h e C o n c o m it a n t A r is i n g o f t h e M in d a n d M e n ta l F u n c tio n s

As was discussed earlier, the S&rvastivadins m a in ta in e d that moot at fac-

uliies w ere in d e p e n d e n t entities, Such faculties as lust a n d h atred
seem ed to p erfo rm such directly apposed fu n ctio n s that they h a d to be
distinct dh&rmas. H ow ever, even th o u g h m a n y faculties w ere co n tain ed
in the m ind, each person a p p e a re d io have a certain u m ty rhai m a rk e d
him as an individual. T h e S a rv astiv ad in s h a d to explain that unity. If
the m en tal fatuities w ere all com pletely in d e p e n d e n t entities, th e n thai
u n ity w ould be difficult to acco un t for. T h e S arv astivad ins solved thi>
p ro b le m by a rg u in g that th e m in d (citia, in o th e r w ords, consciousness
a n d j u d g m e n t) a n d m ental faculties arise at the sam e tim e a n d w ork
coojwratively. F o r ex ample;, w hen a good m in d arises in the desire
realm , it involves the m ind as well as (he ten general m ental faculties
(mahdhhumika), ihe ten genera! faculties o f good (kusala-m<ih<ibhumika)l
investigation (vitarka), a n d scru tiny (mtdra). T h u s the m in d a n d iw em y-
tWO faculties would sim u ltan eo u sly arise. In the case n f a n u n v irtu o u s
m in d , ihe m i n d h the ten general faculties, the six general faculties ol
d efile m e n t (kitsa■mahdbhinnikaX the two general faculties o f evil (akusala-
makabkftmika), investigation. a n d s c ru tin y a total o f iw enty m ental fae
oliies, all w ou ld arise simultaneously. For a m in d m orally n eu tral a n d
o bscu red (th at iis, o n e that does nor perceive religious tr u th \rttvrta-wyd-
Xrtaj), the m in d , the ten g en en d faculties, the six general fatuities of
d efile m e n t| investigation, a n d scrutiny, a (otal n f eig hteen faculties,
w ould all arise sim u lta n e o u s ly F o r a in End n eu tral a n d not obscured,
th e six general functions o f d efilem ent w ould not arise; th u s, only the
m i n d a n d twelve m e n ta l faculties w ould arise s i m u t t E i n e o u s l y . in m ore
specific cases, such as w hen lust, anger, o r re p e n ta n c e occur, the num*
b e r o f c o n c o m ita n t m e n ta l faculties w ould vary.
In the fo rm a n d formless realm s, the m in d is in a m editative state.
F m m the sccond dhydna (tran ee) u p w a r d , both investigation a n d s c ru '
ttny cease. In ad d itio n , a n g e r does not arise in these high er realms. As a
person progresses tn these m ed itativ e states, the n u m b e r o f c o n c o m ita n t
m en tal faculties decreases.
T h e S arv astivad ins explained the u nity o f the activity o f the m in d by
u s in g a theory o f the co n co m itan t arising o f m in d a n d m enial faculties*
T h is co o perative fu nction ing is called la m p ra y u k ta (con com itance).
A cco rd in g to th e Abhidharmakosa { T 29:22a), the m ind a n d m ental facul­
ties arise co n co m itan tly m five ways: both d ep en d on the s a m e base
(dsraya) o r sense o rg a n , both have rhe sam e object (dlambami)f th e w ay in
w hich the object is perceived is the sam e for hoth (okata), b o th ft; net Soil
at the sam e tim e (kdia), a n d both m a in ta in th eir ow n identities as sub-
stances (dravya).
I he f h t r a v a d a Schuol also has tlc v d o p fd a theory o f ihe roncom it-
a n t e o! the m ind and m enial faculties, but its contents differ slightly from
that o f the Sarv astivadin School ( Vimddhimagga, chap. 17, par, 94).
In th e S a rv a stiv a d in School, ihe te rm samprayukta has the m e a n in g
jarnprayuMafa-Jiflu (o o n c o m ita n t cause). F o r ex am p le, a c c o rd in g lo the
Abhidharmakosa, a good m ind in the desire realm re q u ire s th e c o n co m i­
tant arisin g o f the m ind a n d at least tw enty -tw o m e n ta l faculties. N o n e
o f the req u ired m enial faculties m a y be absen t. [f o n e o f th e m is lack­
ing, th en the o th e r tw enty^one m en tal faculties c an n o t arise; thu s, that
one dharma is nccessary for the re m a in in g tw en ty-o ne io arise, Ii is
b ecau se o f this type of in te rd e p e n d e n c e th at the m in d a n d the vario us
m en tal faculties a re describ ed as being c o n c o m ita n t causes for each
other. A sim ilar relation ship is found a m o n g form (nipa) dharmas. Dhar-
mas o f ihe four e le m e n ts a n d seco n d ary m a tte r (bhautika) arise simulta*
ncousty ro con stitute m atter. H o w ev er, th e relatio nship o f ihe v ariou s
dharmas o f rvpa th at arise at the sa m e tim e is not called “ concom itant
cause," but “ s im u lta n e o u s c a u s c " (sahabhu-helit). T h e four elem en ts of
e a rth , water, fire, a n d air alw ays arise sim ultaneously, If one elem en t is
missing, the o th e r three c a n n o t arise in depen dend y. T h u s , each elem en t
acts as a cause lor others. T h is ty p e of relatio nship is called " s i m u l t a n e ­
ous a n d m u tu a l causc anti effect.” T h e te rm '‘c o n c o m ita n t c a u s c "
refers only to psychological p h e n o m e n a and is a special type o f sim ulta-
n e o u s cause.

T h e M en tal Faculties A cc o rd in g to T h e r a v a d a B u d d h ism

In ihe T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n , consciousncss is classified in to eig h ty -n in e

types on the basis o f its qualities, E ighty-one are varieties o f m u n d a n e
consciousness, d istrib u te d a m o n g t h t th ree realm s as follows: fifty-four
types for the desire realm , fifteen for th e form realm , a n d twelve for the
formless realm . T h e r e m a in in g eight types o f consciousness a re s u p ra-
tn u n d a n e , m a k in g a IntaJ o f eighty-nine varieties.
A ccording to a n o th e r T h e r a v a d a classification system , th e eight types
o f s u p r a m u n d a n e consciousness can each exist in a n y o f the first five
trances (jhdna), m ak ing a total o f forty types o f s u p r a m u n d a n e co n ­
sciousness. W h e n these are a d d e d lo the eig hty -o ne lypes o f m u n d a n e
consciousness, ihe result is a list o f I2J types o f consciousness. H o w ­
ever, the list o f e ig h ty -n in e varieties is the m u st c o m m o n .
 An early ex am p le o f this style o f classification is found in the Paftiom*
bhiddmagga. T h e system was fully fo rm u la te d in the DhammasorigaTii an d
w a s a c c e p t e d as e s t a b lis h e d d o c t r i n e d u r i n g th e p e r io d w h e n t o m m c n t a *
ries on the Abhidhamrna-pitaka w ere being com piled. T h e el ass ideation o f
consciousness in to good, b a d , a n d n eu tral types is found in the Agamas.
O t h e r schools o f N ik a y a B ud d h ism f u rth e r classified the types o f con*
stiou sness in to lists o f ten a n d twelve acco rdin g to w h eth er (hey were
m u n d a n e o r s u p r a m u n d a n e a n d according to w hich o f th e three realm s
(desire, form , a n d formless) they belonged. H o w ev er, ihe detail found
in t h r T h e r a v a d a Its-t o f e ig h ty 'n in e lypes o f consciousness is noi found
in the doctrines o f o th er schools.
T h e te rm “cttasika ” (m e n ta l functions) has long b e e n used in
T h e r a v a d a R uddhism . F o r ex am p le, in the Dhamnuuangttrit (p. 9fT.), the
m e n ta l faculties th at arise in each o f the e ig h ty -n in e types o l'to n scio u s-
ness a re specified- In th e discussion o f th e first lype o f good conscious­
ness o f the desire realm , fifty-six m en tal faculties are m e n tio n e d . H o w ­
ever, (he repetition s are freq u en t, an d w h en the m e n ia l fatuities are
en u m e rated , a total o f only tw e n ty -n in e actually com e in to play in the
v ario u s types o f consciousness. T h e m en tal faculties in different types of
consciousness a re also discusscd in the Kathdualihu, b u t only eighteen
m ental faculties a re m e n tio n e d , indicating th at the n u m b e r o f m ental
faculties h a d still not been d e te rm in e d in a definitive w ay w h en the tre a ­
tises o f the T h e r a v i d a Abhidhamma^piUika w ere b e in g com piled. Finally,
B u d d liad atta, a c o n te m p o r a ry o f B u d d h ag h o sa, li&ied fifty-two m ental
faculties in his Abhtdhammavaldra. T h e fifty-two m e n ta l faculties were
acccpied as the o rth o d o x n u m b e r in the T h e ra v iid a School, tho ug h later
w orks do not alw ays agree Completely on w hich should be included.
A cco rd in g to the Abhtdhnmmatthasangaha there are:

T h ir te e n n eu tral m en tal faculties

I Seven universal faculties (fo u n d in ev ery consciousness)
2. Six p a rtic u la r faculties (found only in som e si a tes o f conscious­
ness)
F o u rtee n m en tal faculties o f evil
1. F o u r universal faculties (fo u n d in every evil consciousness)
2. Ten p a rtic u la r faculties
Tw enty-five m ental faculties o f good a n d p u rity
1 Nineteen universal faculties o f good
2. T h r e e faculties o f abstin en ce
3. T w o faculties o f u n lim ited n ess
4. O n e faculty o f w isdom
 T h e universal n eu tral m e n ta l faculties (sabbacittasddhdrafia) arise in all
types o f consciousness. T h e y co rresp o n d to the genera] fatuities
(\mahdbhumika) o f th e S arv astiv ad in S chnuf. T h e T h c ra v a d in s , with fifty-
iw o m ental faculties, hav e a lon ger list th an the forty-six m e n ta l facul­
ties o f the S arv astiv ad in s. T h e difference arises b ecau se the T h e ra v a -
dins classify as mentaJ faculties some dhammas th at rhe S a rv astiv ad in s
did not recognize as m enial faculties, A m o n g these a re life force (jiviitn-
driya; a sim ilar dharma is classified as a force not co n co m itan t w ith th e
m in d by th e S arv astiv ad in s), tra n q u ility o f m e n ta l faculties {kdyapasad
dht, opposes restlessness)! lightness o f m ental faculties (kdyobhutd,
opposes d row siness a n d lo rp o r), pliancy o f m ental faculties (kayamudtitd,
upposes p rid e a n d w ro n g views), a d a p tab ility o f m e n ta l faculties (kdya■
kammannatar p ro d u c e s serenity in p ro p itio u s things), p roflcien ry o f m e n ­
tal factors {kdyapdgunnatd, opposes disbelief), a n d re c titu d e o f m ental
factors (kayujfakatd, opposes deception). In ad d itio n , right speech (sam-
maudca^ right action (sammdhammania), a n d rig h t livelihood (satnmd-
djiva) a rc co nsid ered to be m ental factors by ihe T h e ra v a d in s , but are
not in clu ded in S arv astiv ad in lists o f dharmas. T here are also o th e r dif­
ferences b etw een the T h e r a v a d in an d S a rv a stiv a d in views o f m en tal
faculties.

The Concomitant Mental Faculties as Presented in

Other Schools

T h e She-li'Ju a -p i't'a n iun ( T 1546, SdriputrdbhidharmajdslrQ*) belongs to

n eith er a T h e r a v a d in nor a S arv astiv ad in lineage. C o n c o m ita n t m en tal
faculties are m e n tio n e d in various places th ro u g h o u t the text. W h e n
these faculties arc system atically collected, a list o f th irty -th ree is pro*
d uced . M e n tio n s o f c o n co m itan t m en tal faculties a re found scattered
th ro u g h o u t th e text o f H a r i v a r m a n ’s Ch'cng-* shift tun ( T 16+6, Tattoos id-
dkUdstra?). W h e n these a re syste m an e ally collected, they total thirty-six
dharmas acco rd in g to some au th o rities a n d fo rty-nine dhaunas according
to olhers. A lthough co n co m itan t m ental faculties are discussed in the
Ch ’eng-ihih Atn, they are not con sid ered to be distinct a n d real entities.
T h e S a u tra n tik a School is fam ous for its refusal lo rccognizc ihe in de­
p en d en t existence o f c o n c o m ita n t m en tal faculties. A ccording to th e
A 'p ’i-ta-mo shun-chtng-ii iun ( T 29:2B4b, Nydydnusdrasdstra?) by Sarigha­
b h a d ra , the S a u l ran tikas recognized only sen sation , percep tio n, an d
volition as co n c o m ita n t m e n ia l faculties. T h e D afp tan tik as, w ho b e ­
lo nged to the sam e lineage as the S a u tra n ttk a s , also d id not recognize
c o n c o m ita n t m e n ta l faculties. A ccording to the Kathdvatthu (bk. 7, see,
3), n eith er did the R ajag iriy a an d S id d h a tta k a schools, both o f the
M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage. T h e adherent,1! o f these schools e m p h a s iz e the
u n ita ry n a tu re o f th e m ind. W h e n sensatio n is o ccu rrin g , the entire
m ind is sen sat tun W h e n perception is o ccu rrin g , the whole m in d is p e r ­
ception, T h e varieties o f psychological p h e n o m e n a are th u s viewed as
m anifestation s o f a u n ita ry mind-

T h e Unity and Continuity of the Personality

T h e S arv astiv ad in s ex plained the no-Self theo ry in a m ech an ical Fash­

ion , con sid eH ng each o f the m ental functions lo be sep arate entities. But
ihis ty p e o f in terp retatio n did not sufficiently explain the o rg an ic u n ity
o f the m in d . C o nsequ ently, the S a rv astiv ad in s ad v an ced the th eory of
ihe to n com i tan l arising o f t h t m ind a n d m ental functions. Stncc the
m in d a n d m ental functions arose an d te a s e d in an instan t, the theory of
c o n c o m ita n c e still did not sufficiently explain (he un ity o f the m in d . T o
solve this p ro b le m , the S a rv astiv ad in s described the m in d as a g ro u n d
o r base (citk-i>hvtni)i T h e Yogacarin branch o f M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism
explained the un ity o f the m in d by p o s tu la tin g a realm o f rhe u n c o n ­
scious* the alaya-vijnana, from which both ihe conscious m in d a n d its
objects arose. T h e S arv astiv ad in s did not acknow ledge ihis type o f c o n ­
sciousness, but did recognize live types o\ citta-bhurm from w hich psy^
chological p h e n o m e n a arose
T h e defilem ents (kltta) a re also called anu/aya. T h e S a rv astiv ad in s
in te rp re te d anutaya as m e a n in g “ so m eth in g that g rad ually becom es
stro n g er," while the S a u ira n rik a s in terp reted it as ^ so m e th in g sleep-
i n g '1 o r d o rm a n t- T h e word “anus'aya” m ay be tra n sla te d as m e a n in g
“ piocliviiy to do w r o n g ." Even w h en hatred a n d lust a r t not manifest
in th e conscious m in d , they a re still believed to be present in the c o n ­
scious m in d in a d o r m a n t state. A lth o u g h the ritta -hfjurjn was said to be
the locus o f these proclivities,, the d octrin e o f citto-bhumt still did not
e n a b le the S arv astiv ad in s to describe the contin uity o f the m in d a d e ­
quately. Tn this e n d , (hey argued for th e presence o f a dharma o f llfe-
force (jivitrndriya), w hich would exp lain the o bv io us c o n tin u ities o f a
person d u rin g his lifespan. In ad d itio n , the S arv astiv ad in s discussed the
c o n tin u u m o f m in d (citta-samtana), the w ay in w hich fo rm e r a n d latter
in stan ts o f m in d co n stitu ted a stream o f consciousness. In the en d ,
b ecause the Sarvfistivadin view o f m en tal faculties was insufficient to
pro vid e a co nvincing ex p la n a tio n of the co n tin u ity o f th e m in d , th e
S arvastivadin s w ere still faced w ith solving p ro b le m s such as how m e m ­
ory cou ld function w hen the m in d was arisin g a n d ceasing each in stan t.
 O t h e r schools did noi recognize tin- m in d ’g r o u n d d o c trin e a n d digs
had 10 find different ways 10 explain the co niinu ity a n d un ity n f rbr p e r ­
sonality. For ex a m p le , the T h e r a v a d a School used ihe idea o f a su b c o n ­
scious d im e n sio n n f m in d (bhavatiga-vinndrio o r bhavaitga-cilia) to explain
these problem s. T h e te rm "ftfeuwifa” is fo u n d in th e Pali abhidhamma
text Patthdna (vol. I, p. I6 3 f.) anti in Ihe Mihtidapanha (bk. 4, chap . t),
sec, 36). W h e n nn m en tal fun ction s are present in consciousness {that
is, w hen a person is unconscious), bhavanga-vii\ndm is still prcseni
W h e n stim uli from ihe ou tsid e world n r from w ithin the m in d activate
the consciousness, how ever, the m ind ch an g es from its subconscious
slate to a consciousness directed toward sense objects. T h is process is
called “ a d v e rtin g the m i n d " (dvajjana), C o g n itio n is e x p la in e d as c o n ­
sisting o f twelve processes, in c lu d in g recep tion (iainpaticchana), j u d g in g
an im pression (santirana), a n d d e te rm in a tio n (t>otihappana). In add itio n,
ihe T h e r a v a d a School developed a list o f fifty-two m ental faculties, a
derailed analysis o f rhe m in d c o m p a ra b le to that Found in S a rv a stiv a d in
lertts. T h e list o f twtilvc processes th at o c c u r d u r in g cognition is a theory-
pecu liar to the T h e r a v a d a School. A lthough B ud d h ism g en erally p aid
m ore a tte n tio n to psychological analysis th an o th e r religious traditions,
the T h e r a v a d a Schoni c arried such analyses farth er th a n the o th e r
schools w ith in B u d d h is m . T h e T h e r a v a d a tre a tm e n t o f the bhtis&ngQ
(which served as both a subconscious a n d a life-force) is siiruJar to posi­
tions ad o p ted in ihe Y ogacara traditio n
T h e S a u tra n tik a School explained the co n tin u ity ol ihe m in d by
using the concept o f m enial seeds (bija). Seeds were th e m ental ex p eri­
ences o f ihe pasi p reserv ed in the m in d in a latent staie, T h e c o n ti­
n uities a n d changes o f psychological p h e n o m e n a w ere describ ed by
referrin g to the ch an g es th at seeds went th ro u g h w ith te rm s such as co n ­
tinuity (s&nfati), tra n sfo rm al ion (porindma), a n d d istinclion th r
last in the series o f changes the seeds u n d e rw e n t), 'l b elucidate the c o n ­
tinuity o r id en tity o f each indiv id ual, the S&Utrantikas used the concept
o f a tru e person n r pudgalu (paramarthapudgaia) T h e S au tra m ifcai also
recognized ihe existence o f a subtle form o f the m enial skandhm (ekarasor
skandha) th at w ould c o n tin u e from earlier reb irth s to later ones, a posi­
tion so d istinctive lhai the S a u tra m ik a s w ere co n seq u en tly so m etim es
callcd by a n o th e r n a m e , Sar'ikrantivadin (the school th at m a in ta in s th r
tra n sm ig ra tin n o f the skandhos'). T h is special form o f ihe sknndhas was
sim ilar lo a su b lle consciousness (stifatfw-mtinovijiidnn) th at continually
existed and was not cut off by d e a th , but c o n tin u e d on to the ncxl life.
P ercep tio n c o n tin u e d to exisi in this su btle consciousness, but only to a
m in ute degree, th u s m a k in g subtle consciousness sim ilar to the u n c o n ­
scious. T h e subtle consciousness was said to con tinu e 10 function
b e h in d m a n 's grosser, ev ery d ay consciousness.
 T h e VatsfputrTyas a n d S am in Aliyas arc fam o u s for m a in ta in in g ihat a
pudgafa (person) existed thai tra n s m ig ra te d from o n e existence to
a n o th er. T h r pudgala was criticiiicd by o th er B u dd hist schools as being
eq u iv a le n t lo ail eternal soul (dtman). H ow ever, the V a ts lp u tn y a s
a rg u e d thai ihe pudgala was n eith er ideniieal to ClOr se p a ra te Ironi [he
skandhas. If ii w ere identical to t h t skandhas, th en tlie B u d d h a 's teaching
lhal no etern al Self could be found in th e skandkas woufct have been
v iolated . If the pudgata w ere sep arate from the skandhast lht.in it would
hav e ijte n im possible to recognise it. T h e was thus a nietaphysi-
eal eniity, so m ew h at sim ilar to th e aiman o r eternal & dft w hich B u d ­
dhism generally d id not recognise. H ow ever, the VatsJputrTyas ackn ow l­
edged (he existen ce o f an dintan o r Self in a different sen sr th an tliai
ad v o caied by m a n y o f the n o n -B ud dh ist tra d itio n s. T h e pudgala w as an
entity (hat p rov id ed the co n tin u ity in a p e rso n 's existences, b u i was n e i­
th e r idem ieal to nor sep arate from the skandhai. T h e V aisipu triyas aug£
gested a new catego ry o f p h e n o m e n a 10 which ihis Sell belonged, the
inexplicable (Gh. pti-k'o-shuo tsangj, T h is ealego ry w as added to four
o th e r categories recog nized by the S a rv a stiv a d in s (conditioned dharmas
in ihe past, p re se n t, a n d fu tu re a n d u n co n d itio n ed dharrmt)^ m ak ing a
total o f live categories o f existence recognized by the V a ts lp u tn y a s . T he
VatsTputnya view o f a Self was v eh em en tly criticized In the n i m h c h a p ­
te r o f the Abhidhanmkoia.
V arious view* o f a " s e l f th at w ould explain the ro n tin u ity betw een
births a n d reb irth s w ere p ro po sed by o th er schools. A cco rd in g to the
flrsl fasticEe o f the She ta-shtng lun ( T 3 l : J 3 4 a , Mahayanasangraha#), rhe
M ahafranghikas p o stu lated the existence o f a “ basic co n scio u sn ess'1
( C h . kirn -pen sfith), rind th e M ah isasak as m a in ta in e d th at a skandha in a
subtle w ay persisted th rou g h births a n d deaths (C h. ch'iung shcng-ssu
yu'ft). A c c o rd in g to ihe M akdvibhdjd ( 7" 2 7 : 7 7 2 r „ 774a), the Dflr^|antikns
a n d D iscrim in ato rs recognized ihe existence o f a subtle (C h. hsi-ksin) or
c o n tin u in g su bcon scio us m in d , T h e se ideas served as th e basis for the
d ev elo p m en t o f M a h a y a n a doctrines o f alaya-vijnana. F in a lly the d o c­
trin e th at the m in d is originally p u re, which was m a in ta in e d by (he
M a h a s a n g h ik a 5 a n d the a u th o rs o f the Sdripuirabhidharmasdsira ( T 2ft:
697b), was based on the position that th ere was a c o n tin u in g p u r e m e n ­
tal substratum.7

Forces Not Concomitant with the M in d

( C itta -v ip r o y u k tQ fi S a rfiskH ra k)

F u n c tio n s th at do not arise con co m itan tly with the m in d a re n e v e r th e ­

less classified as parr o f the aggregate o f m e n ta l fo rm atio ns (jarnikdra-
skattdha). As was ex plained above, mental faculties are dhannas that arise
concomitantly with the mind and are part of the iamskaTa'skandha. Jn the
classifications o f dyatanas (bases) and dhdtm (elements), they are in­
cluded as part of the dharma'dyalana or dharma-dhdtu (mental objects).
However, other forces (samskdra), which do not arise concomitantly wirh
the mind, arc also included in the satrnkdra-skandha. 'Hie Sarvastivadins
established a gfnup of fourteen dharmas that fit into this group. T h e y arc
neither physical nor mental. Some of (hem have a physiological aspect,
but others do not.
T h e fourieen forces thai do n o t arise co n co m itan tly with tin* m in d are
as follows;

1. Possession (prdpti)
2. Dispossession (aprdpti)
3. S im ilarity o f bein g ( nikdya-sabhdga)
4. Hinh and existence in a heaven without perception (d sa m jn ik a )
5. A bsorp tion w ithout p ercep tio n (asarrijnisamdpatti)
6. A bsor pt ion o f re ssat ion ( nhodhaia rndpalti)
7. Life-force (jivilendrxya)
8. O r ig in a tio n (jati)
9. Subsistence (sthiti)
10. D ecay (jard)
11. E xtin ction (anityatd)
12. Words (ndmakdya)
13. S entences (padakdya)
14. Syllables (vyanjanakaya)

Life-force is ihe lifespan viewed as a dharma. A b so rp tio n w ith o u t p e r ­

ception is a m ed itatio n in which ihe m en tal fun ction s u p to a n d in c lu d ­
ing p erception cease. T h e ab so rp tio n o f cessation is an eveo d eep er
m ed itatio n in w hich the m e n ta l functions u p tu a n d in c lu d in g sensation
cease Because both a re unconscious slates, th ey a re included in the cal-
Cgory o f forces n eirher m ental n o r m aterial. T h e above three dharmas are
objectifications o f certain aspects o f living o r existence. W h e n a p erso n
w ho has en tered an a b so rp tio n w ithout p ercep tio n dies, he is reb o rn in a
realm o f no perceptio n . Because this realm is d evoid o f p ercep tio n , the
dharmai o f w hich it is com po sed are in clud ed a m o n g the furrcs thai arc
not c o n c o m ita n t with ihe m ind.
Similatity, rhe dharrrm used to explain how sentient beings arc distin­
guished into groups, is present in at! sentient beings. A being exists as a
horse or a cow because it possesses a horse or cow dharma of similarity.
T h e dharmas o f possession (prdpti) an d dispossession (aprdpti) are
re lated to (he process o f e lim in atin g defilem ents. A lthough defilem ents
m ay not actually be arising in the m in d o f a n o r d in a ry p erso n at a p a r ’
titu la r m o m e n t, the defilem ents are still p resen t m a latent form an d
still have not Ijeen elim in ated . Prdpti is th e fo rte ihat links the defile­
m ent* to a person. T h u s a personas c o n tin u u m (w hich is c o n sta n tly
ch ang ing ) is said to 11possess ” deli lemen ts, Even th o u g h the defilem ents
them selves m a y not be m an ifest, the prdpti o f the defile m en is is presen I
wirhin the c o n tin u u m . In con trast, hecausc a n arhat has elim inated his
passions, ev en if a worldly m in d should arise in him , the prdpti o f the
d ciilem en ts w ould not b e c o m e a p ari o f bis c o n tin u u m T h u s , if the
s a m e o r d in a ry th ought w ere to arise both in an o r d in a ry m an a n d in a n
arhat, the results w ould be very different in term s o f the arou sal o f the
d efilem en ts W h e n the defilem ents are cut off, ihe dharma o f aptdpti or
dispossession keeps the d efilem en ts away. T h e dharmas o f prapti an d
aprapti are req u ired as part o f the S arv astiv ad in ex p la n a tio n o f a c o n tin ­
ually c h a n g in g p e rs o n . Bin ev en t h e d ita m a r o fp ra p ti a n d aprdpti t h e m ­
selves arise a n d cease each in sta n t a n d a re d e p e n d e n t 011 o th er dharmas
a n d a part o f the c o n tin u u m th at m akes up a personality.
O th e r dfutrmas co n sid ered not co n c o m ita n t with the m in d w ere (hr
forces th at give significance to words (ndma/cdya), se m e n res (padakdya),
a n d syllables (tiyadjartaJtaya). T h e se forces are viewed as real entities.
T h e four ch aracteristics— original ion (jdti), subsistence f'itfii'it,), decay
(jara), a n d extinction (anityatd) — are partic u la rly controversial categ o­
ries a m o n g thc dharmaf not co n co m itan t wilh th e m i n d . 8 In the Sarvis^
tsvadin system , (hey are the forces b ehin d ih e in sta n ta n e o u s n a tu re o f
ph e n u m e n a , the fortes that causc the im p e r m a n e n t? o f everything.
T h e se four forces w ere considered to be sep arate entities from the p h e­
n o m e n a iliey affected. Because all o f the in stan tan eo u sly a p p e a rin g
dharmas o r ig i n a t e d f subsisted, decayed, a n d b ecam e extinct at the sam e
in sta n t, the forces b ehind im p e rm a n e n c e cam e to be considered as real
existences in a n d o f them selves, as forces n eith er m ental n o r m aterial.
F o rte s noi concom itant wilh the m in d (citta-i/iprayuktdh sarrtskdtdh) are
als» discn ssrd m the Sdripulrabhidharmasdstra ( T 211: 547b), in d icatin g thai
such dharmas m ust h av e been recognized by the school th at p ro d uced
th at text. A ch ap ter devoted to the subject is m cluded in the Ta&Bas-id-
dhisdstra ( T 32:289 a), discussing a p p ro x im a te ly the sam e g ro u p o f dhar­
mas fo u n d in S a rv astiv ad in sources. A n im p o rta n t difference exisis,
how ever, in the m a n n e r in w hich cittaviprayuktdh samskdrah a re tre ated in
these traditions. A lth o u g h Lhtf S arv astiv adin s considered these dhatmai
lo be real entities (drat>ya), ihe a u th o r o f the Taitvajiddhiiiditra considered
ih e m 10 be only expediently p osited entities. A c c o rd in g to B u dd hagh o-
s a ’s c o m m e n ta ry on the fCathdvalthu (bk. I I, chap. 1; bk. 14, chap. 6),
th e SammatTyas a n d the P u rv a ss ila s re to g n iz e d forces noi co n co m itan t
w ith ihe m in d In V a s u m iira 's Samaya (7* 45:15c, 16c), (he Malnsasafcas
are said to m a in ta in th at the “ n a tu r e o f th e proclivities (anusoyc.) is that
th ey are not c o n c o m ita n t with the m i n d ,11 T h e M ah asaiig h ik as are said
to hold rhe p o sld o n th at “ th e anusayas a rc n e ith e r [he m in d (citta) nor
mcittaJ fatu ities (cattasika-dharma). M D o r m a n t passion s w ere th u s cun*
side red to be dharmas noi t o n e omi tarn with The m in d by the M a h a -
sarighikas a n d M ah isasak as.
M a n y o f th e schools o f N ik ay a B ud dh ism recognized (he existence of
dharmas not co n co m itan t with the m ind. T h e T h e r a v a d a S chool, h o w ­
ever, does not recognise th e m , but does include a n u m b e r o f dharmas
th at co n cern such issues as lifespan or physical qualities in th eir list of
fifty-two m e n ta l states o r faculties (cttaiikn). C on seq uen tly , the T h e ra v a -
d ins do not use the te rm “ dharmas not c o n c o m ita n t w ith th e m in d -" T h e
relation sh ip b etw een physiology a n d psychology ts subtle. F o r ex am p le,
h ecau sc th e h eartb eat is a physiologital function but is easily influenced
by psychological factors, the T h e r a v a d in s cou ld con sider lifespan tn be
a m en tal function.

T h e Scventy -five D h a j - m a s in Five Groups

V ario u s types of dharmas o r elem ents o f existence discussed w ith in the

abhidharma tra d itio n have been review ed above. T h e S arv astiv ad in
School classified these dharmas into five groups: form frii^aj, m ind (citla)t
m en tal faculties (caitasika), fortes not co n c o m ita n t with (he m in d (ciiut-
ejiprayuJtidfi-tarnskdrdh), a n d u n co n d itio n ed dharmas (asamskrta}. T h is clas-
sification system first ap p e a rs in the Prakaranapdda ( T 26:692b). In this
text, Ibrm dharmas a re p re se n te d first. N ext, the m ind that takes ic rm as
an object is discussed. T h ir d , the m ental facuilies th at arise c o n c o m ­
itantly1with the m in d a re described. F o u rth , the forces n o t co n c o m ita n t
wilh the m in d are p resen ted . T h e se four g ro u p s a re all co n d itio n ed dhar-
mas 1 he fifth g ro u p , u n c o n d itio n e d dharmas, h c o n ira sie d w ith the first
four, W h e n the Prakaranapada was com piled, this classification ol the ele­
m e n ts o f existence w as the clearest exposition available o f th e types of
dharmas., L ater, the co n ten ts o f each g ro u p o f dharmas were definitively
d e te rm in e d in the Abhidharmakosa in the following m an n er:

1. Form : eleven dharmas (the five sense o rg a n s, five sense objects,

an d u n m an ife sted m a tte r)
2. T h e m in d : one dharma
3. M e n ta l functions: forty-six dharmas (listed earlier in the discus­
sion of the analysis o f the m in d )
 4. F ortes nut c o n co m itan t w ith the m ind; fourteen dharmas (listed
earlier in t h t discussion o f this topic)
5. U n c o n d itio n e d dharmas: ih ree dharmas (analytical cessation, non-
analytical cessation, spacc)

T h e classification of dharmas into five g ro u p s was u sed in In d ia only

by the S arv astivadin s. L a te r in C h in a , the C h 'e n g s h i h (Taitvasiddhifas-
ira) School ad o p ted a list o f eighty-four dharmas divided into the frame
five g ro u p s (fo u rteen form dharmas, o n e m in d , forty-nine m e n ta l facul
ties, seventeen forces not c o n c o m ita n t w ith the m in d , a n d th ree u n c o n ­
d itio n ed dhprmas), (See (he Yuimakyoguho antakit Doinx/um Bukkyo ztnsho,
vol. 5.) C h in ese m o nk s o rg a n iz e d the dharmas of rhe TatWasiddhististra
in to a system sim ilar to th at o f S arv astiv ad in texts; b u t n o th in g c o rre s ­
p o n d in g to (his a r ra n g e m e n t is found in the tesa o f the Tattuasiddhisdstra
( 7 ’ 1646).
N o attem p t to m ake a co m p reh en siv e list o f si I the dharmas is found in
T h e r a v a d a B u d d h ism , fn the Ahhidhammatthaiangahat lists o f S 9 a n d 121
types o f consciousncss, fiftynw o m ental faculties, a n d eleven an d
tw enty-eight types of form a re fo u n d , b u t n o c o m p reh en siv e list o f all
the dharmas is included. T h u s , a c o m p re h e n siv e list o f all dharmas w ould
seem tn be u n iq u e to the Karvaa1 1vadin School.
In Early B uddhism , the elem en ts o f existence w ere classified into
groups such as the five aggregates* twelve base*, a n d eigh teen elem ents,
hut these early classifications fell short o f the needs of ahhidharma schol­
ars in a variety o f ways. U n c o n d itio n e d dharmas w ere not inclu ded in the
five agg reg ates (skandha). M o reo v er, from the point o f view of the
abhidharma specialist, the tw o aggregates o f sensatio n (vedana) a n d p e r­
ception (sarpjiiti) eoujd be included in rhe ag g reg ate o f m ental form atio ns
(samskd/a). T h u s , the live aggregates did not prov ide a good m odel for
th e classification o f dharmas In m an y passages in the Agamas, all exis­
tence is said to be en co m p assed by the twelve b ases (ayatana) o f c o g n i­
tion. Both co n d itio n ed a n d u n c o n d itio n e d t/farncoj a re in clud ed in the
twelve bases a n d eighteen elem en ts (dhaiu). H o w ev er, a large n u m b e r of
dharmas such as the m e n ta l functions, forccs n u t c u n c o m h a n t with the
m in d , a n d u n co n d itio n ed dharmas are inclu ded in the one base o r ele­
ment o f m enial objects. In contrast, ten bases a n d ten elem en ts are
devoted to form (rupa). T h is type o f analysis is clearly out o f b alan ce an d
not suitable for the classification o f dhannai. T h u s , the S arv astiv ad in
classification o f five g roups w as a significant new d e p a r tu re in the a n a l ­
ysis of dharmas
 CHA PTER II

Buddhisi Cosmology and

the Theory o f Karma

T h e Three Realms

B u d d h i s t c o s m o l o g y ' has piayed an im p o rta n t role in C h in a , J a p a n ,

a n d o th er B u d d h ist countries. F o r exam ple, it w as influential in J a p a n
ltrltj) [he M<ijt period (1A66- 19 ] 2). M o d e rn g eo g rap h y a n d a stro n o m y
have invalidated ihe view o f t h e universe d r a w n in tra d itio n al Buddhist
works. Howivi-r, since many B uddhisi d o ctrin e s are illustrated throu gh
cnsmology, it t a n not he dismissed as i r i r k v a m sim ply because iis view
o f tlit physical un iv erse is not supported by modern scholarly disci­
plines. T h e descrip tion o f Buddhisi cosmology tn the following pages is
based on ihe “ C h a p te r on the W o rld 13 fro m the A&hid/uirmakosa.
Buddhist cosmology shares m a n y o f its d e m e n t s wiih o lh e r Indian
traditions. In Vedic In d ia , people believed that hell (N a ra k a , N iray a)
was lo cated b e n e a th the e a rth a n d that the god o l d e a th , Yania, resided
Ih ere. Yam a w as said to have originally resided in h eav en but it) have
m oved u n d e r g ro u n d to hell* Buddhist th ink ers ad o p ted a n d syste-
m atized su e h views. A cco rd in g lo Buddhist sources, ih erc w ere sixleen
hells, eight hot ones am i eight cold ones. T h e surface o f the e a rth was
d o m in a te d by a huge m o u n ta in in the c en ter called S u m e ru {also know n
as M eru o r N c ru ). A ro u n d M o u n t S u m e ru w ere four c o n tin c n ts ~ -J a m -
budvTpa in the south (w here h u m a n beings w ere th o u g h t (0 reside),
P u f v a v id e h a in the east, Avaragcxlanfya in the west, a n d U ita r a k u r u in
che n o r th — s u rro u n d e d by an ocean. A rang e ol m o u n ta in s a r o u n d the
edg e o f th e world kept the w aier from spilling o u t. In a d d itio n , M o u n t
S u m e ru was s u rro u n d e d by o th e r m o u n ta in ftlnges a n d oceans, A l t o
g e th e r th ere w ere a total o f eight oceans a n d n in e m o u n ta in ranges. T h e
last m o u n ta in ran ge m a rk e d the o u te r b o u n d a rie s o f the world a n d was
called [he G re a t Iron M o u n ta in s T h is system w as describ ed as a “ enn-
ta in e r-w o rld 11(bftajana-ioka) fur sentient beings.
Above the world w ere heavens in h ab ited by gods a n d o th er heavenly
beings. T h e heavens w ere divided into tw o groups: the D esire H eav en s
a n d the F o rm H eav en s. T h e r e were six D esire H eavens. T h r UnwrM
was situated on a platfo rm on the top o f M o u n t S u m e ru a n d was inhab-
itcd by four h eaven ly kings responsible for g u a rd in g the lo u r direct ions.
T h e n ext h eav en , in the m idd le of th e p latfo rm , w as the abode of
the th irty -th ree Vedic gods. T h e fuur re m a in in g heavens floated above
the top o f M o u n t S u m e ru . B eginning w ith th e lowest they were as (bi-
lows:

1►Y a m a n a m slbilnEim— heaven of Yama

2. T u si i a - “ H e a v e n w h e re future B ud dh as reside be Tori: th eir linat
b irth
3. N ir m a n a - r a ta y a — H e a v e n w here beings create th eir ow n objects
o f pleasure
4. P a r a -n ir m it a - v a s a - v a n in — H ig h e st D esire H e a v e n ( T h e plea
3UTC3 of ail the other Desire H eavens ca n be enjoyed from this
h e a v e n .)

T h e heavens o f the form realm were divided into F o u r M e d ita tio n

(dhyana) H eav en s, with the F o u rth M e d ita tio n H eav en occup yin g the
highest place. T h r F o ur M e d ita tio n H eav en s w ere, in t u r n , su bd iv id ed
into seventeen h eav ens as follows:

First M e d ita tio n H e a v e n s

1. R ra h m a k a y ik a — H e a v e n o f B ra h m a 's followers
2. R r a h m a p u r o h ita — H e a v e n o f B ra h m a 's retainers
3. M a h a b r a h m a n — H e a v e n o f U ra h m a him self

Second M e d ita tio n H e a v e n s

1. P a r ltta b h a — H e a v e n o f lesser light
2. A p n i m a n a b h a — H eav en o f un lim ited light
3. A b h a s v a ra — H e a v e n o f universal light

T h i r d M e d ita tio n H eav en s

!. P a r itta s u b h a — H eav en of lesser pu rity
2. A p ra m a i^ a s u b h a -^ H e a v e n o f u n lim ited purity
3. S u b h a k r ts n a —f l c a v c n o f universal p u rity
 F o u rth M e d ita tio n H e a v e n s
[. A n a h h r a t a — T h e cloudless heaven
2. P u n y a p r a s a v a — H e a v e n where th e fo rtu n ate a re b u rn
3. BfhatphAJa— H e a v e n w here w orldlings w ilh g reat d eed s are b o rn
4. A vfh a— H eav en for th e rebirth o f ihe sage w ithout passions
5. Ala p a — H e a v e n w ithout the heat o f passion
6. S u d r s a — H e a v e n o f perfect m anifestation
7. S u d a r s a n a — H e a v e n o f perfect vision
S. A k a n ifith a ^ U iifiic st (lo rm ) h eaven

V ariations in ihe list ol' heavens exist. T h e S a rv a stiv a d in School of

K a s h m ir m a in ta in e d ihai th e h eav en o f B r a h m a 's m inisters and the
h eav en o f B r a h m a h im self should Lie c o m b in e d since ihe m in isters w ere
B r a h m a 's retain ers, thus m a k in g sixteen heavens. T h e S arv astiv ad in
teachers in the west a rg u e d in favor ui the list o f seventeen F u rm Hirav*
ens- T h u S a u tra n tik a S c h m ! d i n n e d th at Ih ere were eigh teen Form
H eavens. In ihe Sfiihcfii ching o f th e Ch 'tag a-han thing { ! ' 1, Dtrghagama).
a (ext that was p r o b a b ly used in the D h a r m a g u p ta k a S chool, the n a m e s
o f tw enty^tw o h eav en s in the form realm are listed. T h e tw enty -tw o
Form H eav en s are also m e n tio n e d in the Sdnpuir^bhfdharma/djtrtf ( T
28'601c). A lthough differences existed b etw een ihe positions held by
v ario u s schools, all o f th e m agreed that the highest h e a v e n o f the form
re a lm w as called A k a n ij[h a . In th e M a h a y a n a tradition, (he h eav en was
also know n as the peak o r btiavdgra ( O g ih a ra , Honwa datjiun, u.v, afatnif-
tha).
T h e formless realm (drdpya-dhdiu) was a w orld w ithout bodies or
places, a spiritual realm consisting o f four levels: u n lim ited spa.ee,
u n lim ite d consciousness* n o th in g n ess, a n d n eith er p ercep tio n n o r non-
p ercep tion .
T h e desire, f o r m h and formless realm s collectively w ere called the
th ree realm s, T h e y m a d e up th e w orld w here sentient beings were
reb o rn . In ihe desire realm , sexual differences w ere present- C n n s o
quently, ii was a realm with sexual a n d o th er desires. S trug gles over
m ateria l objects led to desire, anger, a n d fights, Since Vedic tim es the
gods hav e b een considered to be differentiated sexually, a n d stories have
been luld o f th eir jealousies a n d battles. T h e B uddhists in c o rp o ra te d
ihese gods into ih eir cosm ology a n d placed th e m in such places as ihe
H e a v e n o f th e T h irty -th re e (T ray astrirn sa), o n e o f Ehe six D esire H c a v '
ens. O l ihe guds, only B r a h m a resided in a h eav en o f the form realm ,
ihe First M ed itatio n H e a v e n . B ra h m a received this h o n o r b e ra u se the
m e d ita tio n s un th e four u n lim ited m inds (catwiry apmmandTti)— amity,
co m p assio n , sy m pathetic joy, a n d e q u a n im ity — were also called the
 four brahma-viharas (ab od es o f B rah m s). T h e y w ere considered To he
p r a c t i c e [hat m ig h t result in re b irth in B r a h m a 's heav en . Because
B r a h m a ’s h eav en was sd closely co n n ected wilh these m e d ita tio n s,
B ra h m a was said fO reside in th e First M e d ita tio n H eav en .
T h e f o u r M e d ita tio n H e a v e n s were worlds m odeled after m e d ita ­
tions. If a p ractitio n er m e d ita te d an d a tta in e d one o f the four m e d i a ­
tions, but died w ithout a tta in in g e n lig h te n m e n t, ih en he cou ld nut e n te r
nirvdna, he w ould, how ever, be reho rn in a h eav en th at c o rresp o n d ed to
ihe m ed itatio n he had a tta in e d , not in a b a d destiny. Because a person
ex p erien ced physical h ap piness o r bliss in m e d ita tio n , his r e b irth wax
said to be in the form realm , w here he w ould have a b o d y with w hich to
ex perien ce bliss. H o w ev er, while h e was deep in m e d ita tio n , he w ould
ex perien ce n e ith e r h u n g e r n o r sexual desire a n d would not perceive the
ou isid c w orld. No conflict!) o r a n y o th er ty p e o f interaction w ith o th e r
people w ould occur. C o nsequently, in the form realm no sexual d istin c ­
tions existed. Food was u nn ecessary a n d a n g e r u n k n o w n . Buddhist
descrip tion s o f the in h a b ita n ts o f the M e d ita tio n H eav etw thus reflected
the experiences o f people in d e e p m editation As an individual ro.se to
h ig h e r levels in ihe form realm , his body b ecam e la rg e r a n d his lifespan
longer.
A com plex system o f hot a n d cold hells was located u n d e r the e a rth .
T h e hells, ibe four great co n tin en ts, the su n a n d m o o n , the six Desire
H e a v e n s , a n d B r a h m a 's h eav en tog ether m ad e u p one world. T h e
world itself floated in sp ate , w here it was s u p p o rte d by circles o f variou s
substances. Directly b e n e a th the w orld was a circle ol ineial. T h is circle
rested on a circle o f w ater th a t, in t u r n , rested on a circle o f w ind (vdyu-
mandala)' a w h irlw ind o f a ir th at kept the system floating in space
C o u n tless n u m b e rs o f such worlds existed floating in space. O n e th o u ­
sand worlds m ad e up o n e small qhiliocosm. O n e th o u sa n d small ehi-
tiocosms m ad e up o n e m id dle chiliocosm , a n d o n e th o u s a n d m iddle chi
IiOcrisms m ad e up une great eh L b or n s r u . A H u dd ha could p reach
th ro ug h o n e great ehiliocosm . S a rv astiv ad in s believed th at tw u o r m ore
B u d d h a s w ould n e v e r a p p ear at the sam e tim e in the sam e g reat chi-
liocosm Since the B u d d h a s h a d finite lifespans a n d rheir teachings
lasted Only a lim ited time* past B u d d h as h a d ap p e a re d before S a k y a ­
m u n i B u d d h a , and in th e fu tu re, Mai trey a B u d d h a wns expected to
ap pear.
Since m a n y greal chiliocosm s existed sim u ltan eo u sly th ro u g h o u t the
u niv erse, m on ks b egan to consider (he p ro blem o f w h eth er a n u m b e r of
B u d d h a s cou ld a p p e a r at the sam e tim e. T h e S arv astiv ad in s denied that
m a n y B u d d h a s could a p p e a r al the sam e tim e, bul the M a h a s a n g h ik a s
arg u e d thai m a n y B u d d h a s m ig h t a p p e a r at the sam e tim e in different
regions o f (he un iverse. T in s issue is discussed in the Kathavatthu In the
Alah&vasiit, the position is m aintained thai m any B u dd h as m ight ap p ear
.:it the sam e tim e in vario u s p a rts o f I he universe.
A description o f ihe u n iv e rse sim ilar to thr1 above acco u n t is found in
several wiras, in c lu d in g ihe Shih-chi chmg in the Ch 'ang a-fian thing ( / ’ I ,
DlrghSgtm a), th r Tn lou-I $ui (hing ( T 23, LekfiStAano?), a n d the Ch't^jhiA
yin-peri ciitng (7" 25). C osm o log ical theory was developed fu rth er in
abhidkarma w o r k s such as I h e I A sh ih ti p 'i- f Iflrt iurt ( T 1 6 4 4 . Lokapra} nap*
iyabhidharma^}, T h e s e theories were sy stem atized in S arv astiv ad in lexis
such as the Afahavibhasc ( T 1545} an d ihe Abhidharmakosa ( 7 ‘ I55ti). In
ad d itio n , a n u m b e r o f do ctrinal differences w ere found in the cosmology
it a I theories ol ihe v ario u s schools o f N ikaya B uddhism .
T h e J a in a s p resen ted a view o f the un iverse that differed in m an y
ways from B u d d h ism , H in d u theories a b o u t the un iv erse w ere d e v e h
o p ed fu rth er in the Purdttas. T h e s e sources ean be c o m p a re d w ith those
from the Buddhist tra d itio n .

T h e D e s tr u c tio n a n d F o r m a tio n o f th e W orJd

Since ev e n the world is im p e rm a n e n t, it eventually m ust decay All the

worlds in a threat chiliorosnq a re p ro du ced ai the sam e tim e Likewise,
ihe d e stru c tio n o f alt ihe worids o f a great chiliocosm occurs at the sam e
tim r, T h e destructiv e process begins w ith [he d ev clo p m en i o f m orally
good m in ds in sentient beings. A fter a long lim e, the sentient b ein g s in
[he hells a re ^El reb o rn in high er realms. T h e hells, em p tied o f all s^nli-
em heings. w ould serve n o p u rp o se. T h e d estructio n o f a w orld thus
begins with the hells. A fter a tim e , anim als a n d th en m e n a re reb o rn in
(he heavens a n d the e a rth is em p tied . T h e three calam ities (disasters
b rou gh t ah inn by w ind, fire, a n d w ater) begin lo d estro y the w orld
ih ro u g h storm s, tires, a n d floods. E ventu ally the w orld a n d h eav en s Up
to a n d in clu din g B r a h m a 's h eav en are destroyed.
T h e physical w orld is called the “ contA incr-w orld” b ecau se it c o n ­
tains sentient beings a n d d e p e n d s u p o n the collective k a r m a o f those
sen tien t b ein g s for its m a in te n a n c e , if those sentient beings cease io
exist in the co n tain er-w o rld , the karm ic forces that hold m a tte r tog eth er
v an ish , a n d th e world decays intti atom s that float in space. T h e p eriod
from l>eginning to e n d d u rin g w hich the w orld is destroyed is called ihe
P eriod o f D estru ction ; it lasts iw enty eons (katpas). N tx( is a P erio d o f
E m p tin e s s, in w h itb m a t te r floats in space as a to m s; itHtoo, lasts tw en ty
eons Finally, the se m ie m b ein g s reb orn in the S eco nd M e d ita tio n
H e a v e n a n d above beg in e x h a u stin g the good k a r m a th at led to their
re b irth s in h e a v e n . T h e i r k a r m a m atu res, causing tlit:ir reb irth in the
First M e d ita tio n H eav en (B ra h m a -h e a v e n ) a n d below. T h is k a r m a
causes a grca* wind that becom cs the circle o f w ind on w hich th e world
will rest. T h e cun tainer-w orld is progressively form ed d u r in g the Period
o f F o rm a tio n , w hich lasts tw enty eons. It is followed by a P eriod of
M a in te n a n c e chat also lasts tw enty eons, d u rin g which th e w o iid is
m ain tain ed - T h e n th e world decays again. T h e un iv erse c o n tin u e s in
this fashion f o r e v e r re p e a tin g the stages o f fo rm a tio n 1 m a in te n a n c e ,
d estru ctio n , a n d em ptin ess.

Rebirth

S en tien t beings repeat the cycles o f life a n d d e a th (samidra) w ithin the

world described above. T h e following five destinies (geti) or births are
o p en to a sentient being: d en izen o f hell (narafia, nir?ya)> h u n g ry ghost
( brein), anim al (tijyanc), h u m a n being (m anuka), o r god ('dtva). Needless
to say, re b irth in hell w o u ld involve the inosi suffering a n d reb irth in
h eav en w ould be the m ost pleasant. Sonic schools o f B uddhism recog­
nize a sixth destiny, the asuras o r d e m o n s w ho con stantly fight w ith the
gods for control o f h eav en . A cco rdin g to the Makavibhdsd ( T 27:868b),
the S arv S stivad in School recognized only five destinies a n d criticized
the positions o f schools that m a in ta in e d th at there w ere six destinies as
co n trad ictin g the sutras A cco rd in g to th e Kathdiatthu (bk. 8, sec. I), the
T h e r a v a d a School also reco g n ized only five destinies. In his c o m m en t
ta ry on the Kathnvafthu, B u d d h ag h o sa identified the school* th at recog­
nized six destinies as the A n d h ak as a n d th e U tta ra p a th a k a g , both of
M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage. In the Ta-chih-lu fan ( T 25: J 35c, Mahdprajnd-
pSramitapadtia), the V atslp u triy a School is said to m a in ta in that th ere are
six destinies. Because the Ih'thih-Ui fan also foflows the six-destiny doc-
rrine, th e six-destiny do ctrin e is generally held to be the o rth o d o x p o s i­
tion in C h in a a n d J a p a n alth o u g h most o f N ikaya B u d d h ism ado p ted
the fivc-destiny theory.
S en tien t beings [nay be b o m in four different ways, Birds a n d reptiles
are born from eggs, a n im a ls from wombs* insects from m o istu re, an d
the gods ih ro u g h tra n sfo rm a tio n . A sentient b e in g ’s life cycle is divided
into four stages: b irth , the tim e betw een b irth a n d d e a th , d e a th , a n d the
tim e b etw een d e a th a n d the next b irth (antardbhaua). D u rin g th e period
betw een d e a th a n d the n e* t birth, a b em g is said to exist as a spirit c o m ­
posed o f subtle types o f the five s k m d h a s (aggregates). It is called a g an-
dharva a n d m u st w a n d e r a n d search for th e place o f its nexi b irth .
T h e Sarvjistivadin School recognized the existence o f the antnrabbavn,
however, ihe m a jo rity o f the schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h is m a rg u ed
against the reco gn itio n o f a state betw een lives T h e entardbhnva is
rejected in ihe Kathdvaithu (bk. 3, sec, 2). Tn his c o m m e n ta ry on the
Kaihdvotifw, B u d d h a g h o s a slated th ai the SaipxnitTya a n d th e Pubbase*
liya schools accepted th e existence o f th e gandharva. A cco rd in g to th r
M ehdvibhdfd ( 7 ’ 27r35Gc)T the D isc rim in a to rs rejected ii- T h e M ah ifa-
sakas a re also said io have rejected it. T h e Sm ayabludoparaanttAkra { T
2013) lists the M a h a s a n g h ik a , E k a v y a v a h a rik a , L o k o tia ra v a d in , an d
K a u k u f i b as schools th at do not recognize gandfiarvas. In the Sdripu-
(rdbhidharmasdstra ( 7 ‘ 28:fi08a)n th e existence o f the aniarobhava is denied.
In ihe Ivttwu\ddhis&strv (7 '3 i2 ;2 5 6 b -c ), a rg u m e n ts both fnr a n d against
the d o ctrin e arc p resen ted . T h e statu s n f th e untardbhava a p p a re n tly
{□spired considerable co n tro v ersy a m o n g the schools o f N ikaya B u d ­
d h ism -
T h e in stant w h en (he tutartibhava en ters the m o th e r's w o m b is called
pniisaipdhi. It c o rresp o n d s to the third link, n am ely consciousness, in
ihe Lwelve^link d o ctrin e o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n . Five stages in the
d e v e lo p m e n t o f the fetus in the m o th e r's w o m b (panea garbha-avasthdft)
arc e n u m e ra te d ; kalaia (first week of d ev elo p m en t), arbuda (second
week), peun (th ird week), gfiona {fourth week), a n d praidkhd (the (hirty-
four weeks e x te n d in g from th e fifth week until birth). Five stages of
d ev elo p m en t after b irth (pawa jdia-avaiihdh) ace also e n u m e r a te d : infant
or to d d le r (b irth to five y ears old), childh oo d (six to fourteen years),
yo uth (fifteen lo tw enty*nine years), m a iu re a d u lth o o d (th irty to ihirty-
n in c y ears), old age (above forty years until death). In ihis m a n n e r ,
cycles o f birth, life, d e a th , a n d antardbhava re p eat. N o b e g in n in g ol the
cycles exists.

Rebirth and K a r i n a Interpreted through the T w e lv e Lin k s

of Dependent Origination

T h e fu n ction o f k a r m a in reb irth can be explained using the twelve links

o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n . T h e firsi two links, ig no rance (avidyd) an d
m en ial fo rm atio ns (swmkdra), relate Eiow ihe past actions in a p e r s o n ’s
p revious lives alfect his present situ atio n . Ignorance concerns the defile-
m en ts th at a person h a d in the past (ptiTva-kUsa). M cn ta ) fo rm atio ns r e p ­
resent the k a r m a re su ltin g from ihe good a n d bad actions o f a person in
ihe past (pirpa-kartm n) lhal d e te r m in e m a n y aspects o f his present life.
T h e th ird link, consciousness (vijndnaX re p resen ts the consciousness
that en ters a m o th e r ’s w o m b at the b e g in n in g o f a p erso n 's p resent life.
T h e o fh er ag greg ates a rc also present in very subtle forms at this
 m o m e n t, bul since consciousness is The: d o m in a n t aggregate* it is used
to represent this stage in u p e r s o n ’s life. T h is m e th o d o f ex p lan atio n o f
D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n in w hich the links a re classified a c c o rd in g to a
tim e o r stage in a p e r s o n ’s life is callcd the dvaitfuka in terp retatio n In
ihis type o f exegesis, the d o m in a n t aggregate d u r in g a p artic u la r stage is
som etimes singled o u t for em p h asis.
T h e fourth [ink, n a m e a n d form (immarvpa), co rrespo nd s to the fetus
g ro w in g in the m o th e r's w o m b a n d the d ev elo p m en t o f ils body an d
m in d . T h e com p letio n o f rhe fetu s’s sense o rg an s corresp on ds to the
fifth Jink, the six sense o rg an s (fatfdyatana). T h e child from b irth until
o n e o r two y e a rs o f age is e q u a te d wilh (he sixth link, con tact (spatsa)
b etw een sense o rg an a n d object. T h e flense o rg a n s, objects, am i c o n ­
sciousness arc all p resen t, but the in fa n t Still can n o t p r o p e rly d is c r im i­
n ate b etw een suffering a n d pleasure. T h e si age ac w hich a child is able
to differentiate b e tw e e n suffering an d p leasu re but does not yet have
a n y sexual d tsire s c o rresp o n d s lo th e seventh link, sensation (vtdand).
T h e e m erg en ce o f sexual lusi c o rresp o n d s io ihe eighth link, desire
(IrsTid), S triv ing for fam e a n d fortune is re p re s e n te d by ihe n in th link,
g ra sp in g (tsptiddna). A person thus a c c u m u la te s k a r m a that will b ear
fruil in rhe future. T h is stage corresponds to the ten th link, b eco m in g
(bhava).
T h e links o f desire a n d g rasp ing in the presen t are sim ilar to the link
ol ig n o ra n ce oi (he past, since aJI rcsti]| m the: form at tnn o f k arm a, i n a
sim ilar way, (he link o f b e c o m in g in the p resen t is sim ilar to the link o r
m e n ta l fo rm atio ns jn (he past, since bo th can be e q u a le d w ith k arm a.
T h e th ird th ro u g h the te n th links are all explained as re fe rrin g to a p e r­
s o n 's p resent life. T h e five links from consciousness to sen satio n are
called the five fruits o f rhe p resen t, which w ere caused by acrions o f the
past. T h e three links o f desire, graspin g, a n d b eco m in g a re called the
three present causes, w hich will b e a r fruit in rhe future.
A p e rso n 's fu tu re b irth is d e te rm in e d by the three presen t causes.
F u tu re births a re re p resen ted by (he eleventh link, b irth (jati)L T h u s , j o b ’
is sim ilar to consciousness at ihe m o m e n t o f co n c e p tio n in the present
life, in o th er w ords tn the th ird link, consciousness. T h e result o f fu lure
b irth is old ag e a n d d e a th (Jardmarana), the twelfth link. It c o rresp o n d s
to the Jinks o f n a m e a n d form th ro u g h sen satio n in the p resen t life.
W h e n the twelve links a re d istrib uted am o n g th ree lifetimes, tw o
links co n cern past causes, five links present effects, th ree links p resent
cau ses, a n d two links fu tu re effects. T h e cycle o f cause a n d effect is
re p e a te d twice. C o n s e q u e n tly this ex p lan atio n is referred to as “ the two
cycles o f causc a n d effect o v e r the three lim e p erio ds.1'
Ig n o ran ce, d esire, a n d d in g i n g a re all defile m en is (kftia) T h e k a rm a
arising Iron] these defilejnents is represen ted by tht: lin k ; i)[ m enial
form atio ns a n d becom ing. "I’h t p h e n o m e n a (vastu) a ris in g from k a rm a
a r t rep resen ted by ihe re m a in in g links, from consciousness to sensation
a n d b irth , ofd age, a n d death- T h u s p h e n o m e n a arise from k arm a.
Liner, those sa m e p h e n o m e n a serve as die basts for additional k arm a.
T h e tw elve links o f Im p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n th u s illustrate how existence
c an be c h a ra c te riz e d a* endless cycles of defilem en t. k a r m a , a n d p h e­
n om ena. M o reo v er, since p h e n o m e n a a rc ch aracter tied by suffering,
these cycles m ay also be c h aracterize d as defilem ent, k a rm a , a n d suffer­
ing. In this m a n n e r , the twelve links m ay be ex p lain ed as a n illustration
o f k arm ic cause a n d effect.
l‘h e above d escrip tio n has been called a n L'em bryological in te rp r e ta ­
t i o n ' by some m o d ern scholars because o f its e m p h asis on the physical
d ev elo p m en t o f an indiv idu al. A lth o u g h this e x p la n a tio n probably
d e p a r t e d ErOin the original lrtteill o f the teachin g o f t he twelve links, it
eventually becam e very influential because it linked rebirth with
D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n . T h e S arv asltv ad in School stressed it (Abhidhar-
makosa, T 29:43a). 11 also ap p e a rs in T h e r a v a d a texts. B u d d h ag h o sa
explained it alun g with a n u m b e r o f o th e r in te rp re ta tio n s of D ep en d en t
O rig in a tio n ( Visuddhxjnagga, ch ap . 17, see. 2 8 4 ’ H a r v a rd O riental
Series, vol. 41, p. 495).

Th e F o ur Interpretations of Dependent Origination

S arv astiv ad in s used the twelve links o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n to

explain reb irth a n d karm a. H o w e v c rh they did not ignore o th e r types of
e x p lan atio n s. F o u r in te rp re ta tio n s arc discussed in the ChU-ihe iun (7
29:4$c; Abhidfiaryttakoiabhdsjit, p. 132, Jt. 24ff.): in sta n la n e o u s (ksdJtikd),
prolonged (prdkar/tka)r serial (sambandhika), a n d a set o f stages (was*
thika). A cco rd in g to the in te rp re ta tio n o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n as
in stan tan eo u s, all twelve Jinks a re present in the five agg reg ates at the
s a m e instan t. T h is ex p lan ation stresses the in te rd e p e n d e n c e a n d sim u l'
t an eous existence of the twelve links.
T h e second e x p la n a tio n , the in terp retatio n o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n
o v e r a prolonged period o r tim e, co n cern s the causal relationships
betw een dharma.^ which arise at different a n d so m etim es widely sep a­
ra te times. T h e third in te rp re ta tio n , serial, co n cern s the m a n n e r in
which the twelve links in stantan eo usly arise and cease in co n tin u o u s
scries. In the Iburth in te rp re ta tio n , D e p e n d e n t O r ig in a tio n as a set of
stages, each link is co n sid ered ro represent a stage in the processes o f
reb irth a n d k a rm a .
 T h e S i x C au ses (H e t u ) t Four C o n d itio n s ( P r a ty a y e ) ,
and F i v e Effects ( P h a fo )

tn th eir discussions o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n (pmiityastmutpdda), (he

S a r v is t i v id i n s an aly zed causal ion into six causes* four conditions* an d
five fruit* (» r c'ffcctsjr T h e ft »gr con [Jit ions a re said to hav e b een first
p re a c h e d by ihe B u d d h a a n d lo have a p p e a r e d in th e Agamas, b u t arc
nut found in the ex tan t versions o f the Agamas. A list o f te n condition*
ap p e a rs in ihe Sdnputrdbhidbarrrmsdstra [ T 2 ft:679b-c), in w hich the Sar-
v astiv ad in four conditions a re included. T h e four co n d itio n s are also
in clu ded in the list o f tw e n ty - four co nd ition s found in the T h e r a v a d a
abhidhamma texi the P&iihoita (p. 1(1,, section on C o n d itio n a l relations),
T h u s it ap p e a rs thai the SarvaNtivsidin do ctrin e o f the four con dition s
p ro b ab ly arose out of the early studies o f co n d itio n s (pratyaya) con du cted
by ihe schools o f Nikaya B uddhism . In the S arv astivadin tra d itio n , the
four conditions are first m e n tio n e d in the VijnanakdyapadiiseistTQ ( T 26\
547b) a n d later in the Mahduibhdfd ( T 1545) a n d the Abkidharmakosa ( 7 ’
1558).
Jn contrast* th e d o ctrin e o f sis root causes (htiu) a p p e a re d later an d
w as discussed for (he first rime in ihe jndnaprasthdna ( 7’ 26:920b). C o n -
s e q u e m ty ihe six root causes a rc u n iq u e to the S a r v a s tiv id in School.
T h e s e doctrines are ex p lain ed below in acco rd an ce with die Ahhidharma*
kosa ( T 2 y :S0a).
T h e Sat vaetivadins explained existence by classifying it into seventy-
five dhafTMtt, Clause a n d efTecl w ere discussed m ainly in term s n f |h<- sev­
enty-! wo conditioned dharmas that function as causes. T h u s , the Sarvas-
tivadins considered D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n itself to be co n d itio n ed (in
contrast to so m e o th e r schools in which it was co n sid ered to be an
u n c o n d itio n e d dhamm). T h e causal characteristics o f dhannas have been
c o m p a re d to w a te r b e h in d a d a m T h e w ater has the potential to
p ro d u ce electricity as it flows over the d a m , b u t oncc it flows o v e r the
d a m it loses that potential, fn ihe sa m e w ay existenis (dhamuts) will have
different p o ten tials d e p e n d in g u p o n their position. For the Sarvastiva-
d in s, ro o t cau ses descrilie the potential o r p o w er o fd h a r m a inot the rela­
tions betw een dhatmas. T h e S arv astivadtn s classified the causai potential
of dharmas (which is different fro m ihe intrinsic n a tu re of dharmas) inm
six categories: cau sc th at serves as the reaso n o f being (kdrartaheiti),
s im u lta n e o u s cau se (sahabhuhttu), h o m o g en eo u s cause (sabhdgahetu), Con-
co m itant causc (satTtprayuklakahtlu), universal cause (sarvatregaiutti), an d
cause o f fruition (vipdkahftu),
I he first category, kdranahttu (cause as the reaso n o f b ein g), refers to
cause in its b ro ad est sense. F o r a n y single dharma, all o th e r dharmw serve
as kdrsnahtitL In o th er w ords, all o th e r dharmas assist in [he p ro d u ctio n o f
a n y giveji dharma. Even if th ey do not function tn a posiiive way, they
a r e m id tn help b ecau se ihey du noi p rev en t iht: arisin g n f the dharma in
q u e s tio n ; this tyjie o f n w t c a u ic is called ft pow erless fidranahflu. Even
u n c o n d iiio n e d dfiarm&i have tikis characteristic, since they do nm pre^
veni the arisin g o f c o n d itio n e d dharmas. Dharmas that have the positive
potential to p rod uce o th er dharmas are said ro be tJe m p n w e r e d ” karana-
hetu.
T h e second category. sahabhtihetu (sim u ltan eou s cause), refers to dhar­
mas th at simultaneously serve as ihe cause and effect o f each other, T h e y
a re in te rd e p e n d e n t F o r e x a m p le , (he four elem ents (e a rth , wilier, fire,
anti w ind) m u st all arise s im u lta n e o u sly in a m olecule. If o n e is miss^
ing, the oihers can noi arise. T h u s they serve as auxiliary causes for
each nrher. T w o ex p la n a tio n s o f sim ultan eo us cause w ere a d v an ced in
w hich ihe concept was ex p lain ed by using the m odel ol a trip o d . In ihe
first e x p la n a tio n , ihe term refers to the relation ship a m o n g rhe three
legs. Each leg is a s im u lta n e o u s cause for t h t o th er tw o ( C h . chit-yu-
yin hu-i-kttd). A ccording to the sccond e x p la n a tio n , rhe th ree legs
a rc called sim u lta n e o u s causes because they co o p erate in s u p p o r t­
ing som ethin g sep arate from themselves, ihe effeCI (C h. chu-yii-yin
i-kuo).
T h e ih ird category* sabhdgahetn (h o m o g e n eo u s c a u s e ^ refers lo the
manner in w hich a good cau se leads ro a good result o r a b a d cause leads
to a bad result. Ln this case, dharmas o f a p artic u la r type w ould be the
cau se for the arising ol o ih e r dharmas of that sam e type A h o m o g en eo u s
cau se gives rise to a c o n c o rd a n t effect (nisyanda-phaia).
T h e fourth category, wrftfitayuitofcakttu (co n co m ita n t cause), is de-
seripiive o f the c o n co m itan t rclaiionship betw een the m in d (eitta) find
m en tal faculties (caitasika). It is not used to describe th e relationship
b etw een dharmas n f m at re r o r m are rial objects C o n c o m ita n c e refers to
five ways in which the m in d a n d m en tal faculties to r r e s p o n d ; they
d ep en d on the sam e sense o rg a n s, they have the sam e sense o b je c l, th ey
f a t e ihe sa m e aspect o f th at object, ihcy function at (he sam e tim e , a n d
th ey h a rm o n io u s ly act to p ro d u ce One type o f tho ught (ihdl is, they have
th e s a m e essence), Because d ie co n co m itan t cause descril>es (he s im u l­
t a n e o u s a n d m u tu a l relation ship betw een the m in d a n d m ental fu n c­
tions, it is considered to be a special in stan ce o f cause as ihe reason of
being (kdranahetu).
T h e fifth category, sawatragahetu (universal causc), is descriptive o f a
Special instance o f h o m o g e n e o u s cause. In lilts case, a particularly pow ­
erful type ol defilement, universal prOchvily (sarL'atrngdnus'aya), in flu ­
ences the m in d a n d the m enial defilem ents in its own sp h ere (bhumi),
 in clu din g all ihe defilem ents, regardless o f w hich o f the F o u r Noble
T r u th s o r m ed itatio n mil'll! be used to elim in a te them . U niversal causes
th u s taint both th e m in d a n d m ental faculties. Eleven Types oi' such
defilem ents exist. T h e iarvatragahftu concerns causes a n d effects that
arise at different times.
T h e sixth category, vipdkahetu (causc o f fruitio n), refers to thtf ease in
w hich cause a n d effect are o f different types F o r ex am p le, a good cause
m a y p ro d u c e a p le a sa n t cffeei, A b ad cause m a y p ro d u cc suffering or
u n h a p p in e s s. T h u s a good o r b a d fruit ion a I cause* leads to a fruit o f re­
trib u tio n (vipaiephala) th at is p leasant, u n p le a s a n t, o r neutraJL 'The
cau se o f fruition differs from the h o m o g en eo u s cause (sabhdgahcfu), in
which the cau se a n d effeci a re similar. T h r o u g h these tw o categories of
cause, the m oral law o f cause a n d effect is exp lained. F o r e x a m p le h a
good dharma w ould have the p o te n tia l to give rise to a n o th e r gnt>d dharma
a n d thus act as a h o m o g en eo u s cau se o r to give rise to p leasu re a n d thus
ac t as rt can se oI' fru i t io n . I n i he 1at ter ease t ptea su i t (o r su (Teri n g) i 5 noi
c o n sidered to be good (or b a d ) a n d thus the cause is said to differ from
th e effect.
Five effects o r fruits (phaia) relating to the six causes are describ ed :
fruit o f retribution1(vipakaphaia), dom inant effect (adhipatiphala), c o n c o r ­
d a n t e ffec t ( m syandaphafa) r an rh ropO mo rph ic cffec I (puTusabaTQphafa),
a n d sep arativ e effect (visamyogaphala). T h e fruir o f re trib u tio n is the
result o f the cau se of re trib u tio n . I he d o m in a n t effect is ihe result o f the
aggregate o f causes as reasons o f being (kdranahetu). H o m o g e n e o u s
(sabhasttifieti1) arid universal causes (sareairagahHu) both result in concor-
d an l effects (nisyandnphah) In o th e r words, th e cau.se a n d efiTcci a re sim ­
ilar. S im u lta n e o u s (sahabhdhetu) an d co n co m itan t causes (samprajuktaka-
httu) both result m a n th ro p o m o rp h ic effects (ptiTUiakdraphaiti), T h e te rm
“ptifbfttfctra'* literally m e a n s " h u m a n activity," but in this case, it is
in terp reted as referring (o the way in which dfiartnm can sim u ltan eo u sly
be bolh cau ses a n d effects o f each other. H ow ev er, if the te rm purupa*
karaphala is in te rp re te d literally as the "effects of h u m a n activity,11 then
d o m in a n t a n d co n co rd an t effects con id also be said to be varieties o f
purusakdraphaia.
T h e above four effects can be m a lc h e d up wilh all o f the six causes.
H o w ev er; ihe Sarvastivadins recognized a fifth effect, a sep arativ e effect
( viicmyvgapKal*). T h is tffcci is identified w ith e n lig h te n m e n t, th at is,
with cessation th ro u g h analysis (pratisartkhyd ntradha) a n d nirvana It is
realized th ro u g h religious practice. However* since praiisarikhyd-nirodha
is an n ncondii iorted dhanna, it can n o t be p ro d u ced by c o n d itio n e d dhar-
rrtas. Yet because nirvana is realized th ro u g h practice, pratiiankhyd-nirodha
is catego rized as an effect w ithout a cause. R eligio ns p ra c tic e could be
classified as a cau se in (he sense oT fu n ctio n in g as a reaso n for he m g
(kdranahetu), b u t ihe S arv astiv ad in s did not recognize ihe possibility o f a
e o n d itin n e d dharma serving as the cavtse o f an u n c o n d itio n e d dhanva
C o nsequ ently, separativ e effect was said to have no cause,
Ln ad d itio n to the li£l of iix types Elf caustr, the S a r v is liv a d in s bjid
a n o th e r list o f five aspects of cause, w hich described ihe relatio n sh ip
b etw een the four elem en ts a n d secondary m a tte r (bhmtfHta). T h e ele­
m e n ts were said to be ihe causes o f ihe origin, tra n sfo rm a tio n , su p p o rt h
d u r a tio n , a n d d ev elo p m en t o f bhautika m a tte r. In the p reviously dis*
cussed System o f six causes, these five aspects w ould all be classified
u n d e r the categ ory o f cau se as a reason for bein g (kdrajtahtiu).
T h e S arv astiv ad in s som etim e* a d d e d four m u re effects to the five dis^
cussed earlier, m ak in g a total o f nine. T h e four ad d itio n al effects are
cd tT t d e p e n d in g on u h a s t, as trees d ep en d on the earth (pratisthdphala),
effect arisin g from ihe religious practices o f a w orldling (pTayvgaphala),
el feet arisin g fro m the h a r m o n io u s activity o f a n u m b e r o f cause*:
(sdmagriph&ld); a n d effect arisin g from m e d ita tio n while on the p ath for
nobles (bhdiandphala).
T h e four conditions (pr&tyaya) are causal co nd itio n (httupratyayn),
im m ed iately preced ing co nd ition (sanuinantarapratyaya), co nd itio n o f the
t ibse rv ed obj ec t (dfa mb a napraiyaya), an d p re d o m in a n t Condition (adhipati-
pralyaya). 'I he category o f causal co nd ition en co m passes al! o f the six
cau ses except cause as a reaso n o f being. Im m ed iately p reced in g c o n ­
d itio n s refer only to the m in d an d m e n ta l functions, noi to m a te ­
rial things. In the s tream o f co ntin ually arising dharmas of m in d an d
m e n ta l functions* the dhartnas o f o n e instan t m u st cease before ihe dhar*
mas o f the next m o m e n t can arise. O n ly after a ‘‘p la c e ” exists for these
dhartnai can they ap p e a r. T h u s the Hhtinna.\ o f the precedin g instant
are called the <Lim m edialely p reced in g c o n d itio n ." T h e th ird c a te ­
gory* the con ditio n o f the o bserved object* refers to objects of percep ­
tion. For example* for eye-conscious ness a n d its c o n co m itan t m ental
faculties, all form s function as conditions o f the o bserv ed object. In a
sim ilar m anner, fo re a r-c o n sc io u s ness a n d its co n c o m ita n t m enial fa c u l­
ties, alt s o u n d s serve as co n d itio n s o f the ob serv ed object. T h e fourth
category* p re d o m in a n t co n ditio n, is identical to cau se as a reason for
being.
T h e relationships a m o n g the six causes, four co n d itio n s a n d five
effects a re d ia g ra m m e d in F ig u re 4.
O n ly th e causal a n d p re d o m in a n t co n d itio n s are co nco m passed by
ihe six causes. C"o nscc] uen tly* the four oonditiontCOVCI1 a b ro a d e r range
t h a n the six causes. In the SdripuimbhidharniAsastta (7 2 8 :6 7 < J), th e fol­
low ing ten types o f co n d itio n s a re e n u m e ra te d .
 Figure 4. Relationships among the Six Causes* Four Conditions,
a n d F iv e E ffects

Four Condition* Si* Causes Five Effect!

Predominant Reason for being Dominant

Sim ultaneous----
Anthropom 0 rph ic
Concomitant ----

Causal- Homogeneous
Concordant
U niv ersal------

Retributive Retributive

Immediately preceding Separative

Observed object

!. CauaaJ (htiu-pTatyaya)
2r P ro x im o y (anantnTO'pTatyaya)
3r O bjcct o f cognition (dlambana-pmlyaya)
4. D e p e n d e n c e (nis'rttya-pratyaya)
5. K a rm ic (karma-pratyayA)
6. R e tr ib u tio n o r fruition (vipdko.-pratyaya)
7. C o n a s r e n c c (mhajata ■pratyaya)
8. D ifferentiation (anyonya-pratyaya)
9. R ep e titio n (ds/vana-pratyaya)
10. P re d o m in a n c e (adhipati -pratyaya)

In the T h e r a v a d a abhidhamma text Patthdna (p. if,, C o n d itio n a l rela­

tions), the following tw en ty -fo u r types o f conditions are e n u m e r a te d .

h C au se (hriu)
2. O bject (drammana)
3. PredominEmce^WfoprfiV)
4. P ro x im ity (anartiara)
5. C o n tig u ity (samananiara)
6. C o n a s c c n c c (.sohajaia)
7. M u tu a lity (anriamarna)
8. D e p e n d e n c e (nissaya)
 9. S jro n g d e p e n d e n c e ( up&fm$aye)
10. P ren ascen ce (purqala)
11. P o stn asccnce (pacchdjdta)
12 . R ep e t it ion (dsnana)
13. K a r m a (kamma)
14. R e trib u tio n (vipdka)
15. N u tr im e n t (dhdra)
16. F aculty (indriya)
17. M e d ita tio n (jhdna)
18. P a th (magga)
19. A ssociation (sampayutta)
20. Dissociation (vippayutta)
21. P resence (atthi)
22. A b s c n c c (natthi)
23. D is a p p e a ra n c e (vigata)
24. N o n d is a p p e a ra n c e (avigata)

T h e lists o f four, te n 1 a n d tw enty^four types o f co n d itio n s a n d th r list of

six types o f causes have m a n y elem ents in c o m m o n .
In conclusion, in o r d e r to use ihe twelve links o f D e p e n d e n t O r ig in a ­
tion to ex p tain the circu m stan ces o f re b irth , the schools o f N ikaya B u d ­
d h is m devised an e x p la n a tio n th at d istrib u te d the twelve links over th e
past, p re se n t, a n d fu tu re in tw o cyclcs o f cau se a n d effect. Tn ad ditio n,
they analyzed the various con ditio n s that m ig h t affect D e p e n d e n t O rigi-
n a tio n a n d com piled lists like those abo v e. But they m ay hav e becom e
so engrossed in analysis ih at they lost sighi o f the overall significance nf
rhe d o ctrin e o F D c p e n d c n t O rig in a tio n .
 C H A P T E R 12

Karma and Avijnapti-rupa

D h a r tn a s and K a r m a

T o a l a k c e ExrtM T , abhtdharma th o u g h t is a sy stem atizatio n o f the d o c­

trine o f k a r m a (S. karman; P. kam m a)J Since B u d d h is m does not recog-
nize the existence oE a creato r gud, B uddhist th ink ers often em p lo y (he
d o c trin e o f k a r m a to explain th e creation o f the w orld. H o w ev er, it
sh o u ld be no ted that dfmrrrta, not k a rm a , is the m ost basic con cep t in
B u dd hism . T h e B u d d h a (the enligh ten ed one) a tta in e d e n lig h ten m en t
by u n d e r s ta n d in g dharmas, T h e svorld And its in h a b ita n ts a re com posed
o! dharmas. M o reo v er, iince individual existences can be explained by
referring to dharmas, people a re said to have no real a n d su bstantiv e
identity a p a rt from dharmas. C onsequently, B uddhists advocate a no*
Self (andtTTuw) do ctrin e . O n c e a person has u n d ersto o d dHoma theory,
the view th at he is a su b stan tiv e entity sep arate from o th e r existences
vanishes. T h e w orld of dharmas is a world o f caustU con nections w h ew
ev ery th in g is in ter related. T h e self is only a provisionally reco g n ized ,
co nstan tly c h a n g in g entity, d e p e n d e n t u p o n o t h e r trxistencCs.
Since the world is co m po sed o f dharmas, ev en gods a re co m po sed of
dharmas. C o n s e q u e n tly B u d d h is m has no place for a c r e a to r god who
tra n scen d s dharmas. A lthough all existence is com po sed o f dharmas, the
o rd in a ry p erso n (prtha^jana) m istakenly clings to the view th a t he is a n
in d e p e n d e n t, su b stan tiv e entity. H e believes that he is sep arate from
others a n d bases his actions on th at w ro n g view. H e grows attach ed to
those things that he perceives as his ow n a n d develops rivalries with
o th er people. A rg u m e n ts arise as he bccom es p ro u d o f him self a n d jeai-
o u s o f others. H e covets m o re a n d m ore m aterial things. T h e se defile-
m c n t i (klasa) arc all based u p o n a fu n d a m e n ta l ig n o ra n c e (moha) o f dfiar
ma.s a n d causation .
A lth o u g h a p erso n does not have a p e r m a n e n t a n d real Self, he still
clings to th e id ea o f a Self, T h e o r d in a ry p e rso n 's actions arc profoundly
influenced by this m iscon ceptio n. A lthough no Self actually exists, the
psychological a ttitu d e s b ased on clinging to the id ea o f a Self are real
T h e ft a n d m u r d e r are c o m m itte d bccause o f such attitu d es. If a person
co m m its m u rd e r, h e m ay [hen fear retaliatio n o r p u n is h m e n t, a n d his
psychological attitu d es such a i fear an d guilt will also be real T h u s , the
psychological states based on the concept o f a Self, such as cov eting
things, fearing retaliation, o r feeling guilty, all b r in g abo ut results that
a rc s o m eh o w a p p r o p ria te to those attitud es. E ven tho ug h no real Self
exists, th e relatio nsh ip b etw een actions a n d th eir co n seq u en ces Ei estab-
lished as if th ere w ere a Self. T h e w orld o f dharmas is tra n sfo rm e d into a
w orld o f k a rm a .
F ro m the p o in t o f view o f absolute tr u th no Self exists, yet a world
g o v ern ed by k arm ic cause a n d effect b ased on m iscon ception s about
such Selves is established. W ith e n lig h te n m e n t, how ever, th at world
vanishes. C o nseq u ently, the D anM intikas a rg u e d thai even the k a rm a
th at w ould p lunge o n e into d eepest hell cnuld be tra n sfo rm e d . In o th e r
w ords, the k arm ic consequences o f even th e m ost h ein ou s acts, such as
p atricid e o r m atricid e, cou ld be obviated. Such a belieT was based on
the u n d e rs ta n d in g th at k a r m a was essentially non su b stan tial. H o w ever,
the o rd in a ry person could not com pletely d en y the effects o f k a r m a ju st
as he could n o t readily elim in a te his ten d e n c y to cling to th e idea o f a
Self even th o u g h he tried to do so. F or the o r d in a ry person, a denial of
k a r m a w o u ld b e t a n t a m o u n t to m hiliS m .

The Three Types of Action

T he original m eaning o f " k a rm a M is "actio n .” In the Mahavibhtijd ( T

27 :58 7 b ), three definitions o f karm a are distinguished. T h e first is
“ actio n ,” k arm a in its broadest sense. T h e second m eaning is “ ri|uai.h'
In clu d ed in this u sag e are the ad m in istrativ e p ro ced u res o f the B uddhist
order. If a p a r t o f a n ad m in istra tiv e p r o c e d u re is o m itte d o r if the
p ro p er o rd er is not followed, an ad m in istra tiv e action o r ritual is r e n ­
d e re d invalid. Since rituals a n d ad m in istra tiv e action a re particularly
im p o rta n t types o f actions, they a re chosen for special tre a tm e n t in B u d ­
dhist tho ug ht. East A sian B u dd hist texts disting uish b etw een these two
uses o f the term k a r m a by using different c h a racters to write them even
th ou gh the original Sanskrit te rm in both cases is ihe sam e. K a r m a as
ritu al action is transliterated into C h in ese as chieh-rttit a n d read in J a p a ­
nese as either fcatsuma o r kanma. T h e C h in ese ch aracter yeh (Ja p a n e s e
read in g go) is used lo refer to k a r m a in its b ro a d e r sense as action.
T h e third m e a n in g concerns the results o f actions. G ood a n d b ad
actions en tail results o r fruits. In this case k a r m a refers to those fruits. A
force lhal c an n o t be jjerccived rem ain s after a good o r bad action has
been com p leted, T h a t force is also called k a rm a . F o r ex am p le, the
w ords o f ev en the m ost solem n pru m ise Vanish after an m stan t. W h en a
person is killed, the act o f killing quickly ends. A lth o u g h v ario u s pieces
ol evidence o f the killing m ay re m a in , th at evidence is different from the
act ii-self A nd the evidence will also vanish eventually. Y n ev e n after ihe
action has e n d e d , a force that can n o t h e perceived rem ain s. A lth o u g h
the m o m e n t it takes to m ak e a prom ise quickly passes, a p erson m ay
still feel responsible for (UI filling that prom ise even after m a n y years
h av e passed A lter a person has been killed, the guilt o r responsibility
for rhe d e a th m a y follow ihe killer for years. T h u s , alth o u g h an action is
quickly c o m p le te d , (he force o f th at action c o n tin u es. In a sim ilar way,
actions m ay have Iong-ierm legal or eco n o m ic eon sequences, bul for
B u d dh ists it is the m o ral force o f the action th at is callcd k arm a. B u d ­
d hists were p articu larly in terested in the f u rth e r analysis o f this type o f
k a rm a .

T h e Origins of the Theory of K arm a

T h e theo ry [hat good a n d b a d actions affect a p erson in the fu tu re

a p p e a r s in I he early Upani'jq ^ . 10 the lirhadaTaneater f spanifad (111 . 2 .13),
a m a n is said to “ b eco m e a good m an th ro u g h good action a n d a b ad
m an th ro u g h b a d a c tio n .Sl In th e Chdtuiogya Upaniiad (V .10.7) a p erson
is said to be reb o rn th ro u g h a good w om b th ro u gh gotid co n d u ct (tarana)
a n d a b a d w o m b th ro u g h b a d co n d u ct. Both o f these s ta te m e n ts are r e p ­
resent alive o f theories th at accept th e k arm ic effects o f actions. H o w ­
ever, theories ol k a r m a in In d ia were still in a state o f flux d u rin g the
perifid w h en th e B u d d h a a p p e a re d , a n d m a n y o th er ex p lan aiio n s of
k a r m a w ere being a d v an ced ,
A variety o f theories o f k a r m a is fo u n d in the Agamas. I he B u d d h a is
said to have been a p ro p o n e n t o f k a rm a . A cco rd in g to th e Angatiarm
Nikaya (vol. i h p. 267), “ T h e B u d d h a is an advocate o f k a r m a (kammva-
din), an advocate o f rhe position that actions have effects (kiriyai'drfin),
acid an advocate o f concerted action (vinyavddm )." T h e ack n o w led g ­
m ent o f k a r m a ts directly related to spiritual en d eav o r, sincc reEigious
e n d e a v o r is usually based on th e recognition o f free will. T h e view that
a p erso n receives the fru iii o f fait actions is possible only if he has a free
w ijr Beliefs that m a n s destiny is d e te rm in e d by ihe godjt o r by fan* o r if,
a m a tte r o f chance leave no ro om for free will A person r a n n o t he hcM
responsible: for his actions acco rd in g to such theories.
If k a r m a is in te rp re te d in a very m ech an icat m a n n e r. h r too, ean be
seen Lis a fatalistic leaching . Fatalistic in terp retatio n s o f k a r m a were
ad v o cated by a n u m b e r o f non Huddhist g ro u p s B u d d h ists, by inter-
p r e tin g k a r m a th ro u g h ihe teaching o f i> cpendeni O r ig in a tio n , af­
firmed free will a n d the value o f religious practice. If the S e lf is con sid ­
e r e d to be a p e r m a n e n t a n d sub stan tial entity, then it c an n o t ch an g e
a n d c an n o t be a flee ted by the fruits ol a p erso n 's actions, if the causal
relations lh ai affect a person a re not ackn ow led ged, then the causal laws
g o v e rn in g k a r m a also c a n n o t be rcco g n iied . C o n seq u en tly , B uddhists
applied rhe M iddle W ay b etw een ann ih ilation ist a n d eiernalist positions
a n d th eir teachings co n cern in g D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n to k a r m a an d
I h e re b y refuted fatalistic theories of karm a.
D u r in g the tim e o f th e ttu d d h a , most o f rhe Six H eretical T eachers
d en ied die efficacy o f k arm a. A lth o u g h t h e j a i n a tcachcr M a h a v ira rec­
ognized the efficacy o f k a r m a , he e m p h a s is e d its resulls by focusing on
the three p u n is h m e n ts (danda) for physical, v erbal, a n d m e n ta l bad
actions. In c o n tra st, the B u d d h a em p h asiz ed the m otive b e h in d an
action in his theory o f k a rin a . In stead of ihe three p u n ish m e n ts , he dis-
cussed the three types o f k a r m a (physical^ v erbal, a n d m e n ta l) an d
em ph asized m e n ta l k a r m a in p articular. A larg e n u m b e r o f teach ing s
c o n c e rn in g k a r m a is found in th e Agamas. M a n y o f these stress the incv*
it ab le rep ercu ssio n s o f a p e rso n 's actions, as is illustrated by the follow­
ing passage from the Fa-chii chin# [ T 4:Ti65a, Dharmapada): " T h e r e is n o
p lare w here o n e can floe from h a d k a r m a " '
O n ly a few passages co n cern in g k a r m a a re fo u n d in the Suttampdta,
b u t ihe following is significant for its use o f the te rm “vipdka ". " T h e
wise whet perceive d e p e n d e n t o rig in atio n correctly u n d e r s ta n d action
a n d its differently m a tu rin g (vipSk&) fru it" (v 653). T h e term ^tfipSka**
m ay be tra n sla te d “ fru itio n a!" o r " m a t u r in g ." H ow ever, since the term
has ihe prefix m e a n in g ^d ifferen t,” it cam e to m e a n "differen tly
m a t u r i n g a n d was th u s tra n sla te d i-shu in C h in ese W h ile k arm a (the
actio n o r cause) is good o r b a d , its result ib- pleasure or suffering. T h e
results o f k a r m a a re n e u tr a l in the sense th at they are n eith er good nor
badn T h e results o f k a r m a a re thus said to m a t u r e in a w ay lh ai m akes
cheni q ualitatively different from their k arm ic causes. L a te r, d u rin g ihe
period w h en abhidharnm treatises w ere bein g com piled h ihe relationship
b etw een good anti bad causcs a n d m orally neutral results w as codified
th ro u g h rules c o n cern in g “ differently m a tu r in g cause a n d effect”
(viptika-hetu, vipdka-phata). T h e te rm vipdka is found frequ en tly in the
Agamas.
1ci a d d itio n , c^riy in B u d d h ism good k a r m a was said to b rin g a good
result a n d b a d k arm a to b rin g a b a d resist Irt abhidharma r realises this
relation ship was described as h o m o g en eo u s cause (labhaga-htlu) an d
co n e o rd a m effect ( nifpatuia-phafo). Early te s ts also stated th at good
actions led to fortune white bad actions led to m isfortune. Pleasure and
suffering a rc the psychological eq uivalen t o f fortun e a n d m isfn rtu n r
Terrns such as “ m erito rio u s (punya) k a r m a ” a n d ‘’m e r it” a p p e a r f re ­
q u en tly in the Agamas. T h e term s “ white k a r m a ” (sukiakarmarj) an d
“ black knrm a*h(ktfQaiarmen) w ere som etim es used in th e Agamas to refer
to good a n d b ad actions.

T h e Nature of K a r m a

T h e r a v a d a teach ing s on k a r m a a re o rg an ized and ex p lain ed in Rud-

d h a g h o s a ’s Atthasalini (chap . 3, IE. 9 2 -1 3 6 ). S arv astiv ad in theories o f
k a r m a are p re se n te d in detail m the c h a p te r on k a r m a o f the Abhtdharma-
kosa.
In B u d d h is m , actions a rc generally divided into ihree categories:
physical, verbal, a n d m e n ta l. O f these th re e , m en tal actions consist
solely o f m ental con stituen ts. In c o n t r a s t physical a n d verbal aciions
consist o f a m ix tu re o f m ental con stitu ents, i n c h as rhe m otiv e a n d d e c i­
sion to do so m eth in g, a n d v erb al o r physical c o n s titu e n ts , .such as call­
ing out wilh the voice o r m o v e m e n ts of the body. Because bo th physical
an d m ental co nstitu en ts play roles in k a rm a , abhidharma scholars
d ev o ted co n sid e rab le energy to d e te r m in in g w h eth er th e essential
n a tu r e o f k a r m a was m ental o r physical.
A c c o rd in g to the T h e r a v a d a School, the essence o f all three lypes o f
action is volition (aland). Cetana is ex p lain ed as the pow er to create a
type o f consciousness. T h e T h e r a v a d a School thus stresses rhe m ental
aspect o f action.
T h e S a u tra n tik a School also m a in ta in e d th at volition was the essence
of k a r m a HA ctio n s w ere co n sidered to be the fun ctio nin g o f volition To
d e m o n s tr a te their relation to volition, actions w ere an aly zed into three
stages: co n sid e ratio n o f the a p p ro p riaten ess o f the action (C h. shrn-lii
jjfr)., arrival at a decision {Ch. chuth-iing j*tr)h a n d directio n o f the body
o r m o u th to perform th e action {Ch. tung-ja shtng-ssu)* Physical ancf
verbal actions w ere m an ife sted in the last stage.
frt the T h e r a v a d a S chool, the aciions o f the b o d y a re called kdyavinnati
(physical expressions) a n d fall u n d e r the categ ory o f physical k a r m a , In
o th e r w ords, physical actions a rc expressions o f (he volition [hat is [ho
CSSriltc o f k l r m a . Ill a sim ilar niilnm'r, milcclLnn^ a n d ch an g es o f ihe
voice a rc tailed verbal expressions. Volition is ihus expressed throu gh
vcrbaJ acts such as c u is in e o r indistinct p rattlin g . T h e essence o f any
action is volition. Physical anti verbal actions have no good o r bad
qualities in a n d o f them selves. T h e m oral q u ality o f actions is d e te r ­
m in ed by rhe m in d th ro u g h intention.
[n c o n tra st, the S arv astiv ad in s did not c o n sid e r the essence o f p h y si­
cal a n d verbaE k a r m a Id be volitinn. W ith o u t bodily actions and speech,
physical a n d verbal k a r m a can n o t exist. C on sequ en tly , th e essence of
yhysicaJ k a r m a is said to be th e co n fig u ratio n o f the body (samsthana) at
the instan t w h en a physical act is co m pleted . In a sim ilar m a n n e r , the
essence o f verbal k a r m a is the last sound w h en a verbal act, such us
lying o r sw earing, is com pleied A ccording to a classification found in
the A gam ast k a r m a could be div ided into !wu m a jo r categories: k a r m a
lim ited (O m ental processes (ceianti tarffraj a n d k arm a in which the m e n ­
tal processes a re ex pressed th ro u g h physical o r verbal actions (cetqyrtua
karma), S arv asliv ad in s a rg u e d th at physical a n d verbal k a r m a should be
classified in the la tte r categ ory and not the former.

M a n ife ste d and U nn ianifested A c t iv i t y

As was explained earlier, actions can be divided into tw o categories:

those thal can be perceived o r h e a rd an d those th at can n o t be pcrceived.
T h e s e tw o categories are called m an ifested activity (vijriapti'karma*)
an d u n m a n i Jested activity (atynapli-karrnan) by S arv asiiv ad in thinkers.
S in ce m ental activity is nev er m anifested ou tsid e o n e 's m in d , these c a t­
egories are not ap p lied to m e n ta l activity. But they are ap p lied to physi­
cal a n d verbal actions. Physical actions can be p erceived by the eye an d
verbal actions Ejy the ear. T h e s e aspects o f m a n 's actions are c o n s e ­
q u en tly called m an ife sted actiona. Such actions e n d m a n in stan t, yet
they still retain the potency to produce a karm ic effect. Since th at p o te n ­
tial can n o t b e perceived, U is called u n m an ife sted activity. M anifesled
activities hav e a physical existence in th e sense th at they can be p e r­
ceived by th e eyes o r ears, but such m anifested activity can th un
p ro d u ce u n m an ife sted (avijnapli) k arm a. Because im m a n ife sle d k a rm a
has a physical asp ect, often o rig in atin g in m anifested k a rm a , it is called
amjftepti-rupo ( u n m anifested m a tte r) Avijnapii-karman can he tEiuught of
as m an ife sted action that has ended but has p ro d u ced a force o r p o te n ­
tial that c o n iin u e s to exist. W h e n con dition s a re su itab le, that potential
will p ro d u ce an effect, Avijnapti-karman thus serves as an in te rm e d ia ry
betw een causc a n d effcct.
T h e S arv astiv ad in s a rg u e d th a t avijnapU-karman has a physical exis­
tence. Since it c a n n o t be seen, th ey did not classify it as a visual object,
but as a m ental object, one th at was noi co m p osed o f ato m s. T h e til h e r
schools o f N ikaya B ud d h ism d isagreed w ith the S arv astiv ad in position.
T h e S a u t r l n t i k a j , m a in ta in in g that the csscnce o f physical, v rrh a l,
a n d m ental k a r m a was volition h d id not recognize the distinction
b etw een m anifested a n d u n m a n ile s te d k a rm a . H o w ev er, since the m e n ­
tal faculty o f volition lasted o n ly an in s ta n t, they had to recognise that
s o m e in te rm e d ia ry betw een an aciton a n d its k a rm ic resuli m u st exiat.
F o r the S au tra n l ikas, ihe seeds (f>t;a) o f v olihon serve this function.
Seeds rise a n d cease in a co n tin u o u s si ream (samtati) thai grad ually
c h an g es (pari/tdma) u n til at last the seeds hav e suMicienl pow er to
p ro d u c e a result (visesa). T h is ty p e o f in te rm e d ia ry force b etw een an
action a n d its karm ic result was called “ a c c u m u la tio n 1’ (upaaiyu) by the
M ah asarig h ik as a n d " in d e s tru c tib le ” (aviprartasa) by the S am m atiy as.
T h e ie rm “aptjriapti,“ tra n sla te d into C h in ese in several ways, is also
discussed tn the Ch'tng-shifo lun { T 32:290b, Thftoasiddhifastra?) a n d the
She-lt-fu a -p yi-£*an lun ( 7 ’ 2B:526c, 5 8 l a t tfariputrdbfiidharmasasira?). T h e
schools o f N ikaya H uddhism generally recognized some im perceptible
force that served as a n in te rm e d ia ry betw een karm ic cause a n d effectt
alth o u g h the n am e (hey gav e ihis force varied.

T h e Essence o f the P recep ts:

A Sp e cial T y p e o f U n m a n ife ste d A c t iv ity

O n e o f the m a jo r reasons for the S arv astiv ad in insistence th at u n m a n i ­

fested m a tte r existed was th eir interest in a type o f atttjnapit-rupa called
(he <4essen re o f the p r e c e p ts ." 3 T h e essence n f rhe p recepts resem bles
u n m a n ife ite d activity o r k a r m a as the force th at jo in s actions w ith their
k arm ic results, b u t is different io certain ways. T hese differences can
p ro b ab ly be a ttrib u ted to d evelopm ents w ithin S arv astivadin doctrine.
S arv astiv ad in thin k ers a rg u e d that when a p erson is o rd a in e d with
the precepts* he is physically en d o w ed w ith a force th at helps him
refrain from d o in g w rong. T h is po w er is called the “ csscnce o f the p r e ­
cepts. "f F o r ex am p le, w hen a laym an accepts the five lay precepts, he
vows not to take life. T h is vow helps h im reg ulate his aciions after the
o rd in a tio n a n d leads him to refrain from w ro n g d o in g th at m ight result
in killing. In the sam e m a n n e r, a person w ho vows not to d rin k alcoholic
b everag es m ay be able to refrain from p a rta k in g o f them even Ih o u g h h r
w a n ts to d rin k th e m Such resolve is d u e to th e p o w er of his vow. T h is
p o w er that discourages w ro n g d o in g is instilled w ithin a person at rhe
tim e o f his o rd in a tio n . It c o m id u e s to exist in a physical sense even
w h en ihe persons forgets a b o u t the p recep ts, is asleep, o r is th in k in g
a b o u t w ro n g d o in g . H ow ever, if a p erso n does not p erfo rm all ihe
p ro p e r actions o f the c e re m o n y o r if he neglects to recite som e o f ihe
w o rds o f his vows at his o r d in a tio n , th en the essence o f the precepts is
not instilled in him . The essence c f the precepts Lhui th ought o f Sis a
p o w er created by physical actions but invisible to the eye. If is therefore
classified as avijnapU-rupa ( u n m a n if e i t e d m a tte r).
T h e essence o f th e precepts provided a con cep t th a t w as used to etas
sify B ud dh ist ad h eren ls. A B u d d h ist la y m a n o r w o m a n was d istim
g ulsh ed from a n o n -R u d d hist by his o r h e r possession o f the essencc o f
the five lay precepts. A m o n k w o uld have a different type o f essence of
the precepts, w hich d istin gu ish ed him from a B ud dh ist la y m a n . Etms a
p erso n was not a m o n k sim ply b ecause he w ore robea (kosdya) o r lived
an austere life, but because he h a d been instilled with the essence o f a
p a rtic u la r set o f precepts. S im ilarly he did not cease to be a m onk if he
b ro k e (m in o r) precepts, he si ill possessed th e essence of the precepts.
T h e o rie s on the essence o f the precepts were an im p o rta n t co n cern of
m o n k s. T h e schools o f N ikaya B u dd hism m a in ta in e d a n u m b e r o f d o c­
trin al positions on the concept. T h e S a rv a stiv a d in School con sid ered
th e essence o f the precepts lo h a v e a physical existence a n d cl ass i lied it
as u n m a n ife ste d m a tte r (avijnaptt-nlpa). T he S a u tr a n tik a s catego rized it
as seeds (bija). T h e T h e r a v a d a School co n sidered the essence o f the pre
cepts to lie in volition (tetana), an e x p lan atio n found in B u d d h a g h o s a fs
Visuddh imagga (ch a p . I h sec. \ 7 , Path o f Pu ri lica t i o n ). "I he term
" e ssc n c e oE the p re c e p ts ” (C h. thith-t'i) docs not a p p ear in th e C h in ese
I ran si at ion o f the Abfitdhannakofar b u t the phrase <lthe u n m a n ife ste d
(aspect) o f disciplin e" (C h. iii~i wu-piao) is found.
W ith some exceptions, the essence o f th e precep ts is instilled m a p e r ­
son at th e tim e o f o rd in a tio n a n d co ntin ues to exist u n til d e a th . Eight
ivpes o f essences a re e n u m e r a te d ' these co rresp o n d to ihe precepts for
la y m e n , lay w o m en , m ale novices, fem ale novices, p ro b a tio n a ry n u n s
{siksam dni)r m o n k s, n u n s , a n d the special set o f eig ht precepts m a in ­
tain ed by som e lay B ud dh ists on uposatha days. T h is list o f eight is s o m e ­
tim es red assilied into four types: die five p recepts for the laity, die ten
precepts for novices (w hich include the six precepts o f the sikfamand), the
full precepts for m o nk s a n d n u ns, an d the eight precepts for lay believ­
ers on upvwiha days. O f these, the essence o f th e eight precepts lasts only
one d a y a n d nigh I, e n d in g at d a y b r e a k the d a y after ihe p recepts are
taken. T h e o th e r essences o f th e p recepts last u n til o n e ’s d e a th b u t m ay
be te rm in a te d by a n n o u n c in g that one n o lo n g er has the will to obsci-ve
ihe precepts o r lh ai o n e a b a n d o n s the precepts. At th at tim e, one loses
the essence o f the precepts.

T h e T h r e e T y p e s o f R estraints

U n m anifested m a tte r o r k a r m a is classified into th ree categories: that

which restrain s fro m evil (swftoara)f lhai w hich does not restrain Irom
evil (asamuaTii), and th at w hich n eith er restrain s nor docs not restrain
from evil (Tmit'asajnvara-naiami'aTa). " T h a t which does not r e s tr a in 1’
refers to evjt precepts such as vow ing that one wilt m a k r b u tc h e rin g a n i ­
mals his profession " T h a t w hich n eith er restrain s n o r does nut
r e s tr a in 1' refers 10 the possibilities that arc not solely good o r evil p r e ­
cepts; Et m a y be called a n eu tral type o f u n m an ife arcd b arm a W ith o u t
Vowing to do either good o r b a d , a good m in d arises in a person for a
tim e, a n d th en an evil m ind- O r a person m ay d o good for a lim e an d
then evil. In such a caseT c ith e r good or evil u n m a n ife ste d k a r m a could
be p ro d u c e d -
" T h a r w hich restrain s from ev il" is classified into three subcatego-
rics: the restraints o r the form al precepts o f the Vinaya (p T aiim aksa-sam -
vam), the restraints arising out o f m ed itatio n (4/t^tutjttWj/UiiitdJL a n d the
restrain ts arisin g th ro ug h the a tta in m e n t o f a p a rtic u la r stage on the
p a th to e n lig h te n m e n t (andiravd-iamL'ara). Prdtirnoksa-samvara refers to the
restraints ag ain st d o in g w ro n g that a person feels becau se he has been
o rdain ed w iih the precepts, DkydTiajasarrivara refers to ihe p o w er o f m e d i­
tation to prevent evil. In the East A sian Buddhisr tra d itio n , it is also
tran slated as the " re s tr a in ts o f q uiet c o n te m p la tio n " o r th e " p re c e p ts
a c c o m p a n y in g m editation 11 T h is rype o f restrain t ends w h en (he p racti­
tioner em erg es from m ed itatio n. An&nera-satyiitffa refers to ihe p o w er
that prevents w ro n g d o in g th at is o b ta in e d by a p ractitio n er w ho has
realized enlig hten m e m . In the East A sian B u d d h ist tra d itio n , it is called
" t h e restrain ts arisin g from the p a t h " ( C h , but^hi-c/aeh) o r the
“untainted r e s tra in ts " ( C h . wu~Iqu IQ-i). T h e se restraints a re lost if the
p ra c titio n e r backslides. T h e last tw o types o f restrain ts a re called " p re -
ccpts th at arise out o f the p ra c titio n e r’s state o f m i n d ” (nUa-attuvartin).

C la ssifica tio n of K a r m a

O n e o f the m ost f u n d a m e n ta l ways o f classify mg k a r m a is by referring

to the p a r i o f the body th at p erfo rm s die action. T h e result is a threefold
classification o f physical, verbal, an d m e n ta l k a rm a . O th e r systems nf
classification w ere also develo ped. O f these, th e m ost im p o rta n t is based
on m o ra l s ta n d a rd s A threefold classification o f good, b a d , o r m orally
n eu tral k a r m a is used often in B uddhist texts. A cco rd in g to rhe
Abhidhtinnakttidi good Icarma leads to tranquility. G o o d k a r m a is divided
in to tw o categories: actions leading to a differently m a tu r in g result that
is d esired a n d actions leading to nirvana. K a r m a is th u s ju d g e d on
w h eth er a w elcom ed result is o b ta in e d th ro u g h a n action o r not. Since
pleasure is the result o f differently m a tu rin g effects th at lead to desirable
results, k a r m a th at prod uces pleasure is called " g o o d . " T h e m onastic
rules o f the prattmokfa a re useful guides ro practices, w hich will lead to
ihe realisation o f nirvdtta a n d th u s a re also called " good
K a r m a th at leads to a p leasu rab le result is “ g o o d ." But because this
good k a r m a belongs to the realm o f b irth a n d d e a th , it is called " i m p u r e
g o o d 1’ (in c o n tra st to the " p u r e " good, w hich leads to w ard nirvana). A
con crete ex am p le o f such im p u re good is th e p aih o f the te n good acts
(dasa kusala-karma-palhdh).

1. A b sten tio n fro m killing living things

2. A b sten tio n from stealing
3. A b ste n tio n fro m u n c h a s te activities
4. A b sten tio n from lying
5. A b sten tio n from m alicious speech
G. A b sten tio n from h a rsh speech
7, A b sten tio n from indistinct c h a tte r
8, A b sten tio n fro m covetousness
9, A bsten tio n from anger
10. A b sten tio n from w ro n g views

'[’he opposite actions a re called " th e p ath o f th e ten l>ad a c ts," T h e s e

lists have been used as guides for good a n d b a d actions since th e tim e of
tho Agamas, B ad k a r m a leads ro the differently m a tu r in g effect o f suffer­
ing. N eu tral k a r m a is a n action that leads to n eith er p leasu re n o r
suffering.
Nirvdjux is a pure good (andsrawkusafa), but it is not a type o f k a rm a
R a th e r , nirvdfia transcends k a rm a . lit COrtlrastj the p ath to mtvdtia—'th e
wisdom o f e n lig h te n m e n t— is considered to be b o th p u re good a n d p u r e
k a r m a (and*Tavani-iuiT7ntin). It is absolute good (paramdTtfia-iubha), which
does not lead to a differently m a tu r in g effect.
In the T h e r a v a d a School, p u re k a r m a perfo rm ed by som eone who is
still p racticin g (sekha) leads to a differently m a tu r in g effect. It m ay result
in e ith e r th e a tta in m e n t o f the stage w here no f u rth e r practice is neces-
 sary (aitkha-ph&la o r arahant) o r one of the lo w er stages w h e re religious
p ractice is still necessary before beco m in g art arahant P ure k a r m a per"
fo rm ed by so m eo n e a t rhe final stage product’s no cflfcct
G o o d was classified into four categories by ihe Sarvastivadins^ (1)
absolute Rood, namely, nirvana; (2) intrinsic: good, namely, (hr five
q u alities o f m ind that a re intrinsically good (frhaine, e m b a r ra s s m e n t,
re fra in in g from h a tre d , r e fra in in g from craving, and th e a b sc n c r of
ig n o ra n ce); (3) co n co m itan t good, namely, those qualities rhat a rt1 not
intrinsically good but that function co n co m itan tly w ith (he five in trin s i­
cally good qualities; (4-) responsive good (samuHhdntrta ktisal^i^ namely,
goud th at arises j o response To intrinsic o r co n co m itan t g o o d. A m o n g
ihe varieties o f good includ ed in this last r a j r g o r y are k a r m a fm m v e r­
bal o r physical action s, u n m a n ife ste d k a r m a f a n d certain o f (he dharmas
th at du not arise co ncom itan tly with the m ind. T h e lo u r categories of
good are used ro explain how the ten genera! functions o f good act.
Several o th er classifications o f k a rm a a rc fo u n d in the Abhidharmahosa.
K a r m a is catego rized as m erito rio u s (piinya), which is good p erfo rm ed
in the desire realm ; u n m e rito rio u s , which is evil p erfo rm ed in the desire
realm ; a n d im m o v ab le, G o o d actions (such as certain m e d ita tio n s or
tra n c e s) p e rta in in g to the form and form less realm s a re called im m o v ­
able k a rm a .
K a r m a is also catego rized as actions th at rcsuh in a pleasant b irth
som ew h ere betw een the desire realm a n d the T h i r d M e d ita tio n H eav en
o f Ih r form realm (iukha-vrdaniya-karma), actions resulting in an unpleas-
am rebirth in the desire realm (duhkha-uedaniya-karma), a n d actions
resulting iit a birth ihat is n e ith e r pleasant nor suffering in th e F ou rth
M e d ita tio n H e a v e n o f the form realm o r above (adufckAa-awkha vedaiufe-
karma),
K a r m a m ay also be categorized by c o m p a r in g il with colors such as
black (evil), black a n d white {good but im p u re actions o f ihe desire
realm ), w hite (good), a n d n e ith e r btack n o r white (p u re o r andirava).
T h e tim e at w hich recom p ense occurs p rov ides a n o th e r s ta n d a rd for
classifying k a r m a . A ctions m a y em ail reco m p en se in this Life (dtsia-
dhaTTna-vfdaniyam karm a\ in the next life (upapadya-mfdanfyam karma), in a
fu tu re life after but not in the next b irth (aparaparydya-vedaniyam karma),
o r at an in d e te r m in a te tim e (aniy&td-utdaniyam karma).

T h e E x is te n c e o f the P ast an d F u tu re

Because the S arv astiv ad in s used the te rm “ u n m an ifc sted m a t t e r " to

refer to th e “ essence o f the p rccep ts," u n m a n iie ste d m a tte r grad ually
lust its significance as the factor tying k a rm ic cau se a n d effect together.
T h i s d ev elo p m en t was p ro b ab ly related to th e S arv asiiv ad in insistence
that co n d itio n ed dharmcu exist in the past, p re se n t, a n d fu tu re. T h e dhar-
mm chat fun rtion in stan tan eo u sly in the present arise from the future
th rou gh the p o w er o f " o r i g i n a t i o n / 1 o n e o f th e four characteristics
found in the list o IdkanHai not eon comil a n t with the m in d . E ach dharma
has these four ch aracteristics (o rig in atio n , subsistence, decay, an d
e x tin ctio n ) c o n c o m ita n t with it. T h r o u g h these characteristics (or
forces), dharmat exist in the fu tu re until th ey arise in the p resen t. T h e re
they subsist for a n in stan t a n d th e d fall into th e past. T h e present cort-
Gists of those dh<irmai that a rc fun ctioning at a p a rtic u la r instant - T h e
dharmas that have fallen in to the past a re said actually to exist th ere by
the S arv astiv ad ins, K a rm ic forces, too, exist in the pasi un lil the lim e
com es for them to p ro d u ce a result. C o n d itio n e d dharmas f u n d ion only
in th e p r e s e n t, but the essence o f the dharma} exists ai alt tim es. T h e Sar-
v astivadin position w as su m m a riz e d by East Asian B uddhists as the
a ffirm atio n of th e etern al existence o f th e essence o f all dharmas that exist
in the past, p resent, o r Juture ( C h . san^shth shift-fuja-t V hcn^-yii}.
O t h e r schools, such as rhe M a h a sa n g h ik a s a n d the S a u tra n tik a s
o p p osed the S arv astiv ad in position b y arg u in g that karm ic forccs
existed as seeds in the p resent. T h e y d en ied th a t dharmas existed in the
past T h e i r position is s u m m a r iz e d by East A sian B ud dh ists as ihe affir­
m ation n f the existence o f dharmas in th e p resen t, b u t not in the past an d
the fu tu re (C h, hsit>i'tsaiyu-t'i kuo-wei ivii-t’i).
 C H A P T E R 13

The Elimination of Defilements

and the Path to Enlightenment

T h e M ean in g o f Defilement

A ccO R m N G t o the S arv astiv ad in text j u a - p ’i-ta-mo iun ( T 2 d :984a,

AbhidharTndi>atsrasdiiTa§)1 “ D efilem ents are so n a m e d because [hey cause
both the b o d y a n d m in d to be afflicted and! suffer. T h e y a re also ta ile d
proclivities (mnufaya)." T h e te rm '"d efilem en t" is f u rth e r ex p lain ed as
referring to th a t w hich di&turbs th e m in d a n d body a n d p re v e n ts t r a n ­
quility, A cco rd in g to the Visuddtiimagga ( H a r v a r d O rie n ta l Scries, voL
41t jj, 50&), '“ T h e defilem ents a re so n a m e d because they them selves
are dcliled (ssAkUitfha) a n d because th ey defile (sanktlesika) th e dhammas
associated w ith th e m .” A ccording to this ex p lan atio n , ihe Pali te rm
Lrktlesa ” ts. derived from th e s a m e root as jankilissati (to stain o r defile)
T h e d efin itio n o f th e Sanskrit te rm "kiesa " in the J u a - p ’i-ta-mo tun is
b ased on the S an sk rit root kiis (to afflict). H ow ev er, the S an sk rit te rm
' fcliftamanas*’ (often translated into English as “ afflicted conscious-
n e s s M) was d eriv ed from the m e a n in g “ s t a i n e d '1 T h e te rm “ defile*
m e m 11 fk itia ) does not a p p e a r very often in the Ag/m as, b u t it occurs f re ­
q u en tly in abhidharma literatu re.
I n the Piili Vibhangv ( c ha p. 171 sec 9, p a r r 9 5 2 ) o r Rook o f A nalysis, a
list o f eight defilem enls (aftha kiUsavaith&ni) is p resented: greed, h atred ,
d elusion, prid e , w ro n g views, d o u b ts, sloth, a n d d istraction . Tw o m ore
are a d d e d in the Dkamm&sangarti (n o. 1229) to m ake a total o f ten defile­
m ents (data kiU idntiU tm i): absence o f e m b a rra s sm e n t before other* o v er
One's w ron g do ing s a n d ab scn ce o f sham e for o n e ’s w ro ng do ing s. T h is
list o f ten ({(.'liEcincnls was u sed frcqucnlly in H u T ^ d i i i discussions o f
the defilem ents. A ta le r none an u n it al abhidhamma text, the Abhidhamma^
thasangaha (p. V2) m e n tio n s several oilier lists in ics sy stem atizatio n o f
the v ario u s s a s o f defilem ents used since the Ago/not. In clu d ed are the
four {im pure) outflows (dsava), lour violent outflows (ogha), four yokes
(yoga), four b o n d s (kayagaAlh&)} four groupings (upadaaa), six h in d ra n ces
(nii'arana), seven proclivities (anusaya), leo filte rs (suwwjana), a n d i m
defilem ents. M nst tif these ways o f classifying rhe d efilem en ts had
a p p e a re d in th e Agamas
A ir a v a (P. aiowt) is the oldest o f these term s. It ap p e a rs in both the Sut'
tanipdia a n d thc Dhammapada, w h ere it is used to define one o f the q u a li­
fications o f an en lig h ten ed person: he has e x h a u s te d all bis outflow s
(P, atai'd khina). In B u dd h ist texts this te rm is used in rhe sense o f o u t ’
flow because th e m in d 's defilem ents m ove o u tw a r d a n d affect othet
things. In j a i n i s m , the term is used with (he sense o f inflow l>erause
d efilem ents are said to flow from the ex tern al w orld into the body,
w here they a d h ere io the titman. T h e use o f the terra in bo th B uddhisi
a n d J a i n a texis indicates th at its origins a re very early. Buddhist texts
list four m ajor types o f drrava: sensual desire (kama-dsrava), desire for
existence (bhdua-asrava), w r o n g views (dwfi-dsrava)t a n d ig n o ra n re (ai>i-
dya-asiai/a). T h e term s “ogha ” (violent outflow o f defilem ents) a n d
tryoga " (yoke) a re also early. T h e e o n itn is o f the four violent ouiOciws uf
rlefilements anti the lo u r yokes are identical to the four outflows.
Six h in d ra n c e s (nii'arana) a re m e n tio n e d in the AbhidhammaHhasa/igaha,
a lth o u g h usually only five a re listed in the Agamas. T h t w v e n proclivi­
ties a re also discussed in v a rio u s places in th e Agamas. T h e ten fetters
a re usually divided into two g ro u p s in the Agamas— five that b in d send-
ent beings to the form a n d form less realm s a n d five th at bind beings to
the dtrmrr realm . By cu ttin g ofl such (icfilcincnl^ the practitiniun is able
to escape from the cycles o f re p e a te d births a n d d eaths. T w o lists o f ten
fetters arc included in t h e Abhidhammafthasangaha— ten fetters found in
t he sut tar an d a si i ght Iy di Ife ren t list n f te n fe rtera aeenndin g to
abhidhamma lex I*. By r e a rra n g in g the first list o f leu fellers, tw o a d d i­
tional fetters w ere inclu ded: jealousy a n d parsim ony. T he revised list is
also found in sources such as the Dhammasangarn (no, 11J 3). T h e ten fet­
ters from the abhidhamma lexis a n d the ten tic file m cnts lislrd above w ere
b o th dev eloped d u r in g the period when the Pali abhidhamma texts were
b ein g com piled.
T h e p roliferation o f term s for the defilem ents is d u e , in p a n , to dis­
a g r e e m e n t a b o u t w hether the defilem ents are viewed as actually s la in '
m g the m in d o r as m erely o b sc u rin g its iru c n a tu r e T ho se m on k s w ho
m a in ta in e d th at th e basic n a tu r e of the m in d was pure a d h e re d to the
position dial the defilem en ts obscured o r covered the tru e , u n ta in te d
essence o f the m in d . T h e m in d itselfcou ld not be tain ted o r stain ed .
A variety o f ways o f classifying the defilem ents d eveloped w ithin
B u d d h ism . M a n y o f th e sam e elem en ts art- found in the v ario u s lists,
th us, m ost o f the im p o rta n t varieties o f d efilem ents a re includ ed in ihe
lo ng er lists such as the ten fetters o r ten defilem ents. T h e following elc-
mi'iits found in ihe ten d efilem en ts arc p articu larly im p o rta n t: crav in g
(to b h a ), h a tr e d { ( b tfa ) , d elusio n (ntnha), p r id e (m d n a ), w rong view s (d r fii),
d o u b t (L/icikitsd), to rp o r (jfyana), an d distraction (euAdhatya) C r a v in g s
arc s u b d iv id e d im o crav in gs for desirable objects a n d crav in gs for con-
<inued existence. The la tte r is fu rth e r class!tied in to crav in gs for c o n tin ­
ued existence in the form realm an d for c o n tin u e d existence in the
formless realm . W ro n g views m ay be divided into five types as is
clemonsl r a lr d m the following discussion.
A cco rd in g !o the S arv astivadin work Abhidharmavatarasdslm ( T 155+)!
d efilem en ts m ay also be called proclivities. A list o f seven proclivities
also found in Pali sources is included in th e text: crav in g for sensual
p leasu res, crav in g for c o n tin u e d existence, h a tre d , p rid e , ig n o ra n ce,
w ro n g views, a n d doubts. T h is list d ates b ack to the Againas; but usually
th e cravings for sensual p leasures an d cravings for c o n tin u e d existence
Were Combined in to the single catego ry I)! craving Or lust, yii'ldinij ;i bs1
o f sis prorlivities. Mosl abhidharma texts ad o p ted this list o f sis proclivi­
ties, called the basic proclivities (muta-aniisaya) in the Abhidfjarmakosa.
T h e proclivity o f w ro n g views is som etim es e x p a n d e d in to five lypes:
belief in a Self* clinging lo the ex trem es o f etern alism o r an nih ila-
tio n iim , disbelief in c a u s a tio n „ clinging to w ro n g views, a n d ihe belief
th at riiuals lead to salvation. W h e n these a rc a d d e d to ih e re m a in in g
five proclivities (craving, ang er, p rid e t ign oran ce, anti d o u b t), a lisl of
ten is p ro d u ced . T h is list is the hasis for the discussion on proclivities in
the Abhidhammkoid. W h e n the ten proclivities are co nsid ered m te rm s of
the realm s in w hich they exist, the types o f m ind in w hich (hey function,
a n d tiie m a n n e r in which they can be elim in ated , a list o f ninety-eight
proclivities is p ro d u ced .
W hile the S arv astiv ad in School co nsidered defilem ents (kltsa) an d
p ro clifitirs to be identical, rhe S a u tra n tik a a n d M ahasarigh ika tradi-
lions d isting uish ed b etw een th e two, A cco rd in g to S a u tra n tik a te a c h ­
ings (Abfiidharmakos-al p 127t3t L 19)+ l'W h e n the defilem ents a re m a
laient state |liir.h sleeping], th ey a rc called proclivities. W h e n they are
active {lit.h aw ake], they are called bonds (paryavastfiana)." hf h is defini­
tio n is based on d eriv in g the m e a n in g o f the word anusaya from the root
s 7 ‘to slee p '. In an o rd in a ry person (or w orldling), defilem ents such as
greed and h a ire d are obviously not cut off, b u t n eith er are they con-
stand y activc. R ather^ th ey a re always present in a laten t state an d
b eco m e active only w hen circu m stan ces a re suitable for th eir appear*
ance.
Sonic B u dd h ists a rg u e d th a t defilem ents w ere stored in the u ncon-
seious as seeds until they fu nctio ned actively. T h e Y ogacara d o ctrin e o f
a sto re'co n scio u s ness (dlaya-ttijndna) arose o u t o f a need to explain how
such seeds w ere stored a n d how m em o ry fu nction ed. T h e Sarvastiva-
dins, how ever, m a in ta in e d th at all dharmas ceased fun ctio nin g after an
inslant. Instead o f bein g sto red in a consciousness, potential defile-
m en ts existed in a tim e p erio d, the fu tu re. T h e y w ere co n n ected to th e
co n tin u o u s s tre a m (samtdrta) o f a p erso n 's dharmas by the force o f the
dharma o f possession (prdpti) B e c a m e the defilem ents w ere present in ii
latent form th ro u g h the p o w er o f possession, they could not be said to
have been elim in ated in a worldling even th ou gh (hey w ere not being
m anifested at a p artic u la r tim e.

Th e Ninety-eight Proclivities

O n e ol the m a jo r ways o f classifying defilem ents o r proclivities is by the

type o f know ledge th at can d estro y them . U s in g this m eth o d , m a n y p ro ­
clivities can be divided into four groups (dHtUf'prakara) on the basis of
which of (he F o ur N oble T r u th s a rc used (o elim in ate them- T h e se p ro ­
clivities can th u s Ese elim in ated by knowledge o r suffering, its cause,
nirvana, o r the p ath . Such proclivities o r d efilem en ts a re con ceptu al
erro rs (darsana-htya-kltsa) co n cern in g religious tru th s that can be d e ­
stroyed th ro u g h the p ath o f insight (darsana^mdtga). A lthough these
defilem ents can be elim in ated th ro u g h an u n d e r s ta n d in g o f the F our
N oble T r u th s , o th e r d efilem en ts can n o t be d estroyed so readily. T h e s e
Other defilem ents (bhaaand'hrya-k/eia) m ust be elim in ated ihrOugEi the
practices of the p ath o f m ed itatio n (bhSBOH&mSrga) because they have
becom e so hab itual a n d in g ra in e d that know ledge is not sufficient to cut
th em off. O n ly ih ro u g h co n sta n t religious p ractice can such defilem ents
as crav in g , h a tre d , ign orance, a n d pride be elim in ated . In c o n tra st, the
five w r o n g views a n d d o u b t a rc all concep tu al defilem ents a n d can be
com pletely elim in ated th rou gh a know ledge o f th e F o u r N o ble T r u th s
an d D ep en d en t O r ig in a tio n , To a certain extent, craving, h a tre d , ig n o '
ra n re , a n d pride earn also be elim in ated th ro ug h know ledge o f the F o u r
Noble T r u th s since these four defilem ents exist as both conccptu al
errors a n d as defilem ents th at m u st h e elim in ated th ro ug h p ractice. In
co n trast, the live w ro n g views a n d d ou bi exist only as defilem ents that
can be d estro y ed th ro u g h knowledge. A list o f five types ( fltitka^pmkdrdft)
o f d efilem en ts is p ro d u c e d w h en ihe d efilem en ts d estro y ed by practice
a re a d d e d to rhe con ceptual defilem ents d estro y ed by the F o u r N oble
T r u th s .
D efilem ents m a y also be classified a c c o rd in g to w hich o f the th re e
realm s (desire, form , form less) [hey belo ng . F o r ex am p le, since th e
d esire realm is ch aracterized by m u ch suffering, elim in atin g (he Craving
for sensual pleasure in this realm is not too difficult. However* because
[he form a n d formless realm s a re characterized by su b tle types o f bliss,
e lim in a tin g the c ra v in g for existence in those realm s is m ore difficult,
ThUe, the craving for existence in both o f th e hig her (the form and
formless) realm s can be elim in ated only after the crav in g for sensual
pleasures has b e e n cut off. (T h e cravings for existences in (he two u p p e r
realm s a re d estroyed at (he s a m e tim e, not consecutively.) Ry classifying
defilem ents acco rdin g to the realm to w hich they p e rta in a n d how they
arc elim in ated , a list o f n in ety -e ig h t is p ro d u ced .
T h irty -six types o f defilem ents are found in the desire realm . T en are
c u t o ff by an u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e nobEe (ruth o f suffering O n ly seven
{craving, h a tr e d , ig n o ra n c e , p rid e , d o u b t, disbelief in c a u s a tio n , an d
clin g in g to w ro n g views) arc elim in ated by the noble [ruth s o f the cause
o f suffering a n d rtiVmifta, T h e three proclivities o f belief in d Self, belief
in extrem ist views, a n d belief that ritu als lead to salvation a re not
affected by know ledge o f th e no ble tru th s o f the cause of suffering an d
nirvana. Eight proclivities a re elim in ated by (he tr u th o f the p alh (the
s a m e seven as for the p rev iou s two tru th s a n d the belief th at rituals
result in salvation). T h u s thirty-tw o proclivities u f [he desire realm are
elim in ated th ro u g h th e F o u r N oble T r u th s . F o u r m ore are cut off
th ro u g h m e d ita tio n , m ak in g a total of thirty-si*.
T h e defilem ent o f h a tre d is not fo u n d in the form a n d formless
realm s. Since the desires for food a n d sex do n o t arise in these tw o
realm s, no object o f h a ire d is present in (hem. O th erw ise, the sam e dis­
trib u tio n o f d efilem ents specified for the desire realm prevails. T h e
result is th at n in e proclivities a rc cut off by th e tr u th o f suffering, six
each by the tru th s o f th e cause o f Suffering a n d nirvana, seven by the
tru th o f the p ath , a n d th ree by m ed itatio n . T h irty -o n e proclivities arc
found in each o f the two high er realms. T h u s a total o f ninety-eight p r o ­
clivities is listed for [he th ree realm s.
O f the ninety-eight proclivities, eleven a re said to be p articu larly
strong. From a m o n g the proclivities o il o ff by the tru th o f suffering,
th ey a re (] —5) ihe live w ro n g views, (6) d o u b t, a n d {7) ig n orance. F ro m
a m o n g the proclivities cut off by the tr u th o f the cause o f suffering are
(8) d i s b d i c f in cau satio n, (9) clinging to w ro n g views, (If)) d o u b t, an d
(I I) ig no ran ce. T h e ir influence ex ten d s th ro u g h o u t the p a rtic u la r realm
flsIhatu) an d lan d (hhUmt) jn w hich a person acts. ( T h e three realms are
fu rth er d iv id ed into nine lan d s; desire realm , th e F ou r M ed itatio n
H t ii v t n s nf the f o r m realm , a n d th e F o u r F orm less H e a v e n s .) U n i v e r ­
sal causea even call forth chose d efilem ents th a t can only be cut off by
co n te m p la tio n s on th e tru th s o f nirvana anti th e jjath o r by m ed itation.
C o n seq u en tly , these eleven a re called " u n iv e rs a l proclivities " In the
S a rv a stiv a d in e n u m e r a tio n o f ih e six causes, th e ir activity is describ ed
as " u n i v e r s a l c a u s e " (tarwinagahttu) bee a Lise o f t h e i r influence on o t h e r
defilem en ts
N in e o f the universal proclivities (all except the belief in a Sell and
belief in e x tre m e views) a re called the "d efilem ent* thaL b in d a pfrsiin
to the u p p e r r e a lm s."
Ig n o ra n c e m ay be f u rth e r classified into tw o types: co n co m itan t igno-
ranee a n d special ign orance (auidyd-disttuki). T h e lirsi typer alw ays fu n c­
tions co n co m itan tly with o th e r d eliiem cnis. H ow ever, ig no ran ce also
functions in oEher ways. It lies at the base o f all incorrect th ou gh ts and
thus ts the fo u n d a tio n o f all m ental functions. In o th er w ords, ignorance
functions as th e b asis o f defiled a n d evil states o f m ind as well as neutral
a n d good states. u Special ig n o ra n c e 11 refers 10 these aspects o f ig n o ­
rance (its activity in d e p e n d e n t o f a n y o th e r defilem ents a n d its influence
o n Jill o th e r m e n ta l faculties). W h e n ig n o ra n ce is d escrib ed as one o f the
twelve links ol Dependent Origination* it is ignorance in tins special
sense.
F u rth e r p o n d e rin g on the n a tu r e ol ig no ran ce ev en tu ally led to the
Y ogacara no tion o f an afflicted conscious ness (klista-manai o r manat)
T h e co ncept o f p rim o rd ial ig norance ( C h . ken-pcn w u -m n g o r wu~skih
wti-rnirjg) e x p o u n d e d in the Ta-ihtng ch V-Aiin Inn { T nos. 16GG-16f>7,
A w ak enin g ol F aith ) p ro b ab ly was a n extension o f the idea of special
ig n o ra n ce. T h u s th e Sarvasiivariin distinction b etw een co n co m itan t
a n d Special ig n o ra n c e b a d m ajo r significance for later B uddhism .

T h e lOtS D efilem ents

Besides the n in ety -e ig h t proclivities, the S arv astiv ad in s h a d a list o f 108

d efilem en ts (th e result o f a d d in g ten bonds [paryavasthdna\ to the ninety-
eig ht proclivities)- T h e ten b o n d s (also called secondary defilem ents or
upaUtsa) a re ab sen ce o f sh a m e , absence of e m b a r ra s s m e n t, jealousy,
parsim ony, rem o rse, drow sin ess, d istractio n , torpor, ang er, a n d c o n ­
cealm en t o f w ro n g d o in g .
As was explained earlier in this chapter, lists such as this were d eriv ed
from a basic set o f six (w hich is Sometimes e x p a n d e d to ten) proclivit ies.
lly a n a ly z in g the basic list in v ario u s w ays, a d d itio n al lists w ere geiver-
.11 cd, such as the n in e fetters (samyajanaX the five fetters b in d in g a per-
scn lo ihe u p p e r realm s. th e five fetlers b in d in g a person tu (h r desire
re a lm , a n d (he th ree bonds (banithana' craving, h a tre d , d elusion).
A cco rd in g in ihe " C h a p t e r on P roclivities” o f the Abhidharmakofa, all
defilem en ts an- en co m p assed by th e lists o f proclivities a n d secondary
defilem ents. However* the hat o f seven(y-five dharmas c o n ta in e d in the
" C h a p t e r on J1acu ities'' (atdrtya) o f the Abhtdharmakos'a docs not agree in
m a n y respects w ith the views p resen ted in th e " C h a p t e r on P roclivi­
ties. ” For exam ple, lorly-six o f the seventy-live dhaunas are m enial fac­
ulties. M a n y o f these concern defilem ents such as the six general fu n c­
tions of defilem eni (delu sio n, negligence, in dolence, disbelief, torpor,
a n d d istractio n), the tw o general functions o f evil (absence o f sliainc,
absence of e m b a rra s s m e n ;), a n d the len m in o r fu nction s o f defilem ent
(an ger, c o n cealm en t o f w ro n g d o in g , parsim ony, jealousy, rejection of
criticism , causing injury, re se n tm e n t, deceit, fladery, a n d conceit).
H o w ever, som e o f the m ost im p o rta n t catego ries discussed in the
" C h a p i e r on Proclivities” are not m c m io n c d in the above lists o f dhar-
mas A m o n g th e m a re c ra v in g , h a tre d , p rid e , a n d d o u b t. T h e category
o f in d e te rm in a te dharnuu in the " C h a p t e r on F acu lties" is d escrib ed as
con sistin g o f " re m o r s e , drow siness, investigation, scrutiny, a n d so
f o r t h / ’ If the p h rase “ a n d so forth” is in te rp re te d as m e a n in g crav in g ,
h a ir e d , prid e , a n d d o u b t, the result w ould be a list o f eight in d e te r m i­
n a te dharmas a n d a total o f forty'six m ental faculties. In fact, these are
the usual n u m b e rs o f dharmas included in these tw o categories,
V a s u b a n d h u probably did not clearly define the place o f crav in g an d
o th e r Jjti port ant pnoct iv it ies in the lists o f dharmas b e t a use he was c o n ­
cerned w ith different sets o f p ro blem s w h en he w rote the ^ C h a p t e r on
F acu lties" a n d the "‘C h a p t e r on P ro clivities.'’ M o reo ver, such d isc re ­
pancies m ay indicate th at V a s u b a n d h u was d ra w in g o n a v ariety of
scholastic tra d itio n s w hen he w rote the Abhidharmakosa a n d did noi
alw ays reconcile the differences betw een th em .

S ta g e s o f P r a c tic e

Tn the Agamas the levels o f a tta in m e n t n f (he B u d d h a ’s disciples arc

ju d g e d acco rdin g to a fourfold h ierarchy; (1) s tre a m -e n tra n t (srotdpaUi;
P. sotapatti), (2) o n c e -re tu rn e r (sakrdagdmin; P. sakadagamm), (3) nnnrc*
t u r n e r (S. a n d P. tmdgamin^ a n d (4) afhat (P. arahant). Each of these
st&gt* is divided fu rth e r into tw o partsi a p ath leading lo the stage (h crt"
a fte r tra n sla te d as c a n d id a te ) a n d ihe actual stage o r fruit itself,
 T h e flrsr stage, s tr e a m - e n tra n t, refers; to a person w ho has en tered the
stream o f R u d d lu sm . O riginally the te rm was used in relcr to a n y o n e
whrj hjid 9 pure acid in destructible laich in B u d d h ism . H ow ever, in ihe
Agamns (S N , vol. 5, pp. 3 5 6 - 3 5 7 ’ Shih-sung tii [ 7’ 2 3 : I 2 9 k t Sarvdstivd-
davinayv]), the s ta n d a rd ex p la n a tio n is th at it refers to o n e w h o has cui
off the th ree fetters: th e belief in a sub stan tial Self, the belief lhai the
p erfo rm a n c e o f ritu als will lead to salvation, a n d d o u b ts a b o u t B uddhist
d octrin e. A s trc a m -e n tra n t will nor fall in to a b a d rebirth (such as a d e n ­
izen o f hell, h u n g r y ghost, a n im a l, or ttiura {dem igod]). H e is destined
to attain e n lig h te n m e n t a n d will do st> w ith in seven rebirths in this
world.
A person w ho has a tta in e d th e second stage, o n e e - re lu m e r , has cut
off th e th ree fetters a n d w eak ened the hold o f the th ree poisons (tfidofd-
paha. crav ing , h a tr e d , a n d delusion ), A on ce re tu rn e r will re tu rn to this
w orld o n e m o re tim e a n d (hen attain salvation. A person w ho has
reached the th ird s ta g e , non re tu rn e r, does nut re tu rn tu this world in
any fu tu re b irth ; rather, he rep eatedly is born a n d dies in h eav en until
he en ters m nana. H e has cut off the five low er fetters (th e previously
m e n tio n e d ih rec fetters, along wilb h&lrcd a n d the belief lhai a person
has a substantial Sell) that tie h im lo eaisicnoc in rhe desire realm
(kdmadhatu). T h e fo u rth a n d final stage is the arhaf, a p e rso n w ho has cut
off all his defilem ents. H e has o b ta in e d the w isd om (hal is salvation a n d
lm m in d a freed from d e file m e n ts.'
I he m ost im p o rta n t early list o f stages ro n sists o f eigh t steps, b e g in ­
n in g with c a n d id a te for s ir e a m - e m ra m a n d c u lm in a tin g w ith the actual
At age o f tirhal. O t h e r m ore d etailed e x p la n a tio n s o f ihe stages o f the
Jrdvaka are occasionally found in the Agamas. F o r ex am p le, in the Fu-
i ’ttTJ ching ( T l£ 6 l6 a , Dakkhintyya) o f th e Chung a-han ching (Madhynmd*
gama), eig hteen stages o f tra in in g (saikia) a n d n in e stages bey on d tra in ­
ing (asaikia) a re m e n tio n e d . T h is was a fu rth er elab o ratio n o f the trad i-
t ion ill eight stages T h e stages n f practice described in the ejbhidharma lit­
e ra tu re a re based on such teach ing s from the Agamas.

T h e S ta g e s o f P r a c t ic e A c c o r d in g to th e T h c r a v a d a S ch o o l

In the T h e r a v a d a School, the levels of practice a re classified into seven

stages o f purification:

1. M o rals (sila-visuHdht)
2. M in d (citta-visuddki)
3. Views (ditihi-visuddht)
 4. Trani.Lending d o u b ts (kankhdi'itanma■visuddhi)
5. K n ow led ge a n d vision o f w h at constitutes th e p aih (maggdft\ag$a■
ndnad.assQna-vxsu.ddhi)
(j. K no w ledg e a n d vision o f tlie m eth od o f salvation fpatipnddnana-
dassana-visuddhi)
7. W i sdum (natf&laSiaM-vissuddh i)

TEie seven p urifications a re m e n tio n e d in the Agdtnasr as well as in such

works as the Ch 'tng shsh lun ( 7 ' J 646, Tatiwisiddhisd-tfra?) a n d ihe Yii-ch'tth
iun ( T 1579, Yogdcdrabhumis'dstra#), T h e y a re also described in derail in
B uddhagho& a’s Visuddhittt&gga*
T h e first level o f practice, purification o f morals* concerns the observ-
ance o f the precepts. T h e seco n d , purification o f the m ind, involves the
d ev e lo p m e n t o f p u n t m e d ita tio n s an d (he realization o f eight a tta in ­
m e n ts (samdpatti). T h e se [wo p u rifications provide the fo u n d a tio n neces­
sary for the realisation o f w isd o m (Visu4dhitncggaf H a r v a r d O r ie n ta l
Series, vol. 41, p. 375),
T h e re m a in in g Jive pu rificatio n s a re co n cern ed with w isdom itself.
A cco rd in g lo [he Vt$uddhtinagga, d iscern m en [ (jdnana) is a n aly zed into
three co m p o n en ts: p ercep tio n (itinnd), consciousness (vinm ^a), a n d w is­
d o m (panndna). Sanna m ay be tra n sla te d as sense p crccp iio n , w hite oin-
PTarta refers to analyiical u n d e r s ta n d in g based on sense perceptions. Pan-
rjdna o r w isdom refers to a m ore profo un d and compEete form o f insight
o r u n d e r s ta n d in g ( Visnddhimaggpt p 369). W is d o m is said to exist as
right views (ditlhi), know ledge (ndtta), a n d vision (dasiartQ). W isd o m is
also often e q u a te d with the c o m b in a tio n o f k n o w led g e a n d vision (ndna-
dassana).
T h e last five purification s are discussed in chap . 18-22 o f the Vtsud-
dhimagga. T h e discussion of the purification of kno w ledg e a n d vision
(w isdom ) in c h a p . 22 is particularly im p o rta n t *incc it concerns the lev­
els o f e n lig h te n m e n t. F m m p u rificatio n o f views to purification o f the
know ledge a n d vision o f the m eth od o f salv ation , the p ra c titio n e r has
not realized enligh ten m em a n d is still involved with m u n d a n e k no w l­
edge, In th e Iasi pu rification, shat of w isd om , he is co n cern ed w ith the
wisdom th at com es with e n lig h te n m e n t, w ith p u re , u n ta in te d kn ow l­
edge.
T h e first iw o pur ifit ations consist o f p re lim in a ry practices T h e ra v a -
da practice begins with m o rality an d th en progresses with meditation.
W h en [hese have been m a ste re d , practices lead in g to w isd om begin.
T h e s e consist o f m c d ita iio n s d esig n e d to develop w isd om . A m o n g the
subjects used a re the im p e rm a n e n c e , nonsubstantiality, a n d suffering
th at ch aracterize ihe five agg regates. T h e twelve bases, c ig h ie rn ele-
m erits, tw en ty -tw o faculties ( indri}d)t F ou r N oble T ru th * , a n d twelve
links o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n fire also su b jects o f m ed itation.
T h e th ird o f the seven p urifications concerns views. In this purified’
lion, (he various dhammas o f n a m e an d form ( ttam a-tupt) a re seen as they
actually are th ro u g h m e d ita tio n s on the four p r im a r y e le m e n ts (maAfi-
bkata), eig hteen elem ent? (dhatu), twelve bases, a n d five ag greg ates.
T h e fourth purification, on tra n scen d in g douhts, focuses on the origi
n ation, ch an g e, a n d cessation o f n a m e a n d form. D oubts a n d m isconcep­
tions c o n c e rn in g c a u sa iio n d u rin g ihe past, present, a n d fuiure are eradi
ta ic d , A m o n g these m isconceptions are the views that causes do not exist,
that alt is created a n d Controlled by n god, that m a n lias an eternal soul,
a n d that a person com pletely ceases to exist with death. T h ro u g h this
purification, the practitioner ob tain s knowledge based on the D h a m m a ,
knowledge o f ihings as they actually are, a n d correct views.
T h e fifth p u rificatio n , kiujrtvledge and vision co n cern in g the path ,
co n cern s d isc rim in a tio n b etw een the correct p a th to salvation an d
w ro n g practices o r theories o f salvation.
T h e sixth pu riffa a linn, know ledge a n d vision co n cern in g th e m e th o d
ol salvation, co n cern s know ledge o f the correct p ath to salvation. By fol­
lowing the p a th , th e p ra c titio n e r g ra d u a lly o b ta in s th e n in e knowledges
b ased on co n tem p latio n o f o rig in atio n a n d cessation, co n tem p latio n of
disso lutio n, c o n tc m p la iio n o f a p p e a ra n c e as [error, co n tem p latio n of
a p p e a ra n c e as d a n g e r, co n tem p latio n o f dtspassion, desire for d eliv er­
ance, c o n te m p la tio n o f reflection, eq u an im ity a b o u t fo rm atio n s, an d
conform ity with iru ih . T h r o u g h these know ledges, [he p ra c titio n e r d is ­
cern s ihe correct path ,
T he above four purificatio ns lead ing to wisdom (third th ro u g h sixth)
a r e all stages o f wot Idlings (puthujjiina) still b o u n d by feiters. Even
th o u g h know ledge a n d vision a re purified, I rue know ledge a n d vision
have not yet arisen . H ow ev er, the nin th know ledge o f the sixth p u rifica­
tion (co n fo rm ity with th e tr u th [stucanutomikam ndrtarn)) is wisdom c o n ­
c e rn in g the F o u r N oble T ru th s . From it arises know ledge o f th e ch an g e
o f lin eag e (gotrabhunana) which leads to pu rification o f w isdom , the sev’
e m h a n d last p urification. T h e seventh pu rification is divided in to four
stages: the know ledges o f the path o f s tre a m -e n tra n t, o n c e -re tu in e r,
n o n re tu rn e r, a n d wuhant. A lthough the fctiowledge o f ch an g e o f lineage
lies betw een the sixth a n d seventh purification s, it belongs to n d < h er of
[hem . B etw een ihe sixth a n d seventh purifications, the p ra c titio n e r
ceases to be a w orldling a n d o b ta in s [he know ledge that he now belongs
to the lineage o f sages (anya).
In te rm s o f S arv asiiv ad in do ctrine (explained below), this stage
w ould c o rre s p o n d to lhai o f acquiescence (h a n d ) in (he degrees o f fav o r­
 able roots. In the S arv astiv ad in p ath, tb e slaves o f [he w o rld ling (prthdg-
jana) ft re divided in to [he th ree degrees o f the wi sc anti th e Four d egrees
o f favorable roots (w a rm th , su m m it, acq uiescence, a n d p in nacle of
w orldly (ruth). T h e third th ro u g h th e sixth o f the T h e r a v a d a purifica*
tions w ould co rresp o n d to the th ree d egrees o f the wise a n d 10 [he stages
o f w a rm th , su m m it, and acquiescence in the S arv astiv ad in path. H o w ­
ever, there a re points on w hich the tw o versions of the p a th do not
a g r e e .7
F ro m know led ge in conform ity with tru th , the p ractitio n er progresses
to the kn ow led ge o f change o f lineage a n d from there to the purification
o f w isdo m , the seventh purification. T h e p urification o f wisdom is rhe
p ath o f sages. In the S arv astiv ad in p ath , it w ould co rrespond to the
p ath s o f insight, m e d ita tio n , a n d no fu rth er tra in in g (discussed later in
this ch ap ter). A ccording lo the Visuddhimagga, th ree ways o f e n te rin g
this sagely p ath exisi: faith, w isdom , a n d m e d ita tio n , A person w ho
en ters th ro u g h the first gate, faith* a n d has becom e a can d id ate for
s tre a m -e n tra n t is called a saddhdnusarin (one whose practice is based on
faith). F ro m the tim e he becom es a s tr e a m -e n tra n t until he beco m es an
arahant, he is called a saddhavimutta (one lib e ra te d by fa ith ).3
A person w ho uses the secon d gate, w isdo m , a n d has b eco m e a candi*
date for s tre a m -e n tra n t is called a dhamTnanuseitifi (o n e whose prat:tice is
b ased <m D h a rm a ). F ro m (he tim e he becom es a ftre a m -e n t rant until he
becom es a c a n d id a te for awftaTtthnod, he Is a ditfftippatta (one w ho has
realized correct views). W h e n he has becom e an arakant, h e is called a
pannavimutta (One liberated by w isdom).
A person who uses (he ihird g ate, m e d ita tio n ; a n d is a n y w h e re
betw een b e in g a c a n d id a te for s tre a m -e n tra n t and a c a n d id a te for am-
hant is called a kayasakihin (bodily witness). W h en he becom es an arahani
a n d a t t a i n s the t ranees o f Ihe formless realm , he is ealled 3 n ubhatobhd’
gtwimvtta (twiee liberated o n e); in o th er w o rds, he is liberated by w ay of
the trances a n d by w ay o f the s u p e rm u n d a n e p ath based on insight
( Visuddhimagga, p. 565).
T h u s , there a re three gates lu (he sagely p ath acco rdin g (o T h e ra v a -
din doctrin e: faith, w isdom , a n d m ed itatio n . W h e n rhe p ra c titio n e r is a
c a n d id a te for s tream 'e n t r a n t , he m ay be called one whose practice is
based on fa ith , one whose p ractice is b ased on D h a r m a , o r a bodily w it­
ness, d e p e n d in g on the gate (hnough which he e m e rs. Retween the
stages o f s tre a m -e n tra n t an d c a n d id a te for orahan t hood, he m ay be
called one lib erated by faith, one w ho has realized correct views, or
bodily witness (as he was ab ov e). A fter he has becom e an arahant, he
m a y be called o n e liberated by faith (as he was above), o n e liberated
th ro u g h w isd om , o r twice liberated. T h e se seven ra n k s in the three
 gates a re so m etim es collectively called the “ seven sages." In S a rv a stiv a ­
d in do ctrin c , only the gates o f faith an d w isdom a re discussed. T h e rela­
tions o f the seven ra n k s in the th ro e gates a re illustrated in F igure 5
T h e Visuddhimagga re lies prim arily on discussions from the Agamas for
its tre a tm e n t o f the defilem ents cut off in practice, but it goes in to m ore
detail. A m o n g the d efilem en ts to be cm off are the ten fetters (samyo-
jana), ten d efilem ents (kilesa), Ire w rongnesses (tnicchattn), eight worldly
stales (lokadhamma), five types o f p a rsim o n y (maechariya^ three p e r v e r ­
sions (vipaltnsa), four ties (gantha), four b a d ways (agati), four im p u re
influxes (dsava), four violent outflows (tig&t), four yokes (yoga), five hin-
dranees (ninarana), a d h e re n c e (pardmdsa)f four types o f g rasp ing (upd-
dana)t seven proclivities (anusaya), three j i i i n s (mata)l tun w rn n g art inns,
an d twelve u n w h o leso m e arousals o f th o u g h t (cittupdda). M a n y elem ents
are re p e a te d in these lists, b u t th ey are all d estro y ed by the know ledges
o f th e four p ath s (si re a m -e m ra n t a n d so forth). T h e ex p lan atio n s o f how
the v ario u s d efilem en ts are d estroyed i* p rim a rily b ased on [he Agamas
K n ow led ge o f die ch an g e o f lineages (gotrabhnndrui) does not arise only
d u r in g the tra n sitio n from the sixth p u rification (know ledge a n d vision
of the m etho d o f salvation) to the seventh purification (p urification of
wisdom ). It also arises w h en the p ra c titio n e r progresses to the p a th of
the o n c e -re tu rn e r, n o n rc tu rn c r, o r arahant. Each o f the four stage* of
c a n d id a te is considered to b elong to a different lineage (gotra).

T h e T h r e e D egrees o f the W ise and the F o u r D egrees

o f Favorable Roots

T h e S a rv astiv ad in system o f th e stages o f practice is described in detail

in w orks such as the jndnaprastkdnasdstra ( 7 ’ 1544) a n d the M ahdvibfiftd
( T 1545). T h e se ex p lan atio n s w ere p resented in a system atic m a n n e r in
th e c h a p te r on the wise a n d the sages o f the Abhidharmakosa ( T 1558-
I 559). T h e first seven stag es— (hose o f a w orldling (prthagjuna)— are
divided into the th ree degrees o f th e wise a n d the four d egrees o f favor­
able roots. N ex t, th e p ra c titio n e r en ters into the d egrees o f being a
sain t, w h k h a re classified as th ree paths: the p ath o f insight into rhe
tru th (satyadars'anamdrga), the p ath o f m ed itatio n (bhdi'andmdrga), a n d the
p a th in w hich n o th in g re m a in s to be learn ed (asaikfa) In th e p ath s both
of insight a n d o f m e d ita tio n , the p ra c titio n e r is a saik$af a p erso n w ho
still m u st study a n d practice even though he is a sage. W h en he has
n o th in g m ore to learn (asaiksa) o r accom plish in religious term s, he
becom es an arhat.
A cco rd in g to th e S arv astiv ad in view o f th e p a th , before a person
en ters ihe th ree d egrees o f the worthy, he m u st u n d e rg o p relim in ary
 F ig u r e 5. T h e Seven Sages o f the Theravada Path

Sarvastivadin Path oflnsighl Paih of Meditation Paih o f No

Equivalent Further Training

Gai^ of Faith Sadtfhd/iusdrin --------------- Sadikeitim vtte --------------

G a l r o f Wis do m DhuTttmaiiuidTin Diiihippatta PttHniiiimxtta

G a i c of Meditation ---------------- Kayasakkhin ---------------- UbhatobhixgwunuttQ

Four Candidates Candidate for S i x S l s g f s from Arah&nt

and Four Fruits Stream-till rant Strcam-entranl lo
C and id ate for Arahanl

practices to purify his body, T h e s e practices co rresp o n d to the first two

stages in the T h e r a v a d a p ath o f purification th ro u g h o b se rv a n c e o f the
p recepts a n d purificiuion th ro u g h m e d ita tio n , (However* the T h e ra -
v ad a purification th ro ug h m ed itatio n also c o rresp o n d s in pari to the
rhree d egrees o f the wise.)
T h r e e sets o f practices co n trib u te to the p re lim in a ry p urificatio n o f
th e body. First, th e p ra c titio n e r m u st observe the precepts a n d rectify
his c o n d u ct. H e should live in a tra n q u il settin g w here he can q u ie t his
m in d . S ccon d, he m ust re d u ce his desires a n d learn to be satisfied with
w h a te v e r he possesses. T h ir d , he should learn to be satisfied with
w h a te v e r clothing, food, o r shelter he possesses; he should also vow to
cut off his defilem ents nnd to follow rhe religious p ath By cu ltivating
these practices a n d attitu d es, he develops a healthy body a n d tra n q u il
m ind. H e finds a q u ie t place to practice a n d fosters the w illpower neces­
sary for lead in g a religious life. H e is ready to begin the practice oI: m e d ­
itation.
A fter passing th ro u g h these prelim in ary stages, the p ractitio n er p e r­
form s religious austerities to attain the three degrees o f the w orthy : the
livefold view for q u ie tin g th e m in d , p artic u la r states o f m in dfulness,
a n d a genera! state o f m in d fu ln ess. T h e fivefold view for q u ietin g th e
mind consists o f five types o f y o g it p r a c t i c e th at calm th e m in d and cor­
respond to calm ab id in g (samatha). T h e five a re m e d ita tio n s on im p u ­
rity, c o m p a ssio n . D ep en d en t O r ig in a tio n , classifications o f th e ele­
ments, and counting the breaths. T h e m editatio ns on impurity anti
COUnl tn g the b r e a t h s a r e p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t .
O n c e (he p ra c titio n e r is ftrmIy established in calm ab id in g , he begins
to practice insight m e d ita tio n (vipasyand), w hich consists o f the cultiva-
tion o f p a rtic u la r a n d genera! states o f m indfulness. F o u r types o f m in d
luhiess (iatv&ri smriy-uptLilhanani) are stressed: m in dfulness o f the im pu-
rijy o f rhe body, m ind fu lness thai ail sensatio ns arc ill (du.hkha)l m in d fu l­
ness th ai the m in d is I m p e rm a n e n t, a n d m in dfuln ess th at all p h e n o m ­
e n a (dharma) a re n o n s u b sta n tia l. If a p ra c titio n e r m ed itates on these
subjects individually, h e is cu ltiv atin g p a rtic u la r siaies m indfulness.
C u ltiv a tio n o f these stales o f m indfulness d estro y s four types o f wrotlg
views (viparydsa-catufka), n a m e ly wrongly p erceiving p h e n o m e n a as
p u re , blissful, etern al, o r su bstantial. N ext is the cultivation o f a general
state o f m in dfuln ess W hile he is p erfo rm in g his m ed itatio n on the dh&r-
mas, the p ra c titio n e r tu rn s his atten tio n to the body, sen satio n s, m in d ,
a n d the dharmas to g e th e r a n d realizes th at all h av e the characteristics in
c o m m o n o f being im p u re , im p e rm a n e n t, ill, a n d n o n su b sta n tia l.
A f t e r the pr ac t it io ne r h a s c o m p l e t e d the three d e g r e e s o f the wise
(so m e tim e s called the " e x te r n a l degrees o f the w o rld lin g " ), he advances
t h r o u g h the f o u r degrees o f favorable ro ots (also called the " in te rn a l
degrees o f the w o rld lin g "). T h e three degrees o f the wise a n d the four
d e g re e s o r favorable roots a re p re p a ra to ry steps (pfayega) for the p ath o f
insight a n d a rc thus stages o f the worldling. T h e four d egrees o f fav o r­
able roots are w a rm th (usmagata), peak (mdrdhan), acquiescence (kfdnli),
an d the pin nacle o f worldly tr u th (liukikdgraiS).
T h e practices for these stages consist p rim a rily o f m editatio ns on six­
teen aspects o f the F o u r N ob le T ru th s. In re g a rd to the im t h o f suffer
M g, the p ra c titio n e r c o n te m p la te s how p h e n o m e n a a re ( I ) i m p e r m a ­
n en t (aniiya), (2) suffering (duftkha), {3) n o n s u b sta n tia l (sunya), a n d (4)
Selfless (andtm ahi) Tn re g a rd to the tr u th o f the cause o f suffering, he
con siders (5) how defiled causes (fatu) result in suffering, (&} how suffer*
ioig o rig in ates (aamitdaya) a n d increases, {7) how suffering is caused by a
series o f causes (prabhaia), a n d (B) how co n d itio n s (pratyaya) act as co n ­
trib u tin g cau ses to suffering- W h e n c o n te m p la tin g the tru th o f nfnupo,
th e p ra c titio n e r considers (9) how th e defilem ents all ccase (nirodha),
(10) how nirvana is peaceful (santa) because it is free o fc o n fu s io n b ro u g h t
a b o u t by the defilem ents, (11) how nirvana is exccllenl (pranita) b ecause
it is free o f all ills, a n d (12) how nirvana constitutes a n escape (mfisarana)
from all m isfo rtu n es. In regard to the tru th o f the p ath , he con siders
(13) how the p a th (marga) is sagely, (14) how ii is re a so n a b le (nydya)
b ecau se it accords wilh the tru lh , (15) how it leads to the a tta in m e n t
(pratt patti) o f nirvana, a n d (16) how it results in lib era tio n (nairydnika)
from samsdra.
U p to this p o in t, religious practice for the S arv astiv ad in consists of
ob serv ing the precepts, red u cin g desires, a n d learn in g to be satisfied
w ith w h a te v e r is possessed, as well as m editatio ns b ased on im purity,
th e c o u n tin g o f b re a ih s, th e F o u r N oble T r u th s , and the four states of
m in d fu ln ess. M ed itatio n s on the F o u r N oble T ru th s a rc particularly
 c e n tra l to these p ra c tic e s A fter ihe p ra c titio n e r adv an ces fro m the
stapes o f th r w o rldling to rhe stapes of th e saint, in w hich he follows the
p ath s o f insight a n d m e d ita tio n , he co n tin u es his m e d ita tio n s on ihe
I 'c u r Niibic I ruths. As the p rant U lo n er's k n t i w l t t l g t ' o f t h t F o ur Noble
T ru th * becom es m ore p ro fo u n d , he is able to cut o ff the defilem ents
th ro u g h the pow er o f his d e e p e n in g wisdom . Since the four degrees of
favorable roots are realised th ro u g h practices based on th r F o ur Nnblc
T ru th s , these degrees rep resen t differences in the p ro fu n d ity o f the
p ra c titio n e r's u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e T ru th s.
T h e firsi d eg ree is called “ head" (usmegate) because it is a sign o f the
“ fla m e s " o f th r religious p ath th at will rise in the practitioner. T h e sec­
o n d d e g ree is called " 's u m m it1' (murdkan) because the p ra c titio n e r has
a d v an ced (u the highest point o f his religious life up to this lim e. li is the
last stage from w hich a bad r e b in h is still possible. T h e p ractitio n er also
realizes that if he c o n tin u es, still higher levels o f u n d e r s ta n d in g can be
reached. In a sim ilar way, w hen a m o u n ta in c lim b e r has cl im b ed a
peak, he sees still high er peaks a h e a d to conquer.
T h e th ird stage is called "acquiescence'" ( k fm ii) because [lit p r a c ti­
tio n e r acquiesces to the F ou r N oble T ru th s , It is a form o f en lig h ten '
m e n t in re g a rd to m u n d a n e w isdo m . A person will not backslide b e y o n d
this stage once he has reach ed it. T h e p ra c titio n e r's religious ''fa m ily "
(gotra) a n d th e u ltim ate goal he has the po tential to realize is d e te rm in e d
white h e is in the s ta g r o f acquicsccnce. People, with th ree types of
p otential a re fount! practicing in the four stages o f favorable roots: those
with ihe p otential lo b e c o m e arhats (sraLaka-gotra o r stfya-gotra, Abhtdhat-
makoia, p. 34fl), those w ith the potential ro b e c o m e pTOtyekabuddhas, an d
those with the potential to becom e B u dd has. W h e n a p erso n o f ihe
iravaka-gotra is at rhe stages o f h eat (ufmeg/ata) o r p eak (ttiurAhan), his gotoa
m a y ch an g e to e ith e r of the o th e r two; but once lie has realized the stage
o f acquiescence (kfantx) as a p erso n o f the irdvaka^gaiTa his gotrn wiit n e v e r
ch an g e. T h o s e people w ho belong to c ith e r the ptaiytkabuddha o r th e
B u d d h a gotra do not ch an g e th eir gotm a n d are lim ited to th e goals ol
th eir p a rtic u la r “ family," T h u s , the p ra c titio n e r's goira is p e rm a n e n tly
d e te rm in e d w hen he reaches the stage o f acqoiescence ( 7 ’29:120c).
A person m u st sp e n d a long tim e p racticin g in the stage o f acq u ies­
cence, O n c e he passes th ro u g h it, he a tta in s the pinn acle o f worldly
tru th (tatikikdgratd), the highest dharma a i th e m u n d a n e . It is the highest
lorm o f e n lig h te n m e n t b ased on m u n d a n e know ledge anti is p ro du ced
th ro u g h frequent m ed itatio n on the sisiccn aspects o f the F ou r N o b lr
T ru th s. Since it is the highest point on this p a rt o f the p a th , it lasts only
an in sta n t. A fterw ard , (he sagely paths a p p e a r a n d the p ra c titio n e r
enters the path o f insight.
 In th e p ath o f insight (darsana-mdTga), p u re (andsraua) know ledge, the
w isdo m o f e n lig h te n m e n t, em erges an d develops. In co ntrast, th e p r e ­
vious sla n ts o f the th ree w is t d egrees an d four degrees o f favorable roots
a re b ased on im p u re (dsrava) a n d co nv entio nal know ledge (samvrti'
jnrirta). A cco rd in g to the S a rv a s tiv a d in s h practices b ased on im p u re
know ledge could lead to p u re know ledge even th o u g h , strictly speaking,
such a relatio n sh ip ra n c o u n te r lo the s ta n d a rd law o f cau se a n d effect.
W ith this p u re know ledge, [he p ra c titio n e r realizes cessation th ro u g h
analysis (pratisankhya-niradha), an u n co n d itio n ed dharma. T h is iype o f
causal relatio n is called ihe sep arativ e cfTcct (visamyoga-phalti); no g en ­
eral o r aciive cau se (kam ia-fatu) is found in this relation.
O t h e r schools suggested a n o th e r a p p ro a c h to rhe p rob lem of e x p la in ­
ing how p u re e n lig h te n m e n t could arise from a m ind seem ingly defiled.
A cco rd in g to th e m , ev eryo ne intrinsically possessed the qualities lhai
w ould en ab le h im to realize e n lig h te n m e n t. T h e M ah asaiig h ik as,
D isc rim in a to rs, a n d others m a in ta in e d that the original n a tu r e o f the
m ind w as pure. L ater, this type o f do ctrin e developed into the M aha-
yana T a th a g a ta g a r b h a (B u d d h a - n a tu re ) tra d itio n , w hich held that
every person possessed p u re , u n c o n d itio n e d dharmas from the b e g in ­
n in g .
T h e lull fo rm o f the term “ th e p a ih o f in s ig h t'1 is " th e p ath of insight
in to t r u t h '1 (satyadarsanam tirga). T h e p ra c titio n e r is en lig h te n e d by rhe
p ro fu n d ity o f the F o u r N oble T ru th s. T h is e n lig h te n m e n t has two
aspects: acquiescence (kfanti) a n d know ledge (jridna) T h r o u g h a c q u ie s ­
cence, the defilem ents are cut off; an d by know ledge, cessation throu gh
analysis (prattsankhy&mrodha) is o b ta in e d . T h e p ath o f insight consists of
fifteen in stan ts. T h e first in sta n t ls devoted to acquiescence to the Firsi
N oble T r u i h (th a t existence is suffering) in the desire realm F ro m the
tim e o f this realization , the p ra c titio n e r is a sage (£iya-saUva)> D u rin g
the second instant, know ledge o f the tr u th o f suffering in the desire
realm is realized. In the ih ird in sta n t, the p ra c titio n e r acquiesces to the
tru th o f suffering in th e form a n d formless realm s; a n d in the fourth
in stan t, he obtains know ledge o f rhe tru th o f suffering m the form an d
formless realm s. T h is p a tte r n is rep eated for the th ree tru ih s o f the
cause o f suffering, its extinction, a n d ihe p ath . H o w ev er, in the fif­
teen th in sta n t {acquiescence o f the tru th o f the p ath for th e tw o higher
realm s) know ledge o f the t r u t h o f the p ath for the two hig her re a lm s — in
fact, k n ow ledg e o f all F o u r N oble T r u ih s — is clearly Seen with the wis­
d om o f e n lig h te n m e n t. C onsequently, these fifteen in stan ts co n stitu te
the p ath o f insight- It is not the ease, however, thai ihe sixteenth instant
{knowledge o f th e tru th o f the p ath in the (wo h ig h e r realm s) is not expe-
ricnoed at flll R ath er, ic is re p e a te d over a n d o v e r ju s t as the validity ol
the F o u r N oble T ru th s m a y be repeatedly perceived. W h a t w ould h av e
c o rre s p o n d e d to the sixteenth instant is the b e g in n in g o f ihe path of
m ed itaiio n .
T h e p ath o f insight into the F o u r Noble T ru th s is also called e n te rin g
into “ the sagely p ath o f p u re wisdom and cutting off ihe defilem ents
th a t b in d one to life” (niydmdvakrdnti). T h r o u g h it, the eighty-eight
d efilem en ts th at m a y be c u t o ff th ro u g h an u n d e rs ta n d in g of the F our
N oble T r u th s a re destro yed .
A distinction is d r a w n b d w r t n tw o typers o f p ractitio n ers w ho e n te r
the p ath o f insight. T h e first, th e sraddhdnusdrin (ihe person w hose p r a c ­
tice is b ased on faith), is so m eo n e with dull faculties. H e en ters the p a th
n f in sigh 1 th ro u g h faiih. T h e second, the dharmanuxdrirx (the p erso n
whose p ractice is based on his u n d e rs ta n d in g n f the D h a r m a ), is s o m e ­
one w ith s h a rp faculties, H e en ters the p a th of insight th ro u g h his m e d i­
tatio ns on th e D h a r m a . I n term s o f the stages o f the four c a n d id a te s a n d
fnll E' fruits, e n t r y t(j ihe [ 13 th n f insight c o r r t s p o n t l s tn ibe s ta ge 0 } tmrlij
a ca n d id a te for s tre a m -e n tra n t.
In th e sixteenth instant o f realization o f the F o u r N oble T r u th s , the
p ra c titio n e r en ters the p ath o f m editation (bhdmna-mdrga). T h e r e he
repeats iiis religious practices u n til they hav e be com e in grain ed. Since
the sixteenth in stam o f the p a th o f insight is a repetitio n o f the e x p eri­
ence o f the fifteenth insiani, the p ath o f m e d ita tio n m ay be said to begin
at the sixteenth instan t, a point that c o rre s p o n d s to the fruit o f stream -
e n tra n t. Because the sixteen in sta n ts follow each o th e r in a necessary
pro g ressio n , oncc the p ra c titio n e r has e n te re d the p ath o f insight, he is
assu red o f realizing ihe fruit o f stre a m -e n tra n t
W h en a p erso n who practices in accord w ith faith (sraddhdnusdnn)
en ters th e p ath o f m e d ita tio n , he is said to be “ one w ho ha* realized
p u re know ledge th ro ug h fa ith " (sraddhddimukta). T h e person wrho prac*
l i d 'i in accord with his u n d e rs ta n d in g o f the D h a r m a (d h a r r n a n iu r ir in ) is
said to be "o n e who has attained correct v ie w s" (dfftififofrta) when he
en ters the pa th o f m ed i ta t io n. T h e f o l l o w i n g Six stages are i n c l u d e d in
the p ath o f m e d itatio n : (1) ihe fruit of stream -en tran t* (2) th e c a n d id a te
an d (3) the fruit o f 0 nee - ret u r tier, (4) th e c a n d id a te a n d (5) ihe fruit of
non re tu rn e r, a n d (6) the c a n d id a te o f arhat. A n o n r e t u r n e r w ho has real-
Ezed the a b so rp tio n o f cessation (ntfodha-samdpattt) is called a '*bodily
w itn ess” (kdyasdkfin). W h en th e p ractition er finally cuts off all defile­
m ents, he ia tailed “ one w h o no longer n eed s to p ra c tic e " (asaiha). T h e
p erson whose practice is b ased on faith m u st still g u a rd him self against
retro gression after he has becom e an arhat even (hough his m in d is freed
o f de Filcments ( sStnayinki kdntd cftovinmkiitt). H e m u st also wait for the
a p p r o p ria te Lime to e n te r m editatio ns. In con trast, thy p erso n w hose
practice has been based u p o n a n u n d e r s ta n d in g o f ihe D h a r m a will no*
be su bject to retrogression after he becom es an arhat (asamayai'imukta)
H e is able to e n te r m ed itatio n w hen ev er he chooses a n d realizes einan*
cip aiio n th rou gh w isdom (prajndvimukta), w hich destroys ignorance. If
he can also e n te r the a b so rp tio n o f cessation he is said to have realized
em a n c ip a tio n th ro u g h both wisdom a n d m ed itatio n (ubhayaiobhdgavi-
mukta).
T h e seven stapes on t h t sagtrly p a th —smddkanusQTin, dhartndnusdrirt,
sraddhddhimukui, dr$iiprdpta, kdy&sdksin, pnjndvim ukte, utthayatobhdgtiui-
rnukta— a re collectively k n o w n as the " se v e n sages.” A lthough a list of
seven fiages is also found in T h c r a v a d a sources, th e T h c r a v a d a list dif­
fers from th at oE the Abhidharmakosa. V arious o th e r stages a re also
d escribed in the Abhidharmakosa. For ex am p le, a p erson w ho will be
reb o rn only several m o re lim es (kularikuia) before becom ing a n arhai is
includ ed rts a subdivision o f those w ho a re c a n d id a te s for once re turner.
Kive {or so m etim es seven) subdivisions o f non r e tu rn e r a re spec i lied,
includ in g the m m r r t u r n c r w ho realizes pannirvdna while he is betw een
lives in (he antiirdbhava (antardparinirvdyin). Six {or so m etim es nine)
ivpes ol qthats a re <Ji51ingu 1shed on the basis o r s uc h e riteria as w h eth er
o r not they backslide and the circu m stan ces u n d e r w hich they m ight
backslide. W h e n ail o f these categories were collected ihe result was a
list o f eig h teen categories o f I Etose in [raining (iaikpa) a n d nine1Categories
o f those w ho h a d co m p leted th eir tra in in g , a total o f tw enty-seven types
o f wise m en an d sages.
A sch em atic list o f th e S arv astiv ad in p ath is o u tlin ed below

T h e Stages o f the S arvaarivadin P ath

I. P re lim in a ry practices
II. S e v e n s t a g e s o f th e w is e
A, T h r e e degrees o f the wise
1. Fivefold m ed itatio n lor q u ie tin g the m in d
2. P a rtic u la r states of m indfulness
5, G e n e ra l state uf m indfulness
H. T o u r degrees o f favorable roots [in tern al degrees o f the world-
ling)
1. W a r m th ( ufmagala)
2. Peak (murdhan)
3. A cquiescence (ksanti)
4. P m nacle o f wo rid] y t ru th (laukikdgratd)
III. Seven degrees o f the sage
 A, T h e p ath s o f tra in in g
J. T h e p ath o f insight (dariana-mdrga' can d id ate for Slream-
e n tra n t)
a. T h e p ractitio n er w ho h in accord w ith faith (had*
dhdrtuidtin), progresses to 3 a
b. T h e p ra c titio n e r who is in accord wilh (he D h a r m a
(dfianndjiusdrtrt), progresses to £b
2, T h e p aih o f m ed itatio n (bhdvand-marga, si r e a m -e n tr a n t io
can d id ate for arhat)
a. He who has realized p u r e knowledge through faith
( sraddhddhimukta)
h, Her w h o h a s a t t a i n e d c o r r e c t v i e w s ( drsiiprdpta)
B h 7 he pa t h o f no fu rihe r t rai n ia g (asmkfa, arhat)

T h t T e n T y p e s o f K n o w le d g c

E n lig h te n m e m is based on p u re (andsravti) know ledge. A cco rd in g to

S arv astiv ad in J o t l n n t , wisdom (prajna) is the m ental faculty with the
b ro ad est ran ge o f fun ctio ns co n cern in g know ledge. W is d o m e n a b le s
people to u nd erstan d * a function th at is also called investigation (pmm-
iaya). W isd o m is analyzed b y dividing it into th ree a sp e c ts- h a n (i/ jrtdna,
a n d drfti. K fd n ti (acquiescence) elim inates doubts. Jndna (know ledge)
has the function o f firmly establish in g the u n d e r s ta n d in g Z}r?A usually
m ean s " v ie w s ” in K uddhism , as tn the list o f five w ro n g views o r ihe
correct views m e n tio n e d in the eightfold p ath . In (his instance, ii m ight
be tra n slated as " l o o k i n g / 1 since it refers to inferring a n d .searching for
ihe tru th . I n (he sixteen in stan ts o f (he p ath o f insighl, drfti w ould Lie
in clud ed wilh (he eight in stan ts o f acquiescence, since an elem ent o f
seeking exists in acquiescence, Because the defilem ent* a re not c o m ­
pletely c u t off by acquiescence, th e p ra c titio n e r m ost seek fu rth er to
e lim in a te th e m completely.
W is d o m is so m etim es classified according to the m etho d by which it
is a tta in e d , as in a list o f th ree types of know ledge gained as the p racti'
tioner travels the p a th to salvation: w isdom gained th ro u g h hearing,
throu gh th o u g h t, a n d th ro ug h religious practice. T h e fir11 ty p e is w is­
dom resulting from h earin g the D h a r m a p reach ed o r from reading
books. T h is ty p e o f w isd om is also said to be in n ate, w hereas the ncxi
tw o types are developed th ro u g h practice. T h e second type, w isdom
th ro u g h tho ug ht, is the result o f c o n te m p la tio n , especially c o n te m p la ­
tion o f correct doctrines. T h e th ird type* wisdom th ro u gh religious
practice, arises by p u ttin g the first tw o typers o f wrsdom rnto practice
th ro u g h m editation* In o ih er words, it IB eq u iv alen t to a p p ro p ria tin g
ihe w isd om for on eself and m a k in g it an integral pari o f nneself. U su ally
discussions o f w isdom in abhidharma literatu re refer to this last type
{Abhidharmakoia, T 2 9 :1 1 6 c).
T h e m ost basic classification o f wisdom is twofold: im p u re (andtraim)
an d pure (dsrava) w isdom , Since know ledge is the most im p o rtan t aspect
o f w isd o m , the sam e division into p u re a n d im p u re is used for knowl­
edge. T h e se two classifications, in turn, are e x p a n d e d into the following
rrn types o f know ledge (dasa-jnandm) (a b r ie f dcscrip*ton o f the object or
function o f each know ledge is included).

\ . C o n v e n tio n a l know ledge (satnvtii-jHana)— kn o w ledg e in the

e v eryd ay sense o f the w ord, b o th Conditioned arid u n co n d itio n ed
dharmas m a y also be objects o f this Type o f know ledge
‘1. K now ledge o f dhantuts (dhatma'jndna) — the true aspects o f dharmas
a n d the F o u r N ob le T r u t h s relative to the desire realm
i . S u b se q u e n t know ledge (anuaya-jAdna) — (he F o ur N oble Truths
relative to th e form a n d formless realm s
4. K now ledge o f suffering (duhkha-jndna) —d efilem en ts subject to the
Firs< N oble T r u t h elim in ated
5. K n ow led ge o f origin ation ( samudaya jndrta)— defilem ent* subject
[u the Second N oble T r u t h elim in ated
6. K n ow led ge o f cessation (ntradha'-jnana) — defilem ents subject to
the T h i r d N oble T r u t h elim inated
7 K no w ledg e o f p ath (margajjiana) — defilem ents subject to the
F o u rth N oble T ru th elim in ated
3, K n ow led ge o f the m ind s o f o th ers (paracitfayMotta}
9. K n ow led ge o f exiinction (kfaya-jnarto) — the know ledge th ai [he
d efilem ents hav e been extin gu ish ed , suffering u n d e rsto o d , the
cau se of suffering elim in ated , Mir&fyd realized, a n d the p a th c o m ­
pleted
10- K now ledge o f n o n p ro d u c tio n (anutpada-jndna) — the know ledge
that the conditions that w ould allow yny f u rth e r suffering or
reb irth s to occu r arc ab sent

Except for co n ventio nal know ledge a n d some form s o f [he kno w ledg e
oi o th cr m in ds, all o f these types o f know ledge are <lp u r e 'Kin the sense
lhai they a re free from the b o n d s o f the d efile m e n t! a n d hav e th eir basis
in tr u th a n d nirvana. T h e last iwo types o f know ledge, the knowledges of
extinction a n d non product ion, lack the as p e t t o f “ seek in g 1' o r “ lo o k ­
in g " (drpti) T h e know ledge o f ext i n n ion refers to u n d e rs ta n d in g that all
the defilem ents hav e been exiinguished a n d th a t e v ery th in g thai should
be accom plished h a s tn fact been accom plished. T h e know ledge o f n o n ’
p ro d u c tio n is the u n d e r s ta n d in g th at the circu m stan ces th at w ould lead
to fu rth er practice will not arise again. Because both o f these are k no w l­
edges o f a state o f co m pletio n, they have no elem en t o f seeking in th e m ,
bui they do have the q u ality o f know ledge. T h e second th ro u g h the sev­
en th types o f knowledges involve the elim in atio n o f both d o u b ts an d
co n jcciu re a n d therefore hav e both the aspects o f loo king (drfti) an d
know ledge (jndna).
K now ledge o f o th er m ind s m ay be eith er a p u re o r an im p u re k no w l­
edge . A d van t e d p ract i t ioners o f bot h B udd hisrn a nd h eterud Ox reJ i gion s
w ere th ought to be able to acq u ire live s u p e rh u m a n abilities (clairvo y­
ance, d a ir a u d ic n c c , know ledge o f the m in d s o f others, the ability to go
w herev er o n e wished, and the ability lo r e m e m b e r past lives). B uddhist
p ra c titio n e rs w ere th o u g h t to naturally o b ta in the know ledge o f the
m ind s o f o th ers when they b e c a m e sages. In such a case, this know ledge
w a s purr- R ut whcrn it w a s o b t a i n e d by a n o n - B u d d h i s t , it w a s i m p u r e .
O t h e r t h a n ihe ahnve n in e types of p u r e k no w led ge (nos. 2—J0), all
types o f know ledge a c q u ire d th ro u g h h earin g , t h o u g h t a n d religious
p ractice a re con ven tion al types o f knowledge.

M editation

T h e cultivation o f wisdom m u st be based on a fo u nd atio n o f m e d ita ­

tion. T h u s h the practice o f m ed itatio n precedes the acqu isitio n o f wis­
d om . T h e S an sk rit term used for m ed itatio n h ere is samddhi, which m ay
be tra n sla te d as " c o n c e n tr a tio n .” In samddhi, the m in d is not agitated;
even if o n e 's atte n tio n moves o r changes, the m ind will not be agitated.
Samddhi m ay be con trasted with the term '[yoga,,r w hich com es from a
root m e a n in g ” to jo in to g eth er." T h e m ind is focused a n d jo in e d to the
object. Yoga is th u s a quiescent form of m ental c o n cen tratio n . In Early
B u d d h ism , the term “samddhi'* is often used. T h e te rm “dhydne” was
used to refer to the m editative stages that resulted in samddhi.
T h e term “yoga ,J is not used very often in B u dd hist texts, bui e x a m ­
ples o f it can be found in the Agamas a n d abhidharma texts. In abhidharma.
texts, samddhi is defined as the state in w hich th e mi rid is c o n c e n tra te d
on one object (cilta-fka-agratd) a n d thus has a p p ro x im a te ly (he s a m e co n ­
tent as “yoga. ”
T h e dhydrm (tranccs) are d iv id ed into four classes: first, secon d, th ird ,
an d fourth T h is r!ossification occurs in the Agamas. T h e best type of
samddhi occurs w hen two types o f m ed itatio n , calm ab id in g (famatka)
an d insight (mpasyand), are in e q u ilib riu m . As the p ra c titio n e r pro-
grcsses th ro u g h t h t four dkyanai, his pow er o f concern rat ion intensifies.
Ell the first dhydna he applies investigation (vitarka) a n d scru tiny (tu a ia )
fn tht* o utside w orld. F ro m th e sccond dhyana o n w a rd his p erception of
ihe outsider world has biren cut offh an d investigation anti scru tiny are no
lo ng er applied. In t h t first th ro u g h (ho ihird dhydna he still experiences a
physical bliss. But in the fourth dhyana this bliss has d isap p e ared T h e
rm n d is p u re a n d estab lished in equ anim ity . T h e essence ol the four
dhyanat is th e c o n c e n tra tio n on a single objcct. Since w isdo m fun ctio ns
alon g w ilh m e d ita tio n , the function in g o f w isd om becom es stro n g er as
ihe p ra c titio n e r progresses in his m ed itatio n
M e d ita tio n exists in ihe desire realm , b u t it is alw ays incom plete.
C o n seq u en tly , th e desire realm is a place w h ere the ev ery d ay scaitered
o r unfocused m in d p re d o m in a te s. Ii is not a place o f m editation (dhydna-
bhumi) as a re the form a n d formless realms. Between (he desire realm
a n d the first dhyana is a p re p a ra to r y stage o f m ed itatio n (andgamya). In
both this stage a n d th e first dhyana, investigation a n d scru tiny are
applied. In the im e rm e d ia le stage (dhydna aniam) betw een the first an d
second dhydna, only scru tiny is p ie sent' investigation has ceased. Both
s fru lin y a n d investigation a re functions of th o u g h t, but investigation,
t eases first becau se it is a c o a rse r fo rm o f m ental activity. F ro m rile sec­
ond dhydna o n w a rd n eith er investigation n o r scru tin y is p resent.
W ith in the fourth dhydna is a co n cen tratio n w ithout perception
(aiamjr'it jarnapatii) in which all perception has com pletely ceased. Non-
B uddhists a re said ro be p a rtic u la rly fond o f e n te rin g this rrancc an d
often io m istake it lor nirodpa. If a person dies while he is in this tra n ce,
h e will be r e b o r n m th e r e a l m w ilh out p e r c e p t i o n , w h i c h is a p a r t o f the
F o u rth M e d ita tio n H eav en , NirodHa-scmdpatti (cessation a b s o rp tio n )
resem bles co n cen tratio n w ithout perception. But in nirodha-tamdpafti,
the m en tal functions dow n io sensation cease. O n ly B uddhists e n te r lUh
form o f m e d ita tio n . If a p erso n dies while h e is in it> he will be reb orn
in the realm o f n e ith e r percep tio n nor n o n p ercep rio n (naiva-samjnri-
Tujwrtijna dyaiaTia) in the form less realm ,
W'hLlc the p ract it Loner ls in the fourth dhydna, he ii n e v e r com pletely
free o f some sense o f his body. H ig h e r form s o f m e d ita tio n , however,
consist o f consciousness only, d ev o id o f any sense o f the physical body
T h e se h ig h er m ed ira tio n s are called the four formless a b so rp tio n s. T h e
term “ f o rm " in ihis case refers 10 the physical body. In the Four trances
the p ra c titio n e r was a w a re o f his body while he m e d ita te d . If he died
while he was in o n e of the dhyanas, he was reb o rn in th e c o rresp o n d in g
heaven in the form realm . T h o s e w ho die while in th e fo rm k s s a b s o r p ’
Hons a re sim ilarly reb o rn in the formless realm* Since the formless
realm is d evoid o f m a tte r, it can n o t be said to exist as a physical place.
H ow ev er, hirth a n d death occur w id u n the formless realm, a n d lim e
m u s t therefore exist in it, T h e four formless absorp tion s a re the infinity
of space, ihe infinity o f consciousness, no th ing ness, and n eith er p e rc e p ­
tion n o r no n percept ion.

N ir v a n a and the T h ree Realms

T h e th ree realm s (desire, fo rm , a n d formless) co rresp o n d lo m editative

an d m en la] states T h e three realm s com pose th e co n d itio n ed (m m siyia)
w orld in w hich sentient being s go th ro u g h cycles o f b irth a n d d e a th .
A tro rfiinjf to abhidharmsi tesis, nirvana lies o u tsid e thi1co n d itio n ed world.
It is a realm bey on d space a n d tim e. A lthough it is eTernal, it seems
d evoid o f c o n ten t, a realm o f n othingness. A n arhat cuts ofi all his defile-
m c n ts, ex ting uish es his k a rm a , an d a b a n d o n s both bo dy a n d m in d
w h en he en ters final nirvdjuz, Because even the w isdom gained in
en lig h ien m cn t is c o n d itio n ed , it, loo, m u st be a b a n d o n e d . T h u s , n o th -
ing rem ain s w hen he en ters nirvana. T h is view o f nirvana was errrSeized
by M ahiiyim a B uddhists as bein g th e extinction o f body a n d m ind. O n e
o f the m a jo r reasons for the rise o f M a h a y a n a was the dissatisfaction
with this view o f mtvane, Consequently, M a h a y i n * Buddhists sought tu
land th eir goal w ithin this co n d itio ned w orld so that they m i^h t view
both (heir goaf a n d the world in a m o re positive m a n n e r.
 P A R T TH REE

EARLY M AH AYAN A
BUDDHISM
 CHAPTER 14

The Evolution o f the Order

after As'oka

I n d ia after A so k a

T h e M au ey a n E mpirje declined rapidly after the d e a th o f K in g A£oka

{r. c. 268-1*32 b .C.E.) a n d was finally destroyed by the general Pu$yami-
tra in a p p ro x im a te ly ISO b . g . k .1 P u ^ y am itra fou nd ed the S uh ga
d y n a s ty ; how ever, his p u w er never ex ten ded beyo nd the G an g etic
plain. Also a t this tim e, a succession of G reek kings in v ad ed n o r t h w e s t
e rn In d ia a n d established several d ynasties. In s o u th e rn In d ia the
S a ta v a h a n a dynasty, an A n d h r a n dynasty, was established on the Dec-
can p lain a n d re m a in e d in p o w er from 200 n , a E , u n til the th ird c e n tu ry
c.p. D u rin g the four cen tu ries in which this d yn asty ru le d , a flourishing
c u ltu re developed in politically stable S o u th In d ia , Finally, along the
east coast in the form er lan d s o f K aliriga, the C eti d y n asty was founded
Its th ird king, K h a ra v e la (fi. first c e n tu ry b .c . p.,), was particularly
fam ous. Inscrip tion s describing his acco m p lish m en ts have been d isco v­
ered , hut the later history o f the d y n a s ty is u n k n o w n .

Sunga D yn asty

T h e Surign d y n a s ty fo un ded by P u ^ y am itra, lasted for H 2 years.

A lth o u g h P u s y a m itr a s u p p o rte d B r a h m a n is m a n d p ersecu ted B u d ­
d hism , m ost later kings in this dy nasty favored B u d d h ism . Inscriptions
reco rd th at K in g D h a n a b h u ti-Y a c h ip u ta c o n trib u te d a gate (to/ana) an d
stone: b u ild in g (silakammamta) to the B uddhist stupa Hi B h arh u t. H is son,
P rin ce V adh ap^Ja, m ad e c o n trib u lio n s for the erectio n o f the railing
(w dika) (hat s u rro u n d s (he stupa. In add ition , Q u e e n N a g a ra k h ita gave
dun a lions for the cuus ( r u n ion o f the railing. Inscription s found at
M a th u r a reveal th at V fidhapala also helped w ith (he building o f th e rail'
ing there.

Bharhut and Sanct

B h arh u t is situ ated in th e so uth w estern part o f cen tral In d ia on the

m a in road from the west coast in lan d to M a g a d h a Because o f its loca­
tion, the B u dd hist com plex at B h a rh u t was com pletely desiroyed by
non B u dd hists w hu invaded In d ia . In 1873 A. C u n n i n g h a m , a British
g en eral w h o c o n d u c te d an archeological survey o f I n d ia , discovered the
ruin s. T h e east gate a n d those p arts o f ihe raiEing that h a d suffered the
least d a m a g e w ere s u b se q u e n tly taken to the C a lc u tta M u s e u m ,
resto red, a n d exhibited, 1 Key indicate th at B harhut was a m agnificent
site. An inscription co n cern itig K in g D h a n a b lm ti was found on a pillar
o f the east gate. T h e stupa d ates from the m iddle o f the secon d cen tu ry
&.C.E.,, the h eig h t o f the S u n g a dynasty.
P a ia iip m ra a n d Y id isa w ere the political Centers o f the S un ga
dynasty. Because K ing A so k ahs son M a h in d a was a n ativ e o f Vidifia* the
tow n b ecam e a m a jo r c en ter o f B uddhism ; there w ere m a n y stupas in ils
en v iro n s. M o re th an sixty o f these stupas, know n collectively as die
“ tthtlsa T op es,” hav e b een discovered. A lthough m ost o f Them are in
ruins* the ones at S a n ta — a p p ro x im a te ly twenty, b o th targe a n d s m a l l "
a re still in good condition. T h e fam ous g reat stupa at S anci is well prc
served. It is an im p o sin g stru c tu re , Hi.4 m eters high a n d with a d ia m e ­
te r o f 37 m eters. R e s e a rc h has revealed (hat it liegan as a small tiled
siupa built d u r in g A so k a‘s tim e a n d that su b se q u e n tly it was covered
w ith stone a n d e x p a n d e d to its present p ro p o rtio n s d u rin g the Stinga
dynasty: R ailin g s w ere )ater built a r o u n d it a n d four gaies p o in tin g in
the c a rd in a l d irectio n s were co n stru cted . O f the four gates, the s o u th e rn
one i* the oldest At] inscription states thai it was c o n stru cted d u rin g lin­
early perio d o f th e A n d h r a n dynasty. Thus th e stupa wan g rad ually built
a n d e x p a n d e d d u r i n g (he M a u r y a n , Surigan, a n d A n d h r a n dynasties.
T h e four g ates arc covered with delicate relief carv in gs thai h a v e m a d e
S anci fam ous a m o n g art historians.
Since m ost o f the kings o f th e S u hg a d y n a s ty fav ored B u d d h ism , rhe
religion m a d e substantia! a d v a n c e s d u rin g this period. M a n y o f the
railings ul B h arh u i were carved at this lim e. T h e inscriptions on th em
in dicate that th e bio g ra p h y o f (he B uddha a n d die jtitaka tales w ere the
 favorite subjects for carving. Fifteen scenes from the b io g ra p h y o f the
B u d d h a a n d th irty-tw o fm m the jdtak&i h av e been idem ified. In ihe
scenes from the bio g ra p h y o f the Buddha, t h t figure o f the Bu dd ha is
not represented as a h u m a n b eing but is instead sym bolized by the
b o d h i-lttt with an a d a m a n tin e seat before it. A n im als a n d people are
d e p ic tin g paying h o m a g e to the seat. Because the B u d d h a h a d e n te re d
nirvana, m a n y felt th at he could not be re p resen ted in h u m a n form . In
a d d itio n , the ap p e a ra n c e o f foiffa-irees rep resen tin g th e seven past B u d ­
d h a s (S ak y am u n i was the seven th) in ihe carvin gs suggests that people
believed in th e seven B u dd has d u r in g this period.
T h e n a m e s of those people w ho c o n trib u te d to the co n stru ctio n o f the
railings a n d o th e r S tructures al B h arh u t w ere reco rd ed in inscriptions at
the site* A n e x a m in a tio n o f the surviv in g 20EJ inscriptions yields v a lu ­
able in fo rm atio n ab ou t those who su p p o rted the con stru ction o f B h a r ­
hut. N a m e s o f indiv idu al m o nk s anH n u n s are included in the insrrip*
lions. Sura? ol them h a d titles such as petakin (one w ho upholds a pi taka)
o r pacarukfyika (one w ho is well versed in rhe five Nikdj&s). Such tides
indicate lh al the canon w as alread y divided in to at least ihe Stitta-pttaka
a n d Vtnaya-pilaka ai [his tim e An Ahhujhamrrut-pifaka m ay also have been
established by this tim e. T h e te rm ,Lfive Nikdyas*' suggests th at the Sutta-
pilaka w as alread y divided into five p arts, p rob ab ly in the sam e m a u n e r
as was d o n e in Pali B u d d h ism . T h e title iuttontika (jnfto-m asier) is also
found.
Six ex am p les o ccu r o f people called bhdnaka (ch an ters o f scrjpture).
Pali sources, such as th e Vtsuddhinuigga, include th e te rm s Digha-bhdnaka
(nn c wh n ch a n ts Ihe Dtgha -u tkdya) an d -Ma naht (un e w ho eh a nts
the Majjhima-nikdya), indicating rhai some people specialized in certain
N t kayos. T h e te rm “Dharma-bhdriaka " ( c h a n t e r s o f the D h a r m a ) ap p ears
in M a h a y a n a sources. Since the inscriptions at B h arh u t use only the
term ' ‘bhdnaka/’ ihe co n ten ts o f the c h a n tin g re m a in unclear. O n e o f the
six c h a n te rs in these inscriptions is called diya (sage) a n d th ree are called
bhadanta (v en erab le). T h e s e four ch an ters w ere m on ks; how ever, ihe
o th e r two c h a n te rs hav e no ap pellaiin n in d icatin g th at they were
m o n k s. T h e previously m e n tio n e d ptfakvn w as called the “ sage (aya)
J a t a M a n d was thus clearly a m o n k , “ T h e m a s te r o f the five N ikdyas,”
how ever, was only called “ B u d h a r a k h ita ,” leav in g his s ta tu s unclear.
T h e Mjarta-m astern was called the “ sage (aya) C u l a ” a n d was iherefore
a m onk,
S an ci is sou th w est o f B h a rh u t, n e a r the b o rd e r b etw een central an d
w e iie m India. T h e inscriptions collected from 5 a n e t n u m b e r 9 0 4 1 m a n y
m o re lh an w ere found ar B h arh u t. Includ ed a m o n g these a re in sc rip ’
tions on the lids a n d b ases o f five fu n erary u r n s discovered ai stupa n u m -
b c r 2. T h e co n ten ts o f two o f rhe u rn s a rc identified as rhe “ rem ain s of
ihe sage o f the K a s a p a g o ta family w ho la u g h t in th e H im a la y a n a r e a ’1
a n d " ( h e rtn liiin s uf (he sage M a jh n n a ." In such wurfcs as tht‘ JlrmffFpJa-
pdsadikd (7* 2 4:685a), these two m en are said lo hav e sp read Buddhism
to the H im a la y a n regions d u rin g A soka's reign. A n o th e r urn is id en ti­
fied as c o n ta in in g ihe rem ain s o f “ M o g a lip u ta " and m a y hav e co n ­
tained th e relies u f M u g g a lip u tta T issa, K in g Anoka's teacher. F o u r
u r n s w ere discovered in stupa n u m b e r 3. O n e o f these has an inscription
identifying the co n ten ts as the re m a in s o f “ S a r ip u i a .11 T h e inscription
on a n o th e r slJitts thilt it c o n t a i n s the r e m a i n s o f lLM a h a j m O g a l a n a .
T h e se m a y have some relation lo two o f the B u d d h a s c h ie f disciples,
S a r ip u tr a a n d M a h a -m o g g a lla n a (S. M a h a m a u d g a ly a y a n a ); however,
the urn s a p p e a r to date only from the second cen tu ry u.c.E,
T h e four gates a n d the railings at S a n d w ere built in th e first c e n tu ry
b .c .e . T h e gates are d eco rated with delicate relief carving* p o n raying
deities w ho g u ard B u d d h ism , as well as tw cnty-eighl scenes from the
B u d d h a 's life a n d six from jdtaka iale*. T h e nam e* o f a very large n u m ­
b e r o f d o n o rs a re also (ound on ihe gates a n d railings. In clu d ed are
m onks, n u n s, a n d lay believers. T h e n a m e s o f m a n y m o re n u n s than
m onks a re recorded. T h e targe n u m b e r o f inscriptions such as “ a d o n a ­
tion o f the n u n Yakhi w ho is a resident o f V jillv ah an a" in dicate that
m a n y o f t he d o n o rs d id not 1ive at Sim c i. M a n y o f t he m on ks a n d n u n s
w ere from V idisa, T h e residences o f som e d o n o rs artr not recorded.
In inscriptions co n cern in g lay h elicv trs, ihe appeElal Lims upaidka (lay ­
m an) a n d updsikd (la y w o m an ) rarely a p p e a r; usually only th eir n am es
a re recorded. T h e reason for this om ission re m a in s u n c le a r T h e re are
also five ex am p les in w hich the d o n o rs a re called ''h o u s e h o ld e r ” (gaha-
p&ti) a n d seven teen in w hich ihey are colled " h e a d of ihe g u i l d '1 (tctthi)
T h e g reater frequency o f th e te rm " h e a d o f the guild*' is a n Endicaiion
o f the larg e n u m b e r s o f believers from the m e rc h a n t class. In ad ditio n,
th ere are tw o o r th ree ex am p les o f c o n trib u tio n s by villages a n d several
by Buddhisi o rg a n iz a tio n s (Bodha-gothi, Baudd/u-goffhf). O n e G reek
d o n o r is also m e n tio n e d .
In o n e inscription the d o n o r is described as a m onk w ho h a d “ m a s ­
tered ihe five collections (nikdyas).11 A ccording to a n o th e r inscription, a
lay w o m a n n a m e d Avisina o f M a^alachifca(a who was well versed in the
sutras (juiduJani) m ad e a c o n trib u tio n . (T h is in scrip tio n a p p e a rs twice.)
O n e ex am p le o f a la y m a n versed in the jiIiras (mtlantika) is also
recorded. Tw o in sc n p iio n s describe ihe d o n o rs (one la y m a n , one m onk)
as reciters (bhanaka). A lth o u g h the schools oJ N ikaya B u d d h ism m ust
hav e existed at th e iim±' w h en Sancf a n d B h arh u t w ere bein g esiab-
 lished, it is no tew o rth y that not a single reference to a n y o f these schools
ap p e a rs in the in script tons from the two sites.
N ear Safici a re tw o sets o f stvpaj, the A n d lie r a n d B ho jp ur stupcs}
which a rc u sually g ro u p e d to g eth er w ith the BhTtsa Topes. R eliq u aries
a n d inscriptions hav e been discovered at the th ree A n d h e r stupas,
located in a small village to the southw est ofBhMsa. T h e n a m e s " M o g a
lip u ta " Emd 11H iritT p u ta ” a p p e a r in rhe inscripiionsn
Besides S anci and B h a rh u l, a n o th e r im p o rta n t site in cen tral India is
fo un d at B u d d h a g a y a , th e place w here S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a attain ed
e n lig h te n m e n t, A caitya (m e m o ria l m o u n d ) was constru cted at this site
ar a n early d a te ]during the £ u n g a dynasty, a m agn ificent b a lu stra d e
was built a ro u n d the site o f th e B u d d h a 's enlightenm ent* hut only
re m a in s o f it survive today. T h e c e n te r o f this sacred site is the " a d a ­
m a n tin e th r o n e " ai rhe foot o f rhe bsdhi^ tree w h ere S a k y a m u n i was
seated at the tim e o f his e n lig h te n m e n t. D u rin g the G u p t a d yn asty the
g reat stupa o f B u d d h a g a y a w as erectcd. (T h e great stupa fo u n d there
tod ay is a resto ratio n d o n e at a later d a te .) T h e oldest s u rv iv in g struc-
lu re at the site tod ay is a part o f its b a lu stra d e . T ra d itio n a l accou nts
m a in ta in e d th at it d a te d back to rhe tim e o f A s o k a h but rccem research
has revealed th at ii was built after B harhut had been co nstru cted .
A m o n g the carving s on th e b a lu stra d e a re five th at p ro b ab ly concern
the b io g ra p h y o f the B u d d h a a n d two th at a re related to the JaUtkas.
Several o th e r im p o rta n t sites exist in central In d ia , Part o f an old
b a lu stra d e was u n e a rth e d at P a [a lip u tn iT suggesting th e m agnificence
o f the tem ples established by A soka at the A so k aram a. M a n y o th er tem -
pies a n d stiipas m ust hav e existed in cen tral In d ia , but little re m a in s to
be seen today. Hciwever, a stone pillar erected a( [he o rd er o f K ing
A soka a n d inscriptions in B ra h m t script d a tin g from the second r e n tu ry
b . c . e . w ere discovered at S a r n a th , the site o f the Buddha*s first s e r m o n .
T h e inscription on the cap sto n e for a b a lu stra d e notes that it was co n ­
trib u ted by the n u n S atp v ah ik a. A stupa m u st also hav e existed at the
Asnka ram a. D is c o v e ry o f a B uddhist site from the S u n g a d y n a s ty was
:ilso m a d e a! L a u riy a N a n d a n g a ^ h in Bihar. A p p a re n tly a large stupa
existed th ere, but no inscriptions have been found.

T h e Karrva D y n asty

T h e n in th king ol the S u n g a dynasty, D e v a b h u tif ruled ten years until

approximately 70 a . c . t . , w h en he was assassinated at the instigation of
his m in ister V asu d cv a. T h e K a n v a dynasty, foun d ed by V asudcva,
tasted forty-five years a n d ruled the G a n g e s R iver basin, It was a weak
dynasty, how ever, a n d d u r in g rhe rule o f its fourth k in g was c o n q u e re d
by th e A n d h r a n d y n asty fro m the south. T h e M a g a d h a region s u b se ­
qu ently Fell u n d er the rule o f the A n d h ra dynasty for a long p e n q d -

T h e M acedonian K in g s of Northwestern India

F ro m a p p ro x im a te ly ISO B.C.E „ w hen th e s tre n g th o f th e M a u ry a n

E m p ire w as alread y on the w an e, a series o f foreign peoples *bega*i
in v a d in g n o rth w e ste rn I n d ia , w hich was th e reafter d o m in a te d by for­
eign arm ies for a long tim e. T h e first o f these foreign in v a d e rs w ere th e
G reek s, called “ja va iM " in Sanskrit an d "yona Min Pali, b o th te rm s that
w ere p ro b ab ly b ased on the place n a m e " I o n i a ."
A le x a n d e r the G r e a t in v ad ed Ind ia in 327 b .C.E,, sp read in g G re e k
cu ltu rc a n d cu sto m s, but h a d been repulsed by C fln d ra g u p ta (r. ca.
3 2 1 -2 9 7 ihe fo u n d e r o f th e M a u r y a n dynasty. A fier A lex an ­
d e r's d e a th , only w estern In d ia co n tin u ed u n d er M a c e d o n ia n ™ ler
Scteucus I„ fo u n d e r o f the S eleucid dynasty* disp atch ed a G re e k n a m e d
M eg asth en es to serve as his en vo y in C a n d r a g u p t a ’s co u rt at P atalipu -
tra in central In d ia . M eg asth en es was statio n ed in P ftjalip utra from ca.
303 to 292 B.c,Er a n d wrote a record o f his experiences there that
b ecam e fam ou s. By abo ut the m iddle of the third cen tu ry n.C.E., Bac-
t r i a (m o d e rn Halkh, the a r e a betw een the O x u s a n d In d u s rivers in
n o r th e rn A fg h a n ista n ) a n d P a r th ia h ad gained th eir in d e p e n d e n c e from
Seleucid rule. F r o m the third cen tu ry b.g.E. to the m iddte o f th e second
cen tu ry u . c . t . v a n o th e r Seleucid king, A ntiochus 111 o f S y ria , a n d the
fourch king o f Bacrria, D e m e trio s, in vad ed In d ia . T h e y o ccup ied n o r th ­
e rn In d ia a n d a d v an ced into central India. In ihe first c e n tu ry a .c .z .
K in g M a u e s o f the Saka people in vaded In d ia a n d e n d e d the rule of
M a c e d o n ia n kings in n o rth w e ste rn India.
O f the M a c e d o n ia n kings recorded in Ind ian history, M e n a n d r o s
(k n o w n in In dian la n g u a g e s as M iiin da) is partic u la rly im p o rta n t.
M e n a n d ro s in v ad ed In d ia a n d ru led an a r e a e x te n d in g from central
In d ia to A fg h an istan from ap p ro x im arety 160 to 140 b . c: , e . T h e capital
o f his e m p ire was &akala.
M e n a n d ro s is th o u g h t to hav e hetd a n u m b e r o f d eb ates w ith a Bud*
dhtst m o nk , N a g a s e n a , a n d to have been co n v e rte d to B u d d h ism , T h e
co n ten ts o f th eir talks were collected an d com piled into (he Mi(ituiap<tnha
o r Qumi&ns o f K in g AWittdn. T h e Pali text o f this w ork includes a n u m b e r
o f ad d itio n s by la te r a u th o rs , how ever, the earliest p a rt o f the text can
be d e te rm in e d by c o m p a r in g th e Pali text w ith rhe C h in ese r ran slat ion,
 rh r Afa-hsien pi-ch 'in ching ( T J670a). T h o s e p a r ts found in b o th versions
con stitute the oldest elements o f the work a n d offer a fascinating view of
certain aspects o f In d ia n B ud d h ism d u rin g rhe firsi a n d second rentu*
ries h .c .k . N o elem ents o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism a re in clu ded in the
work, which shows Buddhist d o c trin e in t h r tra n sitio n al p e rio d betw een
the Agatnas a n d the d ev elo p m en t o f abhidkarm& literatu re.
In 3 937 a reliquary was discovered at Shinkot in t h t Sw at R iv er Val*
ley in rhe u p p e r reaches o f the In du s River. A cco rd in g to the inscripiion
o n it, the rem ain s w ere e n s h rin e d in t h t reliq u a ry d u rin g the reign of
K in g M ilin d a (or M in a d rn , according to the inscription), p ro v id in g
a d d itio n a l evitience (hat B ud d h ism w as followed in n o rth e rn In d ia d u r ­
ing the tim e o f M ilin da.
D u rin g A so k a’s reign, M a jjh a n tik a was sent as a n em issary to n o r t h ­
w estern India 10 establish a Buddhist o rd er there. A lthough m u c h of the
early history of this a r e a is n o t k n o w n , it is clear thai th e S arvastivadin
School b ecam e the d o m in a n t B uddhist school in K a s h m ir a n d G an -
d h a ra . T h e rem ain s o f m a n y Buddhisi stupas have bet'n d iscovered in
n o rth w e ste rn In d ia , indicating (ha! B u d d h ism was flourishing in this
a r e a by th e second c e n tu ry w.C,Fr. O n e o f the most im p o rta n t o f these
finds is the D h a n n a r a jik a stupa discovered at T axila. T h e oldest p a rt L>f
th e stupa d ates from (he tim e of K in g Asoka. T h e ruins in the a re a
reveal th at th e D h a r m a raj IIt a stupa was huge, s u rro u n d e d by lodgings
for believers, and u n d o u b te d ly o n e o f th e major B u d d h ist cen ters in
N orth In d ia for a Inng tjme. A roll n f thm silver plate was discovered m
o n e o f the old halls n e a r the stupa in 1914. A ccording to th e inscription
o n it, a B a c tria n n a m e d U ra s a k a h ad e n s h rin e d a relic o f the B u d d h a in
a hall he had buili that was d ed icated lo a b o d h isativ a. T h e inscription
is late, d a t in g frorn the m iddle o f the first c e n tu ry c . k . , but m a n y B u d ­
dhist antiq u ities cxcavated at S irk ap in TaxtJa a re m u c h older; th e old
est dates from the second c e n tu ry y.c.E.
In scrip tio n s have been found in d icatin g that a n u m b e r o f G reek s h ad
co nv erted to B ud d h ism by ihe first cen tu ry h*c,k. A ccording lo an
inscription on a reliq u a ry u r n found tn th e Sw at Valley, the u r n Con*
taincd a relic o f S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a and h ad been installed th ere by a
G reek gov erno r (mrrtdaTkh) n a m e d T h e o d o ra s . A c o p p e r plate found at
the simie sire records th at the stupa was built by rhe metidarkh a n d his
wife. 'I he te rm "metitfarkh ih refers to a n office tn the G re e k a d m in is tr a ­
t e system. A lthough il m a y be translated as “ g o v e r n o r . " the mtridarkh
p ro b ab ly did noi govern a very large le m to ry . T h e significant Tact*
h o w e v e r is th at Buddhist believers d ev o u t en o u g h to com m ission stupas
could be found a m o n g this class o f officials.
G reek B u dd hists w ere found ev en in A sok a's time. A m o n g the Bud*
dhist m issio naries disp atch ed by A soka w as a G reek n a m e d D h am
m a ra k k h ita , who w ent to A p a ra n ta k a to sp read B u d d h ism . G reek
donor?; arc also m e n tio n e d in ihe inscriptions at SaficT, su g g estin g that
so m e G reek s m u st have co n v erted tu B ud d h ism soon after th eir arriv al
in In dia.
B u d d h is m was a ratio n al a n d m o ra l religion, easily a d o p te d by fur
eign peoples. G reek s tim id readily respond it> the B u d d h a 's teachings
a n d w orship ar Buddhist stupas. In co n trast, B rah m an ism a n d H i n d u ­
ism in clu ded m u c h folk religion. T h e y w ere based on a caste system
th at, ac c o rd in g to the L<tun o f Monti, reg ard ed foreigners as tnleuha
( im p u r e b a rb a ria n s ). Consequently* few foreigner* a d o p te d H in d u ism ,
B u d d h is m , w ith its e m p h asis on do ctrin e a n d reason, w as m u c h m ore
a ttra c tiv e to foreigners, M o re o v e r, according to B ud dh ist teach ing s, all
castes w ere fu n d a m e n ta lly e q u a l, and foreigners w ere n o t d iscrim in ated
ag ain st. N o t only the G reek s, but the foreign invaders o f India who fol­
lowed th e m , in clu din g Ihe S akas, P a rth ia n s , a n d K u s a n a s, often
b ec a m e su p p o rte rs o f B u d d h ism .

i"

T h e Sa k a In v a sio n

T h e S ak a people are referred to as the Hii-chUfig in the C h in ese d y n astic

histury, the Han shu. At one lim e they h a d lived n e a r ihe Mi R iv e r in
C e n tra l Asia, but a ro u n d 180 r . c . e . they w ere forced by th e U i g h u r t to
m ove west. T h e Sakas ev en tu ally d estro yed the M a c e d o n ia n stale in
B actria a n d m a d e th at th eir base. H ow ever, the H s iu n g -n u later pushed
the U ig h u rs f u rth e r west, a n d the U ig h u rs in t u r n c o n q u e re d Baclria
(C h. T a -h sia). T h e Saka, forced to jikivc s o u th , in v ad ed India. A ro u n d
1(10 r . c . h . M a u e s becam e the first Saka king. H e c o n q u e re d n o rth e rn
I n d ia a n d was on an e x p ed itio n to c o n q u e r M a th u r a when Lie died.
M a u e s h a d called him self "‘the kin g o f king s," b u t after his d e a th the
S ak a people broke apart in to sm aller groups. T h e v ario u s areas they
h a d c o n q u e re d were each ruled in a s e m ia u to n o m o u s fashion by govcr
n o r-g en erals called kfatrapa o r inakdk^atrapa. P articularly im p o rta n t were
K u su lu k a a n d his son P alika. w ho ruled in N orth l n d i a T a n d R aju la,
w ho ru led in M a th u r a .
I h e S ak a rulers p a tro n iz e d B ud dh ism . A cco rd in g lo a c o p p e r plate
found at th e stupa at T ax ila, w hich d ales from the first cen tu ry b .c.E .,
P a tik a built stupas in areas w h ere n on e had existed a n d ins tailed the rel­
ics o f S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a in th e m He is also cred ited w ith (he e s ta b ­
lishm ent of m onasteries* According to the inscription on a pillar topped
by lions found at M a th u r a , Ayasia K aftiu ta, the wife o f the mahaksatTapti
 R a jn la , alo ng w ith h e r relatives and the w om en in the palace, com mis
siuned th e b u ild in g ol a stupa w ilh a relic u f S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a . T h e y
also bu ilt m o nasteries and gave alms to ihe S arvastiv ad in School R aj Li­
la’s son, Sudani►gave land for ihe support of cave-temples io tw o
m on ks o f the S a rv a stiv a d in School, B u d d h a d e v a a n d Budhila. T h is
inscription, w hich d ates from ab ou t 10 b .c .e . , includes ihe earliest m e n ­
tion o f ihe n a m e o f a school o f N ikaya B uddhism .

P a r th ia

P a r t hi* was originally located so uth east u f the C a s p ia n Sea. In die th ird
c e n tu ry b .c .e . A rsakes rebelled against the king n f Syria a n d established
the P a rth ia n kingdom . T h e C h in ese have traditionally culled the
P a rth ia n s ‘ an-hsir ** a Irans Iiteratio n of Ar&akes. T h e Parthians extended
th eir b o rd ers at the ex p en se o f the G reeks, a n d laier d u rin g the reign of
K in g Anes in v ad ed India. T h e next k in g h G o n d o p h arn eS i lived aro u n d
the b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n era an d ruled in n o rth w e ste rn In d ia . By
the e n d ol the first c e n tu ry c . t , , the P a rth ia n s h a d replaced the Sakas as
ru le rs o f n o rth w e ste rn I n d ia ' shortly afterward^ the K u $ a n a dy nasty
replaced the P a rth ia n s as the c o n q u e ro rs o f n o rth w e ste rn India.
T h e P a rth ia n s were B u dd hist. A n u m b e r o f P a rth ia n m on ks played
im p o rta n t roles in carry in g B uddhism to C h in a For ex am p le. An Shili
kao (the c h a ra c te r “a n " was taken from the term o r P a r th ia
a n d was used as an etb n ik o n indicating the m o n k 's P arth ian n a tio n a l­
ity) was a p rin c e from P a rth ia . H e b e c a m e a B uddhist m o n k . Studied
abhidharma, a n d m a ste re d a n u m b e r of m e d ita tio n techn iqu es. A fter he
arrived in C h in a d u rin g the reign o f E m p e ro r M uan {r. 146-167) of the
T*ater H a n , he tra n sla te d m a n y works from the Agamas a n d abhidharma
literatu re. S everal decades later, d u r in g the reig n of E m p e r o r King ( r
168-189), a n o th e r P a rth ia n , A n H siian , traveled to C h in a . In the m i d ­
dle o f the third cen tu ry a P a rth h m n a m e d T 'a n - t i is rep o rted in C h in a

K usana Dynasty

T h e K u ^ an as, k n o w n to the C h in ese as the “ T a -y iie h -c h ih " or

U ig h u rs , were originally in C e n tra l Asia betw een T u n - h u a n g a n d C h hi-
lian; they m o v ed west after they were d efeated by the H s m n g 'n u in the
secon d c e n tu ry u . c . e . F o r a tim e they settled to the n o rth o f the O x u s
R iver, but th en m n v ed on ro defeat th e T a -h sia, By a r o u n d 123 u.c.e,
they had ad v an ced into the fo rm er kin gd om o f B acttia, At that time
th ere w ere five tribes n f U ig h u rs , rhe strongest bein g the K u d in a s T h e y
a d d e d to th eir p o w er w hen they b ro u g h t the o th e r four tribes u n d e r
th eir enntrn]. In the last h a lf ol the first t r n l u r y they co n q u ered
P a rth ia a n d inv aded India u n d e r their leader, K u ju la K adphises. He
was succeeded by W t m a K adp hises. i n the first h a lf o f th e second ccn-
tu ry c k_, he was followed by the fam ous K in g K a n a k a , w ho h a d seized
p o w er from the K a d p h ise s' lineage- K a n i n a created an e m p ire thai
stretched from C e n tra l Asia in to A fgh anistan a n d included the n o r th ­
w estern a n d n o r th e rn parts o f In d ia .
K<mi$kafs e m p ire was ihe largesi in S o u th Asia since A io k a 's tim e. It
en co m p assed peoples o f m a n y races includ ing In d ia n s, G reeks, S akas,
a n d P a rth ia n s. M o re o v e r, th e K u ^ana E m p ire occupied a key position
on the trade routes betw een the R o m a n E m p ire, In d ia , a n d C h in a . T h e
c u ltu re s o f the v ario u s peoples living u n d e r K u $ an a rule c o m b in ed with
th e s tim u lu s p ro v id e d by East-W est tra d e p ro d u ced a d y n a m ic new
society a n d cu ltu re in N o r ih In d ia . A new m o v e m e n t in B u d d h is m , the
M a h a y a n a tra d itio n , developed im pressively u n d e r K u ^ a n a rule. In
ad d itio n , B u d d h ism was stim u lated by Grtrek a n d G rcco R o m a n cul-
ture to p ro d u ce new form s o f a reiki Lecture a n d carving. T h e art o f G an -
d h a r a , for ex am p le, was noticeably influenced by the G reeks, Buddhist
tem ples b e g a n to a p p e a r with C o rin th ia n c o lu m n s a n d capitals, as wcJ]
as G reek d eco rativ e pattern s. G reek influence ev en tu ally even reached
j a p a n by w ay o f C e n tr a l A sia an d C h in a . T h e a rch itectu re o f the
Hnrytijt T rm p le in N ara, J a p a n , clearly reflects G reek influence.
D u r in g this period, B udd hist carv in g adv an ced . S cu lp tu res were
strongly in fluenced by G reek sculpture, as is evident Erom the G reek
style o f the facial expressions a n d clothing, particularly the folds o f (he
cloth, p o rtray ed in the carvings. T h e influence oJ G r e c o - R o m a n art on
B ud dh ist a rch itectu re a n d s cu lp tu re o f h u m a n figures was alread y evi­
d e n t in the P a rth ia n p eriod . Im ages o f the B u d d h a him self, however,
w ere not p ro d u c e d at this l i n i u . T h e y first a p p e a re d i n G a n d h a r a (in Ihr
n o r th e rn p a n o f m o d ern P akistan) an d in M a th u r a in central In d ia d u r ­
ing the last h a lf o f the first c e n tu ry c . t , , the early p a rt o f the K u s a n a
dynasty. D u rin g the second c e n lu ry fc.t. Buddhist s cu lp tu re prolif­
e rated .
T h e B u d d h a was first p o rtra y e d in scu lp tu re in rhe context o f reliefs
d epicting his b io g ra p h y a n d earlier lives. T h e se reliefs w ere used to
o r n a m e n t Buddhisi stupas a n d Buddhist a rch itectu re at such sites as
B h arh u t a n d Sanci in cen tral In d ia , In these early reliefs, how ever, the
B u d d h a was only sym bolized, not represented w ith a h u m a n figure.
O n ly with th e e m erg en ce o f C a n d h a r a n art was the B u d d h a p o rtray ed
in h u m a n form . At first, he was depicted as being ap p ro x im ately the
 sam e size as the o th er figures in the reliefs even tho ug h he was the ccn*
tral figure. L ater, how ever, th e figure o f the B u d d h a was m ad e larg er
th an the o th e r figures. Finally, he was rem ov ed from the biographical
scenes, a n d in d e p e n d e n l im ages o f the B u d d h a w ere sculpted.
I n d e p e n d e n t images o f (he B u d d h a served as object* o f w orship an d
co n seq u en tly had a dinicrenl function from the B u d d h a p o rtra y e d in
reliefs depicting his biography. Such objects o f w orship m a y have been
d eveloped by those w ho w ere carv in g reliefs d ep ictin g the B u d d h a's
b io g ra p h y in response to the stupa w orship cults. Buddhist biographical
literatu re also m a y hav e played a role in these dev elo pm en ts. W h e th e r
the p o rtra y a l o f (he B uddha in h u m a n form was d u e to the influence of
G reek sculptors o r w h eth er it w as the result o f inevitable d ev elo p m en ts
in fiuddhist d o ctrin e rem ain s a q uestion, i f it were d u e to d evelopm ents
in B udd hist do ctrtn c , then it p ro b a b ly h a d its roots in stupa w orship an d
lay beliefs in th e B u d d h a ’s p o w er to save people. A cco rd in g to N ikaya
Buddhisi do ctrin e , w hich w as fo rm u lated by m o n k s T w h en the B u d d h a
died he en tered into “ nirvana w ithout r e m a i n d e r '1 a n d thus a b a n d o n e d
his physical body. Since he co uld no lon ger be seen, he could not be
porl rayed with a n y form , h u m a n o ro lh e rw is e .
I he beliefs u f K u ju la K ad ph ises an d W c m a K a d phistiS a re not clearly
k no w n ; hut d u rin g th eir reigns, B u dd h ism ap p e a rs to have flourished in
n o r th e r n I n d ia , w here m a n y B uddhist ru in s have been found, in clu ding
the D h a r m a raj Ika stupa at T a x ila , the K u n a la stupa, a n d the ruins at
K alaw an . M a n y discoveries at these sites d a te from the K u s a n a period.
T h e ru in s at K a la w a n in clu d e the largest m o n a ste ry fo u n d in n o rth e rn
India. An in scrip tion from a taitya hall from the sire includes the daie
“ the 134th y ear o f A z e s / f which c o rresp o n d s to 77 c ,e . T h e inscription
records the e n s h rin e m e n t o f relics in the ait)ta hall a n d th eir p r e s e n ta ­
tion to the S arv astiv adin School, the earliest m e n tio n in n o r th e rn I n d ia
o f a school o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism .
A m o n g the later in scriptions, which d a te from the second c e n tu ry
c . e . o n, is one found n ear P e sh a w a r in n o r th e rn P ak istan . T h e re K in g

K a n a k a established the fam o u s great stupa o f K a n a k a , the ru ins of

w hich w ere ex cav ated at S h a h ’jT-ki DherT. A n u r n for relics was discov’
ered that h a d been e n s h rin e d at the K a n isk a -v ih a ra (monastery'). T h e
inscriptio n on the u r n clearly states that the K an isk a^ v ih ara belonged to
the S arv astiv ad in School. A n inscription d a te d 148 C.£. on a small co p ­
p e r stupe from K u r r a m n e a r P esh aw ar records the enshrinement o f the
B u d d h a 's relics a n d th eir d o n a tio n to the S arv astiv ad in School.
A m o n g the o th e r inscriptions from n o r th e rn In d ia th at include (he
n a m e s o f schools is one m en tio n in g ihe co n stru ctio n of a w a te r supply
a n d a n o th e r reco rd in g the excavation o f a well, borh for the Sarvasriva-
d ins. A cco rd in g to o ih e r inscriptions, a cupper tadle was given t o
K a iy a p iy a School a n d e a rth e n ja r s 10 th e BahuirutTya a n d Ka£yapiya
schools. These inscriptions d a te from approximately the second c e n ­
t u r y C.E.
T h e S arv astiv ad in School was p articu larly stro n g in n o rth e rn In d ia
But m a n y inscriptions co n cern in g the b u ild in g o f stupas in n o rth e rn
In d ia do not m e n tio n the n am e o f an y o f the schools o f N ik ay a B u d ­
d h ism . F o r ex am p le, an in scrip tio n records th e e n s h rin e m e n t o f relics
b y two G reek nuridarkhs (governors). T h e S ak a g o v e rn o r P atika h a d rel­
ics e n s h rin e d a n d stupas buitt at vario us sites in clud ing K stiem a at T ax-
iU , b u t these stupai a p p a re n tly w ere not given to any p a rtic u la r School,
T h e se in scrip tio n s w ere d a te d a p p ro x im a te ly th e first cen tu ry c.ti. M ost
o f ihe inscriptions c c n c t m i n g stupas w ere sim ilar tu these a n d did not
include the n a m e o f a n y o f th e schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h is m .2
B u dd hist sites h ave also been fo u n d in A fg h an istan . T h e discovery of
A sokan inscriptions at L a m p a k a an d K a n d a h a r proved th at B ud dh ism
was being s p re a d in these areas by the tim e o f K in g Asoka. T h e subse­
q u e n t history o f Buddhist prose! ytizari on in these areas is n o t know n in
detail, but by the b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n e ra B ud d h ism was flo u rish '
in£. In m o d ern times m a n y B uddhist archeological sites have been
ex cav ated in A fg h a n ista n , includ ing the rem ain s o f the castle tow n of
B c rg ra m , the slupas at B lm a ra n , an d the ruin s from H a d d a a n d Sho-
torak. F u r th e r to the west are the cavc-tem ples o f B am iy an , within
w hich a re two very Jarge stone B u d d h as a n d som e m u rals, B ergram has
b een identified as the ancient site o f K apist, Illustrations o f the B u d '
d h a ’s bio g ra p h y a n d o th e r antiquities h a v e been found at this site. A
reliq u a ry was discovered in a n an cient stupa at B im nran. A cco rd in g to
a n inscription on it, a m a n n a m e d & v a r a ta [ta built a stupa to en sh rin e
the relics o f the B u d d h a d u r in g the S aka p eriod
M a n y artifacts hav e also been found at H a d ^ a . A cco rd in g to an
inscription on a w ater vase, it h a d been placed in a stupa for the B u d ­
d h a 's relics d u r in g th e Kujai^a dynasty. A b ro n z e re liq u a ry was found
ai W a rd a k , to the west o f K a b u l. O n it w as a n inscription stating that
the B u d d h a 's reties had been en sh rin ed w ithin the V ag ram a rega M u n -
aste ry a n d th at they h a d been given to the M ah asarig h ik a School, A
wish for K in g H u v i s k a fs good fortune was also expressed in the inscrip­
tio n , which was d a te d rhe fifty-first y ear o f rhe e ra , a dare c o rre s p o n d in g
to 1 7 9 c . il. d u rin g the K u>ana period. A lth o u g h m a n y inscriptions have
b een discovered in both n o r th e rn In dia a n d A fg h an istan , only a few
include the n a m e s ol the schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism .
K a n is k a ’s su p p o rt for th e S arv astiv ad in School is clearly m anifested
in ihe inscription found a I the g reat stupa of K anipka. His support is Eitso
the subject o f a n u m b e r o f legends. F or ex am p le, accord ing lo the Afa-
mitu> p U fa chuan ( T 2 0 4 6 ) , a b io g ra p h y o f ASvagho^a, w hen K a n ijk a
attacked cen tral In d ia , he d e m a n d e d the B u d d h a 's begging bowl an d
A svagho^a as c o m p e n s a tio n . In respo nse to the king's req uest, Asva-
gho$a w ent to n o rth w estern In d ia an d sp read B uddhism there. K aniska
also p aid h o m a g e to P arsv a o f t h r S arv astiv ad in School, a n d at P arsv a's
re c o m m e n d a tio n assem bled five h u n d re d arfmts a n d con vened a council
T h is council is co m m o n ly called the F o u rth C ouncil. T h e h u g e two-
h u n d r e d ’fascicle Mafidvibhdjd {T 1545) is said to have been c o m p iled as
a result o f this council.
K a n is k a was succceded by Viisiska, H u v is k a , a n d V asu d cv a. T h e
s tre n g th o f the d y n a s ty g radu ally w aned] a n d by the e n d o f the th ird
century, it occupied only a smalt p a rt o f n o rth e rn In d ia , B ud d h ism c o n ­
tinued to flourish in n o rth e rn Ind ia d u r in g this perio d E a rlier in
M a th u r a , a g o v e rn o r (ksatrapa) n a m e d S u d asa h a d established the
G u h a - v ih a ra (m o n astery). L a te r d u rin g the K u s a n a dynasty, in the
forty-sev en th y ear ol the epoch th at began with K an iska, K in g Huvigka
h a d the Huvi&ka-vihara co nstructed at J a m a lp u r on the outskirts of
M a th u r a , It was d eco rated with b eautiful carvings. T h e s e w ere d e ­
stroyed by n o n -B u d d h ists, however, a n d to day the m o n a ste ry is in
ruins. M a n y frag m ents o f fences, pillars, and Buddhist im ages have
b e e n found in the ru ins. M a n y o ther tem ples also w ere located at
M a th u r a , In serif?! tons found a r o u n d M a th u r a in dicate that a n u m b e r
o f the schools o f N ik ay a B ud d h ism had m o n asteries there, includ ing the
M a h a s a n g h ik a (m e n tio n e d in six inscriptions), S arv astiv ad a (two in ­
scriptions), S a m m a tiy a (o n e inscription)] a n d D h a r m a g u p ta k a (o n e
inscription). M a n y o th er in scrip tio n ! th at do not include the n a m e s of
a n y o f the schools hav e also been found- M a t h u r a ’s status as a m a jo r
B u d d h ist c en ter is co n firm ed by passages in the travel d iaries o f Fa-
hsien a n d H siian -tsa n g .
M a th u r a a n d G a n d h a r a a re fam ous as the tw o sites w h ere the Bud
d h a w as first p o rtra y e d in h u m a n form in sculpture. T h e first im ages
w ere m ad e at M cithura at a p p ro x im a te ly the sam e tim e they first
a p p e a r e d at G a n d h a r a . H o w ev er, the im ages from M a th u r a , w hich h ad
long b een an a d v an ced c en ter o f plastic arts, a rc not copics o f those
fro m G a n d h a r a a n d are d o n e in a different style, indicating th at the
im ag es a| the Iwo sites w ere p ro b ab ly c re a te d in d ep en d en tly .3 P erh aps
the artists o f M a th u r a w ere stim ulated by the a p p e a ra n c e o f the G an -
d h a r a n im ages o f the B u d d h a to sculpt im ages in th eir ow n style. Few
exam ples o f M a th u r a n tre a tm e n ts o f the B u d d h a 's b io g ra p h y hav e been
fo u n d , but m a n y p o rtray als o f people h o n o rin g ihe B u d d h a hav e been
found a m o n g the M a th u r a n artifacts In early exam ples, the object of
w orship is the bodhi-tree o r a stupa. L a te r these objects w ere replaced
with a h u m a n figure o f the B u d d h a n a n d finally, figures o f variou s
b o d h isa ttv a s a n d B ud dh as were m ad e. In the d ed icato ry inscriptions on
the M a th u r a n statu es o f the B u d d h a, the carvings them selves a re some*
rimes referred to sim ply as " i m a g e s " (prautnd) r a th e r th an as “ im ages o f
the B u d d h a / ' id en tical im ages a re referred to in so m e inscriptions as ,La
seated im ag e o f a b o d h isa ttv a 1' but in others as (1a seated im age o f (he
B u d d h a .Jh T h e variety in te rm s used to refer to the carvin gs p ro b ab ly
indicates differences in th eir use. H ow ever, d ie doctrinal reason* under*
lying su^h distin ctio n s in term in olo g y rem ain unclear.

T h e A n d h r a n D yn a stie s

T h e A n d h r a n d yn asties a re divided into tw o periods. D u r in g the first,

the S a ta v a h a n a r d y J h u u se ruled the D eccan p en in su la. T h e second
period consists ol th e decline o f the S a la v a h a n a royal house a n d the
e m erg en ce o f a n u m b e r o f local kings, each o f w hom d efen ded his own
territory.
W ith [he decline o f M a u ry a n pow er a ro u n d 200 B t h e S atav a-
h a n a family, w hich cam e from th e western p a rt of th e D eccan , increased
th eir influence. T h e ir pow er, w hich lasted un til the third c e n tu r y ffiE.,
was based on an area w ith P aith an ( P r a s tijlh a n a ) , the so uth ern te r m i­
n u s o f the S o u th e rn R o u te, at its center; b u t th ey seem 10 have com e
from a n area th at in clu ded N asik an d A ko la to the n o rth . By th e second
cen tu ry c . e . , the S a ta v a h a n a d y n a sty w as at its height; it e x te n d e d to a
large area to the south o f the V in d h y a M o u n ta in s a n d the N a r m a d a
R iver, w hich served as the n a tu ra l b o u n d a rie s b etw een cen tral an d
s o u ih e rn In d ia , F o r a tim e , the & atavahanas even e x te n d e d th e ir ru le
n o rth o f th e N a r m a d a River. T h e capital o f their k in g d o m was ai D ha-
n y a k a ja k a , on the e a s te rn seacoast n e a r ihe b a n k s o f the K ^ n a R iv e r
T raditionally, the S a ta v a h a n a royal fam ily is said to h av e ruled for
460 years a n d to hav e p ro d u ced thirty Icings. A n u m b e r o f these
“ k in g s," how ever, were the h ead s o f b r a n c h e s o f the family. It is proba-
bly m ore a ccu rate to say th at the S a ta v a h a n a fam ily ru le d for ap p ro x i­
m ately 300 years w ith sev enteen to nineteen kings reigning d u r in g this
period. By the third c e n tu ry c , e r the S a ta v a h a n a family h a d lost its
p o w er a n d th e D e tc a n was ru le d by a n u m b e r o f different families, cach
contro llin g a small area. D u r in g this period th e Ik^vaku royal fam ily
established Itself in th e region aro u n d the low er reaches o f the G o davari
River. It was a stro n g s u p p o rte r of B ud dh ism . By th e fo u rth cen tu ry the
G u p ta d y n a sty h a d u n ited In d ia .
 Cave-tem ples

O n e o f th e m a jo r d istin g u ish in g features o f B ud d h ism in th e D cccan is

the cave-tem ples found in the area, especially in the G h a ts, the m o u n ­
tain r a n ^ c alo ng the w eil coast. A p p ro x im ately Iwclvc h u n tln td ta v c -
te m p le t have been (bund in I n d ia ' seventy-five p ercen t o f th e m are
H uddhist, w ith th f oldest d a tin g from rhe first o r second cen tu ry ft.cr£.
T h e excavation o f cave-tcnsples reached its peak d u r in g th e n e s t several
centuries.
R ocky m o u n ta in s, b a rre n o f trees* arc found th ro u g h o u t the Deccan
Since there was not en o u g h wood lo b u ild m o n asteries, they were
carved mil u f ruck, hi these m oim taim ms areas, m o n asteries a n d stupas
were r o n s i r u u e d in large caves instead o f on level g r o u n d as in o th er
p arts o f India, C’ ave* tem ples, because ihcy w ere c o n s tru c te d out of
long* las ting m aterial, p ro v id e significant in fo rm atio n ab nu i m o n a ste ry
life in a n c ie n t India, T h e m ost fam ous cave-tem ples are fo u n d at
A ja n ta , BhAja, Nasik, K arli, a n d ELllora T w o types o f caves arc found
at these sites' caves used for w orship, which co n tain ed a siuftn, a n d eaves
used as q u a r te rs for m onks.
T h e eaves u sed for w orship a re called cetiyaghara T h e stupa'; found in
(hem a re m ad e o f sto n e a n d a re m u ch sm aller th an ihosc fo u n d above
the ground.. A com plex o f cells for m onks (viftara) usually encircled a
large re c ta n g u la r cham ber. T h e e n tra n c e to the com plex was on one
wall E n try ways to a n u m b e r o f cells (layana), each serving as the resi­
dence u f o n e o r two m o n k s, w ere fount I on the u ih er three walls o f (he
central c h am b er. O n e p a rtic u la rly t&cgc vihdra at ElLora consisls o f three
stories with a total o f m ore t h a n a h u n d re d cells for m onks. T h e large
centra! c h a m b e r w as used for ev ents such as the Inrt nightly assem bly
(upasfitha), at w hich the precepts were recited. T h e en try w ay s a n d the
pillars in the {ttiyaghams w ere often elabo rately c a n e d , while the nifwras
were usually plain H ow ever, the uifiaras at A jan ta a n d E 11ora arc
carv ed . T h e wall p a in tin g s at A jan ta are partic u la rly fam ous.
Nasik is a d r y to rhe west o f A jan ta a n d EUora. T h e cave-tem ples in
this* a r e a a re m idw ay up the slope o f m o u n ta in s ou tsid e the city. T h e r e
arc a total o f tw enty three cave tem ples w ith the oldest d a iin g from the
second Century b pc .e . A n inscription in the fo u rteen th cave records rhai
it was com m issio ned by a high official w h o lived in Nasik d u rin g the
reign o f K in g K a n h a . T h is king has been idcn uftcd as K in g K fsn a , who
was the second ruler o f the A n d h r a n dynasties a n d th e y o u n g e r brother
o f S im u k a , rhe Hi st king o f the S a ta v a h a n a d y n a s ty i f this is correct, the
cave w ould have b een cx cav atcd d u rin g the lirst h a lf o f the second c e n ­
tu ry a .c .F , T h e style o f ihe fetters o f rhe inscriptions in the stupa h ;lJ1 of
the th irte e n th cave in dicates th at they d ate from th e second cen iu ry
w■o . k. A cco rd in g to (his In script lOft, (he village o f D b a r n b ik a raised the
fu nd s for the cave.
D espite all o f this B u d d h is t activity, th e A n d h r a n dy nasties generally
s u p p o rte d B r a h m a n is m , p ro b ab ly b ecau se ih(' p e rfo rm an ce o f h orse
sacrifices a n d o th er rituals resulted in yreat prestige for the rulers. In
the first o r second c e n tu ry C.r,., Nasik was occupied by the K s a h a ra ta
Family o f th e $ ak as. A c c o rd in g lo two inscriptions in the e ig h th cave,
(he K gabaratp g o v e rn o r (jksairapa) LJsavadata c o n tr ib u te d b o th m o n e y
a n d land 10 Buddhists. U ^ a v a d a la 's n am e aEso ap p e a rs in a cave at
K arli. O th e r records o f S ak a c o n trib u tio n s a re Found in the eighth and
s ev en teen th caves.
At the b e g in n in g o f the th ird century. Nasik was recap tu red by the
S a ra v a b a n a s A cco rd in g to a n inscrip tio n in the third rav e, G o ta m lp u -
tra Sri S a ta k a iu m c ru sh e d th e K s a h a ia ta s a n d defeated the G reek s,
S akas, a n d Pal lavas while c o n q u e rin g a larg e area. In th e (bird cavc at
Nasik his n a m e a p p e a rs twice as a d o n o r o f land a n d caves. Sri Pulu-
m ayj, also o f the S a ta v a h a n a s , is listed as a c o n trib u to r to the Cave-lem-
piles i,ti a n o th e r inscription from the third cave. A fu rth e r inscription in
this th ird cave reports that, the cave was given to the o r d e r o f m on ks of
the f th a d a v a n iy a " (R h a d ra y a n ik a o r Bhadrayanfyfli) School by the
em press d o w ag er o f G o ta n r ip u tr a , an d a n additional inscription scales
rhat Sri P u lu n ia y i, the dtUCCt successor o f t jtH am Jpntra, gave lan d lo ih r
m o nk s ol the HhadrayEunya School. A n u m b e r o f o th e r caves, in clu ding
th e sijtth, i e m h T a n d fifteenth, were given to die Universal sanghe. T h e
recipients o f m a n y o f the o th e r raves a re u n k n o w n . A M a h a y a n a
im ag e, w hich was a d d e d later, is fuund in th e sev en teen th cave.
The K hadrayan iya School Is also m entio ned in rhe cav e-tem p le c o m ­
plex o f K a n h c ri n ear Rom bay, whieh consists o f 109 large a n d small
cave-tem ples. O n e t>f the la rg e r caves; at ihe c en ter o f the com plex serves
as the cnityti hall. T h is cen tral tatlya was d o n a te d to the m a ste rs of the
lih a d ra y a n iy a School d u r in g ihe reign o f the illustrious K in g Yajiiasri in
the la tte r p a n o f the S a ta v a h a n a d y n a sty ( n e a r the e n d o f the second
c e n tu ry c ,h ,). T h e o th er eaves at K a n h e n w ere ex cav ated d u r in g the
period b etw een the e n d o f th e second century c . k , a n d ihe eighth c e n ­
tury. T h e seventieth t a v e also w as given to the B h a d ra y a n ly a School,
while ihe twelfth* forty-eighth, seventy-sev enth , a n d righiy-first were
d o n a te d to the universal order.
T h e cave-tem ples ai Karll a rt in the sides o f m o u n ta in s on the road
betw een Rom b a y a n d P o o n a. T h e se caves a re as old as those at Nasi It
T h e c e n te r o f th e com plex is a large cave with a taiiya in it J3.H7 m eters
w ide a n d 37 67 m eters lo n g f m a k in g it the largest stupa hall in India.
T h is splendid ex am p le o f In d ia n cave-tem plc a rch itectu re w as exca­
vated w ithin a ccn tu ry o f the b e g in n in g u f the c o m m o n e ra . A ccord ing
to an inscription, it was rhe gift o f a guild (setfii). H o w e v e r the n a m e s of
indiv idu al d onors a rc c a rv ed o n eleven pillars w ithin the cave. O n e pil­
la r co n ta in in g relics was given by a c h a n te r (bhdnaka) n f the ’ D h a m m u -
ta r iy a ” ( D h a r m o t t a n y a ) School n a m e d S atim ita. N in e o f the pillars
were d o n a te d by G reeks. T h e cavc was th u s the result oi c o n trib u tio n s
fm m a variety o f sources. A cco rd in g to o n e inscription in rhe c n v c h a
g o v e rn o r (ksairapa) n a m e d U s a b h a d a ta o f the K s a h a r i t a family o f the
Sakas donaiecl tht- village o f K arajika for the s u p p o rt o f all those in the
universal o rd er w ho had gone forth from th e ir h o m es a n d w ere staying
a i the cav e-tem p lc (pawgiitinam cdtudisasa sagha). T h e ceitya cave, cun sc *
q u e m ly h did not belong to any p a rtic u la r school o f N ikava B u dd hism .
L a te r this a r e a was controlled by the S a ta v a h a n a dynasty. In s c rip ­
tions from ihis later period arc also found in the caitya cavc. A ccording
10 one, the village o f K a ra jik a was ev entu ally given lo the m o nk s a n d
novices o f the M a h a sa n g h ik a School w ho w ere residing tn the cavc-tem -
pies (paiVijitana bhikhuna uikdyasa Afahosagfiiyana), in d icatin g th at the
Cave-temples w ere later controlled by the M a h a s a n g h ik a School. To the
n o r th o f the caitya hall in the q u a r te rs for m o nk s is an inscription co n ­
cern in g the d o n a tio n of a m eetin g hail (mal&po) w ith n in e ro o m s to th e
M a h a sa n g h ik a Strhool in the tw en ty-fou rth y ear o f the reign o f K in g Sri
P u lum ay i,
T h e caves at H haja are n e a r K arli. Ai th eir c en ter is a cave that
served as a eaitya hall. Tt is flanked by caves on c ith e r side w ith cells for
m onks. N o n e o f the caves, includ in g the central one. is very large. T h e
caves d a te fm m the first cen tu ry b . c . f . o r earlier a n d a rc thus o ld er than
those at K arli, the sev en teen th is the oldest. Eight inscriptions have
been found ai the caves. F ou r o f these reco rd the n a m e s o f d u n n rs. T h e
re m a in in g four are found on smalt uHpoi at the edges o f the eaves an d
record the n a m e s u f the ciders w hose rem ain s are c o n ta in e d in the s t i ­
pes. T h e residents o f the caves at B haja do not seem to have belonged ro
an y o n e p a rtic u la r school o f N ik ay a B udd hism .
J u n n a r is a tow n fony-si* m iles n o rth o f P o o n a. N ear the tow n are
five sets o f cave-tem ples with a total o f m o re t h a n 150 large a n d small
cav e-tem p les th at w ere c a rv ed betw een the first cen tu ry n.c.F.. a n d (he
second cen tu ry c . e , A p p ro x im a te ly th irty inscriptions hav e been col-
lecied from these caves ih at co n cern d o n atio n s o f stupa halls (ceUyaghata),
cav e-tem p les (lena), w ater ta n k s, m a n g o frees, lan d , a n d so forth. T h e
m ajority o f the donors w ere local in h a b ita n ts. T h e stupa hall o f the fifty-
first cave at M o u n t SivanerT in J u n n a r w as c o n trib u te d hy a rich a n d
inlluential m e rc h a n t. T h r e e G reek donors a n d o n e iSaka a re also m e n ­
tioned in o th e r insert pi tons. A large m eeting-hall was d o n a te d by a miii*
i*ier for the S ak a governo r N a h a pan a (U ^ a v a d a ta ’s father-in-law ), indi-
eatin g th at the K ? a h a ra ta family o f th e ^ a k a s contro lled a wide area. An
Inscription at j u n n a r records the d o n a tio n of a cave a n d w a te r tank to
th e u r d e r o f nun s o f the L4D h a m m u t a r i y a M School. T h is is the only
ex am p le o f an inscription c o n c e rn in g n u n a from the cave-tem ples,
p ro b ab ly because nun s usually lived in tow ns ra th e r th an in caves.
T w enty-eig ht caves a re fo u n d at A jan ta. T h e stupa halls o f the n inth
a n d ten th caves a n d the n e a rb y q u a r te rs for m o nk s in th e twelfth an d
th irte e n th caves a rc ihe oldest, dfiiuig from th e b e g in n in g o f ih^ c o m ­
m o n era. In scrip tio n s in the stupa htill o f the ten th cave a n d in the q u a r
ters for m o nk s o f (he twelfth e a v r contemn do no rs. T h e form er was
given by relatives o f K in g P u lu m ay i a n d the latter by m erch an ts. T h e
eleventh* fo u rteen th , a n d fifteenth caves, all w ith q u a r te rs for monks^
were opened next. T h e rest o f the eaves w ere developed after [he G u p ta
period. T h e se later eaves, especially the firs( a n d second, a r t fam ous lor
th eir exquisite carvings a n d beautiful wall paintings.
Ellora, c o n ta in in g th irty -fo u r eaves, is n ear A ja m a . T h e oldest caves,
the first th ro u g h the t we] Ith, a re H u dd htat. 1 he ten th r a v e is a sttipa ha] I„
white the o th ers co n tain q u a r te rs for m onks. All were developed d u r in g
the G u p ta period. T h e y are elab orately cai"vcd a n d co n tain M a h a y a n a
im ages, just as the later caves at A ja n ta r T h e th irte e n th th ro u g h rhe
iw c m y -n in th eaves a re H in d u ; included a m o n g th e m i& the K aitasa
tem p le, fam ed for the high q u ality o f its carving. T h e r e m a in in g five
tem ples are J a in a .

Stupas

T h e ru ins o f large stupa} exi&l at A m a ra v a ti a n d N a g a rju n a k u j .1J a in the

e a ste rn pari o f the D cecam A m a ra v a ti is on the s o u th e rn b an k o f rhe
K is tn a (K rs n a ) R iv e r a b o u t sixty miles from the m o u th , ju s t to the east
o f the old city o f D h a ra n ik o f ( D h a n y a k a ja k a ) T h e great stupa at
A m a ra v a ti, w ith a fifty-m eter d ia m e te r at its base, w as m ostly intact
w hen it was d iscov ered in 1797. H ow ever, the p re c e d in g year, th e local
ru le r h ad established his new capital at A m a ra v a ti. T h e great stupa was
s u b se q u e n tly destroyed a n d used as b u ild in g m aterials for the new city.
T h e carved m a rb le panels a n d fence a ro u n d the itupa were rem oved,
a n d the ru in s o f the stupa w ere evenlually co n v e rte d in to a pond. Som e
o f the m arble rp rv in g s, how ever, were saved, tod ay they a re in the col­
lections o f the British M u s e u m in t e n d o n a n d m u se u m s in M a d r a s an d
C a lc u tta , '[’hey suggest the fo rm e r splend or o f A m a ra v a ti. Tail portals
 faced each o f the four c a rd in a l directions. T h e s tru c tu re w o i s u r ­
ro u n d e d by a walk for circum am b u latio n with a b alustrade on the Out­
side, T h is m ag n ifice n t stru c tu re was Worthy o f its n am e, M a h a c e tiy a
(great shrine). T h e stiipa d ates baek to before (he b e g in n in g o f the r o n v
m a n e ra In the m iddle o f the second cen tu ry c k_, it was rem odeled to
m ak e the im p o sin g stru c tu re described above.
M a n y o f rhe 160 inscriptions from A m a ra v a ti d a te from the sccnnd
a n d th ird cen tu ries c .E Jh b u t eleven of them a re even older. A ccording
to one inscription d a tin g from th e reign o f K in g P u lu m a y i o f the £ a ta -
v a h a n a dynasty, the ch ild rc n o f the m e rc h a n t Puri co m m issio ned a
scu lp tu re o f the wheel o f the D h a r m a lo p resen t Lu the U rg e stupa u f the
B u d d h a , w hich w a a th e p ro p e rty o f the ' ‘C e t i y a '’ (C aitik a) S chool„ in d i­
catin g th at the great stupe belonged to the C etiy a School m the second
cen tu ry C.t:. In o th e r in scriptio ns from A m a ra v a t7 f the “ C c lik a ' or
“ C e tiy a v a d a k a ” Schuol is mentioned*
[n inscriptions recording gifts from la y m e n , the te rm 11h o u seh o ld e r"
(gahap&ti) was oft^n used to describe the donor. If the d o n o r was a m em
b e r u f the Buddhist order, th en he o r she was often c a lk d a m u n k o r a
n u n ; but in some inscriptions the d o n o r was callcd “ one w ho has gone
forth from h o m e 'f (papajita) o r a m ale o r fem ale religious m e n d ic a n t
(samana or samanika). P h ra srs w e rr also used such as L,(d o n a te d ) by a
n u n to g e th e r w ith h e r d a u g h t e r s " o r " (g iv e n ) by a w o m an who has
gone forth from h e r ho m e to g eth er with h e r d a u g h te r w ho has also gone
forth " In the last tw o cases„ the inscription p ro b ab ly referred to a
d a u g h te r b o rn before th e w o m an h ad en tered the o rd e r; If such were
not the ease, th en the w o m a n w ould hav e given birth while she was a
n u n . S im ilar passages a re not fo u n d in th e inscriptions from n o rth e rn
In dia.
T h e re m a in s o f m a n y B ud dh ist stupas have been found in the area
a r o u n d the low er rcachcs o f the K is tn a R iver. P articularly im p o rta n t
a re two very' large stupas at Bha([iprolu a n d G hanfas'ala, which have
d iam eters at th eir bases o f 45 a n d 37 meters* respectively. T h e large
stiipa at B haniproJu is very old. T h e style o f th e letterin g on an inscrip-
tion o n a sm all box for relics fou nd inside it dates from the third c e n tu ry
g . c . r , , in d icatin g th at the stupa was p ro b ab ly c o n stru cted d u rin g the
reign o f A£oka, A lto geth er eleven inscriptions, m ostly rccurds of
d o n o rs, hav e been found at the stupa at B h attip ro lu .
Five inscriptions have been discovered at G h a n fa sa la . T h e y d a te
from the third cen tu ry c hE> and recurd the n a m e s of don ors. A m o n g
th e m is an inscription c o n ta in in g a term char seem s to in dicate that the
14A p a ra se liy a ’h(A p arasaila) School was active in the area at this tim e.
A stone pillar with an in sc n p tin n has been found at D hanyaka^aka
(Dh&rantfcof}, th e capital o f the S a ta ^ a h a n a dynasty. A cco rd in g to the
inscription, a m in ister gave rhe pillar, w hich h a d a wheel o f The D h a r m a
on it, to the o r d e r o f m o n k s o f the '" P u b b a s e liy a " (F u rv asaiia) School.
T h e pillar was th en set u p nr the eastern gate o f a large m o n astery
(mahavihara), in d ic a tin g that rhe m o n a ste ry belon ged to rhe PuhbaseJiya
School at o n e tim e,
N a g a r ju n a k o n d a (also know n as N ag arjun iko n< ja)h situ ated on a
plateau on the s o u th b a n k o f the m iddle reaches o f the K istn a River,
w as rhe cap ital for the fk?vaku state. A lthough th e n a m e o f rhe site
seem s Lo in dicate th at it h a d som e co n nection with the great M a h a y a n a
B u dd h ist th in k e r fcag arju n a ( t a . 150-250}] the inscriptions fo u n d ai
Ihis site c o n ta in no m e n tio n o f N a g a rju n a , T h e ik^vaku fam ily's power
was at its height alo ng the K istn a R iv e r d u r in g the second a n d th ird
cen tu ries c . e . Fifty sin inscriptions, m a n y o f th e m lon g, hav e been
found from a m o n g th^ ru in s o f th e large a n d small stupas, m o n asteries,
an d m o rtu a r y tem ples o f N a g a r ju n a k o n d a . O n e inscription records the
gift o f a p illar to a large stupa (Twhdcrtiya) by a q u e e n o f the [ksvaku fa m ­
ily n a m e d M a h a ta la v a ri C a tisiri in th e sixth y ear o f the reign o f K in g
Sirt V ir a p u ris a d a ta . T h e n a m e o f a n em in en t k in g o f the lk $ v ak u sh Va-
tsifh ip u ta Sir! C atam uEa, also ap p ears in the above inscription Alto­
g e th e r ten inscriptions relatin g the gifts o f Q u e e n M a h a ta la v a ri C atisiri
hav e been found at N a g a r j u n a k o n j a . A cco rd in g to o n e o f th e m the
great slupa belonged to the ClA p a ra m a h a v in a s e liy a " School, w hich m a y
be identical w ith the A p a ra sa ila School. Six in scriptio ns c o n c e rn in g th e
co n trib u tio n s o f o th er q u e e n s have also been discovered. A n u m b e r of
inscriptions reco rd gifts to the A p a ra m a h a v in a se liy a School. A cco rd in g
to one, Q u e e n M a h a ta la v a ri C atisiri gave a teiij/aghara (w orship hall) to
rhe school.
S rip a rv a ta , a m o u n ta in on which N a g a rju n a is said tn have lived, is
ai N a g a r ju n a k o n d a a n d was the site of the C u lad ha m m a g in m onastery.
A n in scrip tio n from a w orship hall at the m o n a ste ry records the gift of
the hall by eider m o nk s from ‘HT a m b a p a i* in a k a hl (Sri L a n k a). Because
N a g a r ju n a k o n d a had been a p o rt in th e m id dle reaches o f the K istna
R iver, relations h a d been m a in ta in e d w ith Sri L a n k a th ro u g h visits of
Sri L a n k a n m on ks to the city. A n insert pi Ion records the presence o f a
Sri L a n k a n m o n a ste ry {“ S ih a ja v ih a ra ” ) in (he area a n d the gift o f a
w a te r ta n k to the P u rv asaila School.
A n inscrip tio n reco rd in g the gift o f a m o n a ste ry to m on ks o f the
Bahuim tT ya School was found a p p ro x im a te ly four h u n d r e d m eters
from the great stupa at N a g a rju n a k o n d a , in scrip tio n s w ere found in
a n o th e r a r e a reco rd in g the co nstru ctio n o f a m o n a ste ry a n d the erection
 o f pillars for th e universal o rd er on la n d b elo n g in g to the M a h ls i s a k a
S c h o o l. Accoffiing in a n o th e r inscription , a stone carved with the foot­
p rin ts o f the B u d d h a was en sh rin ed at a m o n a ste ry b elo ng in g to th e
M a h a v ih a ra v a s in sect (a Sri L a n k a n o rd er) o f th e V ib h a jy a v a d a . T h e
frequent ap p e a ra n c e o f the n a m e s of these schools ar N iig arju n ak o ii^ a
indicates chat as tim e passed, m onasteries increasingly were controlled
by indiv idu al schools.
T h e nam es of d o n o rs o utside the Ik&vaku family a p p e a r in the d e d ic a ­
tory inscriptions from N a g a r ju n a k o n d a , but rhe m a jo r donors were
clearly th e q u e e n s o f the ffcjvaku family. T h e g reat stupa was p ro b a b ly
b u ilt th ro u g h th eir efforts. T h e ruins at N agarju nako n^la w ere d isco v­
ered in 1926 a n d s u b se q u e n tly yielded m a n y inscripl ions a n d frag m en ts
o f carv ing s. In recent years, however, the K iatna R iv e r has been
d a m m e d below N a g a rju n a k o g d a to p ro d u ce hydroelectric power, s u b ­
m e rg in g the ru in s beneath the w aters o f th e m a n - m a d e N a g a rju n a
Lake. T h e discovery o f a c o n ta in e r said to hold the rem ain s o f N a g a r-
j u n a 's disciple A ry ad ev a was rep o rted from N a ii^ u r a , near N ag a rju n a -
k o nd a, b u t d o u b ts re m a in ab ou t the correct in te rp re ta tio n o f the
inscription.

T h e M a h a y a n a O rd e r and A rch eo logical E v id e n c e

T h e archeological evidence c o n c e rn in g the d ev elo p m en t o f the B uddhist

o rd er aficr the M a u r y a n Empire has b e e n surv eyed in the p reced in g
page*- M o d e rn scholars h ave been p u l l e d , how ever, by th e absence of
Etny inscriptions re g a rd in g the Early M a h a y a n a order. Even th o u g h
m a n y inscriptions referring ro d o n a tio n s to the schools o f N ik ay a B u d ’
d h is m have been found, no sim ilar inscriptions aho ut the Early M a h a ­
y an a o rd e rs hav e been discovered. S o m e scholars have a rg u e d th at the
ab sen ce o f such archeological evidence indicates th at M a h a y a n a o rd ers
did nor exist yet. O th e r scholars have suggested th at M a h a y a n a B u d ­
dhist* w ere p ro b ab ly co n sid ered to be he reties a n d that M a h a y a n a B u d ­
dh ism m ost likely began as an u n d e r g ro u n d m o v em en t su p p ressed by
the m ore established form s o f B ud dh ism . C o n seq u en tly , o p en e x p re s ­
sion o f su p p o rt for M a h a y a n a Buddhism * such as in scriptions, did nor
a p p e a r u ntil later.
T h e te rm " M a h a y a n a " docs not a p p e a r in a n inscription u n til the
seco nd o r th ird c e n tu ry c . e ., yet the d ates at w hich M a h a y a n a texts
w ere translated into C h in ese prove th at M a h a y a n a texts existed in
N o rth In d ia d u rin g the K u s a n a dynasty. (T h e s e earty texts are dis­
cussed in [h r next c h a p te r.) Clearly, the ab sen ce o f M a h a y a n a in scrip­
tions d o c i no[ prove thai M a h a y a n a B uddhism Hid ntil rxi>i( d u r i n g th r
first few c e n tu ries o f th e c o m m o n era.
T h e C h in ese pilgrim F a-hsien, w ho left C h ’a n g -a n for In d ia in 39 9 1
described three typos o f tem ples rhai he found on his jo u rn e y : H in a y a n a
tem p les, M a h a y a n a tem ples, a n d tem ples in which both H in ay an a an d
M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism w ere p racticed. Laler, H s iia n -tsa n g , w ho left
C h in a for In d ia in 629, described In d ia n B u d d h is m in m o re d e i a i f
m e n tio n in g the *Ame th ree lypes o f monasteries-* O f (he tem ples
H s iia n -tsa n g visited, sixty percent were H ln a y a n a , tw en ty -fo u r percen t
w ere M a h a y a n a , a n d fifteen percent were tem p les w here both U lna-
yana a n d M a h a y a n a w ere practiced E ven if H s u a n t s a n ^ s figures for
Ijoih M a h a y a n a a n d m ixed ( H in a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a ) m u n a sttrie s are
c n m h in c d , they total only forty percent. A lthough the M a h a y a n a t r a d i ­
tion w as not ihe d o m in a n t form o f B ud dh ism in In d ia at this tim e, th en,
it was tlt'iirly p resent. Since the descriptions o f In dian B uddhism by
both Fa-hsien and H s iia n -tsa n g generally agree, these acco u n ts p r o b a ­
bly accurately p ortray the state o f In d ia n B u d d h ism Ibr th eir respective
periods. If a significant n u m b e r o f M a h a y a n a lem ples existed by 400
c ■&., when Fa-hsien visited India, it is likely th at at least a Few existed
o n e o r two cen tu ries earlier. T h u s , the absence o f inscriptions co ncern
ing M a h a y a n a o rd e rs from the second a n d th ird cen tu ries is not suffi­
cient evidence to arg ue lhat n o M a h a y a n a o rd er existed at th ai lim e.
M o reo v er, the doctrinal dev elo p m en t o f th e C h in ese tran slatio n s of
early M a h a y a n a texts from the second cen tu ry c . e . discussed in the
next c h a p te r ind icates rhe existence of a M a h a y a n a order.
T h e slate o f M a h a y an a o rd e rs du rin g the first lew cen tu ries oF the
c o m m o n e ra can be investigated from o th e r perspectives. Firsl, the
n a m e s of th e schools o f N ikSya B u d d h ism are not fo u n d in stone
inscriptions until the schools h a d alread y existed for a long tim e. F or
e x am p le, th e schools a re not m e n tio n e d in inscriptions d a tin g from th e
lirst or second c e n tu ry u . c . E, , such as those from SaficT a n d B h arh u t.
N o r are (he schoojs m e n tio n e d in inscriptions from cave-tem ples that
were u p e n e d before the b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n e ra , such as those at
N asik, K a rh , a n d B haja T h e earliest m ention o f a school is fo u n d on
the inscription o f a p illar w ith a lion-capital th ai was discovered at
M a th u r a . T h is inscription records the c o n trib u tio n 0 ( 9 stupa a n d m o n ­
aste ry to the e n tire S arv astiv ad in order. (In other w ord s, the gift was
not lim ited 10 the m o nk s of a p a rtic u la r S arv astiv ad in m onastery.) T h e
M a h a sa h g h ik a School is also m e n tio n e d . T h e n am e of G o v ern o r-
general R a ju la in the inscription has eria bled scholars to date it 10 a p ­
p ro x im ately 10 B-C.E.
 M a th u r a was o p en ed lo B u d d h ism only after B ud d h ism had s p re a d
th ro u g h o u t cen irat India. L a te r, the S arv astiv ad in s w ere active hi
M a th u r a for a considerable period. M a th u r a was the b irth pi art* of
U p a g u p t a , a teacher o f A soka a n d an Im p o rta n t figure in the lineages
recorded in sources from Ihe N o rth ern t radii ion G o nsequ en lly, the dis­
covery o f inscriptions co n cern in g the S a rv a siiv a d m School at M a th uni
is not surprising. T h e d ale o f th e in scrip tion , t h e earliest one m e n tio n ’
ing a school o f N ikaya R u d d h m n , seem s late, h ow ever, p articu larly
w hen it is co n sid ered in light o f t h t schisms th at had alread y occu rred in
B u d d h ism . If the B uddha d ied in 4H4 n c .e t as is c o m m o n ly held by
W estern scholars, th en som e o f ihe later schisms o f N ikaya B u d d h ism
w ould have o ccu rred d u r in g ih r reign o f Asoka, a n d ihe S arvastivadin
School w ould have existed since th e th ird ccn tu ry fc.C.E. 31 U i H a k u ju 's
d ate o f 386 s.c.fc, for ihe B u d d h a ’s d eath is accepted > then the Sarvas-
tiv ad in School w ould hav e existed since the second cen tu ry r c r
W h ic h e v e r d ate is correct, 10 c.E. is su rp rising ly late for the first refer­
ence o f a school o f N ikaya B u d d h ism in an inscription.
T h e situ atio n is .similar w h en inscriptions from n o r th e rn In d ia are
c o n sidered A n inscription Fmm S h m k o t darin g from the tim e o f K tn^
M ilin d a records only the e n s h rin e m e n t o f relics. S im ilar pEissages from
a stupa at D h a r m a r a jik a a n d from a n inscription reco rd ing ihe esta b lish ­
m e n t o f a stupa by a miridarkh (governor) also include no m e n tio n of
schools. T h e earliest inscription from a stupa m e n tio n in g the n a m e o f a
school was found on a copper p laq u e at K a la w a n a n d is d a t e d 77 c .t. Ii
reco rd s the p re se n ta tio n o f a b u ild in g to house a stupa to the Sarvastiva
dio School T h e next earliest inscriptions m e n tio n in g th e n a m e s o f
schools o f N ikaya B u d d h is m d a te from rhe second c e n tu ry o.e, P a r tic u ­
larly fam o us a rc an inscription on a reliq u a ry discovered al the great
stupa o f K an isk a a n d a n o th e r inscrip tion nn a j/J ^ a -s h a p rd Copper reli­
q u a r y Found at K u r r a n r Both inscrip tio ns d a te fro m th e second cen tu ry
a n d r o n r e m d o n a tio n s ro rhe S arv astiv ad in School A sccon d-ccn tury
inscription on a reliquary fo u n d at W a rd a k reco rd s the giff o f a tem ple
to the M a h a s a n g h ik a School. M a n y o th er inscriptions from such places
as M a th u r a , Nasik, Karli* AmaravatT, a n d N ig f ir ju n a k o n d a record
c o n trib u tio n s to the school* o f N ikaya B u d d h is m .1 T h e se inscriptions
d ate from th e second a n d th ird centu ries c . t . H o w ev er, stupas existed at
sites such as Nasik* K arli, a n d BhaU iprolu as early as the second c e n ­
tu ry a.c.R . M a n y inscriptions exist th at reco rd co n trib u tio n s to ihese
stupas, b u t they include no m en tio n o f schools. Io fact, th e n a m e s of
N ikaya schools are m e n tio n e d in only a sm all p ro p o rtio n o f all the
inscriptions.
As has been arg u e d elsew here in this study, B uddhisi stupas originally
w c rf ntii affiliated with the NiJtAya fiuddhi^L orders. In a p p ro x im a te ly
the first c e n tu r y c . t . stupai b elo n g in g to these schools b eg an to ap pear.
H ow ever, ih eir n u m b e r* w ere far fewer th a n those siupns not affiliated
wi(h N ikaya schools. E arly M a h a y a n ists m ight wel] hav e used the stiipas
ill at w ere not affiliated w ith the N ik ay a schools as base* for proselytiz­
ing. T h e do ctrin al reasons for (his state o f affairs a re e x p la in e d in c h a p ­
te r sixteen,
 CHAPTER 15

M ahayana Texts Composed during

the Kusana Dynasty

T hee x a m in a tio n of inscriptions in the previous chapter did not pro­

vide sufficienl evidence to prove that a Mahayana order existed before
the third ccntury o f the common era. However, the inscriptions did
indicate that many stupas were not affiliated with any particular Hina-
yana school. In the next chapter, the people who lived and practiced
their religion around these stupa* will be discussed. In ihis chapter, the
existence of Mahayana texts in northern India at tJst- beginning o f the
common era wi|[ be established.1 Through an investigation of the con­
tents of those texts, the nature of Mahay ana Buddhism at the beginning
of the common era will be determined. Since Mahayana siiiras claim to
tie (he words of (he Buddha, the date and circumstances of their emer­
gence c a n n o t be d e te rm in e d directly from statem en ts in th e sutras t h e m ­
selves. H o w ev er, this p ro b le m can be e x a m in e d by w o rkin g b ackw ard
from d a te d C h in ese tran slatio n s o f early M a h a y a n a [fKts.

T h e T ra n s la tio n s o f L o k a k sc n ia

A cco rd in g to a fam ous leg en d , the first tra n sm issio n o f B u d d h is m to

C h in a o ccu rred w h en E m p e r o r M in g (r. 5 7 -7 5 ) of th e L a te r H a n
d re a m e d a b o u t a golden m att. W h e n he sub seq u en tly sent em issaries to
the U ig h u rs to in q u ire abo ut ihe d r e a m in 67 q . l . , they re tu rn e d to Lo-
y an g with two m issionaries, C h i a ’shc’m o -t'e n g (K asy ap a M atarig a?)
a n d C h u Fa-lan ( D h a r m a r a in a ? ) . T h e s e two m e n a re said to have
translated a test into C h in e s e under the title o f Sfu-thih-trk thong cfung
 (Siitra in Forty-two Sections, T 784). A n e x a m in a tio n o f this w o r k h h o w ­
ever. reveals that it is co m p o se d of excerpt a from sutrm th at were
translated at a later date. C onsequently, th e legend o f E m p e r o r M in g 's
d r e a m c a n n o t be recognized as fact.
A lthough the first tran sm ission s of B uddhism ty C h in a p ro b ab ly did
o c c u r a r o u n d rhe b e g in n in g o f th e c o m m o n era, B u dd hist w orks w ere
not tra n sla te d into C h in ese until a p p ro x im a te ly one cen tu ry later. D u r ­
ing th e reigns o f E m p e ro rs H u a n (r. 146-367) a n d L in g (r 167-189),
the P a rth ia n m o n k A n S h ih-kao cam e to C h i n a a n d tra n sla te d thirty-
fo u r H m ay an a works in forty fastielqs includ ing the An-pan sfiou-i ching
(7 602). Shortly afterw ard , C h ih L o u -c h ia -c h ’an (L o k ak sem a?), a
m onk ol Kusairta, c a m e to C h in a Hud tra n sla te d fourteen w orks in
twenty-s.even fascicles, inclu din g the Iha-hiing pan-jo c h in g { T 2 2 ^ r A$ta-
sdhamkd-PP*). A lthough several scholarly p ro b le m s e?cisi co n cern in g
the w orks he ira n sla te d , n n x lc rn *rholars agree that twelve o f the fo u r­
teen w orks Lokak^cm a is said to have tra n sla te d are a u th e n tic .5 Loka-
k sem a was actively e n g a g e d in t r a n s i t i o n d u rin g the K o a n g -h o (178-
'i) a n d C h u n g k i n g (184- 15J8) eras. S ince he arriv e d in C h in a earher,
[he original tests on wtuch his tra n s la u o n s w ere b ased can be [raced to
the Kuga^ia em p ire so m eiim e before 150 c,E. D e te r m in in g how far
before 150 u.E, the texts can be d a te d rem ain s a difficult p ro b le m .
A m o n g the w orks translated by L n k a k ;c m a are (he Tba-fuittg pan-jo
ih mg ( T 224, 10 lasc., A sittsdhasrtka-PP*), Pun-(hou san-met chmg ( 7 ’ 4 1H?,
1 fasc. „ HhadyapultlSuird] , iWoiJ-frFT^-yrFi nan met thing (not e x tan t, 2 fasc.,
Surarrmma^amddhistittm), Ttm-then-i*o-io thing { T 624, 3 fasc., Drumakin
nararajaphjripmtha # )t A-she-shih-wang dtmg ( 7 ’ 626, 2 fasc,, Ajafaiatrukavkr-
(yavinodanti#), a n d A~nh ^u-jo-kuo thing ( T 313, 2 fuse., Aksohhyatatkdgata-
syaiyuha#).
T h e Tafchsingpan-p thing h a tran slation o f rhe A^tosdhasnka-PP (Prr-
factioni o f PYtsdom in 8 ,0 0 0 Linei). T h e co n ten ts o f L u kak setn a's i ran si a-
[ion a re alm ost identical (o (he Contents o f K u m a ra jfv a 's tran slation of
the Ptrftetion o f Wisdom in 8 ,0 0 0 Lines (7" 227). completed in 108. T h u s
by I.ukakscma'-'i limit (hth Perfection o f Wisdom tn 8 ,0 0 0 I.w ei h a d alread y
assum etl its final form. T h e Tao-hstng thing s length o f ten fascicles an d
its o rg a n isa tio n in to th irty ch ap ters suggest th at the Endian text had a
lo n g history before it reach ed rhe length a n d Format found in Lnkflkse-
m a ’s translation , T h e final three ch ap ters (on [he bodhisatcva S ada-
p r a ru d ila and o th e r topics) w ere the last to be com piled. T h e y include
passages co n cern in g th e m a k in g o f B u dd ha im ages and th u s m u st hav e
been co m po sed so m etim e d u r in g o r after ih e last h a lf o f th e first c e n tu ry
t i . t . , w hen im ages o f the B u d d h a first a p p e a re d . T h e first tw enty-seven
c h a p te rs a re older, b u t these chapters w ere not all co m p o se d at the sam e
 lim e, since earlier a n d later p ortion s o f ihe text can b e disting uish ed.
T h e twi'nly-fiflh c h a p te r co n cern s the tra n sm issio n o f the text to later
gen eratio ns a n d p ro b ab ly m a rk e d the e n d o f the lest at o n e tim e. T h e
tw enty*sixth acid tw en ty -sev en th ch ap ters w ere added to the te s t later;
ihcy co n cern such topics as the a p p e a ra n c e o f A k jn b h y a B u d d h a a n d his
B uddha-H eld. O f the first tw enty-five chapters* the first, HlT tie Practice
ol the W a y ” (T ao -h sin g ), is the oldest. T h e co m p ilatio n o f the text was
obviously a com plicated process th a t o ccu rred in fi series o f stages- T h e
earliest version of it was probably com posed s o m e tim e bclw cen 100
B.c.F.. a n d 5ft c . e .
T h e sixteenth c h a p te r o f the Tao-hsing ching includes teachin gs from
Ih r bod hisattv a M a itre y a a n d a discussion o f A k ^ ib liy a's Buddha-field
In the tw enty -fo urth ch ap ter, A kjo b h y a B u d d h a 's p erfo rm a n c e of
bo dh isattva practices in past lives is discusscd. T h e se topics arc also
found in [he A*ch 'u-fo-kuo eking ( T 313, Akfobhyatathagatasyavyuha#),
tra n sla te d by L okak^em a. C onsequently, the earliest version o f the
Ak5Qbhyatathdgatasyauyuha was probably com p osed earlier t h a n 50 c k_,
before the sixteenth a n d tw e n ty -fo u rth ch ap ters o f [he 'Jav-hsiitg thing
w ere co m po sed,
L ok akg cm a's translatio n o f th e SuTangamasamddhtsuUa is not ex tan t
H ow ev er, its co n ten ts can be dcd uced from K u m a r a j iv a hs translatio n of
the stitta (Tf> 42). T h is sfiira co n cern s th e p o w er o f an intense m ed itatio n
th at form s the basis o f a b o d h is a ttv a ’s practices. W ith the help o f this
m e d ita tio n , a p ractitio n er can m ak e sub stan tial progress in his cultiva­
tion o f the six perfections. T h e im p o rta n t role o f the six perfections in
the sutro indicates th at the text is closely related to (he perfection o f w is­
d o m j utrat. T h e concert! with th e p ro g ressio n o f th e stages o f p racticc
su gg ests a connection w ith the DasabhHtnikttiiHra, a text that relates the
stages o f practice on the b o d h isattv a p ath . In fact, the te rm “fhih-li “
(ten stages o r dasebhvmi) a p p e a r s in K.uinarajiva s translation o f the S$~
Tarigamasamddhiiutra. T h e descriptions o f th e p o w er o f the surangtfwa c o n ­
cen tratio n prohably arose from reflections on the w illpower a n d self-
aw aren ess required oJ the men who perform ed bodhisattva praetices.
T h e b o d h isattv a Manju&rf was a personification o f th e ideal figure w hu
h a d m a ste re d such religious practices. C o n seq u en tly , the practices p e r­
formed by M a n ju s ri in times past are described in th e stitm T h e Su
TangamasQmadhisiHtQ reveals th at the M a h a y a n a b o d h isattv a viewed his
p ractice as bein g distinct from thai of the H in a y a n a p ractitio ners. T h e
Surarigarttasaniddhistllra is o n e o f the most fu n d a m e n ta l early M a h a y a n a
suiros. L o k a k fem a's tran slation indicates lhat ii existed in n o n h ern
I n d ia in th e first cen tu ry c .e .
T h e lou-sha thing (7*280) is related to the Avatarjuakasiilra. Since the
DasQbhvmikaiuirfl, a n o th e r text closely co n n ected 10 th e Ai'atarnsakosutra,
is q u o te d in (he ^«fonganmsom^dhis&ra, early versions o f a iu lin b er of
j y f r ^ related to the Atsatamsakasulra m ust have existed before ihe drst
century c .e .
T h e Bhadrapdiaiutra ( T 418, Pan-chon s a n m ii thing) ^ tran slated by
l.tokakfema, co n cern s m e d ita tio n s leading to visual tu itio n s o f the B u d ­
d h a . T h e se m ed itatio ns h e r e closely related to belief in the B uddha
A m ita b h a . A lthough L okak^em a did not tran slate the ' ‘S m a lle r"
Sukhdvatfaydha, his tran slatio n o f die Bhadrapdlatdtra indicates that beliefs
co n cern in g A m ita b h a B u d d h a w ere alread y presen t in In d ia d u r in g the
K u$ana dynasty. C o nseq uen tly , ihe earliest versions o f the sdtrai co n ­
cern ini; A m itabhtt p ro b ab ly existed before the first c e n tu ry C . E . H o w ­
ever, th e ex tan t versions of the “ L a r g e r " a n d ''S m a l l e r ” Sukhdvaiiiyuhaj
were co m p iled later. A visualization exercise using a n im age o f the B u d ­
d h a iff described in L o k a k ^ e m a ’s translatio n o f the BhadrapalasiUra, in d i­
cating th at the version o f th e sutra Lokakgerna tra n sla te d was probably
com piled after rhe last h a lf o f ih e first cen tu ry c . e ., w h en im ages o f the
B u d d h a first a p p e a re d . H o w ev er, a n im age o f the B u d d h a is not an
ind ispensab le re q u irem en t for visualisation s o f the B u d d h a . In fact,
visualisation s o f the B u d d h a m ight have d ev eloped first, w ith early
sculptu res o f the B u d d h a developing afterw ard on the basis o f those
visualizations. T h e earliest version o f the fihadrapdlosutra m ight have
a n te d a te d the a p p e a ra n c e of im ages o f the B uddha.
T h e Drumakirtnararajapariprccha ( T 624, 7'un-chtn-t'o-b thing), tra n s ­
lated by L o k ak $ em an co n tain s a detailed th irty -tw o -p a rt ex p lan atio n of
th r sis perfections. A cco rd in g to the sutra, th e p p e t i t i o n e r can realize
m a n y of ih e m ore ad v an ced stages on the p ath to e n lig h te n m e n t
th ro u g h the six perfections. A m o n g the benefits that m ay accru e to the
diligent p ra c titio n e r are the realization of th e stage o f acquiescence to
the tru th th at dfiatynas a re on p ro d uced (anuipatiika'dhartnn'ksdali), the
a tta in m e n t o f th e stage from which no back slid ing o ccu rs faeitrartikaj,
progression th ro ug h the ten stages (dasabhumi), a n d n e a rin g e n lig h te n ­
m e n t. T h e con cep t uf expedient teachings (updya) is aiso explained. T h is
stitta is closely related to such w orks as the perfection o f wisdom sutras,
ibe DasabhumikajfitTat a n d \.\\C Surangamasamiidhiiulra.
Lokakpem a's tra n sla tio n o f the Ajdtasatrukaukrtyavinodana ( T 626 h A-
sht'shih-w<tn& thing) co n tain s a s e rm o n the B u d d h a is said to have
p reach ed to K in g Aj&taiaftru w h en th e k in g was feeling deeply rem o rse­
ful because he h a d killed his f a th e r T h e B u d d h a explains that e v e ry ­
th in g arises from the m in d . T h e m in d , how ever, is not a substantial
e n tity that t a n be grasped] it i* empty, N evertheless, th e basic n a tu i e of
(he minH is purity ; it c an n o t be tainted by defilem ents. T h u s , the m ajo r
rhem e o f rhis sutra is ihat the basic n a tu r e o f th e m ind is originally p u re,
a teach ing th at w ould later develop in to T a th a g a ta g a rb h a d o ctrin e an d
form an im p o rta n t lype o f M a h a y a n a th o u g h t. In connection will) this
reaching, th e sutra includes an acco un t of how M a n ju £ ri h a d practiced
religion! austerities in past ages, co m pleting all the practices necessary
to attain B u d d h ah o o d long ago. All B u d d h a s a n d b o d lnsattvas have
practiced u n d e r M aiiju£r71s g u id an ce. E ven S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a , when
he was a b o d h isattv a, practiced u n d e r M an ju srf. In fact, ac c o rd in g to a
fam ous passage in the Fang-po ching (7*629), a partial tra n slatio n o f th e
Ajaiasatrukaukrtyavinodana, M a n ju s r i was the original teacher o f Salt y a ­
rn uni. T h u s M a n ju s r i is called " th e m o th e r a n d father o f those on the
B u d d h a 's p a t h ” (7" 15:451a), M a n ju s ri ii a personification o f the wis­
d o m pro d u ced th ro ug h e n lig h te n m e n t, w isdo m rhar is b ased on the
original p u re n a tu r e o f the m in d . M a n j u i n a n d M a itr e y a are tw o o f the
earliest Im dhisattva? to a p p e a r in M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , a n d the Ajdto*
xatrviauhtyavwedfirw is a n im p o rta n t text for in vestigating th e origins of
these b o d lm a ttv a s.
T h e Kdfyapaparwarta* ( 7 '3 5 0 J / jih-mQ ni-paa ching), tra n sla te d by Lo^
k ak sem a, describes the practices o f bod hisattvas by a rra n g in g th e m inio
g r o u p s each com p osed o f four dk&m.at T h is exposition is followed by a
lisi o f th irty-tw o qualities a b o d h isattv a m ust possess. T h e sutra is thus
p rim a rily co n cern ed with b o d h isattv a practices a n d includes an early
exam ple of b o d h isattv a precepts. T h e siiim is one o f the oldest in clud ed
in the Maharetnakiitci collections o f C o nsequently, early versions o f
th e Ratnaktita m u st have existed by *hc first c e n tu ry c .e .
In co nclu sio n, a survey u f the w o r ts tra n sla te d by L o kak ^em a reveals
th at by the first cen tu ry c . e . scriptures co n cern in g the following
M a h a y a n a topics existed in n o rth e rn In dia: perfection o f w isdom ,
Ak^obhyn B u d d h a , the d o ctrin e s o f the Atmtamsakaiutra, A m ita b h a Bud*
d h a , the iumngama-samddhi, visualizations o f the B u d d h a such as the pm-
Ijutpanna-samadhi, teachin gs co n cern in g M afiju sri, (he do ctrin e th at the
original n a tu re o f the m in d is p u re , a n d th e teachin gs th a t typify rhe
Mahdtatnaku/n collection o f Ittltar* Lokak$em a did not tran slate an y
works related ro th e L$(us sutra (Saddharmapurifawho); but surveys of
I-okak^em a’s tran slatio n s reveal rhar rep resen tativ e works o f the oth er
Significant varieties o f M a h a y a n a lite ra tu re w ere found in n o rth e rn
In d ia b y the first c e n tu ry c .e .
D u rin g th e reign o f E tn p e ro r Ling (1 6 8 -1 8 9 ), at the s a m e tim e that
L nkak$em a was active, Yen F o-r’iao an d An H sfian w ere t ran si a ling th e
Ugrodattapanprcchd { T 3 2 2 1 Fetching ching), a s&tra b elon gin g to the
Mahdrainakufo g ro u p , C h ih Yao, K 'a u g M e n g -h sia n g , a n d W ei-chi-nan
w ere also Iran slating w orks at this lim e. L a (c rs betw een a p p ro x im a te ly
222 a n d 2 r>3, C h ih C h 'i c n tra n slated works s u t h as the Vimalakirtinir-
deia Me is crcditcil w ith the tran slation o f thirty-six works totaling
forty-eight fascicles. T h e w orks translated by C h ih C h Tien probably
were noi all com piled in In d ia betw een L o k a k scm a’s tim e a n d his; sonic
o f th em p ro b ab ly existed before L o k a k se m a 's tim e. T h u s by the end nf
ihe lir^c c e n tu ry C ,e ., M a h a y a n a Buddhist thought in n o r th e rn Ind ia
existed in m a n y varieties T h e first versions o f the p erfection o f w isdom
sutTiis a n d texts co ncerning A k jo b h y a B u d d h a w ere p ro b a b ly com piled
t v e n earlier a n d d a te back to before the c o m m o n era

T h e Earliest M a h a y a n a Scriptures

A ]ihough L o k a k jc m a ’s tra n sla tio n s tncludc the earliesi extant M a h a ­

yan a s c rip tu res, texts a n te d a tin g those tra n sla tio n s m u st h av e existed.
S u c h tests arc q u o lc d in I jok a k^em a 1s tran slatio n fhc / ith~nw~ttt~fnnt
(hing ( T 350, Kaijapaparivarta"), in which a bm lhisattva is advised to
s tu d y both the Liu p o-h-m i chmg {$dipammitei Sutra on the Six Perfec*
lions) anti th e P'u sa-tsang thing (Bodhisattvapitaka). Since these last two
lufraj a re cited itj the / jib'm o-m -pao thing\ they m ust hav e been com piled
before it. In ad d itio n , in rhe F ashing thing ( T Ugfadatiapanpmho),
translated by Yen F o ^ i a o a n d A n H siian in Ifll, p ractitioners are
advised io chant the San-fi rin thmg ( Tnfkandhaka) six lim es every twenty-
lo u r-h o u r period. Since the Triskandkaka is cited in the Fa-thitig thing it
m ust an ted ate the Fa-chmg thing Since the f jih-jnt)-m-pQi} thing a n d [he
Fa-thing thing w ere com piled by the e n d o f the first cen tu ry c . e , , the
three M a h a y a n a texts cited in them probably daic back to s o m e tim e
before the b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n e r a . 5
A m o n g the sutra* tra n sla te d by C h ih C h ’icn is ih e Fa a-m i-i'o ching ( T
362 , SukhavaiivyufiQ*), com pleted som etim e b etw een 223 a n d 252, I'wo
ol the earliesi M a h a y a n a sutras, the Tao-ehih ta-thirtg and ihe Liu po-to-mi
thing, are cited in th e Ta a -u ii-t^ thing. T h e Liu po-lo-mt thing (Sat-
pdramitd) cited in the Ta a -m t-i’o thing ls p ro h ah ly th e sam e work referred
to in the Ijih -m o m-pao thmg. U nfortunately, n o th in g is know n a b o m the
Tao-chih ta-ching.
I n Conclusion, ihe sutras tran slated by L okak^em a a n d C h ih C h ’ten
w ere not the first M a h a y a n a sutras. R ath er, ihcse tra n sla tio n s clearly
reveal the existence o f an ev en earlier g ro u p o f M a h a y a n a scriptures
I he e m erg en ce o f the very first M a h a y a n a scrip tures can thus be placed
in the first c e n tu ry b .c .e .
 A c c o rd in g to (he following passage from the 7ao-hsing pan-p jftung (7
224), the perfection o f wisdom sutral first arose in S o u th In d ia . " A fte r
the B u d d h a 's d e a t h t the perfection of w isdom s p re a d tn the south. F rom
rhe south it sprcftd to the west, an d from fhe west ro the n o r th " ( T
B:44Ga“ b). S im ilar passages in d ic a tin g that the perfection o f w isdo m lit­
e r a tu r e had its origins in th r south an: found in th e 7a -p Vh pan -jo chi ng
(7 * $ ;3 i7 b ) a n d ihe Htiao-p lutpan-jo thing ( T 8:555a).
S u c h passages by them selves do not pro vid e conclusive evidence that
th e perfection o f w isdom literatu re cam e from rhe sourh; hut o th er evi­
dence does suggest th at M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism flourished in S o u th In d ia
at a n early date. A fter (he prajAdpdrtimitd literatu re h a d a p p e a re d ,
N a g a rju n a is said to have lived at SiTparvata o r B rahtn arag iri in S ou th
In d ia a n d 10 hav e received the p a tro n a g e o f the S a ta v a h a n a royaJ fam ­
ily. An inscription has been found in d icatin g th at S rip a rv a ta was at
N a g a r ju n a k o n d a . A m o n g the disputes discussed in the T h e r a v a d a w ork
Kathdvatthu arc several identified by B u d d h ag h n sa in his c o m m e n ta ry
involving positions m a in ta in e d by a Vetulvafca School, w hich he called
the M n h a s u n n a ta v a d in School {TheDebates Commentary, bk. I 7 h nhap. 6 -
10). [ he a d h e re n ts o f this school m ay have b een advocates n f pTajn&
pdramitd positions. T h e Kothdvatthu co n tain s detailed in fo rm a tio n a b o u t
B u d d h ism in rhe south, b u t it is m u ch less co m p lete in its p resen tatio n
o f the d o ctrin e s o f the n o r th e rn schools, such as the S arv astiv ad in s.
C o nsequ ently, the inclusion o f M ah asu rm atav ad itf positions in [his tc*t
m ay indicate ihai the M a h a s u n n a ta v a d m School was from Souih In d ia ,
A cco rd in g to the Sri T.ankan chronicles, K in g G o jh a b a y a expelled th e
V etu ly ak a m on ks from Sri L a n k a in the third c e n tu ry iC.B.
A cco rd in g to t h e / t i ja-chuh p ’in (Gaft^avyuha) c h a p te r o f the Hua-ytn
ching ( T 9 : 697c; 10:332ch 677a, Avatar^sakasutra), w hen M a n ju s r i left the
B u d d h a at Sravastly he (raveled to the south. T h e re he Jived at a large
caitya to the cast o f D h a n y a k a r a (C h iie h -e h 'e n g ), a place th at m a y c o r r e ­
spond to D h a n y a k a ia k a . A m o n g M a n ju s r i’s m a n y believers was a
youth n a m e d S u d h a n a . A ccording to the Garttfavyuha, S u d h a n a went on
a long jo u rn e y to h e a r the D h a r m a an d visited A valok itesv arah w ho was
stayin g on M o u n t K u an g * m in g (Pntalaka?) m S o u th In d ia ( T 9:7 I 7c).
T h e Cand&vyitha is thus closely related to B u d d h ism in S o u th India. In
a d d itio n , m a n y o f the stories a b o u t M a n ju ir i concern S o u th India,
T h e above evidence suggesis th at m a n y Early M a h a y a n a scriptures
o rig in a te d in S o u th In d ia . A n investigation o f inscriptions from S o u th
In d ia reveajs th at the schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism in the M a h a s a n g h ik a
lineage w ere also p ro m in e n t in South In d ia . A lthough ihcse inscriptions
d a te from ih e sccond c c n tu ry c . E, an d later, these schools m u s t certain ly
have been p resent [n South In d ia before (he second c e n t u r y c . e . O n the
basis of such ev id en ce, to m e scholars have a rg u e d that M a h a y a n a Bud
d hism m ight have d ev eloped out o f the M ah asarig hik a School. In fact^
som e c o n n e c tio n seem s to hav e existed b etw een the tw o forms o f B u d ­
d hism . H o w ever, since the d o ctrin es o f the M ah a sa h ^ h ik ii School an d
the schools lhai split of! from it (such as (he Purvtisaila, U it a rasa LIa r anti
C a iitk a ) a re not clearly known* the similarities betw een M a h a y a n a
B u d d h is m a n d the schools in the M ah asarig h ik a linkage c an n o t he.
d e te rm in e d w ith precision.

T h e S ig n ific a n c e o f P re d ictio n s about the Rise of M a h a y a n a

d u r in g the “ L a t t e r F iv e H u n d r e d Y e ars*’

T h e th o u sa n d years following the B u d d h a ’s death a re often divided inlo

iwo liv e -h u n d re d -y e a r periods in B uddhist texts. S ta te m e n ts abo u t the
decline o f th e (rue teaching d u rin g rhe la tte r five h u n d r e d years occur
freq uently in M a h a y a n a texts. T h e ph rase “ latter five h u n d r e d years*'
is c o n tra ste d w ith the " fo r m e r five h u n d re d y e a r s / 1 the first five h u n ­
d r e d years after the Build h a ’s d e a th . A cco rd in g to the stories in ihe
Vinaya a b o u t th e fo u n d in g o f the o r d e r of n u n s , w hen S a k y a m u n i B u d ­
d h a first a d m itte d w o m en to the B uddhist o rd e r, he stated that his
leachin g shuu)d last a th o u sa n d years; t h t ad m issio n o f n u n s to the
o rd e r, how ever, w ould shorten rhe period to five h u n d r e d years C o n s e ­
quently, the tru e teachin g was expected to flourish d u r in g the form er
five h u n d r e d y e a r s Hbin to decline d u rin g the latter fivtf h u n d r e d years
M a h a y a n a texts siress that the tru e reaching h a d ro be carefully g u a rd e d
a n d m a in ta in e d d u rin g the la tte r five h u n d r e d years. T h e presence uf
such w ords in M a h a y a n a texts suggests that these texts w ere co m posed
s o m e tim e la te r th an five h u n d r e d years afrer th e B u d d h a 's deaih.
Early M a h a y a n a texts d a te from the first c e n tu ry n.c.fc. If the B u d ­
d h a died in 484 h . c . e ,, th en “ the fo rm er five h u n d r e d y e a r s ” w ould
have elapsed in the first c e n tu ry C.E. If the B u d d h a d ied in 3St> b .C. e . r
ih en ihe “former five hundred y e a rs " would have elap sed in the second
c e n tu ry c . e . T h e se dates m u st be reconciled with the evidence su g g est­
ing th at M a h a y a n a texts began a p p e a rin g in th e first c e n tu ry b .c .k .
T h e M a h a y a n a texts th at include statem en ts abo ut the latter five
h u n d r e d years a re usually later texts o r late recensions o f early texts.
F o r ex am p le, studies o f perfection of wisdom lite ra tu re reveal example*
o f Such statem en ts in K u i n a r a j l v a fs translation o f (he Aptasdha\rikd- PP
(7'4:5J>5c), w hich w as com p leted in 403, but not in the earlier t ran si a-
lion of ihis sutra by Lokak$em a d a ie d 179 ( 7 ’ 224). O f the tra n sla tio n s
o f PanML'imsatisdhasrikd-PP these statem en ts a p p e a r in H s iia n - ts a n g ’s
cran slat ion ( 7 ‘ 7 : j 9 4 b n 009a), d a te d betw een G£9 a n d G53, but nut in the
tran slatio n s by M ok?ala (7*221), co m pleted in 2$ I, o r by KumftrajTva
( 7 ' ‘2 23), com pleted in 404. C onsequently, s ta te m e n ts c o n c e rn in g [lie
la tte r five h u n d r e d years w ere p ro b ab ly not int-luded m th r earlies! v e r­
sions o f M a h a y a n a sutras b u t w ere a d d e d iater. T h e Figure o f live h u n ­
d re d years after the B u d d h a 's d eath can n o t be used to d e te r m in e the
d are o f th e First ap p e a ra n c e o f M a h a y a n a sc rip tu re s*
S tu d ies co n cern in g the history o f the tran slatio n o f Buddhist scrip­
tu re s im o C h in ese reveal th at a variety o f M a h a y a n a scriptures w as cir-
c a lm in g in In d ia d u r in g ihe Kusat.ui d y nasty in rhe lirsi cen tu ry c .e , If
serip tures exisicd at this tim e, th en a u th o rs a n d believers inusi also have
been present. T h e s e early believers m ust have p u t M a h a y a n a teachings
inio practice a n d cultivated the sis perfections a n d the SiittingamQ*
semadhi. Places for practice m u st have been established. Because te a c h ­
ings w ere tra n sm itte d From te a c h e r to d lscip let o rd e rs m ust have
form ed T h e e.xisiencr o f such im tiltitfanfl can easily l>c im ag in ed in
first-century In d ia .
 CH APTER 16

The Origins of bAahayana

M a h a y a n a and H i n a y a n a

T h e t e r m “ M a h a y a n a " is usually tra n sla te d as “ G re a t Vehicle’f a n d

the term “ H i n a y a n a '' as " S m all Vehicle." T h e original m e a n in g o f th e
elem en t hi'na in the term u H i n a y a n a " is " d i s c a r d e d " ; it also denote*
in fe rio r” o r “ b ase.” T h e ap pellation " H i n a y a n a " thus was a d e p r e c a ­
tory term used by M a h a y a n a p ractitio n ers lo refer to N ik ay a (S ectar­
ian) B uddhism . Nr) Buddhist groups ev er referred to ihenisetvcs as
H ln ay an ists.
It is u n c le a r w h eth er M a h a y a n ists referred to the w hole of N ikaya
TCuddhism as H i n a y a n a o r only 10 a specific group. T h e a rg u m e n ts of
the Ta-chih-tu iun ( T 1509, MahdfaqitiiparamitopadtiQ) a re p rim arily
d irected ag ain st the V aibhasikas o f (he S arv astiv ad in School. T h e Sar-
vasttvadins w ere viewed as H ln a y a n is ts in this a n d m a n y o th e r M a h a ­
yana tests. U n fo rtu n ately , it is not know n w h eth er the te rm +JH7na-
y a n a ” in M a h a y a n a scriptu res also referred to lhe T h e r a v a d in s an d
M ah asarig h ikas.
In his travel diary, the C h in ese Buddhist pilgrim F a-h sicn (d. 423?)
divided ihe areas w h ere In d ia n B ud dh ism was practiced inio th ree c a te ­
gories (Fo-kuo (hi, 7’ 208Ji( Record o j Buddhist Lands): M a h a y a n a , H in a -
y a n a f a n d m ixed ( H i n a y a n a a n d M sihiiyana practiced to g eth er in the
sa m e area). A c o m p a riso n o f Fa-hsicn s travel d iary to that o f a n o th e r
C h in ese pilgrim , H su a n -rs a n g (60 0-66 4), Hsi-yu chi (7'20fl7, A Record of
Travels to Western Regions)t clearly indicates that F a-hsien used the term
MH i n a y a n a " to refer lo all of th e schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism . H siian -
 tsa n g u n d e rsto o d In d ia n B u d d h ism in a p p ro x im a te ly the sam e m a n n e r
H s iia n -tsa n g placed the epithet ^ H i n a y a n a ” in front o f th e n a m e s of
certain schools, such as ihe S a rv a stiv a d in , S a m m a tiy a , a n d L ok ottara-
v ad in. In o th er cases, he noted that the people o f an urea were H ln a-
yan a Buddhists o r that they followed H in a y a n a teachings, b g l he did
not d e s ig n a te the n a m e o f [heir school. W h e n he discussed the tw o areas
w h ere he found T h e ra v a d in a an d the th ree places w here he found
M ah asarig h ik as, he used only the nam e o f the school w ithout the epithet
" H i n a y a n a . 1' 1 T h is difference is p ro b ab ly not significant. H ow ever,
w h en he discussed the five areas where he fo u n d groups associated with
th e Sri L a n k a n T h e r a v a d a School, he referred to them as ,l M a h a y a n a
T h e r a v a d in s .” ’ T h e A b h a y a g iri sect o f th e T h e r a v a d a School th at was
influential in Sri Lankti at this tim e seem s to have ad o p ted m an y
M a h a y a n a teachings. L a te r h it was expelled from Sri L a n k a by ihe
M a h a v ih a r a seer, w hich d o m in a te s Sri L a n k a n B u d d h ism today. T h e
su rviv ing c o m m e n ta rie s (AtthaAatha) o f the M a h a v ih a r a sect, when
closely e x a m in e d , in clu d e a n u m b e r o f positions (hat agree wilh
M a h a y a n a teachings, C o n seq u en tly , H s u a n - ts a n g referred to the Sri
L a n k a n T h e r a v a d a School as “ the M a h a y a n a T h e r a v a d a S cho ol,”
T h u s , H s u a n -ts a n g did not regard all sects o f N ikay a B u d d h is m as
H in a y a n a . H ow ever, he re g a rd e d th e L o k o u a ra v a d in w e t, w hich is uf
M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage, as H i n a y a n a despite the m a n y M a h a y a n a ele-
m e m s found in the L o k o tiarav ad in b io g ra p h y o f the R u d d h a , the
MahavaStu.
H i n a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism a rc not so clearly disting uished
in I-c h in g ’s (6 3 5 -7 13 ) travel diary, th e Nan-hai chi-kutt nti-fu thuan [ T
2125, A Rec&rd o j Buddhism in Indie and ih t M alay Archipelago). I-ching
o bserved no significant differences in the life styles o f H i n a y a n a an d
M a h a y a n a m onks. Both followed the vinaya, w ere expected to use three
robes arid a begging bow l, a n d based th eir p ractice on the F o u r Noble
T ru th s , I chin g noted th at " th o s e w ho paid h o m a g e to b od hisattvas an d
read M a h a y a n a sutras" w ere M a h a y a n a p ractitio n ers, while those w ho
did not do so w ere H in a y a n a . O n ly the M a d h y a m ik a a n d Yogacara
schools w ere consistently referred to as M a h a y a n a . 3 I-chin g spent most
o f his tim e at the large m o n a s te ry al N aland a in central India. His use
o f the te rm s " H i n a y a n a " a n d " M a h a y a n a ” m ay in dicate th at the d iv i­
sions betw een the two types o f B u d d h ism w ere not very clearly observed
at N a la n d a in the seventh century,
H s iia n -tsa n g a n d I-ching traveled in In d ia w hen M a h a y a n a B u d ­
d hism was in its m idd le period. T h e ir w ritings, consequently, do not
describe E arly M a h a y a n a B u dd hism , H o w ever, in general, the te rm
“ H In ay i n a ” was mosi often ap p lied to the S arv astiv ad in School.
 T h e te rm s " S r a v a k a y a n a " (vehicle o f the listener) a n d " B o Ihisattva-
y a n a " (vehicle o f the b o d h isattv a) are ev en o ld er th a n the te rm s
“ H i n a y a n a " a n d " M a h a y a n a . ” H in a y a n a was ev en tu ally su b stitu ted
for S ra v a k a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a for B o dh isattyayan a. S ra v a k a y a n a was
p ro b ab ly used to refer to N ik ay a B ud dh ism in general.

T h e M ean in g o f H in a y a n a and M a h a y a n a

T h e d e m e n t ydna in ihe term s “ H i n a y a n a ” a n d “ M a h a y a n a ” literally

m e a n s “ v e h ic le /' a n d it refers to B uddhist d o ctrin e . By p racticin g in
accord an ce w ith do ctrin e , a person could cross the riv e r o f cyclic exis­
tence, traveling from the s h o r t th at rep resen ted ih r realm o f delusion tu
th e o th e r shore, w hich re p resen ted the realm o f e n lig h te n m e n t Doc-
trin e was c o m p a re d to a vehicle lhai w ould take the p ra c titio n e r to sal-
vation .
T h e differences betw een H in a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a d o ctrin e are
many. Bui the m a jo r difference, at least a c c o rd in g to the M a h a y a n a tra-
ditiun , lies in the a ttitu d e s o f each tow ard the salvation o f others. T h e
M a h £ y a n a trad itio n m a in ta in s that a person m u st save him self by sa v ­
ing others. T h e M a h a y a n a descriptions o f religious p racticc as th e six
perfections (paramitd) illustrate hem a person could benefit him self only
by h elp ing others. T h e se doctrines reflected a view o f the w orld based
on the teaching o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n .
In c o n tra st, a c c o rd in g to S arv astiv ad in a n d T h e r a v a d in do ctrin e , the
goal o f p r a a i c e was to a tta in salvation for oneself by cu ttin g off all
defilem ents. O n c e salvation had been a tta in e d , the p ra c titio n e r h ad
accom plished all lhai was to be d o n e an d e n te re d qm upa. S a v in g o th ers
was not a necessary re q u ire m e n t for th e co m p le tio n o f p racticc. Even
a fter e n lig h te n m e n t h a d been attain ed , h elp in g others was not req u ired .
S r a v a k a y a n a B ud d h ism was som etim es called “ B uddhism for d iscip les'1
because it co uld be m a ste re d by p racticin g u n d e r qualified teachers.
T h e p ra c titio n e r was not r e q u ire d to progress from bein g s tu d e n t to
teacher. T h e term "srduaka,>r w hich m e a n s “ liste n e r" o r " o n e w ho
s tu d ie s ,” also reflects these qualities. T h is lack o f social co n cern is p r o b ­
ably related to the u n d e r s ta n d in g o f the d o ctrin e o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a*
lion professed by m a n y o f the schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism . F o r th e m ,
D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n referred to the in tera ctio n o f discrete entities,
each with its o w n n a tu re .
W ith in the S ra v a k a y a n a tra d itio n , teachin gs w ere tra n sm itte d from
te a c h e r to disciple. P re a c h ih g the D h a r m a a n d teach in g w ere practices
p e rfo rm e d by m o n k s. Because S ra v a k a y a n a doctrines did not req u ire
 m o n k s to help o th ers as an integral part o f th eir p r a c t i c e how ever, these
doctrines w ere co n sidered " H i n a y a n a '' by M a h a y a n a advocates. W hile
M ah ay an isis called th e H in a y a n a trad ition L'B u d d h ism for disciples,”
th ey conceived o f the M a h a y a n a trad itio n as a form o f B u d d h ism that
w ould allow th e m to becom e teachers, It was a teach in g th at w ould
e n ah le th e m to becom e B u dd has, ro becom e equal to the B u d d h a , th e
te a c h e r o f t h t srdvakas. M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism en co u rag ed the p ra c ti­
tio ner to teach even while he w as stud yin g , an attitu d e b ased on th e
p rem ise that the p ra c titio n e r alread y possessed the p otential n ecessary
to realize B u d d h ah o o d . A person who knew [hat he h a d this potential
was railed a b od hisattva. T h e M a h a y a n a conception o f the b o d h isa ttv a
w as m odeled on the acco u n ts o r S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a 's fo rm e r lives,
w h ich w ere related in B u dd hist literature. T h u s , M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism
wa& a teaching o r vehicle for b o d h jsaitv as, a bodhisattmydna. Som e
M a h a y a n a p ractitio n ers believed that all people, not only them selves,
possessed [he p o ten tial to b e c o m e B u ddhas. T h e se p ra c titio n e rs wished
to help all o th e r people realize th a t they too h a d this po tential a n d con*
s c q u e m ly stressed the im p o rta n c e of helping others T h e i r beliefs e v e n ­
tually d eveloped into the do ctrin e that ail sen tien t beings possess the
B u d d h a -n a tu re . T h u s , M a h a y a n a B u dd hism was co n cern ed w ith lay
people a n d this world while H i n a y a n a B u d d h is m was a m on astic form
o r B u d d h is m c h aracterised by w ith d ra w al from th e ev ery day world.
T h e s e differences in a ttitu d e s betw een H i n a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a
B u d d h ism resulted in a v ariety o f div ergent doctrines. F o r H i n a y a n a
B uddhists, nirvana was ihe final goal, ch a ra c te riz e d by some M a h a y a -
nists as the ex tin ctio n o f b o d y a n d m in d . In c o n tra st, M a h a y a n a B u d ­
dh ists a rg u e d th a t rhe p ra c titio n e r was to a tta in " activ e nirvdna" (apratif■
thitn-nirvatta) in w hich he did not re m a in q uiescent, B odh isattv as such as
M anjust'i, S a m a n ta b h a d r a , a n d Ava!okite£vara had m o re pow ers th an
B u d d h a s , b u t c o n tin u e d to d ev o te them selves ro saving sentient b ein gs
instead o f atta in in g B u d d h ah o o d . B u dd has such as A m ita b h a o r
.Sakyam uni (as an eternal B u d d h a) n e v e r e n te re d extinction (pannir*
i'drui). T h e y c o n tin u e d to help sentient b e i n g s E n te r in g mrudna was seen
as n o th in g m o re th an an expedient m ean s to help save sentient beings.
N o b o d y actually en tered nirvdna as a n u ltim ate state, acco rdin g to this
M a h a y a n a view.
T h e e m erg en ce o f rhese teachings w as m ad e possible by rhe d evelop ­
m e n t o f the d o ctrin e o f non S u b s ta n tia lly (sunyatd) a n d new in te rp r e ta ­
tions o f the concepts o f th e M id d le W ay a n d D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n
th at div erg ed from the views o f N ik ay a B u d d h is m , M a h a y a n a views of
the B u d d h a also differed fro m those o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism . M a h a y a n a
B u d d h is m d isting u ished th ree bodies o f the B u d d h a : dh&rmakdya [dharma
body), sflmbhognkajtfi (body o f bliss), an d nirman^kdya (m an ifested Ijody).
T h e stages o f practice for rhe M a h a y a m s(s led to the a tr a m m e n t o f Bud-
d h ah o o d . C o n seq u en tly , M a h a y a n a p ath s to e n lig h te n m e n t such as the
[On slaves (daiabhumi) o r forty-tw o stages h a d little in c o m m o n with the
H in a y a n a list o f four c a n d id a te s a n d four fruits o r with the HTnayftna
goal o f b e c o m in g a n arhat. S om e M a h a y a n ists conceived o f [he B uddha
as a savior o f helpless beings a n d developed docirines c o n cern in g easier
paths to salvation o r th e B u d d h a ’s use o f his own pow er to save m en.
S u ch d o ctrin cs were fo u n d only in M a h a y a n a B uddhism .
Still o th e r differences b etw een H in a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism
could he indicated, but the basic distinction lies in lhe M a h a y a n a insis­
tence that helping o th ers is a n ecessary p a n o f a n y effort to save oneself
while H in a y a n a d o ctrin e stresses the salvation o f oneself.

T h e Th ree Sources of M a h a y a n a Buddhism

T h e origins o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism a re still not com pletely under^

s to o d . Three sources a p p e a r to hav e m ad e significant c o n trib u tio n s lo
the rise o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism . T h e se sources are stated briefly here
a n d th en ex p lain ed in m o re d etail in th e following sections o f this c h a p ­
ter. T h e first source is N ikaya (S ectarian) B u d d h ism . M a n y m o d e rn
scholars hav e m a in ta in e d th e view' thai M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism developed
c u t o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a School. But since the M a h a s a n g h ik a School
co n tin u ed to exist long after M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism arose, the rise of
M a h a y a n a can n o t be ex p lain ed simply as (he tra n sfo rm a tio n o f the
M a h a sa n g h ik a s into M a h a y a n ists . W hile ir is tru e th a t the m a n y sim i­
larities b etw een M a h a s a n g h ik a a n d M a h a y a n a d o ctrin e s p ro v e th at the
M a h a s a n g h ik a School did influence M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , teaching*
from rhe S arv astiv ad in , M ahi£asaka, f^ h a rm a g u p ta k a , a n d T h e r a v a d a
schools w ere also in c o rp o ra te d into M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism . T h e d o c­
trines u f th e S arv astiv ad a School in p a rtic u la r were often m e n tio n e d in
M a h a y a n a texts, a n d S a m m a tiy a teachings also w ere influential. T h e
relation b etw een N ik ay a B u d d h ism an d M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism d e a r l y is
not a sim ple one.
T h e second source is th e biog rap hical literatu re o f the B u d d h a c o m ­
posed by people som etim es said to have belonged to th e "v ehicle that
praised the B u d d h a M ( C h h tmn-fo shtng)* A lth o u g h this literatu re m a y
h av r h a d its origins in N ik ay a B ud dh ism , it eventually d ev eloped in
w ays th at tra n sc e n d e d sectarian lines a n d c o n trib u te d to the rise o f
M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism ,
T h e th ird source is stupa w orship. A fter the B u d d h a 's d e a th , his
re m a in s w ere divided and placed in eight stupas built in cen tra! Ind ia.
T h e se b ecam e te n te r s w here pious B uddhists co n g reg ated . Later. K in g
A suka hati stupas built in o th er p a r t i o f In d ia , fu rth er c o n trib u tin g to the
spread o f stupa w orship. T h e se cults appeEir To h av e c o n trib u ted signifi­
can tly to the rise o f M a h a y a n a B udd hism .
Since M a h a y a n a t c m do not describe the circu m stan ces that gave
rise to M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , a n y investigation m ust be partially based
on sp eculation In the Following pages, th e th ree sources o f M a h a y a n a
B u d d h is m in tro d u ce d above a re discussed in m o re detail.

N i k a y a B u d d h ism an d M a h a y a n a

As was no ted earlier. N ik ay a B u dd hism was often referred to by the

d e p re c a to ry epithet " H i n a y a n a ” (inferior vehicle) by M a h a y a n a B u d ­
dhists. N ik ay a B u d d h ism , h o w ev erH c o n trib u te d m u c h to M a h a y a n a
B u d d h ism . For ex am p le, M a h a y a n a texts such as th e Ta^hih-tu fan ( 7 ’
1509, Mahdprajndpdramifopadts'a, a ttrib u te d to N a g a rju n a ) a n d the Ta-ptn
pan-jo chmg ( 7 ‘ 223, Pdncawms'atisdhasrikd-FF") often inclu ded references
tn S arvastivad in teachings. M a h a y a n a w orks also ad o p ted the tw elve­
fold classification o f (he Buddhist scriptures used by the S a r v a s tiv a d in ,
M a h isa sa k a , a n d D h a r m a g u p ta k a schools. T h e V atsip utriy a fivefold
classification of dharmas (C h. mu /n-tsang) w as cited in the perfection of
w isd o m Sutras. Mill* it is a p p a re n t th at a u th o rs o f m a n y o f (he M a h a ­
y a n a scriptu res h a d stu died H in a y a n a d o c trin e s.4
D octrinal sim ilarities b etw een H in a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a w orks do
not prove th at the a u th o rs o f M a h a y a n a texts were cu rre n t o r form er
m e m b e rs o f the schools o f N ikaya B uddhism . A lthough S arv astiv ad in
d o c trin e is far rem o v e d from M a h a y a n a th o u g h t, Sarvagtivjidin teach ­
ings were often m e n tio n e d o r in co rp o rated into M a h a y a n a texts. In
term s oF c o n te n t, how ever, M a h a s a n g h ik a d o ctrin e is m uch closer to
M a h a y a n a th o u g h t th an is S arv astiv ad in d o ctrin e . 'I he best s u m m a r y
o f M a h a s a n g h ik a d o ctrin e is fo u n d in V a su m itra '^ SamayabhedopaTacana-
cakra ( T 203 l ) . fi A lthough V a s u m itra was a m e m b e r oF the S a rv a stiv a ­
d in School, he seem s to have been a n u n b iase d scholar a n d to have
a ccurately collected a n d s u m m a riz e d the teachings of o th e r schools. In
one o f the sections o f his w ork, V a s u m itra g ro u p e d to g eth er the d o c­
trin es o f four schools (the M a h a s a n g h ik a , L o k o tta ra v a d in , E kavyava-
h a rik a , a n d K a u k u iik a ) o f M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage a n d noted that the
T o uriaughi that " th e B u d d h a s , th e W o rld -h o no red O n e s , a rc all s u p e r ­
m u n d a n e , All the T a th iig a ta s are w ithout im p u re (sasrava) dharmas” (7~
15b). T h is position differs from that of the S a rv a stiv a d in School, b u t
is d o s t to M a h a y a n a teachin gs T h e four school & also u p h e ld the d o c­
trin e th ai " t h e B u d d h a can e x p o u n d a]] the teachin gs w ith a single
u tte r a n c e ’' ( 7 ’ 49:15b). A c c o rd in g to (he M ahdvibhdfd ( 7 ' 2 7 : 4 l0 a - b ) ,
this d o ctrin e was also m a in ta in e d by th e V ib h a jy a v a d m s , 3r is also
referred to in a well-know n passage in ihe VimataktTiinirdesa ( T 14:538a).
V a J u m itra also nuted lhai these schools up held the positions chat '"the
rupakdya (fo rm -b o d y ) o f the T a th a g a ta is limitless. T h e divine pow er of
the T a t hagai a is also limitless. T h e lifetimes o f ihe B u d d h a s a re limit-
less. T h e B u d d h a n e v e r rires o f reach in g sentient beings a n d a w a k e n in g
p u re faith w ithin t h e m '1 ( 7 ’ 4 9 :J 5 b -c ). T h e se (cachings are close to
M a h a y a n a ideas a b o p t the sambha^akdya (body o f bhss) o f the I3uddha
an d are evidence o f [he close re latio n sh ip o f these schools to M a h a y a n a
B ud dh ism .
V a su m itra also d escrib ed (he doctrines c o n cern in g b o d h isattv as
m a in ta in e d by the schools of the M a h a s a n g h ik a h n eag e. , l N o bodhisatt-
vas have a n y th ou gh Is o f g reed, a n g e r h o r d o in g h a r m to others In
o r d e r to ben efit sentient beings, bodhLsattvas a re born into inferior
states th ro u g h th eir ow n w ish e s" (7" 49: f5c). T h e position rhar bodhi-
sattvas can consciously choose w here th ey will be b o r n is sim ilar to
M a h a y a n a teachings a n d differs significantly from the S arv astiv ad in
p osition th at b irth is d e te rm in e d only by k a rm a .
T h e M a h a sa n g h ik a s m a in ta in e d that " t h e original n a tu r e o f the
m in d is p u re; it beco m es im p u re when it is affected by ad v en titio u s
d e file m e n ts '1 ( T 4 9 : 15c). T h is teach in g is also im p o rta n t in M a h a y a n a
B ud dh ism . It w as m a in ta in e d by o th e r groups w ith in N ikaya B u d ­
dh ism , F or example* it is found in the SdnptitrdbhidharmasdstTu ( 7 ’
28 697b) It w as also advocated by the D isc rim in a to rs a n d ap p e a rs in
ihe Pali j uttai. A llhough this d octrine was not u n iq u e to the M a h a ­
san g h ik a ScIhkjI, M a h a s a n g h ik a views o f the B u d d h a w ere certainly
d o s e tn those found in M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism a n d prov id e evidence of a
deep lie b etw een the th o u g h t ol the two g ro u p s. T h e exact n a tu r e o f the
relationship b etw een the M a h a sa n g h ik a o rd er a n d M a h a y a n a a d h e r ­
ents u n f o rtu n a te ly is still unclear. Since the S arv astiv ad in s also m ade
rlortrinat c o n trib u tio n s to M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m h the m ost significant
an d difficult p ro blem th at rem ain s to be solved is d e te r m in in g w hat
in stitu tio n al ties m ig h t hav e existed betw een the M a h a s a n g h ik a o r d e r
an d M a h a y a n a Buddhists.

B io g ra p h ie s of th e B u d d h a

1’he Mahdvastu is a b io g ra p h y o f the B u d d h a p ro d u c e d by th e L o k o ttara-

vadins, a d h e re n ts o f a school related to the M a h a s a n g h ik a Schoni. T h e
 Afahat'osik7 d escrib es ten g ro u n d s (bhumi) o r stages a fu tu re B u d d h a
wnultl pa^s th ro u g h On his w ay to B u d d h ah o o d . M a h a y an a trxts such as
the Shih-ti eking ( T 287., Dasabhumikasuira) co n tain sim ilar teachin gs o n
the ten stages thai have often been cited as evidence in d icatin g that
M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism arose from the M a h a s a n g h ik a School. H ow ever,
the Mafiavaslu a n d sim ilar literatu re co n cern in g the B u d d h a s life t r a n ­
scend sectarian lines. F o r ex am p le, at the end o f the Fa pen-hsing chi ching
(7*100, Abh 1rtnkruTrmticij u t r a ), a D h a r m a g u p ia k a text, it is no ted th at ihe
very s s m r b io g ra p h y is callcd the Ta-shih (M ahdvailu) by the M a h a ­
sanghika School a n d v ario u s o th e r n am es by the S arv astiv ad in , Kasya-
piya, a n d M a h ls a s a k a schools, th u s in d icatin g th ai these schools s h a re d
a c o m m o n b io g ra p h y o f the B u d d h a (7 * 3 :932a).
D ifferences do exist betw een the b io graph ies o f th e B u d d h a extant
today. T h e M a h a sa n g h ik a Mahdvastu, ihe D h a r m a g u p ta k a Fo pen hsiitg
chi ching, and the S arv astiv ad in School's Lalitaviitara* are not identical.
T h e Mahdvatfu in p a rtic u la r diverges from the others. But earlier, the
schools do seem 10 have sh ared th e sam e b io g ra p h y P e rh a p s th e s to ry ’s
literary q u alities enab led it to tran scend sectarian differences. F or
e x a m p le , A iv a g h o fa , a u th o r o f the Buddhacanta, h a d close connections
w ith the S arvastiv ad in School, b u t he has also been connected with ihe
Bahu£rut7ya„ K a u k u fik a , S a u tra n tik a , a n d Y ogacara tra d itio n s ,9 an d
thus can noi be said to b elong to a n y single school. R a th e r , he a n d oth er
poets, such as M a tfc e ta , m a y be said to b elong to the "v ehicle of those
w ho praise the B u d d h a " (C h tian fo shrng),
M a tr c e ta lived in the second o r th ird cen tu ry a n d ra n k s next to
A svagho^a ap a Buddhisi poel. His poem s, exem plified by such works as
the SatQpancdsiitka-stQtTa (O n e-h u n d red -fifty strophes) a n d the H ir d -
k&nmrtut*$totm { F o u r-h u n d re d strophes), w ere well loved th ro u g h o u t
I n d i a . 10 In hiss po em s, M ai recta praises ihe B u d d h a . Because the B u d ­
d h a is p o rtra y e d in a very h u m a n way, M a t feet a seem s to have b e e n
influenced by S a rv astiv ad in do ctrin es H o w ever, M a t f t e t a also praises
the B u d d h a 's v irtu es as in n u m e ra b le , the B u d d h a ’s w isd o m as th o r ­
o u g h , a n d hEs m in d as limitless, descrip tion s close to M a h a y a n a views
o f the B u d d h a ’s c h a r a c t e r S om e o f the verses p raise the G re a t Vehicle
( M a h a y a n a ) . O th e r s ex p lain the six perfections a n d the d o ctrin e o f non-
substantiality, b o th M a h a y a n a teachings, lead in g so m e m o d e rn scholars
to believe that M a trc e ta belo n g ed to the M a d h y a m ik a School
To stress the im p o rta n c e o f faith in th e B u d d h a , poets fervently
p raised h im a n d used literary expressions lh al tra n scen d ed sectarian
d octrin al consid eratio ns. B u dd h ist poets wrote th eir w ork s with p u r ­
poses different from those o f scholars w ho w ere co n cern ed w ith d o c tri­
nal issues T h e te rm "v ehicle o f those w ho praise the B u d d h a " ap p ears
in K u m arajT va’s translatio n o f th e Saddharmapun^iTihasutm ( 7 * 9 : 9 ^ b u t
a c o rre s p o n d in g te rm docs no( a p p e a r in the Sanskrit versions o f the
jtifrti. In th e Mahdvtbhasd, the teaching o f the D iscrim in ato rs w ho
a rg u e d rhai the B u d d h a e x p o u n d e d all his icachings in a single sound is
criticized: “ T ho se (w ho co m p ose) hym ns of p raise for th e B u d d h a are
too verbose a n d exceed the t r u t h '1 ( 7 ’ 2 7 :4 1 0 a -b ). T h is passage ev i­
d e n tly refers to the poets who w ere co m po sin g h y m n s o f praise fur the
B uddha.
I 'h e b io g ra p h e rs o f rhe B u d d h a were p ro b ab ly ]d en t teal to those p e o ­
ple w ho belonged to the "veh icle o f those w ho praise the B u d d h a .1' In
rhe following d isc u ssio n , the relationship b etw een M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism
an d (he early au th o rs o f these bio graph ies (ihose w ho p reced ed
Asvagho?a) is considered^
B iog rap hies o f th e B u d d h a p ro b ab ly d ev elo p ed out o f utnaya litera­
tu re. In the b e g in n in g ol th e Mahdvastu is a sta te m e n t that the Mahdvastu.
was o rig inally inclu ded in the L o k o tta ra v a d ln vinaya. T h e title o f the
biography, M ahdvaitu, c o rresp o n d s to the first c h a p te r (Mahdkhttndhaka)
o f the Mahdvagga po rtio n o f the Pali Vmaya. T h e te rm s "oasttt, ” "iaggaf "
an d “khandhaka ’ all were used w ith the m e a n in g o f “ c h a p t e r ” o r “ divi-
sio n .” T h e title “M ahdvastuJJ could thus be tran slated as “ T h e G re a t
C h a p t e r .” M o re o v e r, a b io g ra p h y o f the B u d d h a is fo u n d at the b e g in ­
n in g o f the Pali Mahdkhandhaka, an d E. W in d isc h has d em ons! rated
th at, in fact, p a rts o f the Mahavastu co rresp o n d to sections o f th e
Mahdkhandhak&. As the b io g ra p h y ol the B u d d h a was ex p a n d e d , it was
s e p a ra te d from the qumjh a n d a ssu m ed th e form o f the Mahdiastu. T h e
title o f the MahT£asaka e q u iv a le n t of the M ahdiastu, F'i-ni-aang ktn-ptn
o r ILba&is o f the v in a y a p ita k a /’ indicates thai th e b io g ra p h y 's origins
w ere in the vinaya.
A i the ntddna (s tories i l l u s t r a t i n g the o r ig i n s ol the p r e c e p t s ) a n d Ihe
avaddna (c a u tio n a ry tales w a r n in g against in frin g e m e n ts o f the precepts)
m the uinaya dev elop ed , the b io g ra p h y of the B u d d h a was en larg ed an d
e v en tu ally s e p a ra te d fro m the vinaya T h e people w ho com piled the
B u d d h a 's b io g ra p h y h a d m otives different from those w ho h a d studied
the jiiddna a n d ataddiw in th e vinaya. T h e ir interest in the B u d d h a d e v e l­
o p ed o u t o f a desire to u n d e r s ta n d th e causes o f th e B u d d h a ’s enlighten
me n* a n d the practices th at led to en lig h ten m en t N a rra tiv e s o f the
B u d d h a 's life w ere com piled a n d e x p a n d e d w ith these issues in m in d ,
resulting in literatu re that h a d m u ch in c o m m o n w ith th e jdtakas, the
tales o f the B u d d h a 's previo us lives, T h e b iog rap hies o f the B u d d h a did
not hav e a necessary relation sh ip to the vinaya. R a th e r , the com p ilers o f
b iog raph ies o f the B u d d h a were searchin g for (he cau ses o f e n lig h te n ­
m e n t a n d by c h a n c e chose th e biog rap hical m aterial in the itinaya as the
basis for th eir w orks.
 A m o n g the ex tan t biographies o f the B u d d h a are the M uhdiastu, p r o
Huced by the L o k o rtarav ad in b ra n c h o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a School- the
Fa p e n d in g chi ching ( T 190, AbhimfhamaTiasutTa?) u f (h r D h a rm a g u p -
taka School^ a n d the L a lito v u U tra (Sanskrit* T i b e t a n Na n d tw o C h in ese
versions, T ift6 a n d 167, exist) o f the S a r v a s ttv ld in School, A lthough
ihe last work is S a rv a stiv a d in , so m e o f the ex tan t versions, th e Sanskrit
an d T 167, w ere altered so m u c h in la te r tim es rhar they are com pletely
M a h a y a n a in c h a ra c te r a n d co n tain te rm s such axju~lai-tsang (talhdgaia-
garbha) a n d ch ’wg-chwg fa-chich ( p u r e (ffarnio-realm)- T h e ab o v e -n a m e d
texts a r t S e ctarian works; b u t m u c h of th eir con tem does not reflect an y
Sectarian affiliation.
A n u m b e r of o th er b io g ra p h ie s that do not have any clear doctrinal
affiliation are also ex tan t. A m o n g th em a re Kuo-ch'ii hsien-tsat yin-kuo
thing ( / 1G9), T*ai-izu jui-ying pcn-ch'i ching ( T possibly n f M ahisa-
saka origins), Hsiv-hsing p m -ch 't ching ( T I8 4 )k Chung pzn-ch 'i ching ( 7 ‘
196), l-ch'u p'u-sa ptti-ch'i ching ( V IflB, Abhini}kTamana$utra?)l Fo pen-
hung ching { T 193), a n d Fo-so-hsing tsan ( T 192: Buddh&MriiQ*), T h e
te rm s 1'pen -ch *t *' (orig inal a ri sin g ) , ' 'pen-hsing' r {pri m o rd i al p ract ice s)T
an d “so-hiing’*(practices) in the titles reflect the c o m p ile rs' concern with
the Origins a n d basic activities th at led to e n lig h te n m e n t. T h e b io g ra ­
phers focused their atte n tio n p rim arily on the r v c n ts Itrading u p to
e n lig h te n m e n t, often a b b re v ia tin g o r ig n o rin g ev en ts th at followed the
B udd ha Ss enl i gh t e n m e n t -
T h e b io graph ies all include a n u m b e r o f the sam e type o f ev en ts T h r
first is the predictio n (lydkarana) by DTpankara B u d d h a th at the fu tu re
S a k y a m u n i w ould in facl be successful in his q u est for B u d d h ah o o d .
T h e stories begin by n o tin g th at the fu tu re S a k y a m u n i w as a y ou ng
B ra h m a n ai th at tim e. Texts differ a b o u t his n am e, but a m o n g those
given arc S u m a t i h S u m c d h a , a n d M eg h a. R egardless o f the n a m e , laier
biog rap h ies all beg in with a fo rm er B u d d h a pred icting the future
S a k y a m u n i'a e v e n tu a l a tta in m e n t o f B u d d h a h o o d . T h e stories behind
the p red i d ion also varied. A cco rd in g to so m e version s h the prediction
o ccu rred w h e n th e y o u n g B ra h m a n offered five flowers th at he had
bough! from a w o m an to D ip a rik a ra B u d d h a, A cco rd in g to o th er v e r­
sions, the y o u n g m a n w as w atch in g DTparikara ap p roach in a religious
procession w h en he realized th at a m u d p u d d le lay in D tp a iik a r a ’s p ath
T h e y o u n g m a n quickJy u n fasten ed his long h a ir a n d sp read it over the
m u d pu ddle so [hat D ip a rik a ra 's feet w ould nor be soiled. D tparikara
then predicted th at the y o u n g m a n w ou ld eventually a tta in en lig h ten ­
m e n t a n d the fu tu re S a k y a m u n i resp o n d ed by v o w in g th at he indeed
w o uld attain it.. A pparently, these stories o f D ip Ankara's predictio n cir­
culated widely a m o n g the b io g ra p h e rs of the B u d d h a.
 Predictions o f B u d d h ah o o d a rc an im p o rta n t elem en t in M a h a y a n a
th ou gh t. D ip a n k a r a 's prediction o f S a k y a m u n s's B u d d h a h o o d is m e n ­
tio n e d often in M a h a y a n a scriptu res. E v en tually q uestion s were asked
a b o u t th e religious practiccs the future S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a h a d p e r ­
form ed b efo re he h a d received D ip a h k a r a 's p re d ic tio n . T h e B u d d h a's
b io g ra p h y w as Consequently ex ten d ed f u rth e r back in tim e until it co v ­
ered his practices for th re e incalculable eons.
A cco rd in g to these scriptu res, after he received D ip a n k a r a 's p red ic­
tion, the fu tu re B u d d h a practiced the sin perfections. T h e people w ho
w ere sc vitally co n cern ed w ith the even ts a n d practices th at led to
e n lig h te n m e n t n a tu ra lly su p p o sed th at a fu tu re B u d d h a p erfo rm ed
practices different fro m those w ho aspired to b eco m e a n arftat o r praiytiui■
huddha. Expositions o f th e six perfections w ere first d eveloped by the
a u th o rs o f b io graph ies o f the B u d d h a to characterize the special prac-
tiers o f a fu tu re B u d d h a . T h e list o f ten perfections in the in tro d u c tio n
(nidBa*kaihd) o f the P a WJdtaka is p ro b ab ly a la te r ex p an sio n o f the six
perfections. A cco rd in g ta the MaJidvi&hdfd ( T 27:8 92 b^c), doctrines of
both four perfections a n d six perfections were m a in ta in e d by S a rv a s ­
tiv ad in th in k ers, w ith the d o ctrin e o f the four perfections ev en tually
being d eclared o rth o d o x w ithin th e S arv astiv ad in School. T h e b io g r a ­
phies o f th e B u d d h a , w ithout exception* all list six perfections, a n d this
list o f six perfections w as in c o rp o ra te d in to M a h a y a n a scrip tures. T h e
a u th o rs o f the b io g ra p h ie s of th e B u d d h a thus d evised the six perfections
to describe the u n iq u e practices th at w ould tead to B u d d h a h o o d , prac­
tices that differed c o n sid e rab ly from those followed by the B u d d h a 's dis-
ciples.
T h e se thin kers w ere also concerned w ith the stages o f practicc
th ro u g h w hich a b o d h isattv a passed on his w ay to B u d d h a h o o d . In
som e b io g rap h ies, th e follow ing fixed p h rase appears: “ H e h a d attain ed
the ten th stage. O n ly o n e m o re life re m a in e d before he a tta in e d B u d ­
d h ah o o d . H e was n e a rin g o m o isc ic n c e .” {For exam ple* see Kaa-ch’ii
hsien Lsaiyin-kuo eking, T 3 :6 2 3 a .) T h e ten stages are explained in detail
only in the Mpfidvastu, H ow ev er, o th e r b io g ra p h ie s often co n tain [he
p h rase “ H e h a d a tta in e d the te n th s ta g e .'1 E ven th ou gh o th e r b io ­
g ra p h ie s do not co n tain d e ta ile d e x p la n a tio n s o f the ten stages, the
a u th o rs o f the b io graph ies obviously knew ab ou t th e ten stages. T h e
a u th o rs thus w idely believed th at a b o d h isa ttv a passed th ro u g h ten
stages a n d finally reached a position from w h ich he w ould be rebo rn
a n d attain B u d d h ah o o d in his next life. T h e se doctrines co n cern in g the
te n stages w ere la te r utilized in M a h a y a n a scriptu res. T h e concept that
a b o d h isa ttv a m ight attain a stag* from w hich only nne m ore b irth
 w ould be re q u ire d before he attain ed B u d d h a h o o d (eka-jdti-pratxbaddha)
w as also ap p lied to M a itrc y a . D e te rm in in g w h eth er this idea arose first
in relation to -Sakyamuni o r to M a itrc y a has proved to be surp risin gly
difficult.
A dditional im p o rta n t points c o n c c rn in g b iog rap hies o r th e B u d d h a
couEd be raised, but the above discussion should d e m o n s tra te th e special
characteristics o f this g en re o f B uddhist lite ra tu re . M a n y o r the dor*
trin es found in this lite ra tu re later a p p e a re d in M a h a y a n a scriptures.
For exam ple, the story o f how the futu re ^ a k y a m u n i B u d d h a d escended
from Tu^ifa h eav en , assu m ed the form o f a white ele p h a n t, a n d en tered
the w o m b o f M a y a p ro b ab ly w as developed by these b io g ra p h e rs , as
was the list o f the eig ht key ev ents in a B u d d h a 's life (descent from
T u j it a heaven, e n te rin g his m o t h e r ’s w o m b , b irth , leaving lay life,
d efeatin g the d em o n s th at rep resen t th e defilem ents, atta in in g enlight-
e n m e n t, p reach in g , a n d d eath).
M a n y sim ilarities b etw een bio graph ies o f th e B u d d h a a n d M a h a y a n a
scrip tures can be in dicated. H ow ever, the fu n d a m e n ta l differences
betw een th e tw o types o f literatu re m u st not b e overlooked- B iographies
of the B u d d h a investigated the b a c k g ro u n d o f an in d iv id ual w ho was
alread y recognized as a B u d d h a , T h e b o d h isattv a discussed in these
b iog raph ies h a d alread y received a p red ictio n (vydkarana) o f his ev en tu al
B uddhahood and was therefore assu red of Autces.s in his religious quest.
In b iog rap hies such as the Mahdvastu, th e possibility o f m a n y B u d d h as
a p p e a rin g in the w orld at the s a m e tim e was recognized. C o n seq u en tly ,
m a n y bodhisatrvas, all o f w h o m were assu red o f th eir e v e n tu a l B u d d h a-
h ood, h ad to exist.
In c o n t r a s t the bod hisattv a p o rtrayed in m a n y M a h a y a n a scrip tures
was only a n in div id ual w ho asp ired to a tta in en lig h te n m e n t. H is even*
tual e n lig h te n m e n t was not assured. H e had n o t received a p rediction
that he w ould ev en tu ally attain e n lig h te n m e n t a n d he ev en backslid in
his practicc. H e was th e o r d in a ry m a n as bo dh isattva. O f c o u rse, great
b o d h isa ttv a s (w ho w ere not subject to backslidin g a n d o th e r ills) such as
$ a m a n t a h h a d r a , M a n ju i r i , AvalokileSvara, a n d M a itr c y a w ere also
m e n tio n e d in M a h a y a n a scriptu res alo ng w ith th e obscure, o r d in a ry
p ra c titio n e r o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m w ho co nsidered h im self a bodhi-
sattva. T h e q uestio n o f what c a u s e d o r d in a ry Buddhist p ractitio n ers to
co n sid e r them selves b od hisaitv as still re m a in s to be answ ered- Since th e
lavish praise given the B uddha in biog rap hies does n o t explain this
d e v e lo p m e n t, a n o th e r ex p la n a tio n must b e sought. T h u s , alth o u g h sim ­
ilarities betw een the b io graph ies o f the B u d d h a a n d M a h a y a n a sc rip ­
tures exist, fu n d a m e n ta l differences are also p resent.
Closely related to the b io g ra p h ie s uf the B u d d h a are ihe jdtaias (stories
o f (he B u d d h a s form er lives) a n d rhe avadd/m,s (P. apodaim, ‘edifying
tales c o n c e rn in g (he B u d d h a ') . T h e foil tid e o f the Mvhduostu ts, in fact,
th e Maftdvastu-avaddna. T h e difference b etw een the term s “ja ia ia " an d
“awufarui" is difficult tn d istin g u ish , p artly b ecau se the m e a n in g o f rhe
w ord “atsaddna " c h a n g e d o v e r th e long period d u rin g which th e gen re o f
stories was recited. Both the jdtakas a n d avadanas a re m e n tio n e d in the
twelvefold classification o f B ud dh ist lite ra tu re , in dicating th at they were
co nsid ered literary genres early in B uddhist history. A m o n g the Nikdyas
a re t e r n , such as the Aiahdpaddnasuttanta, th at in co rp o rate rhe w ord
apaddno in to th eir titles. In th e context o f the twelvefold division o f B u d ­
dhist literary g en res, the te rm “avaddna " can usually b e explained as
m e a n in g a p arab le o r edifying lab le-11 S om etim e after the co n ten ts of
the Agamas h a d been fixed, the avaddrtas w ere c o m p iled independently.
T h e Pali Apaddna, a w ork in the Khuddoka nikdyv, is represen taiive o f this
d e v e l o p m e n t . L a l e r , m a n y ai'adana tales w e r e Ccimpilrd a n d t h r g e n r e
flourished. H o w e v e r m a n y details of the process oT com p ilation a re still
unclear.
T od ay n u m e r o u s works classified as avaddna literatu re a re ex tan t.
M a n y o f these texts d a te from a p p ro x im a te ly th e b e g in n in g o f the
c o m m o n e ra . Besides the Mahduastttt th e Sanskrit texts o f the Aoaddna'
ialaka (cfP T 200), Lhe Dtiydvodana, a n d th e Stintdgadhdvaddnn (cf. T
128-1 29) a n d o th ers have been published. In ad d itio n , m a n y later at>a-
ddna w orks are ex tan t, but h av e not yet been p u b lis h e d ,19 These u n p u b '
lished texts w ere c o m p iled o v e r a period o f several cen tu ries a n d are
m a in ly m ythological. T h e y differ from earlier avaddna lite ra tu re in this
respect,
Jdtaka tales a rc listed in both the ninefold a n d twelvefold classifica­
tions ol B u dd h ist lite ra tu re , in d icatin g th at they were established as a n
in d e p e n d e n t gen re o f Buddhist literatu re early in Buddhist history.
Jdtaka tales are a m o n g th e subjects found in the carvings at B h arh u t,
with twelve such tales identified in the R h a rh u t in sc rip tio n s.1* T h u s , by
th e second c e n tu ry h.C.e. a n u m b e r o f tales h a d a lre a d y been corn-
posed. D u rin g the su b se q u e n t cen turies, m a n y m o re w ere pro d u ced .
Jdtaka tales are p re se n te d as the form er lives o f the B u d d h a , b u t the
m aterial for the tales is frequ en tly taken from In d ia n folk rales an d
fable*. T h e co n ten t is often close to that fuund in th e auaddna literature.
T h e Pali w ork, ihe Jdtaka, co n tain s 547 tales a n d w as n a m e d after the
g e n re it epitom izes. A five-fascicle C h in ese tran slatio n (7" 154) o f the
text exists. Tn ad d itio n , m a n y works com p osed p rim a rily o f jdtaka talcs
 a rc e x tan t, in c lu d in g [he Ta thuang-yfn inn chittg ( 7 ’ 201. Kaipanaman-
fiu kd * ), Auadanustitaka, Divydpadona, Wu-pai U-Utt ttu-shvQ ptn-ck'i chmg
{ T 199). P'a-sa ptn-hsmg thing ( T 135, Bodhisattvapuivacarya?), a n d Seng-
ch ’ich-lo-ch 'a so-chiching{T 194). T h e Lia-ta chi-ching { T 152, Satparamitd-
iprigraha?) a n d lhe F u - w p fn yu a n thing ( T 153* Bvdfiisadvdvadana?)
in d u d e jdtaka rales rew orked to illustrate M a h a y a n a th em es. T h e jdtaka
rales cited in th e Ta-chih-tu fan ( T 15G9hM ahdpTajnapdramtfopadfsa) e x h ib ­
it p ro m in e n t M a h a y a n a characteristics. C o nsequently, so m e scholars
have a rg u e d lh ai the jdtaka talcs c o n trib u te d significantly to rhe d ev elo p­
m en t ol M a h a y a n a th o u g h t. H ow ever, the Liu-tu cht-chtng ( 7 ' 152, Sat-
pnramitdsarigraha?) contains sections com posed afrer the perfect inn of
w isdo m yutras, E x tre m e care m u st be exercised in d e te rm in in g w h eth er
ihe “ M a h a y a n a jdtaka tales" w er'' f*v .posed before o r after the earlier
M a h i y a n a texts.
D ra w in g clear d istinction s h tlw c c n th r g en res o f b io g rap hical litera­
tu re on the B u d d h a , such as the jetaias a n d avaddnas, is very difficult.
T h e a u th o rs o f this literatu re m u st have played a significant role in the
early development o f M a h a y a n a th o u g h t. It w ould be revealin g to know
how these people m ad e th eir living, w hal type o f p la te they lived in, an d
w h ai type o f people th ey associated with. A nsw ers to these p ro blem s
w o uld L u n in b u te greatly to o u r u n d e rs ta n d in g o f the rise o f M a h a y a n a
B ud dh ism U n fo rtu n ately , the availahJe lite ra tu re d o rs no( shed light on
th e answ ers to these questio n s.
S o m e o f these parab les a n d m etap h o rs w ere caltcd upamd. T h e y are
found in such w orks as the Po-yu ching (7" 209) a n d the H itm -yu thing ( T
202, Diimamukaniddnixsutra). B uddhists have used para Liles a n d m e t a ­
phor? to explain th eir teachings since the tim e o f the B u d d h a . T h e rales
used by th e D a rs ta n tik a s (those w ho explain by using m e ta p h o rs an d
parables) p ro b ab ly b elong to this tradition . M a n y o f the doctrines
tau g h t by the D a r ^ a m i k a s are d i e d o r in tro d u c e d in the M dtdm bhd$a{T
1545). T h e D a rs ja n tik a s a re said to have lieen fo re ru n n e rs o f (he San-
tra m ik a s, b u t the validity o f this claim is q u e s tio n a b le .11 O n e o f the
most fam ous Q a rsta n tik a s w as K u tn a ra la la , the a u th o r o f several
works. A lthough he is said to have been a c o n te m p o ra ry o f N a g a rju n a ,
he is not m en tio n ed in the Mahivibhdsd. R a th e r , his p o e m s a re cited in
the C h ’tng-shih (un ( T E646, Tattimsiddhisdstra?).13 C on sequ en tly , he p ro b ­
ab ly lived so m etim e Ijeiween the com pilation o f the Mahdvibhdjd a n d the
Tattvasiddhisdstra A S anskrir fra g m e n t o f a w ork said to hav e been w rit­
ten by h i m , the Kfilpandmanfitikd, was discovered in C e n tra l Asia H ow -
ever, a C h in ese translatio n o f this w ork { 7 1201) that is close to the S a n ­
skrit fragm ent is said to be by Asvaghoga. M o d e rn srholars still d isag ree
a b o u t the a u th o r s h ip o f the text.
T h e m le n f stufai w orship in ihi: n s t oi M a h a y a n a lluddhnsm can n o t be
igno red . It is im p o rta n t in m a n y M a h a y a n a sutras, in clu din g the Sad-
dharmapundaTtkasutrti (7* 2&i) a n d the A -m i* t’o ching ('.I ■■36£>, “ S m a lle r"
Sukhabaittyiiha).n In a d d itio n , the M a h a y a n a co n cern wilh a savior
B u d d h a c a n be tra ced to w orship at stwpoi.
In N ik ay a B u d d h ism , th e B u d d h a was tho ught o f as a teach cr o f the
I d h arm a. T h e D h a r m a he preached was p a rtic u la rly em p hasized
because if a p erso n followed lh al D h a r m a , it would lead h im to s a lv a ­
tion. N o m a tte r how m u c h th e B u d d h a was viewed as a s u p e rh u m a n
being* he was not considered to be c ap ab le o f actin g as a savior. R a th e r,
he was praised becau se he h a d successfully accomplish*?*! ihat which was
difficult to accom plish. N ik ay a B u d d h ism focused o n ihe D h a r m a
r a th e r th an nn the B u d d h a a n d co n sequ entty em p h a siz e d m o n asticism
an d rigid a d h e re n c e lo the precepts. In c o n tra st, M a h a y a n a B u dd hism
was originally co n cern ed with laym en. D octrines for lay bodh isattv as
play a p ro m in e n t role in the oldest M a h a y a n a svitas, O n ly later did
M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism increasingly d evelop into a religion in which
monks Eissumed p ro m in en t positions.
L a y m e n w ere u n ab le to strictly observe (he p recep ts o r lo d e v o t e
to u c h tim e to m e d ita tio n a n d thus could not p u t the B u d d h a 's teachings
in to practice in the tra d itio n al ways. In ste a d , they had to d e p e n d un the
B u d d h a 's com p assion for th e ir salvalion. W hile m o n a stic B ud dh ism
em p h a siz e d th e B u d d h a ’s teach in g , lay B ud d h ism e m p h a s iz e d ihe rule
o f the B u d d h a in salvation. T e ach in g s c o n c e rn in g the saving p o w er of
the B u d d h a a p p e a r e d in response to th e religious needs o f lay m en .
Beliefs lei the B ud dh as A m ita b h a an d A k fo b h y a reflected the la y m a n ’s
desire to d e p e n d on so m eo n e g r e a te r th an himself. T h is need is reflected
in [he following statem en t by S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a in the Saddhamapttit-
darikasutra { T 9 \ 14c): " T h e th ree realm s a re com pletely insecure T h e y
a re like a b u r n in g h o u se, lull u f suffering. Yet th e three realm s a re all
m ine a n d th e sen tien t b ein g s w ithin th em are my c h i l d r e n .'1
F u r lay B u d d h ism to develop doetrinally, centers w ere necessary
w here teach i t s co u ld mee[ stud cttts a n d thereby tra n sm it doctrines to
[h r next g en eratio n . If the lay o rg a n iz a tio n s h a d been s u b o rd in a te to
the m o n a stic ord ers, they w ould have been com pelled to receive a n d Fol­
low the in stru ctio n s o f m o n k s. A ny in d e p e n d e n t d ev elo p m en t o f lay
d o c trin e u n d e r such circu m stan ces w ould hav e been difficult. T h u s ,
centers in d e p e n d e n t o f m onastic control m u st have existed, w here p e o i
pie co uld practice, develop teachings e m p h a s is in g the B u d d h a , a n d pass
ihese ira d itiu n s on to you ng er general ions. Stitpas served as such re n
ters
 Stupas were p r e d o m in a n tly for lay m en , A cco rd in g to the Pali M aha-
fiarijtibiidrtasutta, w hen the B u d d h a was ab ou t to die* he Told A n a n d a that
the m on ks a n d n u n s w ere not to co nd uct a funeral service o v e r his
rem ains. R a t h e r the m on k s were " t o strive for the highest g o o d 1’ (P,
j adatlha). As fur his rem ain s, the B u d d h a stated th at “ B ra h m a n s with
d e e p faith a n d w o rth y h o u seh o ld e rs w ould p a y reverence to The re m a in s
(P. sarfra-pujd) o f the T a t h a g a t a . ” 18 A fier the B u d d h a 's d e a th , lhe M ai-
]as o f K u s in a g a ra p e rfo rm e d the fun eral. H is rem ain s were then
divided a n d eight stupas erected by laym en. T h u a from the very b e g in ­
n i n g stupas w ere protected a n d m a in ta in e d by la y m e n , a n d laym en did
h o m a g e ar them A cco rd in g to a n o th e r passage in th e MdkSparinibbaitd-
suttci, lour places w ere co n sid ered sacred lo th e B u d d h a after his deaih.
W o rs h ip halls a n d m em orial m o u n d s (cttiya) w ere erected aT all o f them :
his b irth p lace at L u m b in i, th e site o f his enligh ten m en I at B uridhagaya,
lhe site o f his first serm o n al th e Deer P ark, a n d the she o f his death at
K u s in a g a ra . P ilg rim s soon began visiting These places. T h u s was stupa
w o rsh ip b eg un by la y m e n a n d laler tra n sm itte d a n d m a in ta in e d pri*
m arily by lay m en . Even today, stufas (pagodas) in Wurma a re a d m in is ­
tered by com m ittees o f pious laym en; m on k s m ay not p a rtic ip a te in the
a d m in is tra tio n o f these stupas.
K in g Agoka co m m issio n ed m a n y stupas. Archeological investigations
o f the ru in s o f m a n y o f the o ld er su rv iv ing stupas hav e revealed th at their
oldest strata probably date back to Asoka hs time. T h e cores o f the stupas
o f centred In d ia at B h a rh u t a n d Saiiei a n d the D h a n n a r a j i k a stupa at
T a x i!a arc all very early* with th eir oldest layers d a tin g hac k m th e sec­
o n d o r th ird cen tu ry B.C.K. M a n y m o re stupas w ere built a r o u n d the
b e g in n in g o f th e c o m m o n era. A lm ost alt the old inscriptions ex cav ated
in recent tim es b e a r so m e relatio n to stupas. A lth o u g h stupas w ere c o n ­
s tru c te d a n d m a in ta in e d by lay m en , a n d alth o u g h the m ajo rity o f the
d o n o rs w ere lay m en a n d lay w o m en , they were not th e only people w ho
w o rsh ip p ed at them . Inscrip tio ns on the pillars, railings, a n d fmials at
B h arh u t a n d S anct record the n am es o f a n u m b e r o f m o n k s a n d n u n s
w ho m ad e d o n atio n s to the stupas. Since m o nk s a n d n u n s h a d few pos­
sessions, th eir p re se n ta tio n o f goods suggests the p ro fu n d ity o f their
d ev o tio n .
By the b e g in n in g o f th e Common era, stupas w ere b e in g built w ithin
the confines o f temples. A longside these stupasf q u a rte rs for m o nk s were
constructed, m a k in g it easy for m onks to p resen t th eir offerings to the
stupas T h e m o n asteries p ro b ab ly had (he stupas built on th eir gro u n d s
in response to the g ro w in g pop ularity o f stupa w orship ou tsid e the m o n ­
asteries. P ro o f o f this ch an g e o f a ttitu d e a p p e a rs in a number o f sou rces
F o r ex am p le, the T h e r a v a d a Vtnaya docs n o t m e n tio n stupas even
th o u g h stupas hav e been bu ilt within the confines o f T h e r a v a d a m onas-
[cries for cen tu ries. A pparently, T h e r a v a d a m on ks began m ak ing offer­
ings at stupas only after the Vinaya h ad been com piled. In c o n tra st, the
S a rv a stiv a d in a n d M aha& ahghika vinayas ( T 1435 a n d 1425) m ention
B u d d h a im ages, in d icatin g th at the com pilation o f these two uinayas was
p ro b ab ly com pleted la te r th an rhe Pali Vinaya T h u s so m e uinayas com
piled after m o n k s h a d already begun w o rsh ip p in g at iltipas include dis­
cussions o f stupa w orship. T h e S arv astiv ad in a n d M a h a sa n g h ik a vtnuyas
slate th at a strict distinction m o si be m a in ta in e d b etw een p ro p erties
an d objccts that belong tu the m o n astic o rd er a n d rhnst: th at belong to
the stUpa ( T 22:498a; 23:352b). T h e y could not be used in te rc h a n g e ­
ably. If a m o n k used Jfujfra p ro p e rty to benefit the order, he was to be
ch arg ed w ith a pdrdjika offense for stealing- A cco rd in g ro th e D h a r m a
g u p ta k a a n d M a h is a s a k a mnayat ( T !42l a n d 1428), the stupa rep re-
sented H<th e B u d d h a in the o rd e r.” 1* A lth o u g h stupas m ight be builr
within the m onastery, item s b elo n g in g to the B u d d h a were to be d is tin ­
guished from those b elo ng ing to the o rd er T h u s the vinayas, the legal
codes lor ihe o rd e rs H in dicate th at the stupas w ere in d e p e n d e n t u f the
m on astic orders.
Sources such as V a su m itra 'a SamayabhcdoparacanatakTa suggest that the
D h a r m a g u p ta k a School en co u rag ed co n trib u tio n s to stupas by m a i n ­
ta in in g th at "o fferin g s to stupas p ro d uced great m e r it” ( T 4 9 : 17a). In
c o n tra st, o rd e rs o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage such as th e C a itik a ,
A p arasaila, LJttarafaila, a n d M a h is a s a k a schools m a in ta in e d that H‘of^
tarings m ad e to stupas w o u ld result in only a sm alt a m o u n t o f m e r i t ” ( 7 ’
49; ]6a). At least four inscriptions co n cern in g the C a itik a School have
been found at A m a ra v a ti in s o u th e rn In d ia . T h e se inscriptions are
p ro b ab ly co n n ected with the greal stupa (mohactkya) at A m a ra v a ti, an
im p o rta n t sire in th e third a n d fourth ccnturies. A lthough th e C a itik a
School m a in ta in e d th at the m e rit earn ed by m a k in g offerings at stupas
was m in im a l, larg e stupas were still associated with the school.
L a te r sources, such as the M a h a tib kS fi { T 1545) a n d [he Abhidhaima-
kosa ( T 1558), also m a in ta in e d th at c o n trib u tio n s to the m on astic o rd er
p ro d u ced m u c h m o re m erit t h a n those m a d e to stupas ( 7 1 27:678b).
T h u s , a lth o u g h stupa w orship was practiced w ithin N ik a y a B ud dh ism ,
rhe m on astic o rd e rs did not alw ays coexist h a rm o n io u s ly w ith the stupa
cults. B ud dh ist believers w ere often discou rag ed from m a k in g offerings
ai the stupas, su gg estin g that stupa worship w as in tro d u ce d into the
m on astic orders after the o rd e rs h ad been established Tor a period of
tim e a n d th at the m on ks did not want to see stupa w orship grow in in flu ­
ence, in ad d itio n to stupas w ith in m o n asteries, th ere w ere o th er stupas
th at were not affiliated with any o f the schools o f N ikaya B ud d h ism an d
th at w ere m a n a g e d by lay m en , T h is division is clear fro m rhe m an y
inscriptions th at hav e been discovered by archeologists in recent rimes.
T h e vast m a jo rity o f the inscriptions c o n c e rn in g stupas do not m en tio n
the n am e o f a schoo].ic
Flowers, incense, b a n n e rs, Hags, m u s ic h a n d dance w ere used in lhe
cerem o nies a c co m p an y in g stupa worship. Even at the B u d d h a 's funeral,
the M r]las o f K u s in a g a ra e m p lo y ed m usic, d a n c e , flowers, a n d incense
to honor, revere, a n d respect lhe corpse o f the B u d d h a before it was c r e ­
m a te d h as is described in detail in the Mahdparinibbdnosutta {DN, vol. 2,
p. 159). T h e use o f m usic a n d d a n c e in such a cerem o n y was d e a r ly for­
b idden to those living a m o nastic life. Tn th e p recepts for novices,
m on ks, a n d n u ns, the e n jo y m e n t o f such e n te r ta in m e n ts was d e a r l y
prohibited- M u sic, d a n c e , th eater, arch itectu re, a n d o th e r arts co n ­
flicted with the sta n d a rd s o f m o nastic life, w hich aim ed at tra n sc e n d in g
worldly concerns. Such arts could not hav e flourished in Buddhist mon-
asicries. Hut th ey did develop a r o u n d stupa w orship a n d w ere later
a d o p ie d inlo M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , w h ere th ey w ere elab o rated fur­
t h e r T h e se tra d itio n s o f m usic a n d d a n c e w ere later tra n sm itte d to
C h in a a lo n g w ith M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , a n d th en ro J a p a n &sgi$iku
Stupa w orship h a d a social as well as a religious d im e n sio n . It began
im m ed iately after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , a n d th ro u g h the su p p o rt o f its
a d h e re n ts, stupa w orship g ra d u a lly began to flourish. T h e stupa* erected
in various areas w ere th ro n g e d with w orship pers a n d pilgrim s. To erect
a stupa, la n d had ro he c o n trib u te d by individuals. Since the lan d was
giv^n for a religious purpose* it w as no lon g er o w ned by a n y p artic u la r
in dividual. Besides the stupa irself, lodging for pilgrim s, wells, a n d pools
for b ath in g w ere built on th e land. T h e se facilities w ere th e p ro p e rly o f
the sttipa. A w alkw ay a ro u n d the stupa was constructed so th at pilgrim s
could w orship as they c irc u m a m b u la te d the sttipa. A fence with gates
enclosed lhe area. C a rv in g s on the fence a n d on lhe gates lo the sttipa
illustrated in cid en ts from lhe B u d d h a's b io g ra p h y a n d the good d eed s
a n d selfless acts he had perform ed in his past lives Religious specialists
w ho explained the jdtaka tales a n d the bio g ra p h y o f the B u d d h a to th e
w o rsh ipp ers probably resided at lhe stupa, as did people w ho m a n a g e d
the lodgings for the pilgrim s. A religious o r d e r b e g a n to talte sh ap e ?E
Since th e stupas h a d property, people m u st have been p resen t to m a n ­
age it. G o ld , silver, flowers, incense, ajid food m ust have been given to
the stilpa by believers a n d pilgrims- A lthough such alm s w ere presen ted
to the B u d d h a , they were u n d o u b te d ly accepted and used by those peo-
pie w ho Cared for the stupa. T h e se people were very different from o r d i­
n ary lay believers, but also w ere p ro b ab ly not m em b ers o f a m onastic
o rd er. T h e y w ere religious specialists w ho w ere n eilh er la y m e n nor
m onks. As these religious specialists rep eatedly explained the illustra-
lions p f the jdtakai a n d th e b io g rap hy o f S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a , they
extolled S a k y a m u n i's religious practices in his past lives as the practices
o f a b o d h isattv a a n d praised his greatness a n d d eep com passion. G rad*
ually they m u st have a d v a n c e d d o ctrin es to explain the B u d d h a 's po w er
to save others. In this w ay th ey attra cted m o re followers to the stupas.
W o rsh ip at stupas m ight well have led to m editatio ns in w hich th e
B u d d h a was visualized. Even tod ay T ib e ta n pilgrim s at B u d d h a g a y a
can be seen p ro stra tin g them selves h u n d re d s o f tim es jn front o f stupas
L o ng ago as people rep eated ly p erfo rm ed such practices while intently
th in k in g u f th e B u d d h a , th ey m ig h t have e n te re d a co n cen tratio n
(samadki) in w hich th e B u d d h a a p p eared be Tore th e m T h is c o n c e n tra ­
tion w ould co rresp o n d to the pratyutpannQ-samodhi describ ed in som e
M a h a y a n a texts. T h u s M a h a y a n a m ed itatio n s in w hich th e B u d d h a is
visualized m a y h a v e o rig in a te d in th e religious experiences o f people
w o rsh ip p in g the B u d d h a at stupas. Such religious experiences m ight
h av e resulted in people c o m in g to the belief th at they w ere bodhisattvas.
In conclusion, the esta b lish m en t o f stupas a n d the a c c u m u la tio n of
p ro p e rty a r o u n d [hem enabled groups o f religious specialists to live n ear
the stupa*. T h e se people fo rm ed orders a n d b egan developing doctrines
c o n c e rn in g th e B u d d h a 's pow ers to save. T h e references in m an y
M a h a y a n a texts to stupa w orship indicate the central rule o f these orders
in the e m erg en ce o f M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism . In some M a h a y a n a texts, a
b o d h isa ttv a g ro u p (iwUttMitoagspa) is m e n tio n e d as existing separately
from the o rd er o f m o nk s o f the N ikaya schools (sTdbakasangha) 31 T h e
bodhisattuagafia p ro b ab ly h a d its origins in the groups o f people who
practiced at stupas. H o w ever, the origins o f (he advo cates o f the perfee-
tion of w isd om literatu re m u st be sought in different areas.
 CHAPTER 17
The Contents o f
Early M ahayana Scriptures

The Earliest Mahayana Scriptures

T h e e a r l i e s t k n o w n M a h a y a n a s trip Lures a re the L iu po-io-mi ching

(Jtafpdram\(d), P ’u-sa (sang-ching (Bodhisattvapifaka), San-p'in ching (7'riskan-
dhakadhaTmapwydya), a n d [he Tao-tfiih ta-ehing.1 T h e se texts a re thought
to be very early because [hey a re cited in so m e u f [he first M a h a y a n a
scrip iures m be translated . T h e L iu po-to-mi ching ($afpdramitd) is q u o ted
in such texts as L o k a k $ e m a hs 179 c .e , tra n sla tio n o f the KdsyapaparibatUi
{ T 350) a n d C h ih C h 'i e n 's (fl. 223-2 53 ) tran slation o f the L a rg e r
Sukh&vat&yuhasutt* ( T 362). T h e bu dhisattva is u rg ed to c h a n t the £ay-
pdramita in these early texts.
T h e P ’u-so tsang-ching (Bodhifaitoapifaka) is cited in texts such as Loka-
Itfc m a ’s t r a n s i t i o n o f the Kdsyapaparivarfa ( T 3S0) a n d D h a r m a r ^ k s a ’s
translatio n o f the Vimaladatidpariprcchd ( 7 ’ 338). T h e San-p'in ching
(Iriskandhakadhanriaparydya) is cited in such texts as the tra n sla tio n o f the
Ugradaltapariprc chd by An H su an a n d Yen F o -t’iao (7" 322)T the Vimala-
dattaparipTccha translated by D h a rm a ra k g a in 289 ( T 33fi), the Ssu-ho-mti
ching tra n sla te d by C h ih C h 'i e n (7* 532), a n d the Siftfdsamuccnya. T h e
Too-chih ta-thmg is cited in C h ih C h 'ie n 's tran slatio n o f the L a rg er
Sukhflpatipjmha ( T 362). S in ce the tra n sla tio n s by Lokakfema* An
H s iia n , a n d Yen F o -t’iao w ere d o n e d u rin g th e reign o f E m p e r o r L ing
(16&-189), the M a h a y a n a texts they tra n sla te d arc clearly early. T h e
$atpdramitds B odhiia ltv ap ita ka, a n d Tri$kandhjikaAha.rmaparya.ya arc even
older* since they a re q u o te d in these eariy tra n slatio n s.
T h e very earliest M a h a y a n a scrip tu res such as the ^atpdramiid a rc no
lo n g e r e x tan t. C on sequently, the date o f th eir co m p o sitio n c an n o t be
d e te rm in e d from th e texts them selves. H ow ever, a p p ro x im a te d ates can
be d e te rm in e d indirectly. E arly versions u f texts such as the Kdiyctpn-
parivarta (tra n sla te d in to C h in ese by L o kak sem a as the / jih-mo-ni-pco
ching. 7’350) w ere p ro b ab ly com piled in ihe first cen tu ry o f the c o m m o n
era. Since ihe fiaipdramitd was q u o ted in these texts, the Satpdramild an d
rhe o th e r earliest M a h a y a n a texts were p ro b ab ly com piled in th e first
cen tu ry b .c .e . T h e $atpdramitd is treated as a typical M a h a y a n a iilira tn
ihe 7a-chih'tu Iun ( T I !i09h 25:30Ra an d 349b, Mahaprtjhdpdramitop&itsa).
T h e SefpSram tii a p p a re n tly was an influential text. As its title implies, n
p ro b ab ly consisted o f a description of the p ractice o f th e si* perfections.
In ihe co u rse o f tre a tin g each o f the six perfections equally, early
M ah ay an isis ev en tu ally realized that the perfection o f wisdom was p a r ­
ticularly im p o rta n t. Perfection o f wisdom sutras p ro b ab ly first a p p e a re d
a lte r the Safpdramita was com piled.
A lthough (he Rodhisattisapitaka is m e n tio n e d in several early texts, Its
c o n tro ls a re not clearly k n o w n . H ow ever, the Fu-hu'tin hui (Piirnapari*
prcchai) in the Ta paa chi-chmg ( T 3 1 0 .17h Mahdratnahita)t translated by
K u m firajtv a. was originally called th e P ’u-sa Isang-ching (Bodhisatti'api'
(uku). In K u m a r a jiv a ’s tra n sla tio n nf ihis tex t, uifrai called the F 'u'ia
tsang-ching a n d the Ying liu po-tv-mi ching a re cited, sug gestin g th at the
tcjtt K u m a r a jiv a used was com piled la te r th an th e earliest version o f the
P'u-sa tsartg-tkiAg. Tn ad d itio n , several o th e r texts h e a r th e title o f P ’u-ta
tidng-chtng, includ in g tran slatio n s by S en g -ch ia-p 'o -lu ( S a n g h a b h a ra ? )
a n d H s iia n -tsa n g (7" M91 a n d 310.12). H s iia n -tsa n g 's translation is
tw enty fascicles long: th e m iddle th irteen fascicles co n tain an exp]ana-
icon n f the sin perfections. These tran slatio ns w ere com pleted long after
M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism had arisen and thus can n o t be used to d e te rm in e
the co n ten ts o f the earliest version of the F ’u+sa (sang-ching A t (he sam e
tim e, these later works are probably related to the early version o f the
P'u-sa hang ching.
A general idea o f th e co n ten ts o f the $ a n -p Tin ching (TriikandhakadhaT'
mapaiyaya) can be g ain ed fro m passages in soch texts as the Fa ching ching
( T 3 2 2 * UgradottQparipreeha) C onfess inn cerem o n ies w ere a m a jo r topic
o f th e S a n p ’in ching. A ccording to the Yu-chia chang-che ching ( T 3 2 3 ,
UgTndattapanpfcchd), the following subjects w ere discussed in the San-p Tin
ching: w orship at the slupa,, confession before the B u d d h a o f One's past
w ro n g d o in g , the cu ltiv atio n o f jo y at a n o th e r 's a c co m p lish m en ts, the
tra n sferen c e of o n e ’s m erits to help others, a n d th e inv itation to the
B u d d h a to the place o f practice. T h e pro ced u res for cerem o n ies lo w o r­
ship the B u d d h a six times d u rin g each tw e n ty -fo u r-h o u r day were also
in clud ed 1 D h a r m a ra k s a is cred ited w ith tra n sla tin g a one-fascicle work
entitled San-p'in hui-kuo thing (not ex(ani), which m ay hav e been related
to th e San-p'in thing. A m o n g ex tan t texts, th e She-lifu hui-kuo thing ( T
1492, Trisitajulhato?) a n d the Ta-shmg son-dm ch'an-hui thing ( 7 ’ 1493,
Karrndvaranapratiprairahdhisiiira#) arc probably p a n o f the trad itio n Thai
p ro d u c e d th e SanptHn ching (Triskandhakadharmaparydya) F u r th e r re
search on (his g ro u p o f lexts is n e e d e d -

P e r f e c t i o n o f W i s d o m ( P r a jn d p d r a m itd ) S u tr a s

T h e largest perfection o f wisdom text is (he la pan-jo po-lo-mi-lo thing ( T

220, Mahdprajndpdramitdsdira) iranslatcd m to C h in ese by H su an -tsan i;
II is six h u n d r e d fascicles long a n d divided into sixteen assem blies (or
parts). Perfection o f w isdom aiitras were not alw ays such large w orks. AI
first a n u m b e r o f sep arate texts circulated independently. L a te r they
were collected to g eth er to m ak e larger w orks such as rhe o n e m e n tio n e d
above.
T h e oldest siilra in this g r o u p is th e Tao-hstng pan-jo thing ( 7 224)
tra n slated by L n k aksem a. Since the tran slatio n w as com p leted a r o u n d
I 79, (he original text probabEy dates buck to (he llrst c e n tu ry c .£ . It
belongs to rhe s a m e g ro u p o f texts as the H siaa-p’in pan jo thing ( T 227)
tra n slated by K u m a r a jiv a a n d the S ansk rit Perfection o j iVifdvm m 8 ,0 0 0
Lints ( Astasdhajrikd-PP) It c o rresp o n d s to rhe fourth and fifth assem blies
in Ta pan jo ching (7" 220). T h e Ktiang-tsan pan-jo thing translated by
D h a r m a ra k s a ( 7 222) c o rresp o n d s lo the Fting-kuang pan-jo thing ( T 22 I)
tran slated by M o k ja la , th e Ta-p'in pan-jo ching ( 7 '2 2 3 ) translated by
K u m a r a jiv a , th e Sanskrit Ptrjection o f Wisdom in 2 5 ,0 0 0 Lines (Pantavirn-
satisdhasrika-PP), a n d th e second assem bly in 7a pan-jo ching ( 7 ’ 220).
O t h e r w ell-know n perfection o f w isdom svitas a re the- Perfection o f Wisdom
in t0 0 t 000 L ints {Satasdhasrikd-PP, T 220.1), SuvikrdntavihdmipanpTcthti
(7 220 lb), VajTQcthedikd [ T 220.9. 2 35 -23 9), a n d Adfiyardhajatikd ( T
220 10, 2 4 0 -2 4 4 ). A m o n g smaller, sh o rter w orks e x p o u n d in g peifeC'
lion o f wisdom d o cttin es, th e Heart sutra {FrajfidpdtamitdhtdayasiUra, 7
249-2S&) is particularly well know n Sanskrit versions of nil o f these
sutras ex ist.3 T h e y hav e also been com pletely tran slated into T ib e ta n
alth ou g h th e ir o rg a n iz a tio n differs on certain points from (he C h in ese
tran slatio ns.
T h e te rm ‘'prajndpdramitd ” m e a n s “ perfection o f w isd o m .” In the /a-
chih-tu lun ( T 1509. Aiahdprajndpdramitopadsia), The term w as explained as
referring to crossing the sea o f samsdra (life a n d death) to the far shore of
nirvdrra o r e n lig h te n m e n t C o n seq u en tly , prajndpdramitd was som etim es
translated as "th ih -tu " in C h in e s e (literally " cro ssin g by m e a n s o f wj&-
d o m '1) as in tlif title o f tin? Ta-chth-ia tun. T h e wisdom specified in prnj-
napiiTamila. is the wisdom of cm pi mess or nonsubstantiahty, through
which the p ractitio n er clings to n o th in g Eind is b o u n d by noth in g. T h u s
a lth o u g h the te rm “ p e rfe c tio n " is used, it is a perfection th at dues not
aim at com p letion . It is w isdo m based on [iractice th ro u g h w hich one is
alw ays p ro c re a tin g tow ard the ideah
T he fierce d e te rm in a tio n a n d po w er req u ired to p ractice the perfec­
tion o f w isdom is o b ta in e d th ro u g h m e n ta l c o n c e n tra tio n s (iamadhi). A
variety *>f co n cen tratio n s IS described in M a h a y a n a Urxts, but the most
im p o rta n t o n e is the surangama-samddhi. a d au n tless a n d powerful co n ­
c e n tra tio n th at destroys all defilem ents. Ln the c h a p te r on the G r e a t
Vehicle (Ta-ihtng p 'in ) o f Ta-p'in pan-jo thtng ( T & 2 91 a , Pantatnijdoiitd-
hasrifa-Pi*') a list o f 106 c o n cen tratio n s is given w ith the /liranfdma-
sarnddhi m e n tio n e d first T h e sumrigdma-samadhi was th u s tho ught to p r o ­
vide the M a h a y a n ist w ith the s tre n g th to prog ress in his practice. T h is
co n cen tratio n is described in the SHmngttnaiatndd/usStta. A lthough Lo-
kak^em a *8 tra n sla tio n o f this text has not s u rv iv e d , a later translatio n by
K u m a ra jiv a ( 7 £>4'2) is ex tan t A cco rdin g lo that text, the ivrnhgama con-
cent rat ion is first o btain ed in the dharmameghdbhumi, the ten th uf the ten
stages o f the b o d h isa ttv a p ath . T h e text was thus associated with th*-
D&snbhumikasiitra. Elsewhere tn the SurarigatnasamddhistliTa, perfection o f
wisdom teachings, the im p o rta n c e of the asp iratio n for e n lig h te n m e n t,
an d a s t age be yond wh ic h t he prac t i t LoHer w i II oo t backs Ii de are
explained* T h e jh/fa was co m piled early in the history ot M a h a y a n a
B u d d h ism a n d is closely related to both the AvatarpSttkasutTa (th r o u g h the
Dasabhiimikasutra) a n d the perfection o f w isd om literatu re
T h e A~<h 'ji f o 'k u o ching ( 7 ’3 1 3 , A ksabhya.tathdgal(iiyauyslha^) is a ls o c lo s e ­
ly co n n ected to the perfection o f wisdom stiiras. A k jo b h y a T a th a g a ta
long ago m a d e a n u m b e r o f vows, inclu din g one th at he w o u ld becom e
om niscient acid nev er becom e a n g ry at a n y sentient b e in g white he
practiced to attain e n lig h te n m e n t. Because he n e v e r allowed h im self to
be m o v e d by a n g e r he was called the Im m o v a b le (A ksob hy a) B u d d h a,
A sim ilar sto ry co n cern in g A k^obhya B u d d h a is also found in the Tao-
hung pan-jo thing { T 224, AftasahdsrthbFP, t ran si a ted by Lokak?ema).,
in d icatin g th at the earliest version o f the Akiobhyatotfidgatasyavyilha is
p ro b ab ly earlier th an the 7ao~hsing pan-jo thing. A d h e re n ts o f the p e rfec­
tion o f w i s d o m siitras som etim es vow ed to be reb o rn in A k^obhya's
B u d d h a -h m d , w h ich was called A b h iraii (L an d o f J o y ), Amit&bha w o r­
ship does not a p p e a r in the perfection o f wisdom sutros a n d co n seq u en tly
m u st h ave origin ated elsew here o r u n d e r different circum stances.
Li th e c h a p te r on seeing A ksobhya B u d d h a ’s fand in the W a-m e thing
( T 4 7 4 -4 7 6 , Vimataktninirdd&j, V im a le k trti is said to hav e originally
 C o n t e n t s o v EAkt.v M m i a y a u a S c k j ^ t u h e s m

been from A b h irati, A kgobhya's land . T h e e x p la n a tio n o f nnnsiibstan*

tiality in thiii sutra is fam ou s, as is the discussion o f nonduality, which
C ulm inates in V im alak irti'a elo qu ent silence. A lthough the Vtmalakir-
tinirdisa was not tra n sla te d into C h in ese by Lokakgem ft, it was t r a n s ­
lated by C h i h C i r i e n soon afterw ard . T h e work was thus p ro b ab ly c o m ­
piled later th an the early perfection of w isdom sutras o r [he A-eft'it fo-kuo
thing { T 313, Aksobhyntathdgatosyavyuha#). N o S an sk rit vcrsiun o f the
Vimatakirttnirdesa is extant* bur it is q u o ted in such Sanskrit texts as the
Sikfdsamvtcayti, Prosannapadd, a n d Bhdvandktama.*

T h e A w ta m m k a s u tr a

T h e full n a m e o f th e A&atamxakanitja in S an sk rit is the Buddhdvuianuoka

mabdaatpuiyaiuttil ( C h . /a-Jitng-kudng Jo-hua-ytn ekiftg, I nos. 27 tJ, 279,
293). T h e term "vatpulya” (P. vedatla) is a title given to a sutra said to
include p ro fo u n d doctrines. It is inclu ded as a category in b o th the
ninefold a n d twelvefold divisions o f the FSuddhist scriptures. A cco rdin g
to som e M a h a y a n a lexis, M a h a y a n a sutras should be identified with the
uflipttiya catego ry in th e ninefold o r twelvefold divisions o f the B u d d h a 1*
teachings. T h e cen tral elem en t in the title o f this sutra is "Buddhdvatam-
join " T h e ic rm “nuaiamsaka" m e a n s ,la g a rla n d o f flowers/* in d icatin g
that all th e v irtu es th at th e B u d d h a has a c cu m u lated by lhe tim e he
attain s e n lig h te n m e n t are like a beautiful g arlan d o f flowers th at ad o rn s
h im . A n o th e r title o f th e sutra, Gari$avyvhaf probably is u n co n n ected to
the title Buddhdvaiauuaka. “ Vyuha” m ean s ' ‘o r n a m e n t ,'’ r h e m e a n in g of
"jOftyfa" is not clear, b u t it m a y m ean " s t e m ” o r “ stalk ." A cco rd in g to
other ex p lan atio n s, it m ay m e a n “ m iscellaneous flowers.” T h u s Ganda*
vytiha m ig h t m ean 11o r n a m e n t o f m iscellaneous o r v ario u s flo w e rs /' b u t
this in te rp re ta tio n is n o t certain . Generally* Gaftdaiyttfia is co n sidered to
be the original n am e o f the “ C h a p i n On T'Lnlermg lhe Dharmndhdtii' \Ju
ja-chieh p 'in t see 7’ 295 for an ex am ple) th at is included in the Avaiam-
saka.
T h e AvM&nwikA w as iranslated into C h in ese by B u d d h a b h a d r a in 421
C . e . ( T 21%). T h is translation* consisting o f sixty fascicles a n d divided
into th irty -fo u r c h ap ters, w as b ased on a S an sk rit text th at h a d been
b ro u g h t to C h i n a from K h o ta n by C h ih F a ling. T h u s th e S a n sk rit text
of Ibe Avatamsaka was com piled before 400, p ro b ab ly by 350. L ater, in
699* it w j s tra n sla te d into C h in ese a g a in by £ ik $ a n a n d a ( T 2 7 9 ) . T his
version was eighty fascicles long a n d divided into th trty -nin e chapters.
Still la te r a T ib e ia n tra n sla tio n divided into forty-five chapters was
m ad e. Because the Sanskrit text used in U u d d h a b h a d r a 's C h in ese ( ra n i
laiion h a d b een brou g ht from K hot an, som e m o d e rn scholars have
a rg u e d th at a d d itio n s and revisions to the sutra w ere d o n e in C e n tra l
Asia, H o w ev er, the S an sk rit text u p o n w hich the T ib e ta n tra n sla tio n
was based was p ro b ab ly b ro u g h t from In d ia , not C e n tra l Asia- T h e pos­
sibility o f C en tra) Asian a d d itio n s to the text re quires f u rth e r in v estig a­
tion.
T h e Avatantsaka originally w as not as lengthy a text as it is today. In
th e Th'ihih-lu iun ( T 150EJh Mahdpva; napat am itvpa dtie), the DaiobhSntika
a n d Gantfetryuha a rc q u o te d T h u s , before they w ere in c o rp o ra te d in to
the Avatamsaka, these two works must h a v e circulated in d e p e n d e n tly
E v e n earlier is Lukak^enia's tra n slatio n h the 'Ibu-sha ching ( T 280),
w hich h a a early version o f rhe Aoateapsaka** ch ap ters nn rhe “ N am es of
the T a t h a g a i a " (Mmg-hao p fb i) a n d on '’E n lig h te n m e n t11 (Ku&ng'*n\ng'
chikh p'tn). C h ih C h 't e n 's tra n sla tio n , rhe F ’« -sa ptn-yth chtng { T 281),
p rim a rily c o rresp o n d s to the “ C h a p ie r on P u re Practices*1 (Ching-hsing
p 'mj o f tht: Avatamsaka. T h t early tO m pilaiion o f th r Oosabhumiknsutra is
d e m o n s tr a te d by ihe dejicripiions o f the ten stages (dasabhumi) in the
Shau-leng-y/n san-mtt ching ( T h 4 2 n Surtmgamojamadhisutra) a n d o th er early
M a h a y a n a w orks. T h e DtoaMumikasutra itself was tra n sla te d into C h i ­
nese by D h a rm a ra k $ a a r o u n d £97 (7"2S5). C on sequ en tly, the Avatam-
saka is elearly co m po sed n f a n u m b e r n f ind iv idu al j Utras ihai circulated
in d ep en d en tly a n d w ere taier co m piled into a Earge w ork. A m o n g the
earliest p arts o f the Avatamsaka are the DaiabhiitnikasutTa, P'u-sa ptn-yth
ching, a n d Tou-sha ching.
T h e Avataqutrfui is said to reveal the B u d d h a ’s e n lig h te n m e n t just as it
is, th at is, w ith o u t s h a p in g th e co n ten ts to lit the n eed s o f the audience.
T h e B u d d h a preach cs the niira while he is in the o cean -ieal con cen tra-
lion (sdgaraiftudri-iamadhi) in w hich e v ery th in g is clearly m anifested in
his m ind. Because the te a c h in g was ex trem ely difficult to u n d e rs ta n d ,
such as S a r ip u tr a a n d M a u d g a ly a y a n a a re said to have not
u n d e r s to o d th e sutra at all anti io have ac te d as if th ey w ere d e a f an d
dum b.
T h e realm o f e n lig h re n m e n t d escrib ed in (he stltra is the world of
V airo can a, the B u d d h a o f P ervasive Light. ( T h e B u d d h a m e n tio n e d in
later Esoteric B ud dh ist texts is called M a h a v a ir o c a n a .) H e has attain ed
u n lim ite d v irtu es, paid h o m a g e to all B u d d h a s, ta u g h t m y riad s o f sen ti­
ent beings, a n d realized s u p re m e e n lig h te n m e n t. A cloud o f m anifested
B u d d h a s issues from the h a ir follicles o f V a iro c a n a 's body. H e is a
m ajestic H u d d h a w ho n p en s the Buddhist p ath to sen tien t beings- H is
w isd om is c o m p a re d to the o c e a n (m in d ), w hich reflects light (objects)
ev ery w h ere w itho ut limit.
T h e Buddha's enlightenment is complete in and of itself: words can­
 not accu rately describe it. C onsequently, th e B u d d h a 's e n lig h ten m en t
m u st be explained by d escrib in g its causes, th e bodh isattva practices
That result in en lig h ten m en t a n d B u d d h ah o o d . T h e Atrat&puaJbt thus
consists o f a description o f the austerities o f th e bodh isattva as he strives
to realize en lig h ten m en t. T h e stages on the p a th to cn Lighten me nt an d
the wisdom realized in v ario u s stages a re system atically discussed.
A m o n g th e stages d escrib ed a re the ten ab od es (avastha? o r vihdra?), the
te n practices to benefit o th ers (tarya?), th e te n stages at w hich the p r a c ti­
tio n er's m e rits arc given to o th e r sentient beings {patindmand?), a n d the
ten g ro u n d s (dasabhumi). T h e ten g ro u n d s, ex p lain ed in detail in the sec­
tion o f the Ai'atamsaka entitled the Dasabhtimika, w ere p articu larly im p o r ­
tan t in d e m o n stra tin g the u n iq u e qualities u f the b o d h isa ttv a 's p r a c ­
tices, In this text, the last o f the six perfections, rhe perfection of
w isdo m , was e x p a n d e d by ad d in g four new aspects to it— skill in m ean s
(upaya)t vows (prartidbdna), streng th (bafa)t a n d know ledge (jndna)—
making a new total o f ten perfections. By practicing the ten perfections
in o r d e r o v e r ten stages, a person can reaJize s u p re m e e n lig h te n m e n t.
T h e Shih-chti p ’i-p 'o-sfta fan ( T 15 2 1), a c o m m e n ta ry on the B tiabhum iia
a ttrib u te d to N a g a r ju n a , exists in C h in ese. Its discussion o f how faith in
A m ita b h a B u d d h a can lead to B u d d h a h o o d , a path n f easy p ractice, has
been p articu larly inHuentiaJ in East Asia.
In the sixth g r o u n d , F acing W isd o m (abbimukhi), the b o d h isattv a cut-
livates the perfection o f w isdo m a n d gains insight into D e p e n d e n t O r ig ­
ination. Because tru e w isdo m ap p ears before h im , this stage is tailed
"‘facing w is d o m .'h Included in this scction o f the text a re th e fam ous
words “ T h e three realm s a re e m p ty a n d false. T h e y are sim ply th e
p ro du cts o f the o n e -m in d . T h e elem ents o f the twelve links o f D e p e n ­
d en t O rig in a tio n all d ep en d on th e m i n d ” (cf. T 10:194a). A cco rd in g to
this view, ail m a n 's experiences a re fo rm ed a n d sh ap ed by his cognitive
faculties; a n d m a n 's experiences a n d cognitions are all a ttrib u ta b le lo
the Mo n e - m in d .?h T h e " o n e - m i n d " m e n tio n e d in this p assag r m ay be
in te rp re te d as the T a th a g a ta g a r b h a , th e in nately p u re n a tu r e o f the
m in d referred to in m a n y B ud d hist scriptures. C o nsequently, according
to the Avatnmsaka Mthe m i n d f rhe B u d d h a, a n d sentient be m g s— these
three a re not d ifferen t13 ( 7 h9:4G5c),
T h e te a c h in g th at the original n a tu r e o f the min d is p u re constitu tes
one o f the m a jo r tra d itio n s in M a h a y a n a tho ug ht, Tt is fo un d in the p e r­
fection o f wisdom literatu re as well as m such sutras as (he Wtt-mo ching
( T 4 7 4 -4 7 6 , VimelaklttinirdtJa), Ta-chi ching ( 7 ‘ 397, Mahdsamnipdla^),
A-she-shih-wang thing ( T 6 2 6 -6 2 9 , AjatasatnikaukrtyaviTiodana#), and W tn-
ihu-shih-i\ ching-lii ching ( T 460, Pumrna rt has am art is<dyan imtesa). If the ori g­
inal n a tu r e o f lhe m in d o f even a n o rd in a ry p erso n is p u re , th en e v e ry ­
o n e has th r potential to realize B ud dhahood- T h e im p o rta n c e o f d ev el­
o p in g th e asp iratio n to e n lig h te n m e n t is em p h a siz e d in rhe Avatamsaka,
since this b e g in n in g step sets ofT the process th at will result in su p rem e
e n lig h te n m e n t. A ccording to th e Avatatjuakii, “ At the tim e o f the first
a s p ira tio n to e n l i g h t e n m e n t s u p re m e e n lig h te n m e n t is r e s i z e d " ( T
9 449c). T h e teach ing by some H u a -y e h m asters th at B u d d h a h o o d i$
realized w h en the p ra c titio n e r has* com pleted the ten stages o f faith (C h.
hiin-man chltng-fo), th e b e g in n in g stages o f the H u a-y en p ath , is based
on such passages.
T h e F ’u-sa pai'yeh chtrig [ T 23 1,), a tejit th at consists prim arily of the
‘‘C h a p te r on P u re P ractices11 (Ching-hsing p *inj o f the Avatamsaka wilh
m a te ria l a d d e d to the b e g in n in g an d en d , circulated as an in d e p e n d e n t
text. D etailed d escrip tio n s o f th e practices o f both lay a n d m onastic
b o d hisaltvas a re in clud ed in it. Particularly fam ou s is the in te rp re ta tio n
o f the fo rm u la for ta k in g refuge in the T h r e e J ew els. It b eg in s " W h e n I
put my faith in the B u d d h a , I also vow th at 1 shall aw ak en the s u p re m e
a sp iratio n in sentient beings a n d help th e m realize the p a t h ” ( T
10:447c).
In the J u Ja-chieh p ’in (Gantfuvyuha), the indescribable realm o f the
B u d d h a 's e n lig h te n m e n t and the practices a n d vows o f the b o d h isattv a
S a m a n ta b h a d r a , w hich en ab le people to e n te r th at fab ulo us realm , are
discussed. T h e se subjects a rc related th ro u g h the story q f the y ou th
S u d h a n a a n d his travels tn search o f the D h a r m a ►W h e n S u d h a n a h e a rd
M a n ju s r i p re a c h , th e asp iratio n to realize e n lig h te n m e n t arose w ithin
him. T o p u t rhe teachin g s o f S a m a n ta b h a d r a into practice, S u d h a n a
traveled a n d visited fifty-three teachers. Finally, he received S a m a n ­
t a b h a d r a ’s teachings a n d realized e n lig h te n m e n t a n d the dharmadhdtu.
S an sk rit texts o f several sections o f th e AvaUunsaka are e x tan t. T h e
Das&bhumika (o r Dasabhumisvarei) an d fhe Gantfnvyvk,i have been pub^
fished. T h e Ganfavyuha co n clu des with verses, w hich circu lated in d e ­
p e n d e n tly at o n e tim e, co n cern in g S a m a n t a b h a d r a ’s practices an d
vows. T h e S an sk rit rcxr o f rhe verses has been p ublished a$ th e Shadra-
(d n -p ra ftid /w n A -rd ju . Several sections o f the ch ap ters on the bodhisattva*
BhadrasrT a n d V a jra d h v a ja arc found in the tfikjdsaniuccaya a n d thus are
p reserv ed in Sanskrits T h e la tte r c h a p te r is cited u n d e r the title
Vajradhvajaiutra, su gg esting th at it circulated in d ep en d en tly f o r a tilttC.*

The Lotus Sutra

T h e Sanskrit title o f the Lotus Sutra is Saddharrnapupdarikasiitra. A ten-fas^

d e le C h in e s e tran slatio n o f the svtra was com p leted in 2B6 by D h a r -
 rnarak sa ( 7 ’ 2tj3). C h ih C h 'i e n is said to hav e translated rhe c h a p te r on
'P a r a b l e s ” as lhe Fo i san-ch’e-huan ching, but th e historicity o f this t r a d i ­
tion is q u estio n ab le. T he Sa-t'a* fm -lo -t’i ching ( T 265, tra n sla to r
u n k n o w n ) is a one-fascide C h in ese tra n sla tio n o f the ch ap ters on
" D e v a d a t i a ’1 a n d the f'A p p a r itio n of the Jew eled S tu p a /' w hich was
com pleted a r o u n d the tim e o f D h a r m a ra k ;a . T h e tra n sla tio n by D h ar-
m a r a k j a is a complete text with tw enty-seven chapters. H o w ev er, at an
earlier d ate in any o f the ch ap ters seem to hav e circu lated independently.
T h e earliest p a rt o f the text, the c h a p te r on “ Skill in M e a n s '1
(updyakausafya), d ates from before ihe second cen tu ry c.e.. Since im ages
o f lhe B u d d h a are m e n tio n e d in the verses o f this ch ap ter, it t a n p r o b a ­
bly be d a te d no earlier th a n ihe latter h a lf o f the first cen tu ry c . t .
T h e s ta n d a rd C h in ese I ran si at i On o f the texl is the MiaO'fa htn-hud
ching ( T 262) hy Kum arajTvaj which was finished in 405 o r 406,
K um arajT va s tra n sla tio n was nol q u ite co m p lete because it d id not
include the " C h a p t e r on D ev ad attfl,” the verses from the " C h a p t e r on
AvaJokiteSvara,” a n d half o f th e 11C h a p t e r on B h aisajyaraja (M ed icin e
K ing) B tidhisattva.” A r o u n d 190 F a h s i e n o b ta in e d the S an sk rit text of
the " C h a p t e r on D e v a d a tta ” in K a o -c h ’a n g {in T u rfa n ) a n d b ro u g h t it
back to C h i n a , w here he tra n slated it to g eth er with Fa-i. H ow ever, their
translation w as not used in th e co m m en tarie s on the Lotus Sutra by Pa-
yiin <476-529, T 1 7 J 5 ) o r by Sholofcu T aishi (5 7 4 -6 2 2 , 7 2 1 8 7 ) . T h u s ,
ihe tran slaito n o f the " C h a p t e r on D e v a d a tia '' m u st have been a d d e d to
lhe Lotus Sutra after th eir tim e. C hih-i ( 5 3 8 -5 9 7) c o m m e n te d o n the
'^ C h ap ter on D c v a d a ita '’ in his Fa-hua wen-cku ( T 34: II 4c), b u t
ex p lain ed th at the c h a p te r was not included in the K u m a r a jiv a tra n s la ­
tion. In 601 the missing sections o f the K u m a ra jiv a tra n sla tio n we re­
tra n sla te d by J n a n a g u p t a a n d o th ers to p ro d u ce a m ore co m plete text
entitled T*im~p*in miao-fa lien-hua ching ( T 264). T h e m o d ern version o f
K u m a r a j i v a ^ tra n sla tio n includes the " C h a p t e r on D c v a d a r ta 1' an d
m any, b u t not all, o f Lhe m issing p arts tra n sla te d later a n d thus differs
from Kum arajiva*s original [ran^Eation.
Peoplc o v e r a wide a r e a o f A sia believed in the Lotus Sutra. A c o m ­
plete T ib e ta n translation o f the text exists, a n d Sanskrit m an u sc rip ts of
it have been discovered in v ario u s places in Asia. P articularly im p o rta n t
are the Sanskrit m an u sc rip ts from N epal, Gilgic in n o r th e rn In d ia , an d
K a s h g a r a n d K h ad alik in C e n tra l Asia. T h e N epalese m an u sc rip t w as
p ublished by H . K e rn a n d B. N anjio. Since th en , o th er m an u sc rip ts of
th e Lotus Sutra h av e also b een pu blished M o d e rn tra n sla tio n s into
English a n d J a p a n e s e hav e also appeared,* PassEtges in the Lottu an d
Frajndparamita salras stated th at copying, preserving , read in g , p re a c h ­
ing, a n d h o n o rin g these texts w o u ld result in great m erit T h u s , m an y
o f the copies o f these texts th at were m ad e to p ro d u ce m erit have s u r ­
vived a n d b e e n discovered in recent limes.
The te rm “saddharnia " in the title o f t h t Lotus Sutra (Saddharmapu^
dankasutra) m e a n s “ true te a c h in g .'1 T h e tru e t e a c h i n g is c o m p a re d to ei
white lot us (punrfartka), w hich grows in m u d but is not defiled by i m p u r i ­
ties, T h e sutTQ was com p osed 10 ex p lain the tru e teaching (nam ely, t h t
p u re n a tu re o f th e m in d ).
Passages in ihe " I n t r o d u c t i o n ” an d in ih c sutra from th e c h a p te r on
“ P a ra b Jc s " (chap. 3) o n w a rd often refer to the Lotus Sutra. S u c h m e n ­
tions o f the Lotus Sutra w ithin (he text o f the sutra it self refer to the c h a p ­
ter on “ Expedient D ev ices'1 (ch ap. 2), the oldest pEirt o f the lent. T h is
c h a p ie r co n cern s th e (caching o f the O n e B u d d h a-v eh ictc, a d o c trin e
that leads even iram kai am i prgtytkabuddhas ro develop the know ledge
a n d insight o f a B u d d h a . Sravakas an d pratyckabuddhas gain conHdcnce
thai they can attain Rudd ha hood when they discover that they have th e
B u d d h a - n a tu r e . A lthough no term exactly c o rre s p o n d in g to Buddha*
n a tu re dip pears in the Lotus Sutra, the haste concept is co n tain ed in this
passage: 'T h e original n a tu r e (p ra h ti) o f dharmas is forever p u re
(ftTabhasvaia)" (v. 102 from ihe S an sk rit o f the c h a p te r on “ E x ped ien t
D ev ices"). I his leach ing has the sa m e m e a n in g as the d o ctrin e found in
the perfection ol w isd om literatu re that d i e m in d is i n n a t e l y p u re . I ins
d o ctrin e later developed into T a th a g a ta g a r b h a teachin gs a n d the view
that all sentient beings possessed ihe B u d d h a -n a tu re .
T h e te rm "saddharma11 in the sutra'* title refers to the teach ing s that
ex p lain ihe th ree vehicles in such a way th at ih e O n e-v eh icle is revealed
as the u ltim ate m essage of B ud dh ism ( C h . k'ai'san hsitn-i), In te rm s of
prin ciples, this teachin g is based on the tru e aspect o f all dharmas (d/tar-
mata), that aJl dhornuu are in nately p u re, even tho ug h (he p u riiy o f dhm-
mas (o r o f the mind) is obscured in the o r d in a ry person by defilem ents.
In subjective term s, the sutra is based o n th e p racticing b u d h isac tv a’s
aw aren ess o f h i a o w n B u d d h a -n a tu re . In the sutra, this original p u rity is
c o m p a r e d to a white lotus g ro w in g in a muddy p o n d .
In the ch ap ters following “ P a ra b le s,'’ to p ro v e that ev en srdvakas j>os-
sess the iru e D h a r m a , the B u d d h a m akes p rediction s (vydkaram) chat
irdvakos sue h as Sari put ra will re alize Rudd hah nod in ihe fu tu r e .
A lthough th e followers o f each o f the three vehIcle#— irdtKxkaj, p m ytka -
buddhas, a n d b o d h isa ttv a s — all p erfo rm the different practices ol their
respective vehicle, they m ake equal progress on the p ath to B uddha-
hood. A cco rd in g to the “ Expedient D evices" ch ap ter, “ T h e re is only
one vehicle, not (wo o r th r e e ” ( 7 9;8a), (In con trast, ac c o rd in g to the
Vimaiakirtmirdesa, the followers o f the srdw k#-vehicle a re d isp a ra g e d as
h a v in g " r o t t e n ” o r in ferio r seeds an d are said to have no possihihiv of
realizing H u d d h ah oo d. However* if srdvakai a n d pratyekabuddhiLs can n o t
realize u ltim ate salvation , then the teach in g o f (he Vimalakiriinirdesa can-
nni he ra ile d a com plete version o f M a h a y a n a j since some beings are
nut included w ithin Lhe scope ol the B u d d h a 's co m passio n.)
T h e O ne-vehicle te a c h in g o f the Lotus Sutra p r o b a b ly arose out of the
n e e d to fo rm ulate a teach in g th a t w ould acco u n t for the salvation of
I lin a y a n a p ractitio n ers [n historical term s, after a perio d o f e m p h a s iz ­
ing (he op position o f a n d differences b etw een lhe H i n a y a n a an d
M a h a y a n a tradifion s, M a h a y a n a thinkers fo rm u lated new teachings
such as those o f the Lquu Sutra, which w o u ld e n c o m p a ss th e tw o t r a d i­
tions. T h e ap p eal o f such teach ing s was b ased on the p o pu larity o f stupa
w orship, as is clear in the c h a p te r on the " A p p a ritio n o f the Je w e le d
Stupa” (stupasamdarsana).
In F.ast Asia the Lotus Sutra has often been in te rp re te d by d iv id in g it
into tw o m a jo r parrs. T h e first h a lf of the sutra, particularly the c h a p te r
o n “ E x p e d ie n t D e v ic e * /1 is called the “ section on m a n ife s ta tio n '1 (C h .
chi-men). T h e second h a lf o f the sutra, p artic u la rly lhe c h a p te r on " 1 he
Lifespan o f th e T h u s G o n e O n e " (laihdgatayujpramfyia)t is called ih e
' ‘fundi!mi:nlal sectio n ” (C h. pen-men). T h e c h a p te r on “ T h e Lifespan of
ihe T h u s G o n e O n e ” is said to co ntain teach ing s th at " e x p la in th e m a n
ifesta|Lons a n d ri'vcal the original B u d d h a ' (C h. k'ai-cht hs ten-pen). I he
revelation th at S a k y a m u n t actually realized e n lig h te n m e n t eons ago is
said to c o rro b o rate th e Leaching in the c h a p te r on “ E x p e d ie n t D evices''
that ih e R ud d h a -n a tu re is etern al (C h Fb-hsiitg chang-diuy T h e figure of
■Sakyamuni as a m a n w ho realized enlightenrneni at B u d d h ag av a anti
d ied ai eighty years o f age is revealed to be n o th in g m o re th an an expe*
dient device to e n c o u ra g e sen tien t beings to p ractice B u d d h ism . H e is
m erely a m anifestatio n o f t hi? etern al B u d d h a.
T h e Lotus Sutra is divided in to tw enty-eight ch ap ters. T h e tw enty
ch ap ters p re c e d in g the c h a p te r on “ T h e S u p e r n a tu ra l P ow ers o f the
T h u s G o n e Q n e M (tathagatarddhyahhisamkara) co nstitu te the earlier p a n
of the text. T h e s e twenty ch ap ters ean also be divided in to earlier an d
later strata, suggesting th at the text we have to day i s the result of a c o m ­
plex process o f compilation^ All but th e last six o f the iw enty-eighi chap*
(era include verses that repeat the content* o f the prose p o rtiu n s o f ttie
test. T h e verses a re w ritten in P rak rit a n d a p p e a r to be earlier than the
prose. Ln the last six c h ap ters, the chapLer on " T h e U niversal GaLe
o f AvaLakite£vara" (samantamukhaparivarto namarahkitesi'aratikuwartanirde-
sah) is n o te w o rth y because it describes the m u ltitu d in o u s w ays Avaloki-
te sv a ra saves sentient b rin g s.
A n u m b e r o f scriptu res associated w ith the Lotus Sutra exist T h e Wu-
hang-i ching ( 7 ’ 276} is called th e “ o p en in g sutra" (C h. A‘ai-thtng) for Ilie
Lotus Sutra in East Asia because let lures on the Lotus Sutra w ere often
p reced ed by a talk on the W u-Itangi thing. T h e text contains the fam ous
sta te m e n t by the B u d d h a th at in m ore th an lorty years o f p reach in g , he
had not yei rev ealed th e u ltim a te teaching (w hich was to be ex p lain ed in
t he Lotus Sutra, T 9 :3 8 6 b ).
T h e Kuan p ’u-hsitn p'u-sa hsing-ja thin# ( T 277) is reg ard ed as the
cap ping sutra" ( C h . chith-ching) for th e Lotus Sutra in East A sia because
the b o d h isattv a S a m a n t a b h a d r a plays a key role in both it a n d (he lit$(
c h a p te r o f th e I^atus. L ectures on ihe Lotas Sutra were often concluded
w ith a taJk on th at sutra. A confession cerem o n y inclu ded in the Kuan
p 'u-hsicnp'u-sa hsing-ja ching has been influential in East Asia.
T h e 7a fa-ku chtng ( '/ ' 270, M ahabkeriharakapariuartaw as influenced
by the (hem e o f the h a rm o n iz a tio n of the th ree vehicles p resen ted in the
Lotus Sutra. T h is w ork f u rth e r develops a n u m b e r of topics p resen ted in
the Lotus iVufra, especially the T a th a g a ta g a r b h a d o c t r in e . D iscussions of
th e O n e-v eh icle a n d the u n iv ersality o f the Huddh a -n a tu re a re also
included.

T h e Pure L a n d S u tr a s

In the Kast A sian P ore L a n d trad ition , (he following th ree sutras are
p articu larly im p o rta n t' Wu-Hang-shou thing ( 7 ‘ 3&0r " L a r g e r " Sukhdvafi-
vyuha*), A -m i-t’o ching ( / ’ 366, “ S m a lle r” Sukhaoaii\amjta.\vyuhn)i an d
Kuan wu-liang-sh&u-fo thing ( T 365). M o d e rn scholars believe th at the
Kuan wu-tiang-shou-Jo ching was com posed in e ith e r C h in a o r C en tra!
Asia. H o w ev er, even th o u g h th e m a y not hav e been com po sed in
I n d ia , the co n ten ts reflect In d ia n views.
T h e earliest ex tan t C h in ese tran slatio n o f the " L a r g e r " Sukhdvati-
iryuha is the 'laa-rni-t o ching (7"362) tra n slated by C h ih C h 'i e n so m etim e
b etw een 223 a n d 253. L ater, th e siitra w as repeatedly tran slated . East
A sian B u dd hists tradition ally hav e claim ed th at it was tran slated into
C h in e s e a total o f twelve tim es; how ever only five of these translation s
have survived ( T nos 310,5, 3 6 0-3 63 ). In ad d itio n , a T ib e ta n transla
lion o f the sutra exists a n d S a n sk rit versions h a v e been p u b lis h e d .7
A cco rd in g to one o f th e C h in ese tra n sla tio n s, the W u-Iiangshou ching,
the bodhisattva D h a r m a k a r a m ade forty-eight vows that were fulfilled
w hen he later a tta in e d B u d d h a h o o d a n d b ecam e A m ita b h a B u d d h a.
H ow ever, in o th e r tran slatio n s o f the sutra ( T 3 6 1 and T 362) the n u m ­
ber o f vows in only tweoty-fnurH Additional variations in the contents
a n d n u m b e r o f vows can be found in the latest C h in ese tran slatio n (7"
363), the T i b e t a n tra n sla tio n , a n d the Sanskrit version o f the sutra. A
 co m p ariso n o f th e v ario u s tran slatio ns o f th e text reveals how the con-
ten is o f the vows ch an g ed from the earliest versions to the later Ones A
survey o f ch an g es in the n u m b e r s an d conlOnfS o f lhe vows indicates
th at ihe “ Sm aller"' Sukhdvativyuha w as not com piled very lung before the
version o f the “ L a r g e r '1 Sukhduativyttha th at C h ih C h 'ie n used for his
translatio n.
Besides the “ L a r g e r '1 Sukhdvalivyuha, L okakpem a tra n sla te d the Bh&-
drapdiitsuita (also k n o w n as th e Pratyutpannasamadhiwtni, Pan-chon san-mei
ching, T 4 IS), T h is JiJfra co n tain s a descrip tion o f a m e d ita tio n throu gh
w hich a p erso n can visualize A m ita b h a B u d d h a in front o f h im . 'Iliu s,
belief in A m ita b h a m ust h av e been established before the Bhndrapdtasii-
!tq was co m p osed. In a d d itio n , m a n y o f the sutrai tra n sla te d by C h ih
C h ’ ien ( T n o s . 532, 5 3 3 h 559, 632, an d 1011) co n tain passages on Ami-
ta b h a . T h e freq u en t m e n tio n of A m ita b h a in a variety o f futras a n d lhe
n u m b e r s o f b o dh isattv as who arc i den lifted with th e past lives o f A m i­
ta b h a (som e f i f t e e n / includ in g m o n ks, p rinces, anti w o rld -ru lin g kings)
in dicate that belief in A m ita b h a d id nut o rig in a te w ith [he composition
o f the Sukhdvativyuha
F rom a m o n g ihe m a n y stories co n cern in g lhe past Uves o f A m iia b h a
B u d d h a , ihe story o f the b o d h isattv a D h a r m a k a ra is the mosi im p o r ­
tan t, H ow ever, D h a r m a k a ra a n d A m ita b h a do noi seem 10 hav e been
identified wiih each o th e r ai first. M o reo v er, the stories o f A m i t a b h a ’9
past lives as v ario u s b o d hisalivas do not seem to b e related to each oth er
acco rdin g to recent research by the J a p a n e s e scholar F u jita Kf>tatsu.
Sincc the n a m e s o f m a n y o f these bod hisattvas a p p e a r in th e early tra n s ­
lations by C h ih C h 'i e n a n d D h a r m a r a t ^ a h the stories o f these bodhisat*
tvas a re p ro b ab ly as early as those about D h a r m a k a r a C o n s e q u e n tly
D h a r m a k a r a a n d A m ita b h a do not a p p e a r lo have been closely linked lo
each o th e r at first. In fact, legends a b o u t A m ita b h a a n te d a te the
a p p e a ra n c e o f lhe stories o f D h a r m a k a r a . T h e n a m e s A m u a b h a
( U nlim tted Light) a n d A m tt ay us (U n h im te d Life) by them selves o rig i­
nally do nor seem to have h a d a n y clear B u dd h ist content. But once the
sto ry o f D h a r m a k a r a 's vows was a d d e d to the story o f A m ita b h a , then
belief in A m ita b h a w as influenced by M a h a y a n a ideals o f th e B u d d h a 's
com passion. M oreover, the elem ent “ifa&a " (tre a su ry ) in the n am e
D h a r m a k a r a is used in T a th a g a ta g a r b h a th o u g h t a n d thus helps locate
belief in A m ita b h a w ith in th e M ah ayan a tra d itio n .0
T h e Pan-chou san-mei thing ( T 4 1 6 - 4 1 9 , RfuidwpalasuiTp) also rn n c e rn s
A m iia b h a B u d d h a , b u i in the context o f the m e d ita tiv e exercises in
w hich the p ra c titio n e r visualized the B u d d h a. It thus has no direct c o n ­
nection w ith D h a r m a k a r a ‘s vows. I n this sutra A m ita b h a B u d d h a is sig-
n ifitan t as a I3uddha o f U n lim ite d Light o r Life w ho is taken as (he
objeci o f a visu ali/aiiu jt L'xcrcisc. T h r iw o co nception s o f Amitatahii—
A m itS b h a as an object of a v isu alizatio n m ed itatio n (in th e Bhadrapdtasd-
fra) a n d A m ita b h a as the e m b o d im e n t o f com p assion (in the *' L a r g e r ”
Sukh&uatwyuha)— w ere finally co m b in ed in iho Kuan wu-iitiog-shop/c chin#
( T 365). M u st m o d e m scholars believe [Elar ihis sutra was co m p iled in
e ith e r C h in a o r C e n tra l A s ia .10 H o w ev er, the story o f K in g A ja ta sa tru
a n d his m o th e r V aidehi ap p e a rs in early sources such as ihe WeisHtng
yuan ching (7" 507), tra n sla te d by C h ih C h 'i e n . M o reo v er, m ed itatio n s
on a special land w here a person m ay be reb o rn th ro ug h p u re actions
( C h . ck ing-chmgyth-ch 'ij) has its roots in early B u d d h ist t r a d itio n s .11
T h e A -m i t'a ching ( T 1 6 6 1 irS m a lle r11 SukhaMtxoyiiha) is com po sed of
d escrip tio n s o f th e a d o r n m e n ts ol the W estern P aradise a n d praises for
A m ita b h a 's a c h ie v e m e n ts by the B uddhas o f the six directions. Its co n ­
tents a re sim p ler t h a n the descriptions o f visualizations o f ihe B u d d h as
o r the vows o f D h a r m a k a r a . But it is tied to the " L a r g e r " Sukhdvatiuyuha
by th e s ta te m e n t th at len cons have passed since A m ita b h a becam e a
B u d d h a . T h r sta te m e n t from the “ S m a lle r " Sukhdvativyuha m ay have
been in c o rp o ra te d into the “ L a r g e r '’ Sukhdvaliuyiika. A lth o u g h this
s ta te m e n t by itself docs n o t p rovide sufficient evidence to d e te r m in e the
o rd er in w hich the tw o siitras w ere co m p osed, th e evidence strongly sug-
gests that the “ S m a lle r ” Sukhduativyuha is the o ld er text.
I lie m ost im p o rta n t satjas co n cern in g A m ita b h a h ave been surveyed
abo ve, b u t m a n y o th er M a h a y a n a scriptu res c o n ta in references to
A m tla b h a . Since A m ita b h a is m e n tio n e d in the Fan-ihou san-mri chiag ( T
\ 18, Bhadrapdiasiltra)f translated by Lokak^em a in 179, belief in Ami-
la b h a was u n d o u b te d ly evident in n o rth e rn In d ia in die first cen tu ry
n.E. U is u n d e a r , how ever, w h eth er rhe co m pilation o f th e oldest extani
version o f the liL a r g e r 1’ Sukhapativyuha ( 7 ‘362) can be dated as early as
this.
Buih th e n a m e s " A m i t a b h a 11 (U n lim ite d L ighi) a n d " A m i t a y u s 1’
( U n lim ite d Life) a re ust:d to refer (o the B u d d h a w ho presides o v e r (he
W estern P a ra d ise . T h e lighi e m a n a tin g from A m ita b h a B u d d h a is
d escrib ed in detail in (wo o f th e C h in ese tra n sla tio n s o f (he Sukhavati-
ejuha, th e T o o m i t fo eking ( T $62, 1 2:3 02 b -3 03 b, 309a) a n d th e r i n g
ttng-chdfh ching ( 7 361, I2:2Slc-*2B6b). A cco rd in g to the 7 b a-mi-t'o
ching, the lifespan o f A m ita b h a is, in fac(r lim ited. A fter A rniiabh a
en ters nirisdna. he will be succeeded by ihe bodh isattva Avalokitesvara
( C h . K .ai-tou-hsuang p*u-sa). In ad ditio n, m a n y o th e r aspects ol the Ta
a-mi-t V? ching have not b een sy stem atized , in d icatin g th at [his text is a
very early version o f the " L a r g e r '1 Sukhdvativyiha. In c o n tra st, a c c o rd ­
ing to [he P ’ing-ttng-chuch ching„ A m iia h h a will not e n te r nirvana ( 7 "
l2 '2 9 0 b ) . In the vows o f the Wu-iiang-shou ching tra n sla tio n ( T 3bO),
 A tn ita h h a 's u n lim ited life is em p h asiz ed m u c h m ore th an his unlim ited
light.
A ccording to the Wu-tuMg-ihou ehtng, the bod hisattva D h a r m a k a ra
m a d e his p rim o rd ial v o m ( puwa pranidhana) after fivt; eons o f contem -
plat ion. (T h e vows arc called p r im o r d i a l '1 in the sense th at they were
in tide in th e past before A m ita b h a h a d a tta in e d B u d d h a h o o d .) A fter
e o n s o f practice, his vows w ere fulfilled a n d he b ccam e A m ita b h a B u d ­
d h a a n d established rhe W estern P aradise. H e welcomes all w ho wish in
be re b o rn in his P u re L a n d a n d th ereb y saves them . R ig o ro u s practice
l &not req u ired o f those w ho wish to he re b o rn in the I5Lire L a n d . T h e y
need onfy hrive faith (sraddhd) in A m ita b h a 's prim ordial vows a n d recite
his n a m e (namadheyfi). Even a b o d h isa ttv a with inferior faculties an d
w ithout the siren gih to observe the p recep ts o r m ed itate can quickly
a tta in a stage o f spiritual progress from w hich he will not backslide by
relying u p o n A m itiib h a ’s vows C onsequently, belief in A m ira b h a was
called a p ath o f easy practice ( C h , i-hsing-uto).
T h e p ath o f easy practice is b ased on the teaching th at salv ation can
be atrained th ro u g h fahh (P. saddh&utmittti).n Faiih a n d d o u b t are
o p po sed to each other. As faith d eep en s, d o u b ts ab ou t ihe validity o f the
reaching* is v an q u ish e d E ven if a p ra c titio n e r wirh deep faith wished to
d o u b t B u dd hist teachings, he would be u n a b le to do so. T h u s even at
lhe b e g in n in g o f practice, lhe m in d can be freed o f d o u b ts a n d a n cle*
m e n ta ry form o f salvation realized th ro u g h the fun ction in g o f faith.
A nd since neither the vigorous practice o r religious au sterities nor the
u n d e r s ta n d in g o f difficult doctrines is re q u ire d to attain salvation
th ro u g h faith, even a p erso n o f dull intellect o r a person w ho is s u b m is ­
sive a n d sincere can attain salvation th ro u g h faith O f course, salvation
th ro u g h faith is not co m p lete salvation. L a te r, the p ractitio n er is
expected to realize such stages as salvation th ro u g h wisdom (P. pannd-
salvation th ro u g h both wisdom a n d m editation {P, ubhaiobkdga-
vim uitt), an d salvation o f tile m in d (P. ceiovimutft).
l he term "salv atio n th ro u g h f a ith '1 is used in this sense in ihe Aga-
truis. T h e term also has a long history in T h e r a v a d a B ud d h ism an d
a p p e a r s in such works as EuddhaghOs'ta^ Visuddkimagga (P a th o f Purifi
cation), l he te rm "saddha-vxmuUir> is not found in S arv astiv ad in w orks,
b u t sim ilar te rm s such as "sraddhd'adhimukti1' w ere used in the Sarvas-
tiv ad in School, in M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism term s such as “ salvation
th ro u g h fa ith " do not seem to have been used A ccording to some
M a h a y a n a texts* while faith will not lead to salvation* it will lead to the
stage o f non retrogression (avwaritia, avaivartika). A cco rd in g to the Shift'
chu p'i-p'o-sha fun ( T 2 6 : 4 l b , Dasabhumikavibhdfd>) a ttrib u ted to N agar-
jun a* " S o m e people practice w ith strict austerities^ o th ers use the expe-
d ic n t o f faith as an easy practicc to progress rapidly to the stag e o f non-
ret re g re ssio n ." T h u s the im p o rta n c e o f faith is no ted in a n u m b e r of
M a h a y a n a text*. A ccording to the iiua-ycn ching ( T 9 A 3 3 & , AvauimsaAa),
" F a it h is the fo u n d atio n o f the p a th a n d the m o rh e r o f m erits. All good
dharmas axe increased th ro u g h it H” T h e lh-chih-tu tun f 7 '2 5 : 6 3 a p Mahd-
pTajndpdramitopodtsa) states th at " th e great ocean o f the B u d d h a 's te a c h ­
ing m a y be e n te re d th ro u g h faiih a n d crossed by w isd o m .”
Faith in A m ita b h a B u d d h a drew u p o n o ld er teachings th at w ere an
estab lished p a rt o f B u d d h ism . S o m e m o d e m scholars have arg u e d thai
faith in A m ita b h a B u d d h a was established in response to th e Bhagavad-
concept o f bhakti (devotion). A lthough faith in A m ita b h a has elc
m c n ts in c o m m o n w ilh d ev o tio n to K fg n a, the te rm f'bhnkti>>does not
a p p e a r in the Sukhavativyuha.
In d ia n scrip tures c o n c e rn in g A m ita b h a seem to hav e been com posed
by people different fro m those w ho com piled th e perfection o f w isdom
lite ra tu re . Belief in A m ita b h a was w idespread a m o n g M a h a y a n a B u d ­
dhists. R eferences to A m ita b h a an d his P u re L a n d (S u k h a v a ti) are
fo u n d in m a n y M a h a y a n a scriptures* a n d re b irth in P u re L a n d is rec­
o m m e n d e d as goal in m a n y o f these works. A ccording to the J a p a n e s e
sch olar F ujita K o tatsu , A m ita b h a B u d d h a is referred to in m ore than
o n e-th ird o f lhe tran slatio n s o f In d ia n M a h a y a n a scrip tures in the C h i ­
nese c a n o n , a total o f m ore th an 270 stitrcts a n d sdstras. M a n y o f Ami-
t a b h a ’s v o w s a re cited in the Pei him ching ( T 157„ KarunapundarihisutTam) 1,
in d icatin g th at (his text was d o seiy con nccted to th e Sukhavativyuha. l h e
S an sk rit tex t o f ihe KanmdpuTidaTikasiiira has been p u b lis h e d ,13
S everal o th e r figures besides A m ita b h a sh o u ld be m e n tio n e d in c o n ­
n ectio n w ith P u re L a n d th o u g h t. As w as discussed earlier, Ak?obhya
B u d d h a a n d his P u re L a n d , A b h irati, a re described in the perfection of
w isd o m stitras. Belief in A k jo b h y a , how ever, was n e v e r as p o p u la r as
faith in A m ita b h a .
M a it r e y a hs T u$ita H e a v e n was som etim es reg ard ed as a P u re L a n d .
M a itrc y a is m e n tio n e d as the future B u d d h a tn the Agamas, w h ere he is
co n sid ered to be a b o d h isattv a w ho will attain B u d d h a h o o d in his n ex t
life ( tka-j&lt-prattbaddha). H a v in g already com p leted the austerities n e c ­
essary to attain B u d d h ah o o d , he waits in T u$ita H e a v e n for the a p p ro ­
p ria te tim e for his reb irth in this w orld w h ere he wiil attain enlig hten -
m e m u n d e r a pumndga tree a n d p reach three tim es in o rd er to save
sentient beings, L a te r belief in M a itre y a c h a n g e d d r a m a tic a lly In lh e
Kuan m i'U p fu ja thang^shtng tou-shuat't'ien ching ( T 432), the a d o r n m e n ts
o f T u$iia H e a v e n a n d th e w ay in which a p erso n can be reb o rn there are
described. T h e belief in reb irth in T u fila H e a v e n was particularly in flu ­
ential in C h in a a n d J a p a n , T h e S an skrit text o f the Maitreyavyakaraim
has been published.*4
 Scriptures Con cern in g M an ju sri

A long w ith M a itr e y a . M a n ju s r i K u m a r a b h f u a was a very im p o rta n t

a n d h o n o re d bo dh isattva. Both figures a p p e a r in v ery early M a h a y a n a
texis. F o r ex am p le, M ait re y a and M an ju S ri a re birth m e n tio n e d in
L o k a k ^ em a’s C h in ese tra n sla tio n of th e Ajtas&ha5liJi&-PPi com p leted in
J7S) CrE- { T 2 2 ^). indicating th at M a n ju s r i was clearly k n o w n by th e
first c e n tu ry C.F..
M a n ju s r i is generally th ought o f as m anifesting the w isd om that
results from en lig h ten m en t a n d is therefore closely associated w ith p e r ­
fection o f w isd o m (prajndpdnmiid) literatu re. Since, how ever, he docs
not a p p e a r in c ith e r the To.pan-jo thing ( T 223, Pancavimsatisdhasnka-FF*)
o r Ihe Chin-kang pan -jo chi ng ( T £35 „ Vajracchtdika*), it a p p e a rs th at o rig i­
nally he was not closely tied to prajndpdramiid lite ra tu re ; rath er, litera­
tu re a b o u t h im m ay have initially been co m p osed by people w ho were
not co n cern ed w ith pmjrmptirantita teachings. {Prajndptiramitd texts in
which M a n ju s r i plays a cen tral roJe, such as T 2 3 2 -2 3 3 . the Saptasatika*
PP *, w ere com piled later.) M a n ju i r i also does not a p p e a r in such early
M a h a y a n a sutras as the A-ch « jo -k m ching ( 7 ' 313, Ahobhyatathagatasya-
uyuha§), Pan-chou. san-mci ching ( !' 41 7 -4 18 , Bhadmpdlastitra), a n d Taa-mi-
t'o ching (7 * 3 6 2 , Sukhavatiuytiha*), Eight great lay b o dh isaitv as led by
B h a d ra p a la a re centra] figures in the Pan-chou san-mri chmgT
M a n ju ir i plays a key role in th e Shou-tcng-ym san-ma ching ( T 642,
SutQrigQtnai&mddhisuirei) A ccording io this tex t, from tim e im m e m o ria l
M a n ju s r i has practiced u n d e r countless B ud dh as and has alread y c o m ­
pleted the practices necessary to attain B u d d h ah o o d , In th e past* he was
k n o w n as the B u d d h a L u n g - c h u n g 's h a n g (Sanskrit u n k n o w n ). P as­
sages in the first c h a p te r o f th e Lotus Suira ( 7 1262) a n d in L o k a k ^ em a’s
C h in ese tran slation o f the AjcUisaintkaukriyavinodarut ( T 626) state that
M a n ju s r i has been a great b od hisattva since long ago. Such passages
in dicate th at M a n ju s ri was a notew o rthy figure from early in M a h a -
y an a B u d d h is m . A ccording to the F&ng-pa thing ( T 629), a partial t r a n s ­
lation o f th e Ajdt&iairukaukrtyavinodana, M a n ju S n has been practicing
from long ago. W h en S a k y a m u n i was a child in one o f his past Jives, he
w as in tro d u ce d by M anjufiri to a B u d d h a a n d th en w en t on to a tta in
e n lig h te n m e n t. T h u s S ak y am u n i hs a tta in m e n t of B u d d h a h o o d is d u e m
M an juS ri's help. M o reo v er, M a S j u I n has helped nor o n ly S a k y a m u n i,
b u t all B u d d h a s , a n d is therefore said to be *'the fath er a n d m o th e r of
th o s r on the p ath to B u d d h a h o o d " (7~ 15:45 la).
M a n ju s r i is an adv anced bo dhisattva who realized th e stage o f nonre-
treg ressio n m an y eons ago. H e is also th e person ification o f w isdom
S in c e M a n j u l r f is often associated with te ach in g s c o n ce rn in g th e inn ate
wisdom lh al all people possess, he ca n also be view ed as a p c n o n if ic a -
 lion o f the practice* th a t will lead to the d e v e lo p m e n t a n d realization of
(hat w isdo m . T h e A-sht-shih-wang ching {T 6 2 6 , Ajdtasatrukaukriyavino-
d&Tia#) c o n ta in s a detailed p re se n ta tio n o f th e teach in g th at the m in d is
originally p u re . M a n ju s ri is called a *.£haste y o u th " (kumdrabhHta) a n d a
" P rin c e u f the D h a r m a ," Yet he has the pow er to guid e B u dd has. H e
has mu yet realized b u d d h a h o o d , su ggesting th at he is forever advanc-
m g in his p ractice. M a n ju s ri's Etetivities can he u n d e rsto o d as re p re s e n t­
ing the process u f u n c o v e rin g the originally p u re n a t u r e o f th e m in d ,
which has been o b sc u re d by ad v en titio u s defilem ent a.
A ccording to the A-shc'shih-wartg ching ( T !5:3fJ9a), M a n ju £ n an d
twenty-five o th e r b od hisattv as lived an d p racticed on a m o u n ta in . In
the Gandavyuhg c h a p te r o f the Avaiamstikat M a n ju s r i is said to hav e left
S a k y a m u n i at S ra v a sti and traveled south to the city o f P h a n y a k a r a h
w here he lived in a larg e stupa hall (makdeaitya) in a prove of sdta trees
f Tnahddhoaja-iiytiha^saia-vunasaTi^ii). T h e re he g a th e re d m a n y believers
a r o u n d him. Such passages suggest the pro b ab le existence o f an o r d e r of
m onastic b od hisattvas that h o n o r e d an d believed in M a n ju s ri. In a d d i­
tion] acco rdin g to (he Ta-chih-tu lun ("/’ 2!):7l)Bh, iVfahdpTajndpdrnTnitopQ-
dda), M a itr c y a a n d M anjufiri led A n a n d a to th e ou tsid e ring o f iron
m o u n ta in s s u rr o u n d in g the w orld, w here th ey con vened a council on
M a h a y a n a scrip tures. PEissages like this one in dicate th at M a n ju s r i an d
M a itrc y a w ere co n sid ered to be p articu larly im p o rtan t b od h isattv as. In
th e W tn-shu-shih-li fa-t 'a yen-ching ching ( T 3 J 8, Ata AjuBnb udAhnk pstragu [ia -
vyuhtiiJiTuit), tra n sla te d by D h a r m a ra k s a in 290, ten great vows m ad e by
M a n ju s ri a rc tie scribed. T h r o u g h these ten vows M a i i j u m purified an d
a d o rn e d a B u d d h a -la n d . M a fiju s r f s vows a re reflected in the practices
of the b o d h isaltv a ^ a m a n l a b h a d r a . A cco rdin g to the Gan$anyuhal (he
you th S u d h a n a was u rg ed by M a n ju s ri to go on a j o u r n e y in search ol
the D h a r rn a . T h r o u g h th e practices re c o m m e n d e d by S a m a m a b h a d r a ,
S u d h a n a finally realised en lig h ten m en t. T h u s the religious practices
associated with S a m a n ta b h a d r a a re said to be based u p o n the wisdom oj
M a n ju s ri.
D h a r m a r a k s a ’s tra n slatio n o f the AjatasatrufaiikrCyavinodana is entitled
W en-ihu-ihih'h p ’u-th'ao jan-m ti thing ( 7 627) a n d thus includes M a n ­
j u s r i's n a m e (W en shn-shih-li) in the title. M a n ju s ri's n am e ap p e a rs in
the titles o f m a n y o th er iutras translated in to C h in ese by a variety of
people in c lu d in g L okak$em a, D h a r m a r a k ja , K u m a ra jiv a , a n d N ieh
T a o -c h e n (see 7 ' nos. 318, 45 8 -4 6 1 , 46 3 -4 6 4 ), In a d d itio n , M anjuS ri
pJays a m ajo r role in m a n y futras even if his n a m e does not a p p e a r in the
title. F o r ex am p le, in the VijnatakirliniTdcsa, M a n ju s r i leads the g r o u p of
b odh isattvas and h ffv a h u th at visit V im alak irti, who is lying ill in b ed .
In th e Jiifra, M a n ju s r i is clearly the head o f th e b o d h isa ttv a s a n d s u p e ­
rior to M a itr c y a .
C ontents of E a r i -y M aS ^ y^ a S c r ipt u r es 393

fn conclusion, tht1 perfection o f w isdom s u tn s a n d A m ita b h a w orship

w ere im p o rta n t types ol early M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism . H o o v e r , itacfl­
ings c o n c e r n in g M a n ju s ri also rep resen ted an im p o rta n t trad itio n
w ithin M a h a y a n a . F u rtlicr investigation in to the significance n f M a n -
jusrT w o uld c o n tr ib u te significantly to o u r u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e origins
o f M a h a y a n a B uddhism ,

M iscellan eou s O th e r M a h a y a n a Scriptures

M a n y M a h a y a n a scrip tures w ere com posed before N a g a r j u n a ’s lim e.

Besides those texts discussed a b o v e, a n u m b e r o f early works belon gin g
to the Pao-chi thing ('7’310, Ratnakuta) a n d th r Ta-fong-itng ta-chi'f king ( T
397, Mahdsamnip&taiutra?) date fro m this tim e. B od h iru td 's C h in ese
tra n sla tio n o f the Ratotfu&Bt is 120 fasc id e s in length a n d divided into
forty-nine assem blies. T h e T i b e t a n tra n slatio n is o rg a n iz e d in a sim ilar
m a n n e r. T h r T ib e ta n tra n sla tio n dues not rep resen t a direct t r a n s m i t
sion from I n d ia , however, b u t has been influenced a n d s u p p le m e n te d
by referring to the C h in ese translation*
T h e indiv id ual w orks w ith in the Ratnakuta originally circulated as
in d e p e n d e n t texts a n d w ere later collected into the Ratnakuta in In d ia or
C e n tra l Asia, A Sanskrit version o f the collection m u st have existed at
o n e tim e, j;ince the C h in ese p ilg rim H s u a n -rsa n g is said to hav e b ro u g h t
it to C h in a . A fter tra n sla tin g the h ug e 6 0 0 -fascicle Ta pan-jo po-lo-mi-to
ching ( T 220, MahdpTajnapdramitasiilra?), H s u a n tsa n g was able to tra n s ­
late only one p a rt of the Ratnakuta, the 20-fascicle Ta p 'u-sa tsang-ching ( T
no. 310.12, Badhisattoapitaka#), before he died. Bodhiruci tra n sla te d the
rest o f the S an sk rit text later, betw een 707 a n d 713. H i 4 tra n sla tio n c o n ­
stitutes the text o f the ex tan t Ratnakuia. Tn com piling the translatio n,
B odhiruci in c o rp o ra te d p rev iou s C h in ese tra n sla tio n s o f sections o f the
Ratnakuta th at a p p a re n tly w ere based tin the sam e text as the Sanskrit
m a n u s c rip ts he was using. W h e n the Sanskrit text seem ed to b e m ore
co m plete th a n t h t C h in ese, he w ould s u p p le m e n t the o ld er C h in e se
fra n slat ion (K ’a {yuan sh ift-ch iao hi, T 55:57 Ob).
I h e Ratnakuta includes a variety o f m aterials w ithout a n y clear princi-
pie o f o rg a n iz a tio n . F o r ex am p le, the forty-sixth assembly, in which
M a n ju s ri p reach es perfection o f wisdom (7" 310-46, Saptasatikd-PPf)*
was also m cludcd m the Ta pan-jo po-io-mt-to chtng (see T no. 220.7,
Mahdprajndparamitdsfiira?). T h e forty*seventh assem bly, Pao-chip'u-sa hui
( V n o . 31 0 ,4 7 , Ratnari/dGpariprwhQ#), is also found in (he Mahdsamnipo-
tasulra ( T no. 397.1 1). T h e existence o f a S an sk rit text o f the Ratnakuta
at one tim e is ind icated by citations of it in the Prasannapada a n d the Sik-
fasamuccaya. It is not clear, how ever, w heth er the Sanskrit text was o f the
s a m e size as the C h in ese tran slatio n. A larg e n u m b e r of Sanskrit texts
co n n ected w ith die Ratnakuia have been disco vered a n d pu blished,
a m o n g them lhe Kdsyapaparivarta. 15
T h e C h in e s e translatio n o f th e Afaftds&pnipaUisuira, iKe 7arfang-tmg ia-
c h i-c h in g (T 3 9 7), w as d o n e by D h a r m a k je m a a n d others. L ater, tra n s la ­
t i o n by N & rend rayaias w ere ad d ed ; it was ed ited in to its present form
by the S ui d yn asty m onk Seng-chiu (fl 5R6-594). It is a sixty-fascicle
work divided into sev enteen ch ap ters (A 'at-yuan ihih-chiac in. T 55:
SBflb). O ld e r versions o f ihe C h in e s e tran slatio n a p p aren tly w en: only
a b o u t ih irty fascicles long. At lea si o n e o f the works in (h r 7 ’ibelan
c a n o n has the term " g r e a t collection" ( T ib , hdus-pa-chtn-po) preceding
its title, suggesting a possible connection with th e Ta fang-teng ta-chi-
ching, b u t fu rth er investigation reveals little in c o m m o n . T h e Ta-fang-
teng ta-chi-ching includes lists o f dhnrmas, discussions o f the characteristics
o f dharmas, a n d expositions o f the d o ctrine that the m ind is in nately
pure. In a d d itio n , m a n y Esoteric B uddhist elem ents a re found m it
in clud ing dharariia n d astrology. O n ly a few Sanskrit fragm en ts o fju /raj
in this collection hav e been found. H ow ever, {he discovery ni ijilg it o f a
m a n u sc rip t o f th e Mahdsamnipdta ratnakftu. dhdrant sutra should be noted .
T h e m a n u sc rip t has since been published by N a lin a k sh a D u tt* *
M a n y o th er early M a h a y a n a sutras exist besides those m e n tio n e d
abuve, A m o n g those with ex tan t S ansk rit versions a re the SdlisiambaiutTQ
[ T 2 7 8 -2 7 cJ , 7 1 0 - 7 1 1)T w hich co n cern s D e p e n d e n t O r ig in a tio n ; J a m j
dhaajasutn ( 7 'G J9 -t> 4 1 ); lihuifajyugtirtiitltra, a n d StiL'arnaprabhdsottanuisutTQ
(7 *6 6 3-6 6 5).17

Sanskrit Texts

Because o r the d isa p p e a ra n c e o f B u d d h ism from India, a com plete

M a h a y a n a c a n o n in S an sk rit does not exist. H o w e v e r S an sk rit M a h a ­
y an a texts hav e been fo u n d in a n u m b e r o f areas and arc grad ually
b e in g p u b lish ed . M o re hav e b een discovered in N epal th an a n y w h e re
else. P a rtic u la rly fam ous as S an skrit M a h a y a n a texts fro m N epal are
rhe following g r o u p know n as the J'N in e D h a r m a J e w e l s ” : Lalitavistara,
Aftosdhasnkffprajndpdramitd, Dasabfidmtkaf Can^ai'yUhn, Laiikdvatdra, Sw ar-
napTcibhdsa, Samddhiraja. Saddhawuipvntfarika, a n d Tathdgataguhyaka. M * ny
Esoteric B u dd hist texts in S an sk rit have also been found. T o d a y N epa-
lesc m a n u sc rip ts a re preserved m E n g lan d , F ran ce, J a p a n , an d
C a lc u tta .
A r o u n d the e n d o f the n in e te e n th century, a n u m b e r o f exp ed ition s to
C e n tra l Asia discovered m a n y Sanskrit m an u sc rip ts in the desert. T h e
exp ed ition s o f such m en as A urel Siein, Paul Pcllior, A lbert von Le
C o q , a n d ihe O t a n i expedition b ro u g h t S an sk rit texts back to E u ro p e
a n d J a p a n , T h e G e r m a n ex pedition c arried a great m a n y m a n u sc rip ts
back to Berlin. T h e study o f th e m anu script# began in this c e n tu ry an d
g ra d u a lly some have been published. P ublishin g in fo rm atio n can be
found in Y am ad a R y u jo 's Bongo Button no ihobunktn. 18
In 193 I a large n u m b e r o f B uddhist texts w ere discovered in an old
stupa at Gilgit in K ash m ir. A m o n g them was an alm ost com plete version
o f the M u la s a rv a stiv a d in Vi:naya, as well as m a n y M a h a y a n a texts.
S om e o f these hav e Ijeen p ublished by Nalinalishii D utt m Xfanu-
senpis. R a g h u V ir a a n d his successor, Lokesh C h a n d r a , have also
p u blish ed part o f the Sata-pitaka.
D u r in g the 1930s R a h u la S a n k rty a y a n a traveled to T ib e t, w here he
lo u n d m a n y S an sk rit m a n u sc rip ts of B ud dh ist texts in m onasteries.
P h o to g ra p h s o f the texts are preserved at the Jay asw aJ R esearch i n s ti­
tu te in P a tn a . T h e texts a re gradu ally being published in th e T ib e ta n
Sanskrit W ork s Scries. T h e co n ten ts o f m ost o f these m a n u sc rip ts have
not yel been sufficienily Studied; however, a large p ro p o rtio n o f the
M a h a y a n a texts a p p ear to be co n cern ed with Esoteric U uddhism . Also
in clud ed are treatises on abhidharma. an d M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , as well
as w orks on B uddhist logic.
T h e largest set o f Sanskrit M a h a y a n a texts is th e series en titled B u d ­
dhist Sanskrit Texts p u b lish ed by the M ith ila In stitu te. A lm ost aJ[ o f the
Sanskrit texts o f M a h a y a n a works discovered in N ep al, T ib e t, G ilgit,
an d o th er areas are included ijft-iL I m p o r ta n t S an sk rit texts have also
been p u blish ed by the Ita lian scholar G iu sep p e Tucei in the Series
O rie n ta le R o m a .
 C H A P T E R IS

Theory and Practice in

Early bAahayana Buddhism

T h e P ra ctitio n er’s Awareness T h at H e Is a B odhisattva

an d T h at H is M in d la Pure in N ature

T h e p o l l t u km o f [he term LLb o d h isa ttv a ” is bodhisattva mahdsattva.

"B o dhisattva'* m e a n s " a b e in g (saliva) w ho seeks e n lig h te n m e n t
( b o d h iy ”M ahdsativa11 m e a n s “ a great p e rs o n " a n d refers to a person
w ho m akes th e great vow to b eco m e a B u d d h a and u n d e rta k e s the
s tre n u o u s p ractice req u ired to attain th at goal. A b o d h isattv a m ust
believe lh al he has the c h a ra c te r o r n a tu r e necessary to becom e a B u d ­
d h a . In rhis respect, ihe M a h a y a n a p ra c titio n e r’s position differs from
[hat o f hoth the H in a y a n lsl a n d those people who p raised the B u d d h a
( C h . tsan-Jo skeng).
H i n a y a n a o r N ik ay a B u dd hist d o ctrin e was fo rm u lated w ith ihe
in te n tio n o f e n a b lin g ihe p ra c titio n e r lo b e c o m e an arhat. T h e Hirtaya-
nisi could not conceive o f h im self as a tta in in g the sam e d e g ree nf
e n lig h te n m e n t as the B u d d h a a n d co n sequ en tly did not recognize in
h im self the qualities that w ould enab le him to b e c o m e a B u d d h a . O n ly
as great a m a n as S a k y a m u n i cou ld becom e a B u d d h a . T h is difference
in the w ays in w hich the pracistioner viewed him self a n d his potential
co n stitu tes rhe basic d istin ctio n betw een HTnuyElna a n d M a h a y a n a
B u d dh ism .
People w ho praised th e B u d d h a were vitally in terested in th e p r a c ­
tices th ai led to the a tta in m e n t o f B u d d h a h o o d . In their b io graph ies of
the B u d d h a , they extolled his sup erior praciices. Insofar as they
p re a c h e d a b o d h isattv a leaching* they w ere close to M a h a y a n a Bud
dhist ideals. H o w ev er, for those w hn praised the B u d d h a , the figure of
the b o d h isattv a w as so m eo n e whose e v e n tu a l B u d d h ah o o d was already
d e te r m in e d , so m eo n e w ho h a d already received a predictio n (uydkarana)
lhar g u a r a n te e d his B u d d h a h o o d . In most cases the b o d h isattv a referred
to was S a k y a m u n i as a b od hisattva. In o n e ol his p rev iou s lives, the
lu tu rc S a k y a m u n i h a d received a predie cion from D ip a h k a ra B u d d h a
c o n c e rn in g his ev en tu al a tta in m e n t o f B u d d h a h o o d . T h r o u g h that p r e ­
d ictio n , the fu tu re S a k y a m u n i h a d becom e confident o f his position as a
b o d h isattv a.
B ecause the av erag e M a h a y a n a p ra c titio n e r h a d not received a p r e ­
diction from a B u d d h a c o n c e rn in g his e v e n tu a l a tta in m e n t o f B u d d h a-
h o o d , he had to look elsew here for assu ran ce that he w ould attain
e n lig h ten m en t. H e did so by looking w ith in h im self for the p re se n c e o f
elem ents th at w ould lead to B u d d h a h o o d . A lth o u g h both M a h a y a n is ts
a n d the people w ho praised the B u d d h a were viially interested in (he
figure n f the b o d h isattv a, th e ir views o f h im w ere fu n d a m e n ta lly differ­
ent, F o r those who extolled the B u d d h a , the b o d h isattv a was a chosen
m a n ; for the M a h a y a n is t, a b o d h isattv a could be an o r d in a ry p erso n ,
in d e e d , the M a h a y a n a p ra c titio n e r som etim es referred to h im self as a
b o d h isa ttv a .
T h e earliest extant ex am p le o f the M a h a y a n a usage o f the term
" b u d h i i a t t v a ” occurs in the TfflHSWng p a ttj t thing (T IE M , Aftmdha^rii-d-
f / 3*). T h e te rm is used in this sutra in a w ay th at suggests th at it had
alread y been in use with its M a h a y a n a sense for a co n sid e rab le time
before the text was com piled. T h u s th e advocates o f perfection o f w is­
d o m b u ilt u p o n the theories o f rhe b o d h isattv a a n d his six perfecilons
d ev eloped by th e people w ho p raised the B u d d h a , but th en b ro a d e n e d
the te rm '’b o d h i s a t t v a / 1 C o nsequ ently , M a h a y a n a was at first called
“bvdhisattvaydna ,J (7* 8 :2 4 7b). L ater, this usage was e x te n d e d fu rth er
a n d ap p lied to ihe T h r e e Vehicles as srdvaiaydna, pzotyekabuddhapdnA, an d
bodhiiattvaydna (o r Buddhaydnd).
In E arly M a h a y a n a texts, no m ention is m a d e o f a B u d d h a-elem en t
o r n a tu r e (Buddha-dhdtu), that is, the potential to becom e a B u d d h a . T h e
statem en t th at al[ sen tien t b ein g s have the B u d d h a -e le m e n t first ap p ears
in th e M a h a y a n a version o f the Mahdparirtiruanastitfa. T h e origins o f this
d o c trin e can be sought, how ever, in the s ta te m e n ts in E arly M a h a y a n a
texts, such as the Aftasdhasrikd-PP (p. 5), th a t the original n a tu r e o f the
m in d is p u re (prakrtis cittasya prabhasvtird) . 1 T h is do ctrin e J'irst a p p eared
in th e A~fhe~shth wang c td n g ^ T {>26„ AjdtasatruAaukrtyaL'inodana#) a n d later
in m a n y o th e r M a h a y a n a texts.
If the original n a tu r e o f the m in d is p u re , th en the m a n ife statio n of
That original n a tu re is eq u iv alen t to the a tta in m e n t o f B u d d h ah o o d . T h e
M a h a y a n i s t hs vow iu attain B u d d h ah o o d was based on the belief that
th e m ind is inn ately p u re . T h e people w ho cultivated rhe asp iratio n to
attain e n lig h te n m e n t (bodhuitla), who vow ed to realize B u d d h a h o o d ,
were callcd bod hisaltv as. A related [caching is found in m a n y M a h a ­
y a n a sutras: all dhanmu a rc in n a te ly p u re {ja^WAamwA prokrii paniud*
dfiah, C o n z c , Ayin^d^asdhasrikd-PP, [ p r 42J)r T h is teachin g a p p e a rs in
such M a h a y a n a sutras as the Prajnsparamiia, Tti-cki ching ( T 397, Mahd-
nimmpdtasutTa), a n d Saddharmapundankasiitra (v. 102 o f the ^ C h a p t e r on
Expedient T e a c h in g s" in the Sanskrit text). T h is do ctrin e implies that
the m in d is noi different fro m all dharmus.
Besides the o r d in a ry p ractitio n er as b o d h isa ttv a , m a jo r o r celestial
b o dh isattv as whose n a m e s a rc well k n o w n — M anjuS ri, M ail re ya,
S a m a n ta b h a d r a , a n d A valokitesvara— arc discussed in M a h a y a n a
texts* T h e o rig in a n d significance o f these im p o rta n t b o dh isattv as is d if­
ferent from that o f the o r d in a ry p ractitio ner as bo dh isattv a. M a iirc y a
B o d h isattv a d eveloped o u t o f M a itre y a th e fu tu re B u d d h a , a b o d h i­
sattva w ho was d estin ed to becom e a R u d djt h a in his next life. T h e fig-
orc3 o f b o th M a itr e y a B od hisattv a a n d S a k y a m u n i B od hisattv a arc
closely related lo the concept o f (he b o d h isattv a who is destined to
becom e a R u d d h a in his very next life ( rka-jati-prdttbaddha) S a k y a m u n i
B od hisattva is a figure developed by those people w ho p raised the Bud*
d h a in poem s a n d biographies. Tn contrast, M a n ju s r i a n d S a m a n ta b h a -
d ra a re figures found only in M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism . Manju£r7 is m e n ­
tioned often in connection with Ihe d octrine ihat th e m in d it originally
p u re in n a tu re A valokitesvara was p ro b ab ly in tro d u c e d into B ud dh ism
from an outside source.
T h e recognition by M a h a y a n a B uddhists thai m ore rhan one B uddha
cou ld a p p e a r in the world at the sam e tim e en tailed the existence o f
m a n y bodh isal t v a s w ho w ould attain en lig h ten m en t in thcLr next life­
tim e. It is clear th at M a h a y a n ists recognized the existence of m u ltitu d es
o f powerful b od h isattv as. M o reo v er, the force o f these b o d h isattv as'
vows to save o th e r sentient beings led to th e recognition o f b o d h isattv as
w h o h a d c o m p le te d the practices necessary to realize B u d d h ah o o d but
had decided not to e n te r B u d d h ah o o d T h u s , such b od hisattvas as
M a n ju s r i a n d A valokitesvara h a d powers th at exceeded ev en those o f
liu d d h a j. As M a h a y a n a B ud dh ist d o c tn n c develo ped , sto n e s ab ou t the
pow erful a ttrib u te s of m a n y b o d h isatlv as w ere narrated* b u t the c h a ra c ­
teristic M a h a y a n a bodh isattva was, in fact, the o rd in a ry person as
b od h isattv a.

T h e C u ltiva tio n of the Perfections and the A rm o r of the Vows

T h e M a h a y iin a B u d d i n g s realisation th at he was in fact a b o d h isattv a

m e a n t th at his religious practices were inten ded for the benefit o f both
h im se lf a n d others. (T h e arhat, in c o n tr a s tt perform ed religious p r a c ­
tices p rim a rily for his own ben efit,) T h e B u d d h a h im self h a d striven lo
help sen tien t beings a n d h a d displayed g reat com p assio n (mAhakantna)
a n d friendliness (mahdmoiiTt) to w a rd others. A b o d h isattv a w ho h ad
vow ed lo b e c o m e a R u d d h a co n sequ en tly h a d to help others first. O n ly
by b eco m in g involved in a id in g o th ers cou ld die bod hisattva com plete
his ow n religious practices.
B odhisattva practices a re ch aracterize d as the six perfections
(paramitd), a categ orization o f practices originally d eveloped to describ e
S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a hs practices that were th en extensively in c o rp o ra te d
into M a h a y a n a scriptures,* Stories a b o u t the six perfections a re col­
lected in the LiVrUt thi-cking { T 152N$atpdramitdiarigraha?}. T h e y arc also
described tn the^afdtar Ar firstT the n u m b e r o f perfections was not set at
six. T h e S arv astivad ins o f K a s h m ir h a d a list o f four: giving (dana),
m o rality (itia), vigor (uirya), a n d wisdom (prajAd). 'R ie o th e r tw o ele­
m e n ts o f th e six p e rfe c tio n s patien ce (kjdntt) a n d m e d ita tio n (dhythte),
w ere in clu ded in the four perfections as c o m p o n e n ts o f m o rality an d
w isdo m (Mahavibhdpdsdstra, T 27:892b). Biographies o f the B u d d h a g e n ­
erally a d o p te d the six perfections. T h e S a rv astiv ad in b io g ra p h y P ‘u-yco
thing ( T 186 , Lalitat/istara*) follows ihe six perfections a n d so m etim es
a d d s a seven th, skill in m e a n s (updyekauJofya) ( T 3:48 3a. 4&4a, 54€a;
L e fm a n n , Lalitavistara, p. 8).
Ten perfections a p p e a r in Pali sources (Jdtaka, ed. V. Fausbollj vol.
1, p p. 45-47). T h e ten consist o f five o f the six perfections (giving,
morality, w isd om , vigor, a n d patience) a n d five o th er perfections:
re n u n c ia tio n (nckkhamma), tru th (latca), resolve (adhitihdna), friendliness
(m dla), a n d e q u a n im ity (upekftd). T h e T h e r a v a d a list differs from the list
o f te n perfections found in several M a h a y a n a w orks such as the Shiti-ti
thing ( T 267, Dasabfiumifaitutra*). M a h a y a n a w orks generally ado pted
the six perfections used by th e a u th o rs o f b io grap hies o f the B u d d h a.
H o w ever, since ten perfections were n eed ed to co rresp o n d to the ten
stages o f the DaJabfiumikasdtra, four additional perfections w ere some-
times added lo the s ta n d a rd six, m ak ing ten ( T 10:517c; Dasabhfimtka,
ed. J . R a h d e r, p. 57). T h e four additional perfeciions w ere skill in
m e a n s, vow s (pranidhdna), s tre n g th (bata), a n d know ledge (Jnina).
T h e te rm "pdramitd ” is derived from the w ord *‘p am aw, " m e a n in g
" h i g h e s t ’* o r “ m ost excellent,” in the Pali Jdtakas the term “pdrami j "
d eriv ed from “p a ra m o /’ is used in th e s a m e sense as pdramitd. M o d e m
scholars u su ally tran slate pdramitd as u p e r f e c tio n /1 as in the term “ p e r­
fection o f w is d o m hh (prajndparamitd). H ow ever, one o f the m oat im p o r ­
tan t early tra n slato rs o f In d ia n texts in to C h in e s e , K um arajTva (d.
409?), in te rp re te d the w ord as m e a n in g “ crossing o v e r to the o ther
s h o re '1 (param-ita) an d tra n s la te d prejndparttntitd as " c ro s s in g by w isdom
(to th e shore o f e n lig h te n m e n t),”
A lthough p d ra m itd t a n be tra n slated as “ p e r f e c t i o n / 1 the w ord " p e r ­
fection** implies a siatic slate in which n o th in g m ore need be do ne
However* according 10 ihe Prajndpdramtidsutref, the correct p ia ctiiio n ci
o f perfection o f w isdo m is so m eo n e w ho does not recognize perfection o f
w isdom as he practices it, so m e o n e w ho does not even re ro g n iz c the
b o d h isattv as. A lthough he practices giving, he does not boasi o f his
good a tiio n s, n o r does he cling to [he concept o f good, T h e ilonor, the
recip ien t, a n d lhe act o f giving arc all non substantial. T h e se a ttitu d e s
a re called the th ree spheres o f purity (trim a^aia-pm H uddiii) a n d c o n s ti­
tute the perfectio n o f giving As th e p ra c titio n e r givesT he d*>es nut cling
to the idea or act o f giving. E ven as he tries eo perfect his giving, he does
[tot cling lo lhe idea o f perfectin g his actions. In ilns way, lhe practice of
the perfections is n ever c o m p le te d . T h e perfections are b ased on n o n ­
substantiality.
F rajndpdrarm id is wisdom in re g a rd lo n on sub stan tiality, w isd o m wiilv
out obstacles, w isd om th ai is direct intuition into the essence of all In
c o n tra st, wisdom th at d isc rim in a te s a m o n g objects is called "skill in
m e a n s ” A cco rd in g to the Vimatakiriinirdesa, fJT h e perfection o f wrisdom
is the bodh isattv a hs m o th e r; skill in m ean s is his E ith er” ( 7 1 14 :549c).
Boih wisdom a n d skill in m e a n s a rc essential for b o d h isattv a practices,
A b o d h is a ttv a ’s practice is not perform ed for his ow n b en elit. He
m ust alw ays h elp others w ith o u t th in k in g o f his ow n B u d d h a h o o d His
practice is lhe re fore endless, a n d he m ust have u n c o m m o n resolve lo
e m b a r k on such a p ath . His resolve is c o m p a re d to lh at o f a w a rrio r
w earin g a r m o r w ho is going to the b a ttle g ro u n d . T h e bo dh isattva is
th u s said to w ear the a r m o r o f his vows ( mohasaipndhafiamnaddha). Even
as he is lead in g coo nil css sentient beings to mtvdfta, he know s th at no
su b stan tial beings exist who a re lo be led, th at not even he exists as a
Substantial b ein g, l he b o d h isattv a hs spiritual asp iratio n a n d d e t e r m in a ­
tion are the basis for all his practice,

D h a r a r ti and S a m d d h i

D escriptions o f b o d h isa tiv a s u s in g dhdram (spoken form ulae) a n d p r a c ­

ticing a variety o f samddhi (con cen tration s) arc found in m a n y M a h a -
yana scriptures, Dkdram played little o r no role in th e Agamas o r in the
literatu re o f Nilkaya B u d d h ism , but b ecam e im p o rta n t w ith the rise of
M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism 1 A cco rd in g to rhe Ta-chih-tu /art ( T 25:95c, Aiahd-
pjajndpdramtiopadesa), dhdram en ab led a person “ to assem ble v ario u s
 good d ka m a s a n d m ain tain th e m w iihout losing th e m ." Tn o th e r w ords,
dhdram w ere said to hav e the pow er to preserve good a n d p rev en t evil.
T h e y w ere partic u la rly useful in m e m o riz in g (cachings a n d p rev en tin g
loss o f m em ory. O t h e r fo rm u lae aided (he analytical faculties o r en ab led
a person lt> re m a in u n m o v e d no m a tte r w h at h e h e a rd , helping p racti­
tioners u n d e r s ta n d doctrine a n d e x p o u n d it eloquently. Tn a n age when
teachings were p reserved a n d tra n s m itte d p rim a rily th ro u g h m e m o riz a ­
tio n , the p o w er o f such fo rm u la e w as highly reg ard ed . Tn later tim es
tihdrant w ere p rim a rily used as m agical in carn atio n s, as well as in the
p e rfo rm a n c e o f sanuidhis (c o n cern ratio n s) in M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism
T h e te rm t‘santffdhi*t refers to the m a in te n a n c e o f a tra n q u il m ind or
to the spiritual p o w er thai results from focusing the rnind on o n e object.
T h r e e co n cen tratio n s d escrib ed in the Agamns— on non su b stan tiality
(sunyaid)t sign less ness (ammitta), an d wishlessness (apramhtta)'— later
w ere highly praised in lhe p erfeitm n o f wisdom sutras. A variety o f new
j amdrfhi w e n ' developed am i described in E a rly M a h a y a n a texts. T h e
two basic types e x p o u n d e d w ere still samutha (calm a b id in g ) a n d vipa-
syana (insight m e d i a t i o n ) . W h e n th e m ind is tra n q u il and is focused on
o n e object, then correct insight can occur.
T h e religious practices o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism differed from those of
H i n a y a n a B u d d h ism . M a n y n ew c o n cen tratio n s reflecting these differ-
ences w e r e d ev eloped in t he M a h a y a n a tra d itio n . In (he “ C h a p ll'r on
the G re a t V ehicle" tn the T a-p’in pait'jo thing ( 7 'f t : 2 5 1 a - b h PancacitftJaii-
sahairiJcd-PP*), 10S co n cen tratio n s arc listed. T h e first is the surangarna-
samddhi, which was p ro d u ced th ro u g h the p o w er o f the strict practices
by w hich the perfection o f w isdo m was a d v an ced . (See c h a p te r 15.)
A n o th e r M a h a y a n a co n c e n tra tio n , the pratytitpnrma-samddhi, is not
included a m o n g the J OB c o n cen tratio n s listed in th e perfection o f wts*
d o m literatu re, b u t it is described in the Pan-chou san-mfi ching ( T A M -
41fj, BhodrapdtasdiTa). A fam o us co n cen tratio n , it consists o f en terin g
Into the samddhi th ro u g h focusing o n e ’s atte n tio n on the B uddha- O n c c
lhe p ra c titio n e r has en tered the samddhir the B u d d h a ap p e a rs before
h im T h e pratjutpattna-samadhi p ro b ab ly aro se in connection w ith (he
w orship at the B u d d h a 's stupa a n d with the confession o f w ro n g d o in g
that so m etim es acc o m p a n ie d w orship o f the B u d d h a . In th e S a n -p ’in
thing (Trifkandhiakadh(innapatyd}'a)r o n e o f th e very olde*l M a h a y a n a
ultras, lhe practices o f confession, feeling jo y at (he a cco m p lish m en ts of
o th ers, a n d in v itin g (he B ud dh as an d b o dh isativ as to the place o f p r a c ­
tice a re described. T h e s e practices wt;re p e rfo rm e d in front o f the Bud*
d h a . H o w ev er, at the lim e the jufra was c o m p iled , im ages o f the B u d d h a
did not exist. C o nsequently, these practices m ust hav e been perform ed
in front o f stupas h o n o rin g th e B u d d h a . O t h e r texts describe ad d itio n al
S&mddhi. T h e SCal c o n cern ra tio n (lagarartt.udrd*iam.ddht) is ( ifs trih ttl
in the H ua-ym thing ( T 27A-279, Avatawakaiulra). T h e H u dd ha enters
ihe C o n c e n tra tio n o f the A bo de o f Im m e a su ra b le D o ctrin e (ananta-mr-
desa-pratatkdrmm ruima samarihih) w h en he preaches the Fa-hua thing {T
262„ SaddhwinapundanktuutTQ*)' 'J h r n a m e ol each c o n cen tratio n d e ­
scribes the m ode o f the insight gained; hut th ro u g h all o f th e m , the
p ra c titio n e r gains insight in to the fu n d a m e n ta l n a tu re of p h e n o m e n a by
e n te r in g inro such p ro fo un d co n cen tratio n s.

B odhisattva Practices

Both lay a n d m on astic b o d hisattvas are m en tio n ed in M a h a y a n a litera­

ture In the Tao-hsingpan-ja thing { T 22$, Aftqsjih&srik&-PP*')t a very early
M a h a y a n a rexi tra n sla te d into C h in ese in 179 c:_E.f the bod hisattv as
d escribed a re lay m en . T h e existence o f m on astic b o dh isattvas is not yet
cJearly ev id en t in (he text. In the 7h-p’in pan-jo (king ( 7 ’ 221, Pantmnm-
iatisdfutm ka-PP*), tra n sla te d in 404. both types o f b o d h isa ttv a s are m e n
tioncd; how ever, no special set of precepts for m onastic b o d h isattv as i$
in clu ded . M o n astic b o dh isattv as are expected to g u a r d th eir chastity
a n d a re called kumaradhuia (chaste youths), but little m ore is stated, tn
the d escrip tion o f the six perfections, rhe giving o r reaching o f th e
D h a r m a is in clud ed in [he discussion o f the perfection o f alm sgiving,
but th e gilt o f m a te r ia l w ealth receives m o re a tte n tio n . T h e " t e n good
acts (o r precepts)/* pari o f the perfection o f morality, a re divided in to
th ree categories; physical, verbal, an d m en tal. T h e ten good precepts
consist o f rhe three physical p roh ibitio ns against killing, stealing, an d
sexual m isc o n d u c t; the four verbal p ro hibition s against false speech,
slander, deceitful speech to d is r u p t relations b etw een people, and frivo­
lous talk; a n d the three m e n ta l p ro hibition s against lust, ang er, an d
w rong views. T h e ten good p recepts a p p e a r not only in th e perfection o f
wisdom sutras, but in o th er M a h a y a n a scrip tures w h e n e v e r the perfec­
tion o f m orality is exp lained. T h e th ird o f the te n good precepts, no sex­
ual m isco n d u ct, is a lay precept. For a m on k, com plete chastity w ould
be r e q u ire d , as in the case o f the chaste y o u th who would hav e to be free
o f a n y sen&ual desire. In ad d itio n , in some early M a h a y a n a Sutras ihe
five lay precepts o r the eight precepts for lay m en to observe on uposatha
days w ere p resen ted as the basis o f m orality for lay b od hisattv as *
I n the exposition o f the ten stages o f the b o d h isattv a in the Daiabhumi*
kasuira ( 7 ‘ 2 8 7 )h th e precepts a re explained in (he discussion o f the sec­
ond stage, vimala-bhumi (ihe im m acu late), with e m p h asis on the ten
good precepts. T h u s the ten good precepts a re rep eated ly p resen ted as
typical precepts for the b o d h isattv a iti early M a h a y a n a literatu re sug-
 gcsfini; (ha! Early M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism was p rim a rily a religious
m o v em en t n H a y m c n . L a te r the m onastic precepts of N ik ay a B ud d hism
were ad o p te d by M a h a y a n a practition ers, a n d the m on astic b od hisattva
becam e a full-Hedged B ud d hist m onk w ho u n d e rw e n t a full m onastic
o r d in a tio n (upusampada) a n d observed the ruleii o f the prdtimoksa.
Exam ple* o f the p ractices o f bodh isattvas can be found in a n u m b e r
o f E arly M a h a y a n a sutraj. T y p ic a l practices are the six perfections
described in the pcrfcction nf wisdom a n d o th er sutras. Stupa w orship is
p o rtra y e d in the " C h a p t e r on P ure P ractices” {Ching-hsing p 'm ) o f th e
H u a y m thing ( T 27 8 -2 7 9 , Ai'aiamwkQjutra) a n d in the Y u -th ’ith chang-che
ching f T 310. ! 9 t 3 2 2 -3 2 3 , Ugradattapariprccha). V i s u a l i n t i o n i o f the
B u d d h a a rc described in the Pan-cfiov san-mei ching ( T 4 1 6 - 4 J 9, Hfiadra-
pdtasutra). A form o f B u d d h ism based on faith, a d ev elo p m en t p eculiar
to M a h a y a n a , is dep leted in the Pure L a n d sutra.1,. Faith also plays the
cen tral rote in the Saddharrnapurtdarika. In the c h a p te r on expedient
teachin gs in the Saddharnrnpundarika, stupa w orship is cncouraged- an d
th ro u g h o u t the work, people are en c o u ra g e d to copy the sutra. In the
oldest parts of the text, a list o f three practices focusing On the sutra is
given: m e m o riz a tio n , recitatio n , an d ex p lan atio n , tn later p a rts o f the
text tw o m ore practices, co p y in g an d h o n o r in g th e sutra, a re a d d e d ,
m a k in g a total o f five practices. Even m ore practices are a d d e d to these
in th e S an sk rit text. M em orization^ recitation* a n d e x p la n a tio n ail co n ­
cern the teach in g (dhormsparydya). T h e se practices as wet! as copying
a n d h o n o rin g (pujd) the sutra could also focus on the physical book (pus-
iakaJ itself. Puja consisted o f installing the text as the [cwtl o f the Teach­
in g (Dharmaratna o f the T h r e e Jew els) a n d offering it flowers, incense,
b a n n e r s , a n d canopics. M u sic was played at such ccnem onics, which
h a d originally been p e rfo rm e d at stupas a n d w ere later ad o p ted for use
in puja hon[trine; sacred texts. Puja for books is repeatedly entiou raged in
th e perfection o f w isd om sutras a n d o th e r M a h a y a n a texts.
Since m o nk s w ere p ro h ib ite d by the vinaya from view ing o r listening
to m usic, d a n c e , a n d theater, they p ro b ab ly w ould not have p artici­
p a te d in the p e rfo rm an ce o f these activities. C o n seq u en tly , these cere-
m o n ies m ust have been perform ed by ( a n d p r o b a b ly o rig in a te d am o ng )
lay m en . T h e y w ere b o th a n expression o f faith a n d an o p p o rtu n ity for
socializing.

T h e Stages o f a B o d liis a ttv a ’s Progress

In the oldest M a h a y a n a sutrast a b o d h isattv a's progress tow ard e n lig h t­

e n m e n t was described w ith th e s a m e stages used to ch aracterize a sraw-
£<jfs practice. F o r exatu p le, in th e Tay-h-sing pan-jo fhtng (7*224, Lokakse-
m a s 179 u . t . tra n sla tio n o f the Affasohasrikd PP*), a bodh isattv a is said
to h e a r ihe perfection o f w isd om a n d then prog ress ih ro u g h such stages
as s tr e a m - e n tra n t, o n c e -re tu rn e r, n o n r e tu r n c r , and arhat
In th e Ta-p*m pait-jo ching ( T 223, K u m a r a j i v a ’s 401 c .z . tran slatio n
o f the Pancavimfalisahasrikd-PP*) a n d the (Shih-ti chtng (jT 2fl7, Dotgbhfi-
mikasutra*), rhe stages of e n lig h te n m e n t a re discussed in term s u n iq u e to
M a h a y a n a . A M a h a y a n a e x p la n a tio n o f e n lig h te n m e n t is included in
the Tao-hsing pan-jo ching. A m o n g rhe stages describ ed that a re not found
in N ikaya B udd hist sou ices a re the arisin g o f the asp iratio n (p attain
e n lig h te n m e n t (badhicitta-utpdda)f the stag*1 o f n o n ret regression (aoawar-
hka), acquiescence to the ir u ih that dharmas hav e no o rig in atio n (anuipar
tika-dharma-kpduli), b eco m in g a pi'i nee » r chaste youth (kumara-bhiimi),
co n secratio n (abhiteka), a n d she assu ran ce o f B u d d h ah o o d in the next
life (rka-jdli-pratiboddha). T h e se stages a re not yet sy stem atized in the
Hstao-p 'in pan-jo ching ( T 2 2 1 1 K u m a r a jiv a 's tra n sla tio n o f Atfasahasrtka-
P P '). T h e stages o f co n secratio n an d the assu ran ce o f B u d d h a h o o d in
the next life w ere ad o p ted from bio graph ies o f th e B u d d h a by Maha*
y a n a th in kers A d v a n c e d bod hisattv as w ho a re close to a tta in in g Bud-
d h a h o u d a r c b e li e v e d to h a v e r e a c h e d th e s e si a g e s.
T h e stages o f non retrogression an d acquiescence to the tr u ih that
dharmas have no orig ination a p p e a r in m a n y M a h a y a n a aufau and are
i m p o rt ant 1evel s o f p ra t t ice. A nti tpattika-dhorma -ftfanfi re fers to the
degree of e n lig h te n m e n t th at results in the assu ran ce th at dhanntu are
not orig in ated. It is a n acquiescence o b ta in e d th ro ug h e n lig h te n m e n t
co n cern in g nonsubsiantiEility. anti according to som e sources results in
en te rin g the stage of n c n re tro g re ssio n . T h e se stages o f e n lig h te n m e n t
a re typically M a h a y a n ist; how ever, m o dern scholars are still u n d ecid ed
a b o u t w h eth er th eir origins a re to be found a m o n g Early M a h a y a n a
th in k e rs o r a m o n g g ro u p s th at praised th e B u d d h a (C h. tian-jo slung).
T h e stage o f the chaste y o u th (kumare-bhumi) ap p e a rs frequ en tly in the
Ta-p'tn pan-jo thing ( T 223, Pantavintjattsahasrtkd-PP*)-, it is also included
in the ten a b o d e s (C h, s k ih th u ) (see below )r In the Ta p 'in pan-jo thing, it
j s ex p lain ed as r c ie r n n g to a ho dh tsa(tv a w ho is lead in g a chaste an d

ascetic life.1 In ihis stage the b o d h isattv a is c o m p a re d to a y o u th or

p rin ce becausc he has practiced a n d realized the stages o f acquiescence
to the n o n o rig in a tio n o f dharmax an d non retrogression. H e is like a
y o u n g m a n w ho has b e c a m e p rin c e of ihe D h a r m a a n d will soon rise to
the position o f B u d d h a . T h e iHidhisattva M a n ju s r i is called " M a n ju s r i-
k u m a r a b h u i a ” a n d is often view ed as h a v in g a tta in e d this stage, (In the
case o f M a n ju s ri, the te rm seerus to refer to his celibacy a n d asceticism .)
T h e se stages received scattered con sid eratio n in Early M a h a y a n a
texts. M o re system atic fo rm u latio n s are also fo u n d in w hich the stages
 w ere o rgan ized in to lour, five, o r ten stages ( h h u m t ) o r im o te n abodes,
i n b io graph ies o f the B u d d h a such as the M ahdfaslu o r Fo peti'hstng chi*
ching ( T 190f A bkm fkram attasuirsf), the following four basic practices of
the b o d h isattv a w ere tre ated as stages: sincerely practicing good such as
the ten good precepts, vow ing to attain B u d d h a h o o d , m a ste rin g the six
perfeeiions, a n d a tta in in g the stage of n o n re tro g re s s io n .6 T h e ten stages
w ere also m e n tio n e d in bio graph ies o f Ihe UuHdha T h e Following
d escription o f the bod h isattva is Typical: " H e served the v ario u s Bud-
d h a i a n d a c c u m u la te d u n lim ited m erits. F o r eons, he strove a n d p e r ­
fo rm ed the practices o f the ten stages; in his next life he will attain
Buddhahood” (Pa pm-hsing cfa-ching, 7 3 : 4 6 3 a). A m o n g the extant b io g ­
raph ies, the len stages a re fully e n u m e r a te d only in the Afa h a a a s tu .7
T h e sim plest list o f the stages o r the b o d h is a ttv a hs practice is found in
the Hsiao f?'in pan-jo thing (7*227, Aptajahturika-PP*),1 T h e following four
types o f b o d h isattv a are listed: th e b o d h isattv a w ho has just developed
the asp iratio n to attain e n lig h te n m e n t (prathamaydnti samprosihitha)t the
b o d h isattv a w ho is practicing the six perfections (C h. k jin g iiu po-io-mi),
ihe b o d h isa ttv a w ho has a ita in e d the stage o f non ret regression (avinivar-
ianiyojj a n d the hodh isattva w h o will attain B u d d h ah o o d in his next life
(eka-jdti-pratibaddha). A lthough it is a sim ple list, it is different from th e
stages o f progress for the srdvakaj T h e list o f four types o f b o d h isattv as
la te r ap p e a re d in m a n y o th er M a h a y a n a scrip tures in c lu d in g the lit-
p 'm p a n y o thing ( T 223, Paiuaoiytiatis3liaBik£-PP*).
Later* [jihcr stages, such as thai o f the fmvako, w ere in co rp o rated in to
these lists. T h u s a typical list n f four stages w ould he w o rldling (fifihag-
jana), srdvaka, pratytkabuddha, a n d B u d d h a, S om elim es (he stage of
b o d h isattv a was a d d e d before the B u d d h a , m a k in g a total o f five
stages,1 A n early version o f this list ii found in th e Hsiao-p 'in pan-jo
ching It was la te r ad o p ted for use in the 7a-p'tn pan-jo ching, w here a
highly dev eloped version o f the four types o f b o dh isattv as was p r e ­
sented, T h e four stages w ere ex p an d ed to m ake ten stages, seven or
eig ht o f w hich m a y b e a tta in e d by both HTnayana a n d M a h a y a n a prac-
tiiioners. C o nseq uently, this list was callcd “ the ten stages held by both
H ln a y a n is ts a n d M a h a y a n is ts ." T h e relaiion ship o f these te n stages to
the original five is show n in F ig u re 6.
K u m a ra jfv a translated the first stage (fakhnuktrfoiii'bh& m i o r p u re
insight) as kan-hui (dry w isdom ). A ccording to the Ta-ckih-tu iun ( T
2 5 :586a j MahdprajndpdrajnKopadesa), w isdom at this si age is not yet n o u r ­
ished by the " w a t e r " o f m e d ita tio n an d e n lig h te n m e n t can noi be real
ized In (he second stage, gotra-bhumt (fam ily), the p ath o f the p r a c ­
titioner is determ in ed ; he p e rfo rm s the practices o f th e srdvakc, pratyeka-
buddha. o r b o d h isattv a p ath , and thus en ters a p artic u la r " f a m il y ” o f
 Figure 6. T w o Sets of Stages Inclusive of Both Hmayanists
and Mahayinist&

Five stages T e n stage* of th e Tn-p rm pan-j& ching

1 Worldling
1. Pure insight
2. Family (gotra-bhumi)
5. Eighth man (aMHnaka-bhiimi)
\ Imighl (tforsana-bhumi)
2 • Sravaka 5. Weakening (tanti'bfturTJt)
6 . Separation from desire (aiLiTdga-bhitmi)
7- Accomplishment (krtdi'i-bhuTni)
3. Pralyekabuddha 8. Pratytkabuddha-bh umi
4. Bodhisattva B^Oiua-ili'a-bhumt
5. Buddha ] 0. Huddha■hhuti\i

p ractiiio n crs. In th e th ird stage the mtpata as " e ig h th m a n " en ters th e

p ath o f in sigh i (dariana-mdTga) a n d becom es a c a n d id a te for stream -
e n tr a n t (rhe eighth a n d lowest stage o f th e four paths a n d th e ir four
fruits that c u lm in a te d in a/^atfiood). H e thus e n te rs th e stages o f (he
sage (atya). F o r the b o d h isattv a, e n te rin g the p ath o f insight is equiva-
len t to seeing th e tru e n a tu r e o f p h e n o m e n a a n d atta in in g the stage of
acquiescence to the (ruth o f the non origin atio n o f dharmas. T h e fourth
s ta g e , darsana-bhUmi (insight), co rresponds to th e fruit o f s tr e a m - e n tra n t
fur the irdoaka. F o r the b o d h isattv a, it is the stage o f non retrogression
following acquiescence to the tru th o f the n o n o rig in a tio n o f dharmas
T h e fifth stag e , Canu-bhumi (w eakenin g), co rrespo nd s Lo th e fruit of
o n c e - re tu r n e r for the travaka. In it, the th ree poisons are w eak en ed. For
the b o d h isattv a, it refers to the stage w h ere he has passed b e y o n d the
stage o f n o n retru g ressio n but has not yet realised B u d d h a h o o d . T h e
sixth stage, viiardga-bhumi (sep aratio n from desire), c o rresp o n d s to the
fruit o f n o n r e t u r n e r for the swi/aka. For the bodhisattva* it signifies th e
acq u isitio n o f the five s u p e r h u m a n powers. T h e seventh stage, krtdm-
bhumi (acc o m p lish m e n t), for th e sravaka is the acco m p lish m en t o f all that
m u st be d o n e to b eco m e a n arhat T h e irduakas practices a re co m p leted ,
since h e does not aspire to a tta in h ig h er goals. F o r rhe b o d h isattv a, th e
a tta in m e n t o f this stage js a s su ra n c e th at he will attain B u d d h ah o o d .
T h e eighth stage, pratytkabuddka-bhumi, is the last stage for those w ho fol­
low pratyekabuddha practices a n d is m a rk e d by the a tta in m e n t o f th e
e n lig h te n m e n t o f th e pmtyektbuAdha In the n in th stage, bodhisattva-
bhumi, the M a h a y a n ist cultivates b o d h isattv a practices, p articu larly the
six perfections. In later texts these perfections arc described in g re a te r
detail, in te rm s o f the te n stages attain ed only by bodh isalivas. H o w ­
 ever, ihe ten stages a tta in e d b y b o th H ln a y a n is ts a n d M a h a y a n is ts do
not c o n ta m d etailed instructions on these practices- In the te n th stage,
Buddha-hhiimi, th e p ra c titio n e r has attain ed B u d d h ah o o d .
T h e ten stages described above illustrate practices for all th ree vehi­
cles a n d thus a rc called Llihc te n stages held in c o m m o n / 1 A n o th e r set of
ten stages describes th e degrees of practice a n d a tta in m e n ts u n iq u e to
bodhisattvas, T h e concept o f stages exclu sively for bo dh isattv as is fo u n d
tn the b iog rap hies o f the B u d d h a as part o f the description o f SSkya*
m u n i B u d d h a 's practices a n d his prog ress tow ard en lig h ten m en t.
A lth o u g h ten stages a re actually listed o n ly in the Mahaiastn. the Lofcot
ta ra v a d in b io graph yHthe co ncept o f a set o f te n stages is allu d ed to in all
o f th e o th e r biographies o f the B uddha. D escriptions o f the ten stages
w ere developed p rim a rily by followers o f th e AvaUiTnsakasutm. In the F u-
sa pen-yth ching ( T 2 9 J ) t an early version o f this system , the ten abodes
{dativthdra?) w as ex p ou nd ed . T h e descriptio n o f ih e ten stages (da&bhu
mqyafr) reached its final form in the Shih-ti ching ( T 285-287* Dasabhiimi-
kasutTo*). Because these stages a re only for bo d h isattv as, (he system
m a y be considered an elaboration o f th e four types o f b o d h isattv a
described in the Ilsiav-p 'in pan-jQ ching ( T 227, Aftcsdhasnkd-PP* )r
T h e ten stages found in the DusabhumikasiStra are describ ed below. In
the first stage, pramiidhitd-bhumi (th e joyous)* the p ra c titio n e r is joyful
because he has o b ta in e d correct know ledge o f M a h a y a n a practice. In
the second stage, Pimalabhtimi (th e im m acu late), th ro u g h ob serv ing the
p recep ts he rem oves m a n y o f the defilem ents from his m in d . T h e ten
good precepts are listed in this section. As he prog resses, he m asters
cfharani a n d his wisdom becom es clearer; he thus reaches the th ird stage*
prabhdkctri-bhuTni (the rad ian t). T h e fourth stag e is called arcifmati-bhumi
(th e blazing) b ecau se the defilem ents are b u r n e d by th e fires o f w isdom.
Since th e m ore subtle d efilem en ts are difficult to s u b d u e , th e fifth stage
is called suduTjayd-bhumi (ex trem ely difficult to c o n q u er). As he p ro ­
gresses in his practice, he realizes wisdom a b o u t D e p e n d e n t O r i g i n a ­
tio n ' this sixth stage is called &bhmukh\-bhHmi (facing w isdom ). In the
seventh stage durangama-bhUmi (the far-going)> th e p ra c titio n e r has cut
ufT th e d efilem en ts o f ;h e th ree realm s a n d thus is far rem o ved from the
th ree realm s- N ex t, he m ed itates on n o n s u b sta n tia lity (silnjuitd), but
b ecau se his m e d ita tio n is p ro fo u n d , he has difficulty in freeing him self
from the n eg ativ e aspects o f nonsubstantialiiy, H e finally Trees him self
only w h en th e B u dd has en co u rag e an d a d m o n ish him by to u ch in g him
on th e top o f his h ead . In this stage he has surpassed th e arhais a n d pra-
iythibwldhai. From lhe eighih stage o n w a rd , practice is a n atu ral p a rt of
his actions a n d progress is effortless. In the eighth stage, non dis­
c rim in a tin g know ledge o p erates freely a n d u n d is tu r b e d by any defile-
mejnts. T h is stage is c o n s e q u e n tly called acald-bbumi (th e im m o vable). In
the n in th stage, j(adhuntttii-bftumi (good intelligence), th e p ra c titio n e r is
ab le to p reach elo q u en tly a n d convert o th ers w ilh perfect case* T h e
te n th stage m a rk s th e com p letio n o f th e dharmakdya (b o d y ol the
p h a r m a ) . Like space, this " b o d y ” has no lim its. Because its w isdom is
tike a clo ud , the ten th stage is called (fharmatntghd-^tumi (clyud o f (he
D h a r m a ).
T h e te rm "bhihni" literally m e a n s "ground,"* b u t it is used in these
lists to m ean " s t a g e / ' W h e n a person perform s religious practices, h r
progresses th ro u g h a c o n tin u u m ; b u t at tim es he arriv es at a seem in g
im passe. T h e n he will break th ro u g h a n d progress rapidly. T hose stages
o f rap id progress a rc called bfiurtii. A bhumi Functions like soil o r the
e a rth in so far as ir has the p o w er to pro m o te grow th lo o th er stages. A
bhtiml thus p ro v id e s the basis for practice a n d p re p a ra tio n to reach Ehc
stage above it. F ig u re 7 is a co m p a ra tiv e chart show ing (he ten stages
listed in v ario u s sutras

T h e B o d h isa ttv a O rd e rs

T w o types o f M a h a y a n a b o d h isattv a a re d istin gu ished in M a h a y a n a lit­

e ra tu re : Jay a n d m on astic. T h e m o n astic b o d h isattv a m odel was the
y o u th (ku im ta ) w ho p ra c tic e d religious austerities a n d lived a celibale
life, No precepts specifically for the m onastic b o d h isattv a seem to have
existed. In (he o ld er M a h a y a n a lexis the p rcccpts m e n tio n e d are all lay
precepts. T h e ten good precepts are cited m ost often, bui they are some-
lim es c o m b in e d with (h r five lay precepts o r the eight lay precepts
o bserved on upcsalha days. In add ition , the te rm s <hson o f a good fa m ­
ily" (kuiaputra) a n d " d a u g h t e r o f a good fam ily " (kuladvhitr), which
a p p e a r freq uently in M a h a y a n a texts, b o th refer to lay believers.
A cco rd in g to som e texts, female b o d hisattvas cou ld m iraculously
ch an g e them selves into m e n th ro u g h religious p r a c t i c e Since a m ale
body was believed to be necessary for the realization o f B u d d h ah o o d ,
this belief suggested th at w o m en too co u ld realize the s u p re m e goal,
th ou gh not as females. Such teach in g s indicate lhar early M a h a y a n isrs
ap p ealed to fem ale devotees a n d p ractition ers. T h e people w ho
p re a c h e d M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism were called “ p reach ers o f the D h a r m a "
(dhanrmbhdruiia). M a n y w ere lay bo dh isattvas, a n d acco rdin g to inscrip ­
tions, some w ere w o m en .
M o n a stic b od hisattvas practiced at stdpas o r at ru d e dwellings in the
foresi (arttrtydyatana), siles described in the Yu~thia <hang-chr lun ( T $ 2 2 -
323, Ugradattapariprcchd). R eligious practicc at stupas h o n o rin g tht1 Bud-
Dasabhumika P ’u-sapen-yeh ching ( T 281) Mahavastu Perfection of Wisdom
T e n Stages T e n Abodes T e n Stages T e n Stages
/
1. Pramuditd (joyful) Fa-i (aspiration to enlightenment) Durdrohd (difficult to enter) Suklavidarsana (pure insight)

2. Vimala (immaculate) Chih-ti (well-regulated abode) Baddhamdla (fastening) Gotra (family)

3. Prabhdkan (radiant) Ying-hsing (religious practice) Puspamandild (adorned with flowers) Aftamaka (eighth m an)

4. Arcismati(blazing) Sheng-kuei (noble rebirth) Rucira (beautiful) Darsana (insight)

5. Sudurjaya (difficult Hsiu-ch 'eng Cittavistara (expansion of the mind) Tanu (weakening)
to conquer) (completion of practice)

6. Abhimukhi(facing Hsing-teng (ascending) Rupavati ((lovely) Vitardga

wisdom) (separation from desire)

7. Durangama (far-going) Pu-t ’ui (nonretrogression) Durjaya (difficult to conquer) Krtavi (accomplishment)

8. Acald (immovable) T ’ung-chen (chaste youth) Jamanidesa (ascertainm ent of birth) Pratyekabuddha

9. Sadhumati(good Liang-sheng (crown prince) Yauvardjya Bodhisattva

intelligence) (installation as crown prince)

10. Dharmameghd (cloud P ’u-ch'u Abhisekata B uddha

of the D harm a) (last birth before Buddhahood) (consecration and coronation)
 d h a focused on w orship, as is d escribed in th e “ C h a p t e r un P u re Prac-
litc s in i h t H ua-ytn thing ( 7 ' 278-279., Avalamsakasutra).11 T h e se stupas.
gen erally situated in villages, w ere visited by lay b od hisattvas w ho
w ould give alm s, w o rsh ip at the stupa, a n d receive instructions from
m on astic bo d h isattv as. T h e forest ceniers (drartydyatana) w ere situated
aw ay from the d istractio n s o f the villages a n d w ere m ainly centers ol
m e d ita tio n . Y ou ng er m o n a stic bodh isattv as w ould receive in stru c tio n in
the practice o f religious austerities am i g u id a n c e from ;i m o re ex p eri­
enced m e m b e r o f the g ro u p who w ouki act as p r r c e p to r (upadhytiya). in
this respect, the m o nastic b o d h isattv as w ere o rg a n iz e d in a fashion si mi
la r to th at u f the o rd e rs o f N ik ay a B uddhism - A cco rd in g to passages in
the Yu-ch:a ckang (h t (king ( T 32 2-3 23 , UgTadaitapariprtchii) a n d the Shift*
tftu p \-p Q-iha tun ( 7 ‘ I5'2l, D & hbhum kivibhdw ?, a ttrib u te d to Najjar-
j u n a ) , m o nastic hodhisartvas led ascetic lives
I he lay b o dh isattv as in M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism played an influential
role. Tn the Vimaldklrtititrdtsar the la y m a n V im alakirti p reach ed ihe
D h a rm a . J n t h c Yu-chw chang cht thing, th e n a m e s o f te n m erch an t lead
ers such as U g r a d a tta are listed, an d in the Pan'chou san-met chtng ( T
4 l G - i l 9 . BkadTapaliHutTa), a g ro u p of five h u n d r e d m erch an t leaders,
in clu d in g B fiadrap ala, is n oted A lthough ihe m e rc h a n ts m en tio n ed in
these stitras w ere p ro b ab ly not all historical figures, the m a jo r role o f
such figures in M a h a y a n a scriptures reveals th at som e lay bo dh isattvas
m u st h a v e a tta in e d p ro fo u n d levels o f e n lig h te n m e n t.
Because M a h a y a n a d o ctrin c w ould have m ad e it difficult lor b o d h i’
sattvas to p a rtic ip a te in o rd e rs wilh H in a y a n a m o nk s a n d lay believers,
(he b o d h isa ttv a s form ed th eir ow n orders. Passages frequ en tly a p p e a r
in M a h a y a n a texts strongly c a u tio n in g against allowing srao^taydna atti­
tu d es to arise. T h e Shih-chu p 'i-p ro-sha tun ( 7 f 26:93a) w arns th at u falling
to the stage o i i'rduaka-bhiimi o r pratyeiabuddha-bhtimi is tailed the death of
(lit: bo dh isattv a. It is callcd the toss of e v e ry th in g ." T h e very fact that
M a h a y a n a B u dd hists referred lo N ikaya B ud d h ism b y the d e ro g a to ry
ep ith et “ H i n a y a n a " (in ferio r vehicle) would hav e m a d e c o m m u n a l liv­
ing anti practice very difficult. M oreov er, since Early M a h a y a n a Bud*
d hism was p rim a rily lay in ch aracter, it did noi have to d e p e n d u p o n the
m o n astic o rd e rs o f N ikaya B ud d h ism to survive.
In the o p e n in g passages u f M a h a y a n a SutrtiS, the a u d ien ce th at has
assem b led to h e a r the B u d d h a s teaching is alw ays described. M onks
a re m e n tio n e d Eirst, followed by the n u n s , pious laym en t a n d pious lay-
w o m en T he n a m e s o f the bod hisattv as in the a u d ien ce a rc listed last.
W h e n m o nastic b o d h isa ttv a s are m e n tio n e d , th ey a rc n ev er listed
to g eth er wiih th e H i n a y a n a m onks. W ith o u t exception, the o rd e rs of
M a h a y a n a b o d hisattvas and H in a y a n a m o nk s arc always treated scpa-
rarely in M a h a y a n a lUltas, T h is fact indicates thai the tw o orders m u si
have b een sep arate. In some M a h a y a n a texts bo th a bodhisattva gana
(b o d h isattv a g ro u p ) a n d a bhik^U'Smg/u1 ( o rd e r o f m on ks) a re m e n ­
tioned, in d icatin g th at the M a h a y a n a o rg a n iia iio n s at this tim e were
called gana. T h e te rm “bodhisailva-sarigha" also occurs in som e texts.
T h e term s “gana'' a n d "sarigha" w ere b o th used ar tfm tim e to refer to
religious u rb an izatio n s a n d h a d sim ilar m ean in gs,
T h e existence a n d details o f th e bodhisattva'gana m u st be d e d u c e d from
scanty e v id e n rc . N o con crete descriptions o f the o rg an ization o f these
group?) a re found in M a h a y a n a suit/is or sdstras. O n ly in the SAth-cAu p V-
p ’o'sha tan ( 7 ’ 15 2 11 Ddiabfitimikaoibkdfa*t a ttrib u te d to N a g a rju n a ) is
i he re ev en a sm all a m o u n t o f in fo rm atio n . T h e early M a h a y a n a o rg a n i­
zations sccra to hav e function ed w i t h an incom plete n r small set o f rules.
C onsequently, they la te r ad o p ted ihe rules used by the H in a y a n a
m onastic o rd ers.
 NOTES

C h a p te r 2
1. SafiHtdatianasaAgraha., sec. 2. ‘’Bauddhadarianam.”
2. Matsu nam ih "Seisin no gorokn” :; Nakamura, "Sariputta ni daihyo
sareru saishoki no Bukfcyo," pp. 455-466.
3. Sarbadarjamuarigrii/tti, see. 3. MArhatadarsanann M
4. M ^tSUIla m i, “Dtisqvcyartyv suUq Jm na SdfnS
5. Mahaianua, pp. ix—Ixiii.
6r Jam b ii Jl Buddhas und Mahavira* N irvan a/’ pp. 322-332^
7. Kanakura, lado kodat seisAinsht, p 33>tf.
8. Ibid,, p. 347; F d C h 'ang fang, Li'taizan-poochi, T 49:9.‘5b.
9. U ih lhButsumctsu nendairon/3 p. 5f,
10. Nakamura, '‘Mauriya odio no ncndai ni Tsuiu." For rrsearch on the
roya] families of ancient India, see Nakamura. Indb kodaiihi, vol. 5, p Z43f.;
Tsukamoio, Sftufr Bukkyo kyodanshi no knkyU, p. 6?f. For [he m aterial on the
dais of the dearh of ihe Buddha, sic ibid , p 27f. ; L am ent, HisUnre dut Boud-
dhiimr lfiditnr pp. 13—15,
11. Ui, "Agn.n no seiritsu ni kansuru ko^atsu,11 p. 394f.
12 Miyamoto, J'Gedatsu to nehan no kertkyu.”
13, Yamaguchi, Bukkyo thiso nyumon, p, l2Sf.
14. Fujira, " S a r jn nfi seiril&u ni tsuitt: by aku abibkilSki ktgenko/' pp. 9! - lOOi
Sakurabc, "Engaku ko," pp. 40-51.

C h a p te r 3
1. According t o Ui Kakuju, the most basic ekm cm s o f lhe Buddha's ihuught
w r c lhai all lamskaraj were impermanent, that al] was mlk'nftg, and that a]I
phenomena were nun substantial (“ Genshi Bukkyo shiryorcm,’* p. 224). Watsu-
ji Tetsuro hui argued Lhal [he Buddha's (IiDj^Ik cannot hi- distin^jished fnim
tha! o f hi? disc iples (Centhi Btikkyd nojissen tyftttgtku, p. 361 ).
2. For ntn'dna, See Miyaninlti, "Gfdfltsu lo nrh^ii no kenkyu."
3. For the Middle Path, ice Miyamoto, Konpowhu toku, p ?G5f_
4. For Sakyatnuni's views on castehsee Fujita, "Genshi Bukkyo m okeiu shi-
sci byodoron,” pp. 55-61.
5. For [he leaching of nu-Self, see Hirakawa, H'M uga m shuiai.'h pp. 3H1-
421 i and idem, "Shoki Bukkyo no rin ri/' pp 45-74
6 For dhvtiiui. Hirakawa, "Shohom uga no h o / ' pp 396-411, and idem,
"Genshi Bukkyo rti. okeru Jho’ no imi," pp. 1-25.
7. For ihe teaching Thai ihe mind is originally pure, see Hirakawa, Skoki
Datjo Bukkyo no kenkyu, pp. 200-217.
R. For the l i m m - f l l i r u t , set Funnhajhi Issai, Ctnshi Bukkyo shisa na W p ,
pp ! 8 4 * 2 0 S ; and Hirakawa, ‘'Shingedalsu yo-ri sliingedalsu e no tenkai,'h
p 57f.
9. U i , “ Genshi Bukkyo shiryoron.” p. U35.

Chapter 4
1. For Ihe harmonious JdiifAa, see Hirakawa. Gemhi Bukkyo no kenky», pp.
295-300,
2. For ihe mngha. sec ibid., pp, 1-92. For the hodhifatlva gana, see Hirakawa,
.'ihfidii iDaijo Bukkyo nt>kenkyu, pp. 777-fllJ.
3. For the eighl weighty rules, see Hirrtkawit, Gen*ht Bukkyo no kenkyu, pp.
520-525.
4. For the (lumbers of precepts ijt the various Viriayas, See Hirakawa, Ritsuze
jukenkjti, pp. 430-478.
5. Hirakawa, Censhi Bukkyo no kenkyu, pp. 454-501.

C h a p te r 5
1. For the First Council, see Akanumu, Bukkyo kyoten ihircn, p. 2f_; Kana-
kura. indo ehusti setsJuiuM, vol. 2, p. 19+>fr; Tsukamolo, Shoki Bukkyo kyodenshi no
kenkyu, p. 17 5f. ■Prjyluski, U ContiU de RifQgfkd
1. For discussions of ihe oldest strata of the Agoms* and (he Virmya, see Ui,
‘Genshi Bukkyo shiryoron," pp. 112-260, Waisuji, Genshi Bukkyo nojitm I tetou-
geku, ''Introduction” ; Hirakawa, Riuuzo no kenkyu, pp. )-J 13; Oldcnbcrg, The
Vuiayapifakt, pp. ix-3vi; Rhys Davids, Buddhist Indie, p< l?6f.
3. For the organiiaiion of the Vimyapifaka, see Hirakawa, Ritsuta no kenkyu.,
pp. 417-509, 59J-669-
4. For literature on the Vinaya, see ibid., pp. 58-113.
5. For the problems in detet mining the schuol to which the Tstng-i a-han thing
belongs, see Hirakawa, Shoki Daijo Bukkyo no kenkyu. pp. 29-46.
6. For ihe Organization of the sutra-pilnke, sec Maeda hgaku, Genifti Bukkyo
Kiten no seiritsushi kenkyu, p. 619f.
 7. For a study of Pah Buddhist literature, see Geiger, Pah Littratui und
Sprachr
a. For Sanskrit texts of the Agamas, see Yam ad a, Bongo Buiten m ihahunhn,
p p . 32-55,
9. H o rm le . Manuscript Remartf of Buddhist I.iUraiurt Found erc EasUrn Turkeitan.
For publishing information on the manuscripts discovered bjr the GwtnMi
expedition, see W aldsehm idt, Sanikrithandstfoiflen am dtn 'Ihrfnnfunden, vol. 1,
pp. xxvi-xxxii.
10. M aeda B p k u , Genshi Bukkyo icitfn rrt>sariUuiht p 4H2f.

C h ap ter 6

1. M iyam oto, Konponctiu iokiif p 37C

2. For Buddhism after the death of the Ruddhft, see Mawia Kgaku, Gettiht
Bukkyo setten no setnlsusht kenkyu, p a n 1.
3. For poiittcaJ history, sec K anakura, Indo kodai seishimht, p. 33Bf,-t Naka-
m u m , Indo kodaishi, vol. 5, pp. 243f. and 277f.; Tsukam oto. Shoki Bukkyo
kySdanthi no kenkyu, p. 62f
4. For the Sccond Council, see Tsukam oto, Bakkfc kyddfMshi no kmkyu,
p. 208 f., Akrumniit. Bukkya kyaten stitron, p. t!4f.' Hiraltawa, Ritsuzo no
pp. 67 N 73 3, K analtura, Indo chusti snihintht, vol. 2, p. 2 l 6 f . , Ho finder, Etude
su t it comile d t Vaisali,
5. For the "rcn points" of rhe Vinaya, see K an ak u ra. "Ju ji hiho ni taisuru
shobuha kajshaku no ido.M
fj. A kaim m a, Indo Rukkyu koyti mtiihijiten, pp. 25-28

C h ap ter 8
I. T h e iisc itf th r term "niiaju " to m ean " je h o o l” is found in I-ih in g ’l Record
oj the Buddhist Religion as Praeiittd tn India and the Malay Archipelago (T 5 4 :205a), ! ■
rh in o 's Mahhiyutpalti, and V aiU lU ^n ’l &a.mnyabhtdapa.tatai\ntnkia It (Iocs not
seem to a com m on usage in the T heravada tradition, however
2- Ui. " Hutsumclau n endairon.1' pp. J - | ] J; N akam ura, Inda kodauhi, Naka­
mura Hajimesemku, vol. 6, pp, 409-437.
3 Ba rea u , Lei Sectfi bouddhiqucs da Ptttt Yihic\dtl p p . 3 09- 3 11).
4. I-ching, Mahaiytitpatti, ed, Ogihara Unrai as Bonkan taiyoku Hukkyojtlen, p.
2^4, I-ching, Nan-hat (hi-kutt net-fa thuan, 7 ’ H ;20 4 c-2 0 6 b ; English translation:
A Record oj the Buddhist Religion as Practiced in India and lhe Malay Archipelago, pp.
i-2 0 .

Chapter 9
I. In Buddhaghosa's Visuddhimagga, chap. 3. v, 96, p. 87, and chap 14, v.
71, p. 381, ihe Terms <HPa]i" and '4A [(hakaiha’' (com m entary) are mentioned
together, indicating Ihat Pa|i was used tn refer to the Tipitaka T h e word ’ Paji"
thus has lhe meanings of both the Pah language (Palibha&aJ and scripture.
 2 In [hr inttwluCMdH o f the thr position that thr ahhidharrna i;
(be Buddha's [tael 11eil; as forcefully argued ( T 15+5, 27A i-c ).
3, For the KfudTaAtt'piiaki see Lamotte, His tour du Bouddhisme Inditn, pp Z74-
|7f>; M ar da Egafcu, Cemht Bukkyc sfittn no seirifsusftt ktrtkyv, p. &B1T.
4. Mizuno, L"Piri seiten srLriesu.shjjo ni okeru Mugegedo oyobi gishaku no
chii.”
5r MilindiipQUha (Tht Qut}(tern of Milinda) was published by V, Trcnkner.
A Siamese edition aiso can l>c used. The text has also been translated into
Japanese. See M iiuno, "M irinda mnnkyo-rui ni riuiie,h‘ pp. 17-55; and
Makamura's derailed study, indo lo Gtrisha to t\o shuo koryu The Petakopadtm,
translated by Nyanamoh as Tht Pitaka-di rftofwtt and the Ntttipakarpnti,
translated by Sfyanamoli as Tht Guidt, have buih been published by the Pali
Text Society. Also see Miituno, " Pttokopadtsa ni isu iie ," pp. 52-68; Ogihara,
Ogihara Vnrai bunshu, p. 206f.; Sato Ryojun, " NttttpaJuitana ni isuite," pp.
124-126.
(j. Same of ihe manuscripts discovered by the German expedition id Turfan
were published UI Waldsehcuidtj Sanskritftandiehnflm ctuj dm TurfanfuTidm Re­
cently. Sanskrit fragments of ihe Sarigitiparydya have been published in Dai
Sangitiiutra und sdn Kommmtar Sangiiipoiyaya; and in Das Paneaivutukam un/i die
Pantaiaitukavibhdfd
7. Eakasaki, ' “Remarks on the Sanskrit Fragments of the Abhidhan^a-dhar-
maikantihtifradasastfa, "1 pp. 3J-41 (left); and Dhcrmaskandha, edited by Siglinde
D titz as Fragmtntedn Dharrricukartdha: on Abhidharrnn-Thxt \n Sanskttt out Gitgit,
8 . Bareatt, "l^es Origines du SSriptitrabhidbfnrtaJiftTt," pp. 69-95; Mizuno,
"Shanhotsu abtdonron ni [aui,teH pp. 10 9 - 134.
9. Hirakawa, e d ., 5arj 'yaku taisho Kmhawn mkuin, vol. 3, pp. ii-x.
10. See note 6 of this chapter,
11. Vama^uchi, irjAjrj noJogoron; Vasubandhu, Karmaiiddhi-prakaTana, irans.
E, Lamotte, pp. 151-171: Vasubandhu’# Pancajkandhaprakarana of Vasubandhu.
ed. Shanti Bhik;u Sastri Also see Yamaguchi, f<Scshm no Shakukiron nitsuiie,”
pp 35-68, idem, "Uaijo hi- Butiusetsu ni taisuru Scshm no ronpa: .SAdiu^i'ntfji
daiyonsho ni t a L s u r u ichi kaidai," p. 2b9f The above two studies by Yamajjuchi
are included in Yomaguthi Summit Bukkyogaku bunthS.

C h a p t e r 10
I . Sakurabe, Kushaton AO kenkyu, p. 23f.
2- For m&t?kA, see ibid., p. ; Akannma, Bukkyo kyoten ihiron, p. 113f.; and
Miyamoto, D&ijo to shojo, p- 72 Bf.
3. For dhunms, see Wainiji, "Bukkyo ni okeru ho no gainen to ku ben*
flhSho,hh p. 461f.; Kanakura, "Bukkyo ni okeru ho no go no gcn'i to hensen1'
and “ Bukkyo ni okeru bo n o i mi,” p. 831. \ anti Hirakawa, “ G trslii Bukkyo ni
okeru 'ho' no imi,” pp. 1-25.
4 For a discussion of absolute and conventional eKistenceh see Hirakawa,
"Sctsu issai ubu noninshikinon/1 pp. 3-1?,
 5. Kur iheories ^boUl unconditioned dharmtto prevented by thr various
u'luiuLs, Sec Mi^Unu, "M uiliu in [Suilch" p[>. 1-11.
6. For a discussion of (he mrnial faculties, see Kaisumata, Bukkyo ni okeru
ikinihiktsdiii no ktnkyus p p . 3 I 9 - 4(> ] ■ (in d M i z\i no , Ptin Bukkyo wo thuii n io shita
Ruk\yt> tUp shjnihikiTtm, chap. 3.
1. For a full discussion of concepts in Nikaya Buddhisia lhai may have
served as forem iwert to a&gfa-nfnme, see Katsumata, Bukkyo ni okeru shiushiki'
settu m kenkyu, pp. 5 13-559. Kaisumatadiscusses Early and Nikaya views that
the mind is innately pure on pp 463-485
8. For * discussion of the iiuiantantous exiitciHt o\ dhmmas, sec H i n l d w i ,
" U rc d u n a to seisunanuisu," pp. 159-3 70.

Chapter 11
1. T he disruKtmns of cosmoloijy, rebirth, and the twelve links ol Dependent
Original ion in ibis chapter are based on lhe “ C h ap ter on Cosrnoloijy'' of the
Abhidhnrmakoia. T h e presentation of the six causes h four conditions, and five
eJTccis is based tin <ht: t-neJ of the “ C hap ier on Faculties" o f V asu ban dh u’s
Abhtdhtinrmhtici (transtaied by L. M. Pruderi a i Abhidhonnak&tahhojf&t^ vol. 3,
pp. 254-325). lit this ultaplcr, the analysis has been limited lo lhe main points
in ih r AbhidhtiTTnakata Fnr rnorc- information, ihe secondary sources IlmltJ in the
previous chapter should be consulted. For siudies of the twelve Jinks ui' D ep en '
dent O rigination, *ee Watsiijij Gtniki Bukkyo no jisfen Utsugaku, chap. 2]
Akanurcut, GtnsAt Bukkyo ru>ktTikyu, p. 475 f ; and Kinuira, Gaishi Bukkyo skisawt,
Kimtira 'laiken zenshii, vol. 3* pp. 363-44B.

Chapter 12
1. For studies of karm a, sec K im ura. Shojtf Bukfyi no sAistron, Kimura Taiksrt
temhu, vol. 5, pp. 495-657; A kanum a, " G o no ken k y u /' Bukkyo kydn no kmkyu;
MiwAQ, "trd scH a ni isuiie,Mpp. 463-473' Funahasht Issai, ft? nakeakjut Hira-
k a w s( L‘Shi>jt"» Bukkyo no rinri shiso,"
2. Fur a discussion of lhe Sanskrit equivalents of ihesc terms, fee Funahaslu,
Go wktnkyti, pp. 53-61,
3. For a discussion of (he essenee of the preccpls, sec Hirakawa, Ckushi
Bukkyo no kenkyu, pp. 365-322.

Chapter 13
1 For a discussion of the fnur slagesh sec H in ltfW i, Hhoki Daijo Bukkyd no
kenkyu, pp. 408-441.
3. For lhe srven purifications, M in m o , Parj Bukkyo wo tftuihin lo ihilo
Bukkyo no shinshikirvn, p. 92 9f.
3. Liberation through faiih ir a (caching peculiar to T h erav ad a Buddhism;
see HiraJtftwa, "S h jng ftlatju yori shingedalsu e no irnk ai,'' pp. 5 1- 68.
 1. T h e (icstnplion or the political history' uf this period is based (in Kiina-
kura, Indo ckvsei idthinsht, vol. 2; N akam ura, tndo kodaishi, Nakamura ilajimc sen-
ihut vot. 6 ; T a b d i , Butsuto no ktgm, chap 4 Also see idem, indo nankat no
Bukkyo bijutsu; Bareau, Lti Stdts bouddhtqnts du Fktit Vfhuutr, pp. 112-51' and
Dult, Buddhisi Mon/u and Mvtiaitfnrs ojIndia.
2. For mure on this issue, see H irakaw a, Shoki Dairf Bukkyo no ktnkyu. pp.
661-698.
1 For the emergence <rf Buddhist carving at M alh u ra and GlUfrdhira, see
T ak ad a, Bulstuo no ktgtti, p. 209f
4 The diniibutiofl of H inayana and M ahayana Buddhism m India is dis­
cussed in H irakaw a, Shoki Daijo Bukkyo no ktnkyu, pp. 699-723.
5. Inscriptions concerning H inayana schools arc not discussed in (his study.
For discussions of such inscriptions, see Tsukatnoto, Shoki BiikXyd kyddanihi no
krnkyut p. ■tSOf.L Lam otte, Histotrt da Bouddhimf iadim, pp 570-585. Fur (hr
prim ary sourer a for such a study, see Shi nu t a n i , Indo Bukkyo htnm mokuroku

C h a p t e r 15
L This rh a p te r ii ba^cd on <he Hril chapter of the author's Shirki Daijo Bukkya
no ktiikyv- T h e following sources arc useful: Shiio, Bukkyo kyotm gmsrLwt
A k an u m a, Bukkyo kyoten shttont M iyam oto, Daijo to ihoj6t K^jiyashi K « u n n (1™-
ihi hanKya^yo np Afflitjui, Ui, Bukkyo kyotrtthi; H igata, SuVtkrdntat'ikrdrnif/ariprttha
PrajnaparamtlasulTa
2. Sec Hirakawa, Shvkt Daijd Bukkyo no krakyti, pp. 72-93.
3. For n discussion ol the uldest Mahdyftna sCriplurcs, sec lIjhJ , pp. 98“ !33.
4 For a d isc U ss io n o f ‘"the latter five hundred y e a rs/' see ibid-, pp. 6 5 - 7 2 .

C h a p t e r 16

J. For Elit1 use o f the term ' ‘ H in a ya n a '' by Fjft-hiicn and Hsiian-tsang, sec
I [][nltawM, Shoki Daifit Bukkyo no krnkyu, pp. 7(Ml-7 I ft.
2. Ib id ., p. 713.
3. Ibid., pp, 718-721.
4. H irakaw a surveys the use of ihe term isan Jo j htng in ib id ,. pp. ] 69- 170.
5 E b i d p p . 7 4 6 -7 7 5 .
6. For ihe Samayabhrdoparafanatakra, see HLgata and K im ura, *' Ketsujushi
bunpashi ko." A Jap an ese translation of the T ibetan version of the tcx! can be
found in Tcram oiub Chtbeitogo bunpo.
7. T h e Maheeastu was published by t . Senari from 1SR2 lo 1897. J , J. Jon es
published an Fngliih translation from 1949 io 1956. Since 1963, K Basak hai
issued three volumes of the (ext (Mahanosiu Ai>ajidna). For further information
.'iIjLiut research, publications, anti tr a n s itio n s of this work, see Vamada, Bongo
Butten no shobunken, p. 66.
 ft. For information on the publication of lhe l.aUlavisiam, see Yamada, Bongo
Hulltn no shobunkm, p. 67. Published too latr io be included in Yarnada'* wdrk is
Lalitai'islara, cd. P. L. Vaidya.
9. O n A ivaghofa, see K an;ikurab Aftmyo no kakyu; Yarnada, Bongo Baiun no
shobunktnl p. 69; Tsuji, S^nmkuriito bungakiuhir pj>. 11-17. Sdiukrlt texts o f
AsvaghcKfars Buddhacaiita, Saundarananda, and lhe Sditputrapfakaiapa have bern
published. T he relation b d w c t n die d i H w r r e t l l)y LudetC a nr I
KumaraLata's Drsidntapanktishould be noted.
]0. A review of D ft. S. Ralley's publication of iV lju n ta 's Sauipanatsaika-
itoira by Tsuji Naoshiro can be found in loyv gdtafia 3,1, n w - 3-4 (1951). A bo
.see N ara, “ Bukkyo shifin,” p. 135; K anakura, Metnyo no kenkyti, p. 92 f., and
Tsuji, Sansukunilo bungakushi, pp. 17-20.
11. O n anadana, see liirakaw a, Ritiuzo no kenkyu, pp. 329-4J5.
12. O gihara has noted seventy-nine Sanskrit lents of a^addno a n d jataka talcs,
the majority of them being avudanas (Ogthara Untat bunihii, p. 451 f.). For (he
Sumdgadhavtuiiina, see Iwamoio, Bukkyo itlsuwa kenkyu jwiW.sij and Su»idgaddtsaddna
T h r Ialter includes ihe text and studies on it. For information on ihe publica­
tion of ayadana texts, m:c Yarnada, Bongo Butten no sbobunken, pp. 61-66, Too late
to be included in Yamada's bibliography are P. L. V aidyahs publications of ihe
Avaddnniatoka, Dtvyaisodann, Jatakamdld of A i y a t u n , and (he Atmdanakaipotattt of
K^emcndra.
13. Hijfa(a, HanshokyOTfii no shiioshUtki k*nkyu. p. 72-
14. M iyam oto, “ Hiyusha, Uaiioku H okku, Toju, Y untanran no kenkyu.1'
pp. 117-192.
15. M iyamoto, Daijo to shojo, p. 164.
16. Yam ad a, Bongo Button no shoimnkens p. 72.
] 7, For lhe rrlnlion b rlw c tn M ahayana Buddhism and ituptu, Hirakawg,
sWeAi Daijo Bukkyo no krnkyu, pp. 549"60 1; N a k a m u ra H"G okuraku jodo no kan-
nen no fndogakuieki kaimei to Chibeitoteki h cn'yo,” pp l 3 l - l 5 3 ; and Fujita,
Genshijodo shiso no kenkyu, pp. 250-253.
IB. H irakaw a, Shaki Daijo Bukkyo no kmkyut pp 610-627.
19. H i ra kawa, Grnshi Bukkyo up kcnkyit, p p . 3 55 - 360.
20. Fur Ih r relation betw een i lupas and Nikaya Buddhism, see H irakaw a,
i’Aoli Daijo Bukkyo no ktnkyu, p p . 603-657,
21. O n iheorganizaiions around Buddhist siap&i, see ibid., pp. 788-796.
22 O n thebodhiiatlwigana, see ibid,, pp. 797-flU .

C h a p t e r 17

1. Hirakawa, Sfwki Daijo BuJtkyo no ktttkyii, p . 133.

2. ShizUtanih "Konkoftiyakyo “Goshometsubon" no seiritsu ni [suite"; 'lokiya.
■'Ch ibcfl o- yak u no Bosatsuwkyo no yakucBu/ ' p 1?2f.
3. For Sanskrit te v is o f ihe Ffajndpdrfunittisutriii, sec Yamada, Bongo ButCrn no
fhobiwkfn, pp. 83-90. Amonjj the works published too lale (o be mentioned in
Y am ada’s work ant the Aslasdhasrikd-PP, ed. P. L. Vaidya; Suvikranlafihdmi-
panpruhd, VajTO£ihtdikdr Adhyardhaiaiikd, SuAipdkfUtd, KauSika-PP, Prajndpatami-
idhrdaya, SaptasaUka, at] in Mahdydn/t-sutra^sangraha, Buddhist Sanskrit'J ext a vol.
\1, AftarffLittsdhaiTikd-PPi cd. E. Ctitiic, th a p . 55-70.
4. Mochi^uki Ryoko, "Dttipihii bosatsugakuton ni iti'yo caret* Yuirnakyo Bun-
bun dampen ni Isu ite /' p. 1 1 2f.; Yu yam a h "K am alasila no BAdvandkrama ni
in'yflsaneta Yuirnakyo," pp. 105-125.
For [he Sanskrit K jIj of Ihe Aeataitisaka and its IraniU liors, sec Yarnada,
Bongo Hulten no shobunken, pp. 90-92. T h e Dasabftumikjj and ihe Gantfssyuha have
been published by the Mithila Institute in Buddhist Samkrit'Texts.
6 . For tht: Sanskrit texts of the Lotus Sutra, see Yam ad j, Bongo Butten no sko-
bujtken, pp. 92-95. A Sanskrit text has aJsD been published by Mithila Institute
in Buddhisi Sanskrit Texts voL 6 .
7. For the Sanskrit (r*tj, see Yamad?, Bongv fluJjm mp jW u n in j, p. % f.;
Sukhdl'vtivyuhasdlra, ed. A . Ashik&ga; Mahaydna-iutrQ-famgrvha, Buddhltt Sa n -
skrn Texts vol. 17. pp. 221-253.
8 . Fujita, Genshi jodo sftiso no pp, 339-3+5; Yabuki, Amid# Butsu no
kenkyu, p. 82 f.
11. H irakaw a, "IVyoraizo to shite no H u io bu satsu /' pp. 12&7-1306; idem,
"A m id a butsu to Hozo busaisu.'' pp. 163-178.
10. Tsukinow a, {fatten m hihantfki kenkyu, p. 1441'.; N a k a m u r a , . / ^
2:207' Fujitab Genshi/tido iftiso no krjJtyu, pp. J 2 1 - 136.
11 Hirakawa* ''D aijo kyoten no hattatsu to Ajaseo no se is u w a /’ p " f .;
Elaynshima, "jo d o k y o nci shfijogoshokan ni tauiie," pp. 231-248.
12. For salvation through faith, sec H irakaw a, “ Shm gtdatsu yori shin^c-
daisu e no tenkai,” pp, 51-68.
13. Kamndpun^arikasutra, ed. I. Yauiada.
14. Ma\lieya.iiydkarana, ed. S. Levi, pp. 38 E-422; digit Manuscripts, vol. 4, pp.
187-214; Ishikittni, "M iro k u juki wayaku," pp 35-48
15. For Sanskrit texts oE the RatnakHta, see Yamada, Bongo Button no shobunken.
pp. 96-100.
1 6 . For Sanskrit fragm ents of the Mahdsajrinipdiasutm, s c t i b i d , h pp. 100-101.
F o r Thtr Sanskrli icxts of T 310.47 and 397.11, see Mahdsamnipdta-rninaketu
dhatani-suUa, vot. 4, Gtigit Mantstnpti, td . N. D u tt, p p . 1 -3 4 (.
17. Amnng the Farly M ahayana Sanskrit texts included in Mahdydna-iutra-
j nngraha. RuddEuM Sansknt T tm s, vol. 17 i r e part 8 h Sdhsiombasutja, pari 9,
MadhyamakasalistambaiutTa; L i n d part 13 , Bhaifajyagunn/aidujyaprabhardjaiutra. T he
Sanskrit text of ihe SamadhtTdjasutTa is included as vol. 2 of Buddhist Sanskrit
Texts. T h e Sanskrit text of the FShatsajyaguruiuira was published by Duti in Gtigit
Manuscripts, vol. E, pp 1-32. For additional in fo rm a tio n On Sanskrit texts dis­
cussed in iEiis section, sec Yarnada, Bongo Butten no shobunken, pp. 101 -109.
IB, Yarnada, Bongo iiutten no shobunken.

C h a p t e r IB
I . For the doctrine iliai dir nature o f the mind is originally pure, sec H ir a ­
kawa, Shokt Daijo Bukkyo no kenkyu, pp. E96-2I7.
 2, Sec Hirak.iwa, Roku -h arann i t.su n o irn k .ii,” pp 23-35.
3. Fur dharaw, sec EJirakaiva, Shoki Daijo Bukkyo no kenkyu, pp. £18-227.
4: For (he len i>ou^ aciiomi, see ibid:, pp. 426-474, and l l i r j k a v i ^ JlSKoki
Daij o Bukkyii Tin kaiyaku tr> sliite m iju ic n tliV pp. !67-203.
5. For ftimdw, see H irakaw a, Sfiati Daijo Bukky6 no kenkyu. pp. 334-336.
6 . See ibid., p. 185.
7. For i h t ten slaves in the Mahai<astur sec ibid., pp. 1 8 7 -191 T h e Kccoiid
siagc in d ir le^r of ihe Mahavasfa is baddharndna This reading has h e tn chanded
i Ei attofJantL ' with Ed^crton 's dictionary,
S. For the four tjrp^s of bodhisattvas. see H i t t k a w a t Shoki Daijo Bukkyo no
kenkyut pp. 286-330.
9. See ibid., pp. 336-340,
10. For the significance o f the ten stages comtnon to Hhiayaiiists and
M ahayanists, see ibid., pp. 354-358.
11. T h e U^fsdauapariprahA and the 1'C h ap ter on Pure Practices" of the Av&-
i&miakaiiitTB. ni'Cdiscussed in ibid., pp. 4R3-I54H
1 2. For tfu- hod b isai Iva <n dr r, sec ib id ., p p . 7 7 7 - 8 1 1 .
 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

Introduction
A number ol'surveys of Indian Buddhism have been published in Western lan­
guages during this century. By far the most authoritative of these is Etienne
Lantotte's H (c ir t du Bouddhismt Indim dts tmgina c t'ere i'atu, a work that covers
Early and Sectarian Buddhism. An authoritative English translation. History aj
Indian Buddhism, has been published Edward C o ittt’s B u d d h I t s Esstmr und
/ier/fttpfTitTil and H anj Wolfgang Schumann's BuddAam: An Outline of its Teachings
and Sthogh arc clearly wntten nnd suitable as inlmliiclory irxis. O n a more
advanced level, Edward Conze’s Buddhut Thought tn India Three Phates of Bud­
dhist Philomphy is a good source for Buddhist thought but isoften so terse that it
can be confusing. Anthony Kennedy W arder^ fnduin Buddhism is a comprehen­
sive survey discussing both history and doctrinet although the quality of its cov­
erage is uneven, particularly in the later phases of Buddhist thought. E. J.
Thomas' The History oj Buddhist Thought is dated but still contains hicid
explanations of Buddhism from a Theravada perspective Kanakura Yenshd's
Hindu-Buddhist Thought in India is one of the few surveys dial discusses the rela-
lionship between Hinduism and Buddhism in more than a perfunctory manner.
David Kalupdhana’s Buddhist Philosophy: A Historical Analysis and A. L. Her­
man 's A n Inirodwtion to Buddhist Thoughl ■A Philosophic History oj Indian Buddhiim
stress philosophical issues wilhin Buddhism. Bunion's History oj Buddhism and
Taranatha's History of Buddhism in India are valuable primary sources written
from a traditional perspective. Diaries by the Chinese pilgrims Fa-hsien,
H siia n ■tsang, and 1 -ching have been translated into English; they are invalu­
able lirst-hand accounts of the condition of Indian Buddhism. T h e ir contents
are also described in K. L. H a z ra ’s Buddhism as Desaibtdby tht Chinrie Pilgrims.
 [ Kt recently publisiicd Encyclopedia of Religion c o n t a i n SCVTraJ lucid nnrl
rnsighiful discuss tons of Indian Buddhism in general. Anion g ihe tn o$t note­
worthy entries are Luis Gamez's " Buddhism: Buddhism in India” (2:351-385)
and "Buddhisi Literature: ExCgeSis and Hermeneutics'* (2:529-541), Andre
BaTfitu's " B u d tih iM , Schools of: H inayana B uddhism ’ 1 (2:444-457), N ak a­
m ura H ajim c’s "B uddhism , School i of: M ahayana Buddhism ’ 1 (2:457-472),
and H ira k a w a hs "B uddhist Literature: Survey o f T a t l ’ 1 (2:509-5129). M an y of
tfiL1 entries und their bibliographical annotations are major sources for ihe Jtu-
dent of Buddhism and should be consulted T he Encyclopedia of Religion 4 p rede­
cessor, Hastings" Ew-yclopedio of Religion rW Entities, also includes idiqc very
informative entries.
Several valuable reference tools for the study of Buddhism have been
published. Volume 2 of L 'Inde dassique, edited by Louis ftrnmi and Jean Filli-
zoat, present* much valuable in formal ion on Indology and Rudd hi sm in ihe
form of an encyclopedia. Paul Dcmicvillc's ) iobogirin, an encyclopedia of Rnd-
dhism in French, has a number of very important long articles on Buddhisi log­
ics. These lopics are listed in alphabetical order under the Japanese translation
of the tern] being discussed, but only a few of the possible topics lhai could have
been listed are actually investigated. The Encyclopedia of Buddhiim, being
published in English m Sri Lanka, is complete through the letter MB ,r This
may not seem very helpful, but many Sanskrit and Kill Buddhist names and
technical terms begin wiih the lirst two letlers of the alphabet. Although ihr
quality of ihe Encyclopedia of Hmidhum is WievcJi, uune of its rniries ■*rr exed-
lent. Erik f u r t h e r '5 Buddhism; Its Origins and Spread in Waidi, Maps and Pit turn
includes niripsthat illustrate the propagation of Buddhism, Nyapatiloka's fiud
dhist Dictionary is the best dictionary in English for Buddhist terms used in early
Indian Buddhism.
Fur further bibliographical information, several major works are available
including Guide to the Ruddhut Religion by Frank Reynolds et al. and R eynnlds'
bibliographical essay “ Buddhism " in (he sccond edition of Charles A d a m s’
Reader’s Guide to the Great Religions (pp 156-222). T h e Guide to the Buddhist Reli­
gion is an excellent reference for a student planning a paper since il contains
detailed descriptions of prim ary and secondary sources available on a variety of
topics. Nakatnura Hajirne'i Indian Buddhism; A Survey ivuh Bibliographna! Notes
includes num erous references to research by both Western and J a p a n e se schol­
ars. De J o n g ’s e xie naive articles "A Brief History of Buddhisi Studies in
Europe and America'' and " Reecnl Buddhisi Studies in Europe and America,
19711-1983" published in Eastern liuddhut n s- 7 and 17, respectively, are a criti-
t;il review of the development of Buddhist siudies in the West from its b e gin­
nings until recently. O th e r more specialized bibliographies or essays 011 sources
are mentioned in the appropriate chapter*.
Translations o f individual Buddhist lexis will Ijt menlioncd in the biblio­
graphical noies for separate chapters, but ihe existence of useful anthologies of
Buddhisi lexis should be noted. The collections of lexis edited by Edward
Conzc, W. T. De Bary, and Stephan Beyer all contain both Hinayana and
Mahayana texts
O n e of the besi surveys of classical Indian civilization is A. L. B asham 's The
Wandfj that W&S India. For historical S u r v e y s of India during the periods covered
by i his book, see vol um cs E th rou gh 5 of Ihe History and Culture oj the Indian People
edited by R . C. M ajum dar. M a ju m d a r^ An Advanced History oj India serves as a
good survey of Indian history. Romila T h a p a r has written a n u m b e r of histori­
cal studies of these periods in c lu d in g ^ History of India, vol, 1 . Indian society at
the lime of lhe Buddha i-S discussed in U m a C hau dh u ry 's The Social Dimensions oj
Early Buddhism. For further sources on Indian culture and history, see M au reen
Fat tersgn 1s South Anan Civilizations: A Bibliography.
Fu r Vedit religion, A rth u r Keith hs The Religion and Philosophy of the Vedas and
Upantshads a n d M aurice Bloomfield's The Religion of the Vida arc reliable
sources.
Although little is known about most of the systems of though! that existed
around thr time of lhe Buddha. rich sources exist for Jaimsin. PadmnncibbJ mini's
The jairm Paih of Purification is 9 clearly written and authoritative survey uf Jain a
thought in English Walter Schu bring 's The Doctrine of theJaineu, Described afar Old
Sources is a reliable study of early J a in a thought. A. L. Basham's History and Doe-
trine oj the Ajivikjfs: A Vanished Indian Religion is the defi n iIivc work on a nother trarti ■
tion at the lime of the Buddha. O th e r useful sources are S. &. Dasgupta's A His­
tory vjIndian Philosophy, D. D, Kosarnbi's lhe Culture and Civilization ojAncient India
in Historical Outline, B M , Barua’s The History oj Pre-Buddhist Philosophy, and
A. L. Basham's 1lT h e Background to the Rise of Buddhism"' in Studies in the Hii-
tory oj Buddhism, pp. [3-32. T h e Brahjnajahi'juttanliil translated as The Sacred 1Vrf,
Dialogues of the Buddha, vut, 2 p and as The Discourse on thr A11-Embracing Net oj Vmta:
The Brahmajala Suita and Its Commmtanal Exegesis by Bhikkhu Bodhi, contains infor­
m ation on other non-Buddhist theories of karma and rebirth wiih a critique from
a traditional Buddhist perspective.

Chapter 2. The Life of the Buddha

H irakawa notes that only fragments ofin fon nation on the Buddha's biograpEiy
are found in most early sources. Listed below arc some of the longer passages
on the Buddha's life from early sources in the Pali tradition.

Vinajiat 'lM nhavagga i" , English translation: The Book oj Discipline, Sacred
Books of the Buddhists, vol. 14, pp. 1-129.
Sutta-nipdia, chap. 3. p a n 1, etc*, Pabbajajuiui; English translation: Woven
Cadencey, Sacred Books of lhe Buddhists, vol IS, pp 51-114; and The
Group oj Dijcourses, Pali Text Society Translation Series, no. 44, pp. 69-
1 2 fl
Mahapaddnasutianta, Digha-mkdya 14; English translation. Dialogues oj the Bud­
dha, vol. 3, pp. 1-41.
\fahdparimbbdna sutianto. Dieha-nikdya 16: English translation: Dialogues of the
Buddha, vol. 2, pp. 7 1-191.
 Ariy&pantts&nasuMa, Majjhima-nikdya '26; Middit Length Sayings, ^ol. I, pp. IJOjS-
219.
Alahd] aceakasutta, Ma^}h\ma-ntknya 36, M\ddit length Sayings, vt>l. I.
jdtaka. vol. ] p(NkianaJcatha^yabifaij vol. 2, Avidimiddna (T.. English transla-
tionzT. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhist Birth Stories; eKrcrpis in H. C. W arren,
Buddhism ttt Translations, pp. 5-83,

Mum uf these stmrccs have been translated and arrajigcd into chrort(>J<^it‘al
order by Ethikkhu Nanamoli m Tht Lift oj tht Buddha as It Appears itt iht Pali
Canon, Tht Oldtst Authtntit Record. Many uf these Pali lewis on the Buddha's
biography have corresponding passages in ihe Chinese canon.
Michiicl C -im ih f rs ' 1'he Buddhaj a n d M izuno K ngcn's Tht Btgmnijtgi of Bud
dhtsm arc good popular intreductions io the biography p f (he BuddlLa. Surveyi
of the term " B u d d h a " and iis interpretation j can be found in bui h <h r Entycbpe-
dia of Rtitgion ('J :3 191—33i> and Encytloptdm ofBuddhism (3:357-380). T h e m oil
exhaustive study uf the biography of ihe historical Ruddha is found in Andre
B arcau 1s three -volu me Recherchei jn r ia biographic du Buddha dans Its Sutrapitaka et
its Vinajiopifaka ancient T h b authoritative work can be supplemented with his
article " L a Jeune«se du flnuddha plaits les Sutrapitaka ei les Vmayapitaka
anciens,’h Bulletin de i'Ecolt fran^aist d ’Exircmt-Uritnt 61 (1974): 199-274. In
English, E, J . T h o m as' The Lift of iht Buddha as Ltgend and History is dated and
focusei On Pali sources but is still extremely valuable. Alfred Foucher's The Lift
of the Buddha According to tht Ancient Ttxis and Manumtnlt of India serves as a good
sup pie me n( for Thom as. N akam ura H a jim c 'l Gotama Buddha is an English
translation and to n densad o n of a v^ry thorough 5<udy in J a p a n e se o f 5akya-
niunt Buddha arid :s thus based on a bnuodcr range of suurves than T h o m a s'
volume. Frank Reynolds has traced some of ihe development of £aky amuni s
biography in the artirle " T h e M any Lives of the B uddha" in Tht Biogrephreal
Process, pp. 37-61. A n u m ljrr uf traditional biographies of the Buddha have
been translated including the Jdtakn, MohdvOitu, Lutitovistarai and A ivaghuja's
Buddhacarita.
Some of the Buddha's disciples have also been the subject [if studies. MaJale-
sekera’s Dictionary of Pali Proper Mamwand Nalinaksha D u u hs Early Monaslie Bud-
dhum are valuable tools for learning about the figures mentioned in the Bud­
d h a ’s biography. Among (he signiEkiint studies of ihe Buddha's ditriples anr
j o h n Strong's " T h e Legend of ihe Lion Roarer: A Study of the Buddhisi Arhat
Pirnjnln Bharadvaja," Ntimtn 26 (1979): 50-68, W itan ach i's " A n a n d a ," Ency
clopedta of Buddhism l^V29-536, and TsukamOto Keisho's " MabiikaSyapn's Prec­
edence Lo A nanda al the Kajagfha C o u n cil/' Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studtts
1 1 , n o .? : H24-817.
T he enigmatic figure of the pratytkabuddha is the subject of Ria Klop^ienborg's
The Pacctkabuddha. A Ruddhtst Asctlie, K. R. N orm an's " T h e P ratyekabuddha in
buddhism and Jainism /' Buddhist Studies: Ancient and Modem, pp. 52-106, and
Fu|ifa Kotatsu's " O n e Vehicle o r T h ree?1' Jou rnaI of Indian Philosophy 3 (I9?5).
79-166.
 TJic translations uf the Pali canon descrihed in chapter 3 jirnv iJt the siudcm
with abundant prim ary source in ale rial for lhe study of this Stage of Rudd hist
thought. Reynolds' Guide to ike Buddhist Religion and the bibliographies at the
end of the chapters in David K atupahana's Buddhist Philosophy also provide the
student with a useful guide rn sources in Ihe Nikdyas on Topics in Early buddlnM
doctrine.
H. C. W arren's Buddhism in Tramlatwm it a superb collection uf translation*,
frum Pali sources arranged according to subject. O n e o f the best ImrcHiuctiuns
to EaHjr Buddhist doctrine is Walpola R a h u l a s immensely popular What tht
Buddha Taughtr which is arranged m accords nee ^vidi the Four ISTthble Truths.
Minium Kogen^s Primitive Buddhism is typical of Japanese descriptions uf ihe
earnest teachings. N iilir a ^ h a n u ll's Early Monastic Buddhism contains
detailed studies of a num ber of topics, often with interpret at iuns from abhidhar-
ma sources- G ovind C h an d ra Pandc's Studies in tht Origins of Buddhism is a tech­
nical siudy of Parly Buddhism from a variety of perspectives Thai includes an
at tempi to distinguish earlier and later passages in the texts. In addition, nil of
die basic surveys mentioned in the bibliographical notes for the introduction
in elude ijuud discussions of this period of Buddhist th o u g h t.
Specialized studies on a variety of topics exist. For example, the topics of
nirvana and enlightenment, the ultimate goals of Buddhisi practice, have long
fascinated a ftumbc r o f scholars. Tom Kasuhs pruvidcs a good introduction to
many issues of interpretation in LHN irv a n a /' Entyetopedia oj Rtliqion 10:4 +S- 4.SG.
Earlier in this cenlury, La Vatl£e Poussin a n d Sicherbaisky argued over ihe cor
reel inter-relation of nin>ana; their views and ihose of other early Western
scholars are described in G uy Welbon's book Buddhist jVifPfflta and Itl tVrstfrrr
intcrprtxen M ore recently R u n e Johansson has investigated the inpic from a
psychological perspective in The Psychology of Nirvana J a n Ergardl (Faith and
Knowledge m Early Buddhiim and Man and His Dtttin\y: Tht Rrltasr of tht Human
Mind) and Lambert Schfaiithausen ( " O n Som e Aspects of Descriptions of T h e o ­
ries of HLiberating Insight' and ‘Enlightenm ent' in Early B uddhism ," Studien
turn JaMumtii und Ruddhiiintis Gtdenksehtijt fiir Ludwig Atidorjf pp. 1 99-250) have
Contributed impressive diudies of the presenlalion of these topics in early lests.
The arhal ha.i twrn discussed m many of the above-mentioned studies as well as
in I ft- H orner's Early Buddhist Theory oj Man Perjtcud and Karel W erner s
“ Rndhi and Arahataphala; From Early Ruddhism to Early M a h a y a n a " in Bud■
dhtst Studies - Amient and Modem, pp, 167-181. Padm anabh J a in i compares the
Ja in a and Early Buddhist views on omniscience in "On the Sarvajhatva of Ma-
havira and (he B uddha3h in Buddhist Studiti m Honor oj! B Homer, pp. 71-90
Dependent Origination has been discussed by a nu m b e r of scholars. Among
the recent significant studies are Jo h an sso n ’s Tht Dynamic Psythohgy oj Early
Buddhism, David K alup ahana’s Causality: The Central Philosophy oj Buddhism, and
Alex Way m an's "Buddhisi D ependent O riginal iont" History oj Religion It)
HB5-203. For an c-xpluratinn of the philosophical significance t>f no-Self
teachings, see Sicven Collins' Sdjhts Petsmf Imagery and 'I'hought in 'Theravada
Buddhism, G P- Midalrsekera's nr(ide ''A nafta,1' En<yclopedia of Buddhism 1:
567-576, and Naknmura Hajimc's "T h e Problem of Self in Buddhisi Philoio-
phy " in Rtvtlaiion tn Indian 1 ’bought) pp. 9 9 - 1\ ii.
Few early lexis Contain leadlines foi lay believers. but th t iranslaiions ar ihe
end of Waljiola Rahula's Whai tht Buddha Taught include three selection!. Teach­
ings far lay Buddhism are discussed in D K. Harua's An Analytical Study of thr
Fanr Nikdyas and Joseph Masson's I.a Religion populant dam it camn bouddhiqur
Pdti.

Chapter 4. The Organization of the Order

T h e hill T h e ra v a d a Vinaya has been translated into English by I. B. H o m e r aj
1'ht Book of tht Diiciphnt. B uddhaghosa '9 com m entary on the Vinaya, ihe Saman-
iopdsadikd, has beeil partially translated from Pali by N. A. jayaw ickram a, and
a complete translation from Chinese has been done by Hirakawa and Bapat.
Lists of rules fur several other schools are found in Charles Frehish's Buddhist
Monditu Discipline' 1'ht iflFfrirr'/ Pr&tl rHflJi.id i&Attf of tht Mafitisantfifi rkq and Miilata r-
t’dstioadms.
O n f of i!k fullest discussions of the order is found in J o h n Moll's Discipline
The Canonical Buddhism oj the Vinayapitaka. Ftir a h ritfe r survey, see Charles Preb
j&h's "V inaya a n d Prfu intokjii; T h e Foundation of Buddhist Klhit's"' in Studies
in the History of Buddhism, pp, H irakawa has written two major books
on the V\naya and monastic discipline in Jap anese, but little of his work on this
topic I’S available in English except lor an article, " T h e "IwoEold St rue lure o f Ihr
Buddhist S a jp g h a /’jPfflmrflV of the Oriental Instiiutt 15* no. 2 ( 1966 ). 131 -137, and
a sum m ary uf his book Ritsuiii no kenkyu |A study of the Vin&yapilaka\„ pp. J ~2f)
(left), O ih e r useful works on monastic life are S ukum ar Du it's Early Buddhist
Manothum and Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India, G o tn ld a s D e rs Democracy
in Early Buddhist Sarngha, Nalinaksha D ull's Early Monastic Buddhism, Magao
GadjuTs " T h e Architectural T ™ liiio n in Buddhist M onasticism " in Studits in
the History of Buddhism, pp, 18D-20B, and N. T a tia 'i ""[lie Interaction of
Jainism and Buddhism and Its Impact on the History of Buddhist Monasti-
cism "' in Studies tn the History of Buddhism, pp 321-338. T h e Hobdgmn includes
two major articles on specific types ol rules: theft or chuta (3:551-558) and
attempted oj lenses or churanja (3 :507>~522).
Since a n u m b e r of versions of the Vmaya exist in Chinese translation, the
texts ean be com pared to elucidate the development tif the canon. This
approach has been followed in studies such as Pachow’s/1 Comparative Study of tht
Prdtimakfa an the Basis of Its Chinese, Tibetan, Sanskrit, and Pali Versions, Pinch
F ran w all tier's Tht Earliest Vinaya and tht Bt&nnings of Buddhut LfleralVtt PiebislVs
‘"The Praiimuksa Puzzle: Facts Versus F<u\xaiy" Journal of the American Oriental
Society 94 (A p ril-Jun e J 974): Jfifl-1 76, and K un C h ang 's Comparative Study o f tht
Kathmaiastu G, S Upasak's Dictionary of Early Buddhist Monastic Tmns is a v alu ­
able source for drfining ihe extensive technical n o m e n d a lu re used lo discuss
Buddhisi monastic life.
 The rule of women in Buddhism ha? ait ran ted at tent ton ill rcceni years. The
classic study on ihis topic in Early Buddhism is 1 B. H orner’ s Women under
Primitive Buddhism H er work has been extended in studies such as M ctna
Talirn's Women in Ewiy Buddhist Litrralurr, Diana Paul's Warnerr in Buddhism,
Kabilsinch's A Comparative Study oj Bhikkhunt Fatimokkha, Nancy Talk's l,The
Case of the Vanishing Nuns" m Unspoken Worlds, pp, 2 0 7 -2 2 4 HJan Willis'
"M nnj ,ind flirncfactrcisej: The Role of Women in iht Development of Bud­
dhism” in Women, Religion and Social Changer pp. 3 9 -8 6 , Kajiyama Yui chi's
“ Wuinen in fiudilliisTn/" Eastern Buddhist 15 (|9fl?)r 5 3 -7 0 , and Andre Bareau's
,LUn Pcrsonnagc bicn my&iericux: L'Espouse du Bouddha” in Indologital and
Ruddhisi Studies, pp. 3 f -5 9 ,
Modern Theravada order* in Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia have been ihe
.•subject of a number of valuable studies bjf anthropologists, soc iol ngists, and his­
torian s. Amonij the more important works are the trilogy by S. j . Tambiah
(Buddhism and iht Spirit Cults in North'tost Thailand, World Conqueror and World
Rtnounctt, and The Buddhist Saints of tht Forest and the Cuii o f Amulets), Michacl
Carrithers' Forest Monks of Sri lank#- An Anthropological and Historical Study; and
Michael Mendelson's Sangha and State in Burma. Extensive bibliographies of
these fascinating studies can be found in Reynolds' Guide to the Buddhist Religion
and in two bibliographical essays by Reynolds: "F ro m Philology to Anthropol
ogy: A Bibliographical Essay on Works Related to Early, Theravada and Sinha­
lese Buddhism" in The Tw& Wheels af tht Dhamma, pp. 307— 1 2 i, and "Tradition
an*] Change in Theravada Buddhism /’Contributions (p Asian Studies 4 (1973):
94" 104 The third voEume o f Rechert’ s BuddhiS7nusj Stoat urtd GeseU/iehaft tn den
Ldndcrn dts Theravoda-Buddhismus Includes a bibliography of close to two thou­
sand items on Theravada,

C h a p te r 5 , T h e E s ta b lish m e n t o f th e E a r ly B u d d h ist C a n o n
The compilation of the early canon has been discussed in [wo articles in (he
Encyclopedia oj Religion, "Buddhist Literature: Survey of Texts” by H irakaw a(2:
5 0 9 -5 2 9 ) and " Buddhist Literature: Canonisation1' by L-ewis Lancaster (2:
5 0 4 -5 0 9 ). I n add it inn, reliable discu winns can be found in many of the surveys
mentioned in the introduction. Gregory Schopen questions a number of
assumption* *h»ui (he early un n n in “Two Problems in die History of Indian
Buddhism: The Layman/M onk Distinction and the Doctrines of Transfer of
M erit," Studifn ;ur fodofogie and franstik tO {J985); 9 -4 7 ,
Erich Frauwallner's The Earlitst Vinaya and the Beginnings o f Buddhist Literature is
an important study of lhe early Vinaya Eor information on the mtrapitakas. sec
D , K. Barua 'it An A nalyfiml Study of flu Four NikAyas, whi ch ton ta ins cnmparal ive
charts of the Chinese Agamm and Pali tiikayas an pp. 8 -3 0 ; Thich Minh C hau’ s
Chinese Agamas and the Pali Majjhima Nikaya; Mizuno Kugen’ s Buddhist Sutras.
Origin, Dewlopfrvni, Transmission; Mayeda Egaku’ s "Japanese Sludics on ihe
Schools of (he Chinese Agam as" in Zttr SchuUugehouigktit am Werken der Hma-
yana-Ltteratur, pp. 9 4 -1 0 3 ; a n d j. W. de Jon g's ,+Les Sutrapifaka des Sarvastt-
vadm el des Mulasarvastivadin'" tn Melanges d'lndinnnnur d ia memoirr dr I.ouis
Renvu, pp. 3 9 5 -4 0 2 . Fur Thoughtful discussions of the comparative value of
■Sanskrit texts and Chmtse (ran^larions and other issues in Buddhist literature,
see Lewis Ij-ancaster's articles "Editing of Buddhist Texts" in Buddhist Thought
and Asian Civitiiatm , pp. 145-151 and “ Buddhisi Literature: lis Canons,
Scribes and ^dinars" in 7 Ik CriiusIStudy oj Scared Texts, pp. 2 ]5-229.
A bibliography ofboiil editions of lhe canon arid secondary lilcn lu rf fin lhe
Buddhisi canon can be found in Gunter Gronboldhs Der baddhistiche Kanon. Eine
Ribliograpfiie Vitalya liltraluff is Surveyed in Yuyama Akira's bibliography,
Vinaya-Ttxft Heinz Bechen has edilcJ a volume on the language nf Early Bud­
dhism, Thr Language oj the Earliest Btid&itt Tradition
Musi nf the P ill ca n o n has been translated into English, M a n y of the t r a n s i t
ct^ns are listed in ihe bibliography at the end of this book under rhe Pali ntles or
I he author's niune when il is known. F o r an tntrafiuction lo lhe Pali can o n , i f f
W ilhelm G eig er's Pali Literature and Language, vol. 1, pp. 8 - SB. Full and detailed
discussions o f Pali literature a r c found in iwo classic surveys, B. C . L a w ’
s A
History i j Pali Littrahcrw and M alalesek era’s Tht Pali Literature oj Ceylon M o r e
recent Survey* are K_ ft. N o rm a n 's very thorough Pali Literature anti Russell
W eb b 's An Analysis oj the Pali Canon.
Sanskrit Buddhisi literature is surveyed m several sources F o r H inayana
ii Pali Literature. YAtnAtia
texls in Sanskiil and P ia k r il, see K k . N o r m ^ ’
R y u jo ‘s H w gv Butttn no shobunitn [Sanskrit Buddhist literature] is a survey of
Sanskrit M a h a y a n a texisr O th e r sources are the second volum e uf M oriz Win*
ternttz's A History o j Indian Literature and J . K. N arim a n 's A Literary History o f
lSajiifa j t Buddhtstn ftenou and I illizoat 'a U in d e d assiq ur co m ain s bibln>yraphical
inform ation.

Chapter 6. T h t D evelop m en t o f the B u d d h ist O rd e r

M a n y o f the prim ary sources on schisms and councils have k e n i ranslated imo
W estern languages. For m o re m form alion on them, see the seclion on ch a p te r U
o f Lhe bibliographic essay Nahnaksha Dutt has discussed the spread ol B u d ­
dhism in Early History oj the Spread oj Buddhism and the Early Buddhist Schools. O ther
information can be found in ihe m a n y regional studies o f the developm ent of
Indian Buddhism by such authors as Nalinaksha Duttj J e a n fta u d o u , d a y at n
Sen M ajuindar, a n d B. G - G okhale.
H irak aw a ’
s dating of the historical Buddha is not followed by most W estern
Scholars but is used by u n u m b e r o f prom inent Ja p a n e s e scholars. F or discus­
sions o f this issue in W estern languages, see Heinz Bcehert's " T h e D ate o f the
Buddha R e co n sid ere d .’
1 Indologita Tatirinensia 10 (3 9 8 2 ): 5 9 - 3 6 , which ad v o ­
cates a position d o se to that or H irakaw a. It m ay be contrasted with A n d rf
Bureau's “ I,? D ale du Nin-fljiii," A jic tiq u t 241 ( 1 9 5 3 ) : 2 7 - 6 2 , and
M . M . Singh's " T h e Dale o f the B u d d h a -N irv a n a ." Journal o j Indian History
3 9, no. 3 ( 1 9 6 1): 3 5 9 -3 6 ,1 . Additional sources for lhe d a te o f ihe Buddha are
discussed m the bibliographical listings o f studies o f the B u d d h a's life it]
ch ap ter 2.
Many oF ihe primary sourcts necrssary for the study of Asoka have been
translated into English, including Jo hn Strong's Tht Ltgend oj King Asoka, A
Study and Translation o f tht AJokavaddna, Wilhelm Geiger's Mahdnamsa, or tht Citat
Chwmcle oj Ctylon, and Lugen Hultzschha Tht /iHCrt^lioJlf oj Ai&ka. Asoka’s
inachpiion; are also available in a paperback edition, Thr Edicii of Ait>kat by
N. A. Nik am and Richard McKeon, Extensive selections can be found in most
of the studies in the following paragraph.
The rflign nf King ASoka has been studied extensively by modern scholars.
Among the belter survey^ are Romila Thapar’ s Asoka attd tht DucUnt oj tht
Mauryai, a study that stresses Alok a's political motives. It can be compared with
It. G. Gnkhjlr's flmitfuffl and R M mkerjce's ^ jo tt Pirrnr Herman
Leu naid Eggermom's Tht Chronology oj tht Rtign oj Asoka Morrya suggests a time
table for Anoka's reign. Heinz Bechert's "T h e Importance nf Anoka’ s So-callcd
Sell ism Rdict" in Indotcgtcat and Btidd/iologital Studits, pp. 61-6B , defines ASnka's
place in the history of Buddhist sectarianism in a manner that agrees with Hira-
kawa's chronology. A. L. Basham’ s article, "A£oka and Buddhismi A RwJi-
ami nation/’ yjtarW of tht International Association 0/ Buddhist Sludits 5 (19B2): I 3 J-
H 3 , is a critical review of modern scholarship on the subject. John Strong
examine* legends aboui Ainlta's ttfaehir Upagupta in "T h e Buddhist Ava-
d anil i and the F.ldtr U pag up ta/' M&angts thinaii ti bouddhiquei 22 (1905)^ 063-
BB1. Finally, S. J . Tambiah's World Comfturot and World Renotinttr includes dis­
cussions of A£oka and (he influence of the universal ruler ideal on subsequent
Buddhist history,

C h a p t e r fi. T h e D e v e l o p m e n t o f N i k a y a B u d d h i s m
The primary and secondary sources listed in this chapter are aisu important in
the study of the issues presented in chapters 6 and 9-13. M any of the vital pri­
mary sources an the rise o f thd Hmayana schools have been translated into
English, including such Theravida sources as the Dipabat?ts&, Mahdvamsa.
Katfiai'atlfiu, BuddhaghosarAKatfidvatihu-alfhakatAd (commentary on ihe KsiAdifat-
ihii), the Vinaya, and Buddhaghosa's Samantapdsddtka (commentary on the
Vinaya), Among the sources from the Northern tradition, Masuda J iry o ’s “ O ri­
gin and Doctrines of Early Indian Buddhist Schools/' Asia Major 2 (1925): J -
78, an annotated English translation of Hsuan-tsang's Chinese rendering of the
Samayabbtdoparacanacakra, is very useful. In addition, rhe histories of Buddhism
by both Taranatha and B u t to n ( as well as the travel diaries of Fahsien,
Hsuan-tsang, and I-ching, have been translated into English.
Paul Demi^ville has translated ihe historical section of C hi'tsang’s San-Iurt
ksvan-i and surviving fragments of Paramartha's comments on the Sa.maya-
btudapa.rotanotakra into French in " L ’Origine des scctes bouddhiqucs d 'a p ris
P aram artha/' Mtlangts chtrwts et bouddAtquts I (1931)r 15-64. Bhavya'j MfeifO-
bhtdautbhjifiga-iyakhydria and Vimiadevafs Sarttayabbtdoparotanotakrt nikdyabhtdopa-
deian a-sangroha have hern translated into French in Barcau 'j arlidc l"Trois
traites sur Jes sectes bouddhtciues " Journal Aiiatique 242 (1554): 2 2 9 -2 6 6 , 244
(1956); 167-200.
Only a few of the primary sources for [his chapter are not available in English
or French. Among (hem are lhe A -jit-mang thing (Asokaiajasutra), Taiu e n ’ s com-
tnentary on the SoauyubhaiopaTiaeanaadam {Zokuzdkyd 1,83,3), Diiyai-adana (no.
26, Llp5mhtpradfi>i£vadanaM; no. 27 f 1LK.ugalavadana'), and inscription*
described In such works as Shizutani Masao's Indo Bukkyo himet mokuroku |C ata­
log o f Indian Buddhist inscriptions!. However, [he A-yii-wang ching is an abbre­
viated version (with some differences) uf [he Aiokdoadana translated by Jo h n
Strong in The Legend of King Atoka. T i u e n ' s comm rms are summarized in
Maauda'i translation of (he SamayeLbhedepcttcuunacakra.
Andre Uarciij's Lts Stitts bouddhiques du Pftil Vthtcute is the best secondary
Study v f the schools of Nikiya Buddhism in a Western language For those who
do not read French, Ndlinakshg D u tts Buddhist Sects in India and S. N. Dube's
Cron Currents in Early Buddhism (based primarily on die should be
con suited. Several articles in the Encyclopedia oj Religion include good bibliogra­
phic* and summaries of the positions of the schools; Barrau's article On Hina­
yana schools (2 :4 4 4 -4 5 7 ), Reynolds and Clifford on Theravada ( 14 :4 6 9 -4 7 9 ),
t/<Smes on Mahasarjighika (9 :1 2 0 -1 2 2 ) and Sarvasdvada (13.75-flO), and
Skorupski on Sautrantika (1 3 :3 6 -8 B )L These studies also contain information
about the doctrinal po&ilions of many of ihe lesser-known schools. All hough lhe
articles "S an'astivadins/1 “Sauirantikas/1and "Sects (Buddhist)" in Hastings'
Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics are dated, ihey arc still worth consulting.
Among the primary sources for the councils lhai have been translated are lhe
Dipai'iirma. Mohdiamsa, Vinaya ( “Chapter on the Five Hundred’ ' and “Chapter
on ihe Seven H undrid”), and the $amantapasadik&. The besi study of the Bud­
dhist co li tic its is Andn£ Bareau's Lei Premiers Conciles bouddhsques. The Second
Council has also been discussed by Paul Demiiville ("A propos du conti Ie de
VaisaJj/1 T ’oungpao 40 ] 195] ] : 2 J9 -2 9 6 ), Marcel Hofinger {Ktude sur la conclude
Vaisdli}, and Nahnaksha Dutt (Buddhist Seets in India). The results uf [heir
studies have been summarized and critically examined in Charles Prebish's "A
Review of Scholarship on the Buddhist Councils/' Journal o j Asian Studiei 33
(February 1974); 2 3 9 -2 5 4 , and ' Mahasanghika Origins: The Beginnings of
Buddhisi Sectarianism" (co-aulhored wilh Ja n Nattier), History oj Religions 16
(1977); 23 7 -2 7 2 .
The history of the Sri Lankan Theravada tradition is investigated in Walpola
R ah ula's The. History oj Buddhism in Ceylon: The Anuradhapura period, 3rd Century
B.C.-IVth Ceatuty A.D., E. W- Adikaram's Early History oj Buddhism *ri Ceylon.
K. L. Hazra's / / 1story oj Thtrai'dda Buddh inn in Sou iheast A an, with Special Refer­
ence to India and Ceylon, and H ein/ Bechert’ s three-volume Buddhifmus, Stoat tind
Gcicllcichaft tn den Landtm dts 'I'heraVdda'Buddhumiti. (The last volume uf Bechert's
work contains an extensive bibliography) T he Theravada exegetc Bud
dhaghosa is discussed hy B. C . I*aw in hts monograph Buddh&ghota. Among the
studies on M ahayana influences in Sri Lanka are Bcehert's “ Miihayana Litera­
ture in Sri Lanka: The Early Phase1' in Prajnnpdramita and Related Sy items, pp
361-36EJ, anti Senarat P aranavilan a1s "M ah ay an ism in C e y lo n /' CeylonJournal
Snlivn G: Arehwhgy, Ethnography, rtf. 2 , no. 1 (December 35-71,

Chapter 9 . A b h id h a rm a Literature
Musi ol ihe T h e ra v a d a abhidhamrna-pilaka, some of the later works On it f and (he
Abhidhammattha-saigaha, ait im portant com pendium of abhidhamma, have t>rcn
translated into English, these works ir e listed in the bibliography of related
readings under (heir Pali tides. This literature is also discussed in surveys of
Pali te*is surh as K- R. N o rm a n ’s Pali Literature. The Sarvastivadin tradition
hoi not been studied as thoroughly by Westerners, but Louis de La Vallce
Poussin’s French annotated translation of V asu band hu ’* systematination of
abhidharma thought, L'Abhidharmakasa de Vasubandhu, is a n invaluable source. An
English translation of L a Valine Poussin's work is bring published by Asian
H um an ities Press. Translations of parts of the AbhtdharmaAw'a into English have
been done by Stcherbatskyr [fowling, and Mall' these are discussed in the sec­
tions on chapters 10 and 12 of (he bibliographic essay. L a Vallie Poussin also
translated and discussed important passages from such works as ihe Mahdisibha-
sd in "D o cum ents d ’A b h id h a rm a /' Melanges thinoii tt bouddhiques 1 and 5. D h a r
m a ir ifs Abhidharmohrdayaidstra has been translated inlo French by I. Armeltn
and into Eng]ifh by Charles Wjllcmen. S k a n d b ib 's AbhirifwrmnvetdTas'aiirti has
been translated into French by M artel Van W e |te m ( a n d G h a n a ' s Amrtorasa
tins been translated into French by Van den Broetk. Collett C o t ’s Contrwxrsits
in Dharma Theory includes a partial translation of Sarighabhadra’g Abhidharma-
nyaruinusarasastra, a Sarvastivada critique of V asubandhu's Aidhamatoin
AjnoOg rhe secondary studies of Sarvastivada abhidharma literature are Anu-
kul C h a n d ra Banerjee’s Samostu'ada Literaturr, T akakusu J u n jir o ’s “ O n the
A bhidharm a Literature nf the Sarvastivadins /'1 Jcumal oj the Pali Text Society 14
(1901-1905): 6 7 - J 4 b t and M ianno K ogen's essay on " A b h id h arm a Litera­
tu re " in Ertsyclopidia of Buddhism 1:64-80. Separate articles on abhidharma texts
snfh as the Abhidharmakora and Abhidkfrrma-Tnnhdi'ibhdfd are also fount! in the
Encjutopeilia qJ Buddhism. Frich Frauwallner "s ta iu sb tc series of art tries m G e r ­
man, " A b h id h arm a S lu d ie n /' explore a variety of textual issues such as the
dating of texts.
O nly a few okhidhmma texts from other traditions survive. F o r discussions,
see Rareau's "l^es Origines du fctriputrdbhidhGrmafditra,” Lr Mvaron 63 (1950):
69-95, and Thich [‘hem C h a u 's " T h e Literature ol the Pudgalavadins / 1 Jotir-
nal of the International Association of Buddhist Studiu 7 h no. 3 (1984): 7-40, and
"Les Reponses des Pudffaiavadins aux critiques des ^coles b o u d d b iq u e s /'J e u r
nal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 10, no. I (1987): 33^53.
K. V enkataram anan has translated a Sammitiya text into English, “ Sammi-
tiya^mkaya-sastra," Visva-BharattAnnah 5 (1953): 155-242. T h e Ch ’mg-jhih tun
(Saiyasutdhi/asfm) i i briefly discussed in Taltakttsu’s Tht EiituUais of Buddhist Phi-
IciQphy, pp. 74-79. For a mure iliorough exam ination uf this text, see Hat sura
Shoryu hs doctoral dissertation JlA Study of H a riv a rm a n 's "T attvasidd hiV
T he transitional phase between the NUsdyas and abhidharma has heen disru&ed
in Walanafae Fum im aro 's Philosophy and Its Development in the h'ikayas and
Ahhidharma, Kticnnt U m o i t c 's article " K h u d d iik iir i k ^ a and Kjudrakapi*
j a i a / r Kail and Wat S ( 1357]:341-1148, Lance Cousins' “ T h r Patihdna and the
Development uf (Ilf T h cravadiu A h h id h a m tn a /' Centenary VolumI of thtJournal of
the Pah Text Society (1981): 22-46, Jo h ann es Brunkhorst's “ D harm n and
A bhidharm a,” BalUtin of tht School#/ Oriental and African Studui 48, no 2 (1935):
305-319* Priyluski’? Ur Gentile de Rajagfha, Bareati’s " L e s Series bouddhfcqjuei
ilu lJc cii Whicule et I t u n Abhidbartrtapiiaka/* Bulletin dt I'Ecole jran^atse d'fix-
tirmr-OTicnt 50 (1952): 1 - 1 1 , and Andre Might's " U n G rand disciple du IJoud-
d ha; S a n p u u 'a," BaUttir* de I 'EcoltjfraRfatif 4 'Exfrimt-Orvni 46(1^54): 403-554.

Chapter l0- T h e Organization of the D harm as in the A b h id h a rm a

Among die mojt critical primary sources fur (he ihrOty uf dhannas arc V is ilbam-
<jhuHs Ahhidharmakosa for the S a rv is trv id a and Sautrantika perspectives and the
Dhammasangani and the Abhidhammattha •sangaha far T h eravad a theory.
Several articles in the Encyclopedia of Religion may be consulted for a basic sur­
vey o f dhtinna theory: " D h a r m a , Buddhijf D h arm a and D h a rm a s '1 (4 332“
338), <lS>arva»tivadah‘ (13:75-80). and '‘S a in ra n u k a ’' (I38G-K8) T he classic
siudy of Sarvim ivada dharma ilieury in English is Fedor Ippoli(ovich Stchei-
b j 1 sk v 1s 7 he Cmtral Conception of Buddhism and the Mean ing oj ih* Word '1Dharma■
Although i: was first published over sixty years ago, it still contains valuable
in formal ion More rcccnlly, a nLimber of other works have appeared. SukomaC
C h a u d h u ry ’* Analytical Study oj the Abhidhatmakoia acid the introduction to Hjra-
fcawa's index of the Abhidharmakosa (San ryaku tniiho Kushaton mkvin) provide good
sum m aries or the contents of V asubandhu's seminal systematic treatment uf
Bsddhtat doctrine. Alexander Piatigorski's Tht Buddhist Philosophy of Thought is
an imerpretative study of abhidharma Bruce C am eron H all’s doctoral disserta­
tion, "Vfaiul>antlhiJ on "Aggregates, Spheres, and C om pojii'tm '. Hritig ( ’h^pj-
irr O n e uf (he Abhidhnrmnkoia" includes 4 translation of the firs! chapter of the
Abhidharnakosa H e rb e n G u e n th e r’s Phihwphy and Psychofog) in tht Abhidharma
compares Sarvastivada,. T heravada, and Yogacara scholastic theories. Among
the bctlCr scholarly articles on the meaning of the term dharma and the ihenries
concerning it are Hirak awn's " T h e M eaning of 'D h a rm a ' anti lAbh id h a r­
m s,' " \t\ Indiantsme tt bouddhtsme, pp. [53-175; A. K. W arder's “ Dharm as and
Dal a," Journal oj Indian Philosophy J {1^71): 272-235, Paul W illiams’ “ O n lhe
Abhidharm a O n tology/’ Journal oj Indian Philosophy 0 (1981): 227-257; and
K ajiyam a Yuiehi's “ Realism of the Sarvastivada1' in Buddhist Thought and Asian
Civilization, pp. 1(4-131.
T h e r a v id a views on dhammat are described in Nysitadluka’s authnntalive
(Juidt tht Abhidhamma-pifaka. J o h n Ross C a rte r’s Dhamma. Wtflfrn Aca­
demic and Sinhalese Buddhist Interpretations includes an extensive discussion of the
term dhamma In K anm ad asa's Buddhiu Analysis oj Matter material dharmas are
examined from Ihe T heravada perspeciivc, Rune Johansson's "C itta , Mano,
V in nana/' UntL-eriity oj Ceylon Reviao 23, nos. 1-2 (1965): 165-212, analyses
terms concerned with consciousness from a psychological perspective. A m ong
tht- other works then discuss abhidhamma arc JaytfSuriya's The Fsychology and
Philosophy oj Buddhism, Kashyap's Abhidhamma Philosophy, Nyanaponika's Abhi*
dhamma Studies, and E. R. SaraKhandra'i Buddhist psychology of Perception.
Several specialized issues in dharma theory have been the topic of detailed
articles and boeiks by a number of scholar*. One of the most basic problems for
abhidharma thinkers was thr explanation of the continuity and integration of the
personality. The Pudgalavadin position is rtrlnicJ in the ninth chapter ol'Vasu-
bandhllV Abhidharmakosa, translated by Stcherbalsky as Thr Soul Theory oj tht
Buddhists, and in the Theravada abhidhamma text, the Kathavatlhu Another
explanation for ihr continuity of ihr mind, the Sautrantika theory of seeds, is
discussed by P. S . Jaini in 14The Sautrantika Theory of Bija," Bulletin of ihr
School ojOriental and African Studies 22 (1959)' 236-249. K anm bratna’i article on
in Ewydvpedia oj Buddhism 3i37-20n and Wijesekera’s "Canonical Ref­
erences to ihr; Bhavariga'1 in Aialaltitkera Commemoration Volume. pp. 348-352,
present a Theravada approach. The abhidharma interpretation of time is dis-
CUSJ^d by Rraj -SinHa in Tltftt And Temporality jFt Yoga etrfd Ahhrdbarma Bud-
dhi^m and by La Valkc Poussin in ''L a Con i rove rsc du tem pi et du pudgala
dans le Vijndnakdya," Etudts Afiatiquts 1 (1925): 343-376. and “ Documents
d ' Abh idharm a / ' Mflangu ch inots tt bouddh iques 5(1937); 7- [ft 7.
P. S. Jaim examines several of ihe dharmas ihat are neither material nor men­
tal in "The Vaibha$ika Theory of Words and Meaning" Bulletin ajtht School oj
Oriental and African Studies 22 (1959): 95-107, and "Origin and Development ol
the Theory of Viprayukta Samskdres," Bulletin oj thr Sthaol of Oriental and African
S ta d ia 22, no, 3 (1959): 531-547. Ismes oSlanguage and interpretation are dis­
cussed in George Bond's Word of the Buddha: Tht Tipilaka and fts Interpretation in
Early Buddhiim and Napartantla's Conctpt and Frailty jrt Early Rvddhut Thought
Bureau survf ys uncondiliontd dhaTTnas in L'AhwIu. tn phdaiQphir bovddhrqur El'o*
lutwn dt la notion d ’asamsbta.

Chaplet 1 1 . Buddhisi Cosmology and the Theory of Karma

Hirakawa** discussion of .Sarvaslivnda cosmology, rebirth, and ihe twelve links
of Dependent Origination is bated on ihe "Chapter on Cosmology" of the
Abhidharmakosa (fasc. 8-12 of the Chinese translation). The theory of the si*
causes* Four conditions, and five fruits ts found in the JtChapier on Families" of
ihe Ahhidharmokofa (fasc. 6-7). Sinee t h e Abhidham&koia account includes many
d e t a i l * n o t m e n t i o n e d i n ihis chapier, i n t e r e s t e d reader* should C o n s u l t La Val

l e e Poussin’s French t r a n s l a t i o n .
La Valtce Poussin's article* "Co&mology and Cosmngony, Buddhist" (4:129-
13ft) and "Ages of ihe World (Buddhist)" ( J '187-190) in Hastings' Encyclopedia
oj Religion and Ethics are excellent introductory surveys primarily based on the
Abhidharmakosa. The same author has written a book-]cngth article on cosmol­
ogy in French entitled, *' Bouddh is me: Etudes el materieius," Mrmatrtf de I'Aca-
demie royole du Belgique fa (1919). T h e mosl recent study of Buddhist cosmology is
Randolph Klueizli’s Buddhist Cosmology. From Single WotId System u> Pure Land:
Science and Theology in the Image of Motion and Light. The (5rst vol u m e. Cosmology, of
William MtC/Overu'i A Manual oj Buddhist Phifoi ophy conijtim much useful
in fo rm al on r JV C. Law’s Buddhiu Conception oj Spirits includes stories about
hungry g h n .sib ase d cm Pali sources His Hnjvtn and Hell in Hvddhut Perspective is
piIitu based only o n Mali sourccs but can be supplemcnicd by Daigan and Alicia
MaLMiriaga v 1 he Buddhist Contepi oj Hell, which Contains M ahayana mac trial 5-
J R H aid ar's Early Puddhia Mythology includes legends about ihe realm uf the
gnds. For a survey of Buddhist aitiiudes inward animals, see the Hobogjain a r ti­
cle HIC h iku sh 6.’ 1 H. G. A. Van Zeysi'a " A ru p a loka," in Encyclopedia oj Bud-
dhiim 2:103-104, is a brief description of the realm without form. Alex Way man
a a n i L n n the stains of lhe in " T h e Inte rm rd ialr Slate Dispute ]ii Bud-
dhism ." in Buddhist Insight, pp. 2 5 1-267 < A later Pali cusmological itx i, ihe
Lokapannati, has been translated into French by E. Denis. A late T hai text on
cnsmo]ojjyt Ihe 7 raibh umikatha, has been translated inlo English by Frank and
M ani Reynolds as Three Worlds according to King Huang
Fur discussions of causation, see K a lu p ah a n a hs Causality: Tht Central Philoio^
phy oj Buddhism and Ken T a n a k a's 'LSi mid t ancou s Relation (Saha^huhetu)- A
SlucJy Buddhist Theory o f C ausation,” Journal oj tht fafanulivnal Association of
Ruddhtst Studies ti, nn. ] (J985): 91- I I 1.

C h a p t e r 12, K a r m a a n d Avijnapti-rupa
Eli addition to the surveys of lndi;m Buddhism noted in (he section on the imro-
duction of lhe bibliographical essay, Mizuno Kogen's article “ Itarm an: Bud­
dhisi Concepts,'1 Encyclopedia of Religion 8:266-268, and Jo hn Strong's "Merit-
Buddhist Concepts," Encyclopedia of Rttiftofl 9:303-380, arc basic presentations
of Ihe subject. Also worth consulting arc Fuji tit Kotatsu's “T h e Doctrinal Chac-
acttri sties af Karmun in Larly Buddhism'1 in Indol&gsccd and tiuddhological Studies,
pp. 14 9 - ICO, and Sasaki Cenjnn's "T h e Concept of K&mma in Buddhist Phi-
losoph y." Ori'fli; Extremal 3 ( 1 956): 1 85 - 204.
Buddhist ethics are discussed in Tachibana Sh undo's Tht Ethics of Buddhism,
II Saddhatissa's Buddhist Ethics: Essence of Buddhism, and G . S. Misra's Dtueiop-
ment of Buddhut Ethics Because morality is the foundation for Buddhist practice,
■L-thtct and k arm a are examined in many o th e r sources. For a comprehensive
bibliography nf Buddhist ethics, sec Frank Reynolds' 'Buddhist Ethics: A Bib­
liographical Essay,1' Rdtgwus Studio Rttrtaa !>j no. t (January 1979): +0-48
Since the world was ordered in accordancc with lhe ethicar qualities of beings,
many of the sources in chapter 1 1 arc useful.
M orality in the contem porary T heravada tradition is investigated in a nuin*
her o f articles in a special issue of the Journal of Religious Ethics 7 (Spring J979)
and in Wjn^ton King's fa the f-fopr of tiibbana: An Essay on Thrrprada Buddhisi
Ethics.
Some of (hr deputes between lhe Hinayana schools concerning karma arc
discussed in Janies McDermott's article |lT he Kalhavallhu Kamma Debates,"
Journal of tht American Oriental Society 95 h no, 3 (1975), 424-433 Several issues in
the Theravada interpretation of karma arc discussed in Mcl^ermott’s " I s T h c r r
C roup Karma in Theravada Buddhism?" Numtn 23 (197b): 67-80, Jean-
 Michel Agasse's "L e Transfer! de me rile dans le Bouddhisme Pali c la s tiq u e /’
Journal Aiialiqut 226 (3978); 3 1 1 -3 3 2 , a n d Joiin Hull's "Assist the Dead by
V c n c ra tirg th c Living: Merit Transfer in th r Early Buddhi st Tradition,1* Numtn
20, no I (1901); 1-28
The reconciliation of karmit ivilh impi-rn]^iiL‘nt.r w^s a recurring theme in
the work of La Vallee Poussin; see, for example, his " L a Negation de Tame et
la doctrine de I'acte/' Journal Asialique 9, no. 20 (1902): 237-306 and 10. no. 2
(1303): 357-449 Tht evolution of hi£ position is traced in Mary] a Falk's
"Nairatm ya and K arm an: The Lifelong Problem of l ^ u ii de La Vall£c Pous­
sin 's Thought” ( Louis dr La Valin Poussin Memorial Volume, pp. 429-46+). Falk
includes her own views on the problem of reconciling die no-Sell teaching and
karma. Vasubandhu’s discussion of ihe imperishabiliiy of karma, Thr Karmasid-
dfn-ptakarixiw, has. been translated into English by Stefan Anackcr and into
French by Etienne Lamotte.
For a short explanation of unmanifested matter, see S. K. N anayakkara’s
article "A v ijn a p d ” in Encyclopedia oj Buddhism I 460-461, or Sasaki G e n ju n Hs
"A vijnapti — A Buddhisi Moral C oncept '1 in Inde Ancienne, vol. I, pp. 89-98.
This topic is discussed at much greater length in T h o m as Dowling's u n p u b ­
lished doctoral dissertation "V asubandhu on the Aiftjnapti-rupa: A Study in
Fifth-Cenlury Abhidharma Philosophy,'* which mcEudes a p*rlial iranslatton of
chapter four of the Abhidharmakoia.

Chapter 1 3 . The Elimination of Defilements and the Path

to Enlightenment
Vasubandhu’ s Abhdftanruko/a and Buddhaghosa’ s Visuddhtmagga are the basic
primary sources for this chapter.
Useful discussions of rhe defilements can be found in ihe entries l1 A nu saya’'
(1:775-777) arid A srava ' 1 (2:204-214) in (he Encyclopedia oj Buddhism a nd
“ Bonn!)1' (2:121-133) in Hobogirin Among the sprniafizecl studies on the sub­
ject are L am o tte’s “ T h e Passions and Impregnations of the Passion* in Bud­
dh ism ," in Buddhisi Studies in Honor of 1, B. Homer, pp. 91-104; P. V. Bapat's
F'Klesa (Kilesa) in Buddhism: With Special Reference lo Theravada Bud­
dhism in Bonno no kenkyu; and Padm anahh S. JainTs "Prajna and Drsit in the
Vaibha>ika A b h id h a rm a / 1 in PrajUdpdrainita and Rtlaltd Syjffrttj, pp. 4 0 3 - 4 17
Sarvastivada versions of the path arc described by Leon H u rv iu in "Path lo
Salvation in ihe Jnarw-praiihdna, 11 Studies in Indo-Asian An and Culture 5 (1977):
77-102. and "T h e Road to Buddhist Salvation as Described by Vasubhadra,"
Journal o j the American Oriental Society 87 (.1967): 43 4 “48 6. The role of the Four
Noble Truths in the paih is examined by Alfonsn Verdu in Early ftuddhisi Philoso­
phy itj the Light oj tht Fout Noble Truths and by Alex Wayman in "T he Sixteen
Aspect? of ihe Four Noble Trulhs ^nd Their OppflSites/' /Minij/ oj she Interna­
tional Association oj Buddhist Studies 3, no, 2 (1980): 67-76. Several early alterna­
tive versions of the path are investigated in Rod Buckwrll's "T he Buddhist
Path to Liberation," Journal oj tht International Association oj fiuddhist Studies 7, no.
2 (1 y84): 7-40.
 Meditation ha* been the aubjeci of a num ber of im portam tiud iei in fctcnl
years. For Early Buddhism , see Tillm an Vetter's Tht tdeai andMeditative Frwticei
of Early Buddhism. General surveys uf T h e ra v a d a mcdilaiiun include Winston
King's Theravada Meditation; N yanaponika’s The Heart of Buddhist Meditation,
which focuses on mpassand; and Vaji ran ana's Buddhisi Meditation in Theory and
practice C onze's L,T he M editation on D eath” in Thirty Years of Buddhist Studies,
pp. 8 ? -'l0 4 h and George Bond's “ T heravada Buddhism's Meditation on Death
a n d the Symbolism uf Initiatory D e a th /' History of Religions J 9 h no. 3 (1380);
2 37-250. focus on one of ihe more spectacular forms of early meditation The
Iranees Ijhdna) arc considered from ihe T heravada |tcripectivc in Lance C o u s ­
ins' "Buddhisi J h a n a ; I n N ature and Attainm ent according to Pah S o u rrc s / 1
Religion 3 (I973): 119—13 1+ a n d Henepola G u n a r a m a ’s Tht Rath of Serenity and
Insight; AFt Explanation of she BuddhistJhanas. T h e meditations on Inve, sympathy,
and equanim iiy arei invcsiigated in Harvey A ronson’s Loi<e and Sympathy in
'Theravada Buddhism and Nagao G adjin's "T ra n q u il Flow of Mind; An Interpret
tat ion of Upekfti” in Indiamsme fl Bouddhismt, pp. 245- 2 !>0. Jack Kornfkeld's Liu-
Buddhist Masters survey* meditation tn (he ronlcm fw rary T h eravad a iradi-
tion.
Few studies of meditation in H inayana schools other than ih r T heravada
have been w rtuen, but am ong them are Alex W a y m a n 't "M e d ita iio n in
T herav ad a and M i h i s s s s b , " Shtdin MUsUrti&lia 25 (1976): | - 2 8 f and several
■iiiidir:* by Leon Hurvitz on Sarvastivada sources in Chinese. Paul Griffiths' ()N
Being Mmdiess compares th t trance of ressatiun to the T heravada, V a ib h a ^ k a ,
and Vijfianavada traditions. Walpula Rahula conlrasls trances in ''A C o m p a r­
ative Study Df D hyanas according ro "Iberavada, Sarvastivada, and Maha-
yrtna " i n Zm and the Tamilag of tht Bull, p p . 101-109.
For discussions on ihe goal of ihe path, see Donald Swearer'a " A rlia t 11 in
Encyclopedia of Religion 1:403-405, Andre Bureau's "Les Controverses relatives
a la n a tu re de L*arham dan s le Bouddhisme a n r f e i u / ’ Indo-Iranian journal I
(1957): 240-251: La Vallfe Poussin's "L c C orps d e 1‘arbai est il pur?" Melanges
chi'noii el bouddhiquts I ( I 2): 5-125; Leon H u r t f u f t "T h e Fighi Delhrtrftfltt*"
in Studies tn Pali and Buddhism, pp. ['<?!-1S9; and Karel W erner1® "Bodhi and
A rahaiaphala: From Farly Buddhism to Farly M ahjiyana ’ 1 in Buddhist Studies
Ancient and Modern, pp. 167-181. O th e r sources are included in the discussion uf
nirvana in thf seciion on chapter 3 of th r bibNographicai essay.

C h a p t e r 1 4 . T h e E v o lu I io n 0 f t h e O r d c t a f Le r A s o k a
For the political history of ihis period, see the histories in chapter 1 , Nalinaksha
D u tt’* Mahayana Buddhism, or K- L- H abra's Royal Pairorwge of Buddhism in
Ancient India Among (he general surveys on Buddhisi liies a r t Vidya Dchcjia’s
Eatly Buddhisi Rotk. lemples, DebaJa M itra's Buddhist Monuments, H . S v k a r ’s& b-
dies in Early Buddhist Architecture of India, S ukum ar D u tt's Bvddhut Monks and
Monasteries of India, and Ja m e s Fcrgusson's History of Indian and Eastern Architec­
ture, Specialized volumes on m any of the sites discussed in this chapter have
been published. 5 o m r of ih r better studies a rr Alexander C u n n in g h a m ’s The
Stupa afBharhut, John Marshall's Toxiia and Guide U>Sdnei, and James Burgess’
The fiuddhmt Stiipai ofAmardvoii andJaggayyHptfa.
T h e Greeks and Buddhism are discussed by £tieim e Lamotie in 'A le x a n d re
ei le Buuddlnsm/* Bulletin dt VEwU franoxitt d'Extrhat-Onnt 44 (15)47-1954)):
1 4 7 - 16 2 , ami George Woodcock's Tht Greek in India

C h ap ter 1 5 . M ah ay an a Texts C om p ostd d u rin g

the K u fa ria D y n asty
A number of the Buddhist scriptures mentioned in this chapter have been
translated into English, hut in mast cases ihe translation is based on a later CW’
nese or Tibetan translation and cannot be considered a reflection of lhe earlier
stage of Mnhayann scripture;. When, used judiciously* however, they can br
employed in the investigation of Early MaJiayaua ibrmcs, Among the lexis that
have been translated are ihe Rhadrapalasuira (also known as the Praiyutpanna-
Rtirfdha-Sam mukftavasthita-sctrjdhi-svtra), Surangamasamadh is utra. VimataJcirtin \r-
drsa, Lot iff Sutra (SaddharmapurjrfankaX A^asahasukd-prajndpdrarnitd, Avatamiaka,
Dasahhiimi ka, and part 5 of the Mahdralnakdla, Gandavyuha, and Bodhtsattvapitaka.
For a complete listing of translations of M ahayana texts into English.
French, and German, see the revised edition of Peter Pfandt's Mahayana Texts
Translated into Western Languages' A Bibtiogtaphital Guide The C hinch Buddhist
bibliographies that Hirakawa consulted while tracing the translations o f early
■Cripturcs arc surveyed tn Okabe K aju o’ j “The Chinese Catalogue* o f Bud*
dhist Scriptures,'" Kemainutia Daigaku Bukkyogakubu kenkyu kiyd 33 (I9flfl): 1-13
(left).
Secondary studies of many of these Buddhist scriptures are listed in the see-
Unns on chapters 17 and 1fl of the bibliographical ess&y However, (he Following
textual studies of the composition of ihe Affasdhasrikd-pTajndpdramitd should be
mentioned here. Lew ii Lancaster has extensively studied ihis text; some of his
research is incorporated in In his articles “The Chinese Translation of the Afla
sahasrika'prajmparamitdsiitTa Attributed to Chih Ch’ ien,” Monumenta Serica 28
(i960): 246-257, and ‘ H'he Oldest Mahay&na Sutra: lt£ Significance for ihe
Study of Buddhist Development,1' EasUm Buddhist S. no. I (1975): 30-41.
Other studies on the text arc Andrew Rawlinson1* "The Postiion of ihe Ajfasi-
hairikd F’rajadparamitS in the Development of Early Mahayana1' in Prajnaperamita
and Related Systems, pp. .1-34, and Edward Conse’ s JlThe Composition of the
Astasdhasnkd Prajndpdrarnitd, r' Bulletin <sf the St heal of Oriental and African Studies 11
(l9 5 2 );2 5 J-2 6 2 .

Chapter 16. The Origins of Mahayana

For a detailed presentation of Htrakawa*! views on siupa worship during ihe rise
of Mahftyilta, see his article in English, "T h e Rise of Mahayana Ruddhism
and Its Relationship to the Worship of Si upas," Mohairs of thr Research Depart-
m m ttf thr Toyo Hunks 22 (1963): 57-106- Other works on the Stup&f Hind the cult
surrounding them are Andr£ Bareau's <lLa Constructinn et lc culte dcs slupa
d'apres Ic Vinayapifaka," Bullft in dr TEcolf fr&nfaist d'Extreme-Orient 50 (1962):
229-27+: Mireille Yenisei's +‘£tude sur la stupa dans Flnde ancienne,1' BuUtttn
(U 1‘Etole jrai^aise d Extreme Orient 50 ( I960): 3? - 116; P. C. Bagchi's “ The Eight
lircar Caiiyas and Their Cult," Indian Historical Quarterly 17 (1941): 223-?35;
Kdjiyanu Yuichi'i “ Stupas, ihe Mother of Buddha* and Dharma-body" in
N*u> Paths In Buddhisi Research, pp 9-16' ihe volume edited by Anna l.ibcra Da]-
laptccola, Tht Stupa Its Religious, Hittorital and Architectural Significance; and
Adrian Snodgrass' The Symbolism of the Stupa Although Hirakawa's view? have
gained recognition in recent years, they have also been criticized and refined.
Shizulani Masao has argued thai a proto-Mahayana period when the term
"M ahayana" was not yet used must be postulated, but his arguments have not
yet been presented in English- Richard Robinson has criticized arguments For
ihe im purl anctr nf lay believers in "T h e Ethic of the Householder Bodhisauva,”
Bharatt(J9f56): 31-55. Paul Harrison also stresses ihe role of monastic bodhi­
sattvas in "W ho Gets to Ride in the Great Vehicle? Self Image and Identity
Among i he Followers of Ihe Early M ahayana,” Journal oj the fntsmtuianel Astoeifl'
Uon of Buddhisi Studies 10, no. I (19ft7): G7-89, Hirakawa himself admits thai
ytupa worship does not explain ihe origins of the perfetlion of wisdom Iradition.
Gregory Schopen has argued for the importance of the ' Cult of the Book" and
has discussed a number of religious ehemes in the rise of Mahayana in several
technical articles including "M ahayana in Indian Inscriptionsr" Inda-Iranian
Journal ?1 (1979): I~ l9 h and "T h e Phrase ‘sa pnhivipradcsd caityabhuto
bhavet" in ihe Kgraahtdiki: Notes on the Cult of ihe Book in M ahayana," Itula-
Iranian Journal 17(1975): 147-181.
The gradual transformation of the biography of the Buddha and its possible
iilIIlicriLe. on Mahayana (bought and practice are discussed m David Snell-
grovehs "Sakyam unihs Final Nirvana,” Bulletin of the School oj Oriental and African
Sttidxti 96 (1973): 399-411; Jaini's MBuddha’s Prolongation of Life,” Bulletin oj
the School oj Oriental and African Studies 21 (1950): 54G-552: Bareau’s "T he Super­
human Personality of the Buddha aJid Its Symbolism in MahdparmirvdnasdtTa
of the Dharm aguptaka” in Myths and Symbols, pp. 9-22^ and Telwaue Rahuta's
A Critical Study oj the Mahdvastu. Translations of biographies of the Buddhd and
other primary source material are described in chapter 2r
Borrowing between Hinayana schools and M ahayana is indicated in Nali-
naksha Durl's Aspects cjMahdydna Buddhism and Its Relation ts Hinayana (revised
as Mahayana Buddhitm) and Heinz Beehen's article ''Notes on the Formation of
ihe Buddhist Sects and the Origins of M ahayana" in German Scholars on India,
vol. I, pp. 6 - IB. Luis G6mez explores one aspect of this process m *'Proto-
Madhyamika in the Pali C a n o n /1 Philosophy East and W et 26 (1976): 337-165
Alex Way man discu&scs the relationship between a Hinayana schuol and
Mahayana theories of an intrinsically pure mind in “ The Mahasanghika and
the Ihthagatagatbha, " Journal oj the International Association of Buddhist Studit; I
(1978}: 35-50- Lamottc presents the arguments for Northern (Sarvastivftda)
influence in his article "S u r la formation du M ahayana" in Asiatics; Festchnjt
Friedrich Weller, pp. 377-396- Graeme M acQueen ha^ argued that ecstatic
inspirations m ay have played a role in the co m pilation o f M a h a y a n a sutras in
“ Inspired Speech in Early M a h a y a n a U uddhism ,” Religion 11 (1981); 3 03-319
a n d 12 (1&A2); 49-65. A n d re B areau su m m a riz e s som e o f these issues id [he
third ap p e n d ix o f his Lcs Sectes bouddhiquts du Petit VchicuU, p p 296-305.

C h a p t e r J7, T h e C o n t e n t s of E a r l y M a h a y a n a S c r ip tu r e s
Sim:e a list n f p rim ary sources for Early M a h a y a n a B uddhism if included in [lit1
section o n c h a p te r 15 of the bibliographical essay, secondary literatu re o n early
M a h a y a n a texts is reviewed below.
Perfection o f w isdom texts are surveyed in E d w ard C onjfe'i T h / /Vfljjfa-
pfromiid I titm tm an d R. H i k a t a ’s Suvikrantiivikramipariprcchd PwjiwporamitaiutiU
An Introductory Essay an Ptqjifyaratmii-Lit&atiire. K ao K u a n -ju discusses the Ava-
uimsak& in Encyclopedia aj Buddhism 2:435-446, F ujita K o ta ts u 's article “ O n e
Vehicle o r T h r e e V ' Journal o f Indian Philosophy 3 (1975): 79-166, is an excellent
survey o f o n e o f the m ain th em es o f the Lotus Sutra, the ekaydna. Fujita is a l w the
a u th o r o f " P u r e Land Ruddhism an d thejL'rteu Sitra" in Indiantsmc ct fouddkismtr
pp. 117-130. L a m o n t discusscs the eternal B u d d h a p o rtrayed in the f,oius in
"IjOrufl et B ouddha s u p r a m n n d a i n ,'1 Bulletin d i I'Ecole jran^aise d ’Extreme- Orten t
69 (19BI): 3 1 -4 4 . Because (he Lotus Sutra played a m a jo r role in Easl Asian
Buddhism* it has b een extensively studied b y J a p a n e s e scholars. N a k a m u r a
K ajim e Summarizes the w ork o f m a n y of ihfsc scholars io English in " A C r iti­
cal S urvey o f Studies o f the L otus S u tra " in Dengyo D a i skikenkyu. pp. 1-1 2 (left).
In d ia n P u r e L an d texts are discussed in lhe articles " A k so b h y a " (1 :3 6 3 -3 6 8 )
an d ,HAtnilrtr' ( I '43 4-4 63 ) in the Encyclopedia oj Buddhism an d “ A m it a b h a ” ( I ;
23 5-237 } anti llP ure an d Im p u r e L a n d s ” (12 :9 0 -9 1 ) in lhe Encyclopedia oj Reli­
gion, E tien n e L a m o tte 1s tran slatio n o f the ViuuilakiTtiMTdefa in cludes a n excellent
discussion o f B uddha lands. H e n r i de L u b a c discusses A m ita b h a extensively in
his Aspects du Bouddkismt. lo “ S uk havati as a G eneralized Religious tlo a l in
Sanskrit M a h a y a n a S u tra L i t e r a t u r e , Indo-Irantan journal 19 (1977): 177-210,
G reg o ry Sc hope n analyzes the use o f P u re L an d in the m a n y M a h a y a n a text?
lhai cite it as a goal but du not give it a central place in iheir doctrinal p re s e n ta ­
t i o n s Schopen analyzes ihe earliest inscription m e n tio n in g A m itab h a in " T h e
Inscription o n the K u sa n Im ag e o f A m ita b h a an d the C h a r a c te r o f the Early
M a h a y a n a in I n d ia .” Journal o j the Inkritationai Association o j Buddhist Studies 10,
no. 2 (1 9 8 7 ): 9 9 -1 3 7 ,
F or an in tro d u ctio n lo som e o f ihe b o d hisattv as who beca m e im p o rtan t in the
M a h a y a n a tra d itio n , see the following art idea in the Encyclopedia o j Religion;
"C elestial B u d d h as an d B o d h is a u v a s" (3; 133-143), ‘flh a i^ a jy a ju ru 1 (2 :1 2 8 -
129), " M a itr e y a ,1 (9:13 6-1 41), a n d 1M a n j u i r i " (9:174 -1 75) M anjuSri an d
M aitrcy a arc disrusscd in H ira k a w a 's article " M a n j u s r i a n d the R ise of
M a h a y a n a B u d d h tsm /'^/ffu n W o j Asian Studies [M a d ra s, India] I, no. I (Sept.
1983): 12-33. La m a tte 's " M a n j u l r i , ” T ’oung Pao 40 (I960 ): 1^96, traces the
d ev elopm ent o f this bod hisattva beyond Early B uddhism P. S. J a i n i surveys
(he develop m en t of M a iire v a in " S ta g e s in the B odhisattva C a re e r of the
Tathayata Mffltreya,'" in Maitreya, The Future Buddha, pp. 54-90. Hai ?ajy agu m
is discussed by Leonard ZwJLlini; in L<B liiii^ jy aju ^ j and Mis C u lt" nl Studies in
the History oj Buddhism, pp. + 1 3 - + 2 1.

C h a p t e r Ifl. T h e o r y a n d P r a c tic c in E a r ly M a h a y a n a B u d d h i s m
S everal surveys o f M a h a y a n a th o u g h t serve as in tro d u ctio n s io the them es uf
this chapter- A m o n g the older surveys are D T. S u z u k i1? Outlines oj M akayana
Huddhisnt a n d Urt Indian Huddhistn, La V i ] [ ^ P oussin’s ' ‘M a h i / a i u ” in Encytlo'
ptdia uf Religion and Ethics tf:3 3(f“ J 36, a n d E d w ard C o n z c 's “ M a h a y a n a Bud­
d h is m " in Thirty Years of Buddhisi Stnditt, pp 4 8-86. N alinaksha of
Mahayana Buddhism and Its Relation Id Hinayana a n d Mahayana Buddhism arc m u re
technical studies b u t well w orth ihe effort. F or a m o re reeern view o f M a h a ­
yana, see N a k a m u r a H ajimc*! " B u d d h is m , Schools of: M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m "
in Encyclopedia oj Religion 2 :45 7 -4 7 2 . D octrinal aspects o f Early M a h a y a n a are
e x a m in e d in Paul W illiam s' Mahayana Buddhism
La V sllet Poussin's urticlc "Budhisaitva (In Sanskrit L ite r a tu r e ) 11 in Enryito-
pedta o f Religion and Ethics 2 :7 3 9 -7 5 3 provides a good survey o f bodhisattvas. In
recent years, a n u m b e r o f good studies have been published on ihe develo pm ent
of Early M a b a y i n a cnticcptions of the bodhisattva. A m o n g th e m arc A. 1,.
14T h e Evolution ul the C o ncept u f h o d h is a tlv a " in The Bodhuatiba
Doctrine in Buddhism, pp. 19-59, anti K ajiy am a Vuichi's " Q n the M e a n in g of
ihe W ords b o d h is a u v a an d M a h a s a t t u a 'h in Indolvgifttt and Buddhut Studies, pp
253-270. T h edM n r a n d the b o d h isattv a are co m p ared in N a th a n K a tz ' Buddhist
Images oj Human Perfection a n d W alpola R ah u la ’s "’T h e B od hisauva Ideal in
l'hcrav nda an d M a h a y a n a ’1 in Zen and the Taming oj the Bull, pp. 71-77. For
i i u d i « o f the bodhisattvas p o rtra y e d in specific early texts, see NanCy S c h u s­
ter's “ T h e B udhisatlva F igure in the Ugraparipttcha" in New Ruths jn Buddhist
Research, p p 2 6 -5 6 , an d N an cy L e th c o e s " T h e B o d h isa u v a Ideal in thEi Afia
a n d Pania Prajndparamila Sutras" in Rra/ntiparamila and Related SjSittns, p p 263-
Sfif). N u c y S th u s ie r .t study o f lexis in which w om en are chan g e d into m en
( " C h a n g in g t h r Fem ale Ho[Jy,1h_/ourrtii/ oj the International Association oj Buddhat
Studies 4. no. I [1980J: 24-69 ) is significant for clarifying the social context of
Early M a h a y a n a . Luis (J o m c z 's study “ T h e B odhisattva as W o n d e r-w o rk e r"
in I'rajndpdramitd and Related Systemsr p p . 221-261. p resen ts the m ore m iraculous
side ol the activity o f the l^odhisattva. T h e articles o n Specific bodhisfillvas m e n ­
tioned in the last c h a p te r should also be consulted.
A n Early Mahay ana meditation on ihe Buddha is discussed by Paul H arrison
in lhBuddhanusmrii in the Ptatyuipantw-Buddha-SammuAhdi'aithiia-iamadhi-suim, "
journal oj Indian philosophy 6 (I97p): 35-57. For additional information on oiher
Early M ahayana meditations, arc Priscilla Pedersen's " T h e Dhyana C hapter of
the Bodhisattbapitaka-stitta. Ih T h e Hohogi fin includes a survey of precepts for (he
bodhisattva under lhBosatsukai" (2^133-142). Some of die i s m « that arise
when ethical action is considered in the Light of nunsubstantially and Other
M ah ay an a teachings are discussed by Luis Gom ez in ' Emptiness and Moral
Perfection,'' Philosophy E&st and Wett 23 (1973): 361-37$, and Yuki Reim on in
‘'T h e C o n s tr u e ion of Fundam ental Evil in M a h a y a n a," Proceedings of tht IXlh
Internationa! Congressfor the History of Religions: Tokyo and Kyoto, 1958.
Mahayana versions of the paih are succinctly presented in Nakamura Haji-
m t's article "Burfhiiiatlva Haih" in Encyclopedia of Rtlipon (2:265-?69). Two
articlr-i in thf Encyflopfdia of Religion, Charfes Hallisey’s “ Pararnitaj" (11:196-
398) and T a d eu si Skorupski's ''Prajna*' (11:477-481), emphasize the early
mtitp o f Mahayana thought. For a more exlensive irealment of the path and
pfrfcfiions, see H ar Dayal's classic study The Bodhisaltoa Doctrine in Ruddhm $an-
itfi t Literature Or Nalinmksha Dull's Mahayana Btiddhtim. Etienne La motto's
annotated translation of the MahdptajnapAjtimitdi&stfv aliribuied to N ^ jrju n A
piovick'sexicnsivo information on all of (he perfections; his annotations ^ r v t as
a guide to Further sources. Finally, Brian Galloway has collet ltd passages From
Indian texts that suggest some Indian groups may have argued fur the possibil­
ity of sudden advances on the path; .see his ''Sudden Enlightenment in Indian
b ud dh ism " and "Oi>ce Again on the Indian Sud drn -E nligh trn m rn l Dck-
m rit,1' Wiener Zrttichrift fur die Kitnde $#d- nnd Ofi&item und Archiv fur Indnchf f*hr
loiophu 25 ( I 98 1 ): 20 5-2] I and 29 (1 985) : 20 7-2 10,
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

The bibliography is divided into two sections. The first lists Japanese wriiitigs
cited by (hr aulhor in the Japanese-language edition. The second is a list, com­
piled by (he editors r^nslator, ofv>ork$ in olher Languages on Indian Buddhism.

Ja p a n e s e Sources C ite d
Akanuma ChL7.cn. Bigtputti-sh Bitvmt-buiiu <Un (Japanese translation o f thr
Biirmcif biography of the Buddha by Bishop Bigandet). Tokyo:
Koshisha shobo, 1915.
---------. Bukkyo kyori ru> ktnkyu (Studies in Buddhist doctrine). Nagoya: Hajin-
kaku s h o b o ,1939.
---------. Bukkyo kyattn tturAit (A history of (hr Buddhisi canon). Nagoya: Hajin-
k a k u s h o b o ,1939.
---------. G m hi Bukkyo no ktnkyu (Studies in Early Buddhism), Nagoya: Hajin-
kaku s h o b o .1939.
-------- h Indo Bukkyo keyu jwuAi jitm (Dictionary of Indian Buddhisi proper
nouns). Nagoya: Hajinkaku shobo, 1931-
---------. Kartpa ihtbu Agon goshoroku (A comparative study or [he four Agamas in
Chinese and Pali). Nagoya: 1lajinkaku shobo, 1929.
---------. (Biography of Sakyamuni). Kyoto: Hdzokan, 1934.
Antisaki Masaharu. Kanpcn Bukkyo (Early Buddhism), Tokyo: Hakubunkan,
1910.
Dainthon Bukkyo irwho (Collection o f works by Japanese Buddhists). Edited by
Ruisho kankokai 157 vol S- Tokyo: Dainihon Bukkyo zensho kankokai,
1912-1922.
Fujita KutaLsu. "Gcnshi Bukkyo ni okcru shisei byodomn" (The equality o f the
 four castes in Early Buddhism). Indogaku Bukkyv&du kenkyu 2, no. I
(1953): 55-61.
*— ■---- . Censhijodo shisa no {Studies in early I'urc U n d thought). Tokyo:
Iwanami shoten, 1970.
---------■. ,JSanj*j no sciritsu ui (suite; byaVushibutsu kigenko1' (O n ihr establish­
m ent ol [he T hree Vehicles: The origin of ihe pmiyrkabuddbn). Jndogaku
Rukkyogakv kenkyu 5 h no. 7 (1957): 91-100.
Fukuhara Ry(ij;(in. yfljilru™ no kenkyu (A study of the SatyaiiddhisdstTa). Kyoto:
N agata bushodd, 1969.
— — -. Shitainm no kenkyu (A study of the Four Noble T ruths), Kyoto Nagata
bunshodo, 1972.
-----— . Ubu abidatsuTTtaronsho no haUuliu (T h e development of the Sarvastivada
abhidiutrthit (realists), Kyoto: N agata bunshodo. 3965.
Funahashi 1 ssai. Genihi Bukkyo jArja pts kenkyu ( Studies in Rarly Pluddblj.[
thought). Kyoto: tlozokan, 1952.
--------- . t V w tfnityii{A study o rk s rm a ), Kyoto: Hdifikm * I9S4.
Funahaahi S u i ^ i . AujAg nc kyogi cyobi rthihi (The ductrinc and liistnry of the
Abhidhanwkoia), Kyoto: Hcwokan, 1940.
H-iyashitna Kyosho. 'J o d o k y o n o shojeignshokan ni tauitef' (O n meditations on
a land ofpnrily)- in Higata HakufAi kaki kinen nanfouij^ edited by Higaca
hakushi koki kinenkai, pp 231-24EJ. Fukuoka: Kyusbu Daigaku bun-
g a k u b u , 1964.
---------, Shoki Bukkyv to shakai iefkats,u (lEarly Buddhism and life in Indian soci­
ety). Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 3964.
HLgata Ryusho. Homhokyorvi no fAifOfhtiekt kmkyu (Studtes ill thr history of
thought within jdtaka Literature). ToLyn: Toyo bunko, I9S4.
H igala Ryiijho and K im ura Taiken “ Ketsujushi bunpashi ko 11 (A history of
councils aild schisms). In Kekvyaku daizokyv; Ronbu. VuJ. 13. appendix,
Tokyo: K o k u m in sh ab u n k o , 1921,
H irakaw a Akira- "A m id a butsu to Hozo bosatsn ' 1 (A m iiahha Buddha and the
bodhisattva D harmakara), In Indo ihiso to Bukkyo, edited by N akam ura
Hajimt? Jfakushi kanreki kinenkai. pp. 9G3—17B. Tokyo: Shunjusha.
1973.
-------- . '‘Daijo kyuten no hattatsu to Ajaseu 0 0 setsuwa’' {The development of
M ah ay an a Huddhist literature and the legends of K ing Ajata£atru).
Indogaku Bukkyogaku kenky/i 20, no. 3 (1973): 3-12.
---------. "Gemshi Bukkyo ni okeru Hh d ’ no imi" (T h r meaning uf “dhonna" in
Early Buddhism). Wvstda daigaku datgakum bungaku fonkyuka foyo 14
(1968): 1-25.
--------- Gewht Bukkyo no kmkyd {A study of Karly Buddhism). Tokyo: Shun-
ju sh a, 1964.
---------. H,M uga lo s h u ta i(S e lfle s s n e s s and the subject). In Muga to jigo (Self­
lessness and self), edited by N akam ura H ajim e. pp. 383-421. Kyoto:
Heirakuji shoien, 1974.
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Related Readings
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