Plurilingualism in Europe: Exploring

Attitudes Toward English and Other

European Languages Among
Adolescents in Bulgaria, Germany,
the Netherlands, and Spain
VERA BUSSE
Carl von Ossietzky University Oldenburg, Department of Education, 26111 Oldenburg, Germany
Email: vera.busse@uni-oldenburg.de

This article explores adolescent students’ attitudes toward learning English and other European lan-
guages studied at secondary school. The study is based on 2255 qualitative responses to a survey con-
ducted in Bulgaria, Germany, the Netherlands, and Spain. The data reveal that, although differences
between countries shape the experience of foreign language learning in different ways, students in all
four countries are highly aware of the global status of English. This can be a positive stimulus for students’
attitudes toward English but it can also negatively affect their attitudes toward learning other languages,
as these can be perceived as less valuable. While perceived societal importance can differ from personal
relevance and while identity issues, ability beliefs, contextual factors on the school and classroom level,
as well as social-relational contexts (especially the relationship to the teacher) also play a role in shaping
students’ attitudes, the data demonstrate that macro-contextual factors exert considerable influence.
They also suggest that more attention must be paid to stimulating positive attitudes toward language
diversity and to fostering plurilingual aspirations in young Europeans.
Keywords: language attitudes; L2 motivation; ideal L2 self; ideal plurilingual Bildungs-Selbst

MAINTAINING LINGUISTIC DIVERSITY AND development but also to contribute to lasting

developing positive attitudes toward European
languages has become a major educational goal
in Europe. Specifically, students are expected
to become plurilingual and to learn two Euro-
pean languages in addition to their national
language (Council of Europe, 2007). The im-
portance of valuing linguistic diversity as part of
cultural heritage has been stressed repeatedly
(e.g., Cenoz, 2009; Skutnabb–Kangas, 2000), and
within the EU promoting plurilingualism and
positive attitudes toward different languages is
seen as essential for ensuring mutual respect and
dialogue between individual countries. The goal
is to enable mobility, cooperation, and economic
The Modern Language Journal, 101, 3, (2017)
DOI: 10.1111/modl.12415
0026-7902/17/566–582 $1.50/0

C 2017 The Modern Language Journal
peace and stability in the region (Council of
Europe, 2007). Fostering positive attitudes to-
ward linguistic and cultural diversity further gains
significance against the backdrop of the cur-
rent increase in immigration and has therefore
become an important objective in European edu-
cational efforts (see Busse & Krause, 2015, 2016).
However, the simultaneous rise of English as
the lingua franca in Europe and its increasing
presence in all European institutions, including
the educational systems (Phillipson, 2003; Seidl-
hofer, Breiteneder, & Pitzl, 2006; Truchot, 2002),
may pose a challenge to promoting plurilin-
gualism. There is reason to be concerned that
the dominance of English could make Euro-
peans lose interest in learning other languages
if it is judged to be an unnecessary, even fu-
tile exercise (e.g., Phillipson, 2003; Soler, 2007).
The effects of English language dominance on
Vera Busse
language learning have been critically discussed
by various authors (e.g., Crystal, 2003; Skutnabb–
Kangas, 2000). Even so, projecting how other lan-
guages might, in the future, be affected by the
spread of English is not a straightforward matter
(e.g., Graddol, 2006; Mackey, 2003), not least be-
cause so little is known about how the perceived
global status of English influences attitudes to-
ward learning other languages in different Euro-
pean regions. While a recent overview on second
language (L2) motivational research reveals an
enormous increase in that area of inquiry, over
70% of investigations do not take languages other
than English into account (Boo, Dörnyei, & Ryan,
2015). In addition, many of these studies are set in
Asian countries and their results may not be read-
ily transferable to the European context. To ad-
dress that lacuna, the present study focuses on atti-
tudes toward English and other languages in four
European countries—Bulgaria, the Netherlands,
Germany, and Spain—with their different histor-
ical, cultural, and linguistic influences on the
experience of FL learning.
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
Drawing on research in social psychology, this
article broadly defines an attitude as a “summary
evaluation” (Bohner & Wänke, 2002, p. 5) of a
language, which can have favorable or less fa-
vorable tendencies (see also Eagly & Chaiken,
2007). Because attitudes entail affective and cog-
nitive as well as behavioral responses and be-
cause they influence how individuals perceive and
process information (Bohner & Wänke, 2002, p.
14), learning more about attitudes is important
for educational practice. Research focusing on
L2 learning in particular has long shown that
an individual’s language attitudes are related to
aspects of identity and are shaped by societal
views, group membership, and parental/familial
background (Gardner, 1985). At the same time,
multi-layered contextual variables on the school
level, including the educational institution itself,
classroom interaction, teacher attitudes, and the
peer group (Gurtner, Monnard, & Genoud, 2001)
also generate and shape attitudes. The following
overview highlights identity-related as well as con-
textual factors that are particularly relevant for
the present study.
Identity-Related Aspects
For many years, integrative and instrumental
orientations, originally introduced by Canadian
social psychologists Gardner and Lambert (1972),
567
dominated L2 motivational research. Orienta-
tions are clusters of reasons for studying an L2:
An instrumental orientation is concerned with
the practical purposes and other advantages that
learning the language might bring about, while
an integrative orientation refers to a positive atti-
tude toward, and a genuine interest in, the speak-
ers and the culture of the target language. A con-
siderable number of studies has shown that such
attitudes play a role in motivation and language
attainment (Masgoret & Gardner, 2003).
However, because studying lingua franca En-
glish may lack a clearly defined sociocultural
group with which to identify, theorists’ attention
has shifted toward the concept of the ideal L2
self, which refers to ideal future perceptions of
the self and entails envisioning oneself as fluent
in a particular language (Dörnyei, 2009). In other
words, although students of English as a foreign
language (EFL) may not imagine themselves as
integrating into a particular target culture, they
can hold positive attitudes toward and wish to be
part of an imagined global community of (cos-
mopolitan and technologically advanced) people
using English, a desire that would motivate them
to learn English (Dörnyei, 2009).
While much research has been conducted on
the motivational force of the ideal L2 self for
English, little is known about whether and how
the concept applies to understanding the moti-
vation to learn other languages (Dörnyei & Al-
Hoorie, 2017, this issue). There is some evidence
to suggest that first language (L1) English learn-
ers with ideal self visions of a cosmopolitan nature
may be particularly interested in learning FLs and
gain intercultural experiences (Lanvers, 2012);
they may also feature a ‘rebellious’ profile in that
they reject the common notion among British
students that speaking solely English is enough
(Lanvers, 2017, this issue). In a study on univer-
sity students of German in England, the concept
of the ideal L2 self, more than integrative or in-
strumental orientations, proved useful as well in
capturing students’ motivation for learning Ger-
man (Busse, 2013; Busse & Williams, 2010). The
qualitative data further suggested that in some
cases, students’ ideal L2 self was not specifically
tied to the German language but, instead, to the
wish to become a plurilingual person in the fu-
ture. Unlike multilingual students, for whom dif-
ferent languages are already an integral part of
their present identity (Henry, 2017, this issue),
these (monolingual) students aspired toward a
future plurilingual identity by studying one—or
often two different—FLs. Such plurilingual aspi-
rations may best be described as a plurilingual
568
ideal Bildungs-Selbst (Busse, 2015, p. 177), because
being fluent in different FLs was perceived as a
way of becoming an educated European citizen.
A follow-up study involving students studying to-
ward a degree in French and Spanish revealed
almost identical motivational profiles to the co-
hort of German students (Oakes, 2013), suggest-
ing once again that students may see plurilingual-
ism as part of becoming an educated person: By
studying FLs, students feel they can distinguish
themselves from monolingual British people with
poor FL skills.
To what extent such a plurilingual ideal
Bildungs-Selbst serves as a stimulus as well in pre-
collegiate FL study (including English) is difficult
to say. First, university students’ motivational
profiles may be quite different from those of
secondary students. Students who choose to
pursue a language degree are more likely to
be open to studying FLs, a contrast with pupils
at the secondary level who are often deterred
from choosing French or German for A-levels
because of the difficulty of achieving high grades
(Tinsley & Board, 2016). Moreover, students who
continue language studies at university are also
likely to have experienced success in FL learning
and to hold relatively better ability beliefs for
languages than the average student at school. It is
known that quite a few adolescents struggle with
FL learning and may attribute this difficulty to
low ability (Graham, 2004; Williams & Burden,
1999; Williams et al., 2004). Because language
ability is perceived to be innate, thus beyond
an individual’s control, one consequence is that
students are unlikely to exert effort in the future
(Weiner, 1992), let alone develop plurilingual
aspirations.
Second, when students whose L1 is not En-
glish study different FLs including English, they
may feel that being an educated person is es-
sentially reserved to abilities in English, an at-
titude that relegates other languages to educa-
tional irrelevance. Evidence from Hungary, for ex-
ample, suggests that well-developed ideal English
self visions may relate negatively to ideal self vi-
sions for the second FL being learned (Csizér &
Lukács, 2010). Similarly, evidence from Sweden
indicates that the second FL may be negatively
compared to the first FL, English (Henry, 2010),
although some learners are able to successfully de-
velop ideal self visions for the third FL (Henry,
2011). Apart from individual differences, vari-
ous contextual factors—for example, the value
placed on plurilingualism within a given society,
school ethos, teacher and parental support—may
The Modern Language Journal 101 (2017)
help shape the particular realization of an ideal
plurilingual Bildungs-Selbst.
FL Learning in Europe: Contextual Factors
A unifying phenomenon within the European
FL learning experience is that English has be-
come mandatory in most countries and is now
usually the first FL learned. An increasing num-
ber of students start studying English as early as
primary school, and exposure to other FLs is de-
layed until secondary school (Eurydice, 2012).
As younger students tend to be more open to
language learning (e.g., Cenoz, 2001; Tragant
& Muñoz, 2000), this trend is likely to influ-
ence students’ attitudes toward French, German,
and Spanish, which are the most widely learned
languages in the European Union after English
(Eurydice, 2012). The European survey on lan-
guage competencies (European Commission,
2012) reveals that, on average, English is judged
as very useful, while other FLs are only judged
as moderately useful (pp. 61–62). Students un-
surprisingly also have better skills in English than
in any other FL, although competencies in FLs
including English are far from satisfactory, with
around 30% of students not even reaching A1
competencies in their first FL (p. 234).
Although English increasingly acts as a lingua
franca across all of Europe, marked regional dif-
ferences exist. In general, English is less present in
Eastern and Southern Europe than in Northern
Europe (Hoffmann, 2000), in part a reflection
of an earlier compulsory status of learning Rus-
sian. However, this situation gradually changed af-
ter the fall of the Soviet Union, and an increasing
number of students now decide to learn English
(Eurostats, 2016). Longitudinal data from Hun-
gary spanning the time from 1993–2004 (Dörnyei,
Csizér, & Németh, 2006) illustrate the link be-
tween decreasing FL uptake of Russian and Ger-
man (the traditional lingua franca in Hungary)
and societal and sociopolitical changes. The per-
ceived usefulness of English in today’s globalized
world and exposure to English media and cultural
products (films in the English language, etc.) play
a role in this popularization (see also Csizér &
Kormos, 2008). Bulgaria may exemplify similar
changes in linguistic preferences. Both Russian
and German have a long tradition in the Bulgar-
ian educational system with many schools special-
izing in these languages (Bachmaier, 2015). How-
ever, between 2011 and 2016, these traditional
FLs have lost ground (National Statistical Institute
Bulgaria, 2016, p. 48). Nevertheless, around 70%
Vera Busse
of students continue to study two or more FLs in
upper secondary education (Eurostats, 2016), a
number that has remained relatively stable. De-
spite the increased presence of English in the ed-
ucational system, then, learning different FLs is
still the norm in Bulgaria.
As in most countries in Northern Europe, En-
glish enjoys a particularly high social status both in
the Netherlands and in Germany. In the Nether-
lands, English has long been used in society and
the educational system (Hoffmann, 2000). Simi-
lar to other smaller countries, English is particu-
larly present in media and films, which are usually
not dubbed. Dutch students also have higher pro-
ficiency in English than their Bulgarian or Span-
ish peers (European Commission, 2012; no com-
parison data available for Germany). In Germany,
English does not have the same presence as in the
Netherlands (e.g., films are dubbed due to the rel-
atively large German-speaking community), but
the spread of English into German society, into
the German language, and into different work do-
mains has been very marked in recent years, a de-
velopment that has sparked a number of contro-
versies (Hilgendorf, 2007).
Concerning the learning of FLs other than
English, a study by Bartram (2010) exploring
language attitudes among Dutch, English, and
German students suggests that German students
assign higher social status to learning modern FLs
than Dutch students when languages other than
English are concerned, although both Dutch
and German students unsurprisingly assign more
value to FL learning than English students. The
study also indicates that Dutch (as well as English)
students are very aware of negative portrayals of
German and French people in the media, which
negatively influence their attitudes toward learn-
ing these languages. A large survey on language
attitudes in Germany reveals that German stu-
dents are indeed open to FLs like English and
Spanish, but other FLs like French or Dutch, and
in particular languages from minorities (e.g.,
Turkish), are seen more negatively and are fre-
quently judged as unappealing (Eichinger et al.,
2009; Plewnia & Rothe, 2011). Nevertheless, both
in Germany and the Netherlands, around 60% of
students study two or more languages in upper
secondary education, but in the Netherlands, as
well as some other countries where English is very
present, the uptake of a second FL is in decline
(Eurostats, 2016; no comparison data available
for Germany).
In comparison to German-speaking countries,
the spread of English has been slower in
Southern Europe (Hoffmann, 2000). Spain is
569
particularly interesting in that there are increas-
ing efforts to promote English, but at the same
time regional languages play a very important role
(Cenoz, 2009) both in daily life and in the ed-
ucational sector, where—depending on the au-
tonomous community—students are educated in
two languages, the majority language (Spanish)
and a minority language, such as Aranese, Basque
(the only non-Romance language), Catalan or Va-
lencian, and Galician. Although Spanish students
in general appear to have positive attitudes to-
ward learning English and are highly aware of the
importance of English for obtaining a job (e.g.,
Bernaus et al., 2004; Cenoz, 2009), attitudes to-
ward English appear to be more positive among
students whose L1 is Spanish than students whose
L1 is a minority language (Lasagabaster, 2003).
Fear of loss of identity and culture may play a
role, concerns that have also been voiced by other
European citizens (Florack & Piontkowski, 2000;
McLaren, 2004). In Spain, only about 20% of stu-
dents learn a second FL (usually French), a much
lower percentage than in the other three coun-
tries but, as in Bulgaria, uptake is relatively stable
(Eurostats, 2016).
While societal views on languages as well as
media representations in different European re-
gions are largely beyond the control of institu-
tions and pedagogical staff trying to promote FL
learning, the school setting and teaching quality
can and do make an important difference regard-
ing students’ attitudes and language attainment
(for research in the EU see, for instance, Cole-
man, Galaczi, & Astruc, 2007; DESI Konsortium,
2008; European Commission, 2012). Teachers in
particular, but also peers and the family, are very
influential in shaping young Europeans’ attitudes
toward different FLs and their subsequent en-
gagement with language learning (Bartram, 2006;
Clark, 1995; Jones, 2009; Taylor, 2013; Williams,
Burden, & Lanvers, 2002; Wright, 1999). Expo-
sure could also play a role; the aforementioned
Hungarian survey revealed that positive attitudes
toward languages other than English decreased
less in students who were currently studying other
FLs than in nonactive language learners (Dörnyei
et al., 2006, p. 144). Finally, in different European
countries a positive learning experience at school
may play a decisive role for uptake at university
level for languages other than English (e.g., Busse
& Williams, 2010; Riemer, 2016; Ushioda, 2001).
Beyond differing societal views linked to the re-
gional characteristics outlined before, the school
setting, different ways of teaching, teacher qual-
ity, and family beliefs can therefore be expected
to shape students’ attitudes in the four countries.
570
THE PRESENT STUDY
The study draws on a wider survey study ex-
ploring perceptions of the self and affective
dispositions for learning English among young
Europeans in Bulgaria, Germany, the Nether-
lands, and Spain. The data indicate that students
generally have well developed ideal English selves
and are favorably disposed toward English (Taylor
& Busse, 2015; Taylor et al., 2012). The present
article is explorative in nature in that it aims to
gain deeper insights into contextual and identity-
related factors that may influence students’
attitudes toward language learning in secondary
school, specifically with regard to differences in at-
titudes toward English as compared to other Euro-
pean languages. Based on the literature reviewed,
the following research questions emerged:
RQ 1. To what extent are students’ attitudes to-
ward English different from their atti-
tudes toward other languages, and what
role does the perceived significance of the
English language play in those attitudes?
RQ 2. What role do other internal and contex-
tual factors play in differing attitudes?
RQ 3. To what extent are attitudes toward En-
glish similar to attitudes toward other lan-
guages, and what role does an apprecia-
tion of language learning in general play?
METHOD
Participants
Students (N = 4,312) from Bulgaria (n =
1,161), Germany (n = 1,113), the Netherlands
(n = 1,075), and Spain (n = 963) participated
in the project. These countries were selected for
their variety with regard to FL learning experi-
ence due to historical, cultural, and linguistic in-
fluences as well as their different levels of English
proficiency (European Commission, 2012), but
largely comparable educational systems (Hörner
et al., 2007). Responses from 2,255 students were
used for the qualitative analysis in this study (Bul-
garia: n = 403; Germany: n = 685; Netherlands: n
= 560; Spain: n = 607). All participating students
were between 14–18 years old (grades 9–13) and
came from mainstream state co-educational sec-
ondary schools (6 in Bulgaria, 4 in Germany, 5 in
the Netherlands, and 8 in Spain); these were lo-
cated in a variety of urban/semi-urban locations
where information and communication technol-
ogy (ICT) facilities enabled the administration
of online questionnaires. Participants had stud-
ied English at school for an average of 8 years
(SD = 2.57).
The Modern Language Journal 101 (2017)
Instrument
The questionnaire looked at students’ affective
dispositions toward English; their ideal English
selves; and the extent to which students perceived
external pressure or encouragement for learning
English from their teachers, family, or peers.1 Par-
ticipants were then asked to what extent responses
would differ if they had referred to other lan-
guages via open-ended questions: “If you were to
complete this questionnaire referring to another
foreign language that you are studying, would all
these answers be different? In what way? Why do
you think this is so? Please explain in the box be-
low, and tell us which language(s) you are refer-
ring to.”
Data Collection
Ethical approval was obtained before the start
of data collection, and ethical principles were ob-
served at all times (e.g., ensuring adequate trans-
parency regarding the research purpose, design
and procedures to enable informed voluntary par-
ticipation by schools and students, maintaining
participant anonymity). Students were briefed by
trained research assistants, who monitored the
completion of questionnaires in intact groups, us-
ing school computer rooms.
Data Analysis
All open-ended responses were fully recorded
and saved in the qualitative software programme
MAXQDA. The analysis of questionnaire re-
sponses followed the six-step guide analysis dis-
cussed by Radnor (2001), consisting of topic
ordering, category constructing, reading for
content, completing coded sheets, generating
coded transcripts, and analyzing and interpret-
ing the data. The qualitative software programme
MAXQDA was used for steps four and five.
This process will be described in more detail
subsequently.
The data were pre-coded by a research assistant
and divided into two groups: students who would
have answered the questionnaire differently and
those who would have answered similarly. This
preliminary step showed that some responses
could not be used for further qualitative analy-
sis because students either provided no answers
to the open-ended question, the meaning was un-
clear, or they referred to the national language.
Some students stated that their response to the
questions in the questionnaire would have been
the same or different for other FLs, but did not
Vera Busse
provide any further explanation; these responses
were also discarded from the analysis. In Spain,
students did not only refer to French (the tradi-
tional second FL), but also to minority languages.
Because minority languages are also taught at
school and—depending on students’ language
background—may be considered as FLs by some
students, references to minority languages were
included in the analysis. These preliminary steps
reduced the data set to 2,255 valid responses. Ta-
ble 1 shows that the number of invalid answers
was highest in Bulgaria (65%) and lowest in Spain
(37%). The reason for this discrepancy is unclear,
as students in all countries had the same amount
of time to fill in the questionnaire. There is also
no evidence to suggest that attrition rate differed
systematically.
Responses were read several times to explore
topics. A number of topics were anticipated (e.g.,
references to the significance of the English
language), but care was taken to include addi-
tional themes that emerged. After analyzing the
data in more depth, descriptive categories were
determined and each statement was linked to a
category. A second round of analysis was then
conducted to explore conceptual overlap of the
categories. In some instances, answers could be
linked to several categories resulting in a higher
number of responses than number of partici-
pants. In addition, several subcategories emerged
in the different categories. For instance, some
students stated that they would have answered
the questionnaire differently because they either
had a special talent for a particular language
or lacked talent for a language. Some of these
responses referred to English, some referred to
other languages. Figure 1 illustrates the relevant
categories and subcategories that emerged.
FIGURE 1
Example of a Category and Subcategories (Different Responses)
Different beliefs
about language
learning ability
High ability
Other
English
language(s)
571
In order to enhance reliability and validity,
three raters worked on the development of cod-
ing frames and then analyzed students’ answers.
Cohen’s Kappa was used to measure levels of inter-
rater reliability, which was high and ranged from
0.90 to 0.93. Frequencies were counted to identify
the most frequent recurrent categories to help de-
tect the emphasis that respondents placed on cer-
tain factors.
RESULTS
RQ 1. To What Extent Are Students’ Attitudes Toward
English Different From Their Attitudes Toward Other
Languages, and What Role Does the Perceived
Significance of the English Language Play in Those
Attitudes?
In the questionnaire, students were asked
whether they would have answered the question-
naire differently if the questions had referred to
a language other than English. The analysis of
the 2,255 surveys with valid answers indicates that
80% of these students would have provided differ-
ent answers; only 20% would have answered in a
similar way. The data thus indicate that a majority
of students feel that their attitudes toward English
differ from their attitudes toward other languages
they learn at school, with percentages being high-
est in Bulgaria and the Netherlands (see Table 2).
Students’ responses further suggest that the
perceived significance of the English language
plays an important role in differing attitudes. Al-
most 30% of students (648) stated that they would
have provided different answers to the question-
naire, because they considered English to be par-
ticularly important. The percentage was highest
in the Netherlands and lowest in Bulgaria. In
Low ability
Other
English
language(s)
572 The Modern Language Journal 101 (2017)
TABLE 1
Overview of Responses in the Four Countries

Country (Students) Valid Responses Invalid Responses

Bulgaria (n = 1161) 403 (35%) 758 (65%)

Germany (n = 1113) 685 (62%) 428 (38%)
The Netherlands (n = 1075) 560 (52%) 515 (48%)
Spain (n = 963) 607 (63%) 356 (37%)
Total (N = 4,312) 2,255 (52%) 2,057 (48%)

TABLE 2
Overview of Different/Similar Responses in the Four Countries

Country (Students)* Different Responses Similar Responses

Bulgaria (n = 403) 358 (89%) 45 (11%)

Germany (n = 684) 521 (76%) 164 (24%)
The Netherlands (n = 560) 459 (82%) 101 (18%)
Spain (n = 607) 463 (76%) 144 (24%)
Total (n = 2,255) 1,801 (80%) 454 (20%)

Note. * n and percentages refer to the total number of valid responses in each country.

TABLE 3
Different Perceived Significance of Languages (Based on Valid Responses)

Country (Students)* English Important Other Languages Important

Bulgaria (n = 403) 78 (19%) 16 (.04%)

Germany (n = 684) 159 (23%) –
The Netherlands (n = 560) 245 (44%) 9 (.02%)
Spain (n = 607) 166 (27%) 19 (.03%)
Total (n = 2255) 648 (29%) 44 (.02%)

Note. * n and percentages refer to the total number of valid responses in each country.

contrast, only a tiny percentage of students felt
that another language or other languages were
particularly important or more important than
English (see Table 3).
Students in all countries repeatedly stated that
learning English was vital due to its status as a
“world language.” They also felt that learning
English was highly relevant for their futures. As
a Bulgarian student explained, “For German, my
answers would differ because of the [ …] fact that
English is more important and relevant for my
future.” In addition, students repeatedly pointed
out that most jobs require English skills. In
contrast, other languages studied at school were
perceived as of less importance, with answers in-
dicating less appreciation in general. There were
many instances, particularly in the Netherlands,
where students explicitly stated that English was
more important than other FLs, and that they
liked English better than other languages. As one
student stated:
English is the only language I like ( …) This is be-
cause English is a world language, and I think it’s
important to be able to speak it. My only other FL
is German, and I think that it is less important than
English. (Dutch student)
In Spain, the picture was more complex. Al-
though many students stated that learning En-
glish was very important, answers usually did not
imply that English was more important than learn-
ing other languages. Nevertheless, they some-
times negatively referred to French, which is the
most commonly studied second FL in Spain. As
one student stated, “The other language I am
studying is given less importance in the world; this
is why I also give it less importance (French).”
Vera Busse
TABLE 4
Interest in English Compared to Other Languages
Reasons for Different Bulgaria Germany
Responses* (n = 403) (n = 684)
Overall differing levels 85 (21%) 143 (21%)
of interest
More interest in 39 (10%) 68 (10%)
English
More interest in other 38 (9%) 63 (9%)
language(s)
More interest in – –
minority languages
No interest in English – –
No further 8 (2%) 22 (3%)
explanation
Note. * n and percentages (rounded, except values below 1%) refer to the total number of valid responses in each
country.
While perceived societal significance appears
to exert considerable influence on students’ at-
titudes toward and interest in English, some
students in Bulgaria, Germany, and Spain only
referred to differing levels of interest when asked
whether they would have provided different re-
sponses had the questionnaire referred to differ-
ent languages. Of these responses, some students
did express a greater interest in languages other
than English, but percentages were low and in
the Netherlands there were almost no such ref-
erences (see Table 4).
Answers from those who referred only to
different levels of interest show that perceived
significance of a language can differ from per-
sonal interest, which may lead students to prefer
another FL to English. Nevertheless, even those
who are more interested in languages other
than English seem to be acutely aware of its
perceived significance, as the following answer
illustrates:
I don’t like English and never have. I study it only
because it’s a world language [ …] I like Spanish and
Russian. My answers will definitely differ. (Bulgarian
student)
Spain somewhat differed from the other coun-
tries in that those who were more interested in
other languages also referred to minority lan-
guages, explaining that they had more affective
ties to them, although there were some students
who felt more interested in French and other
languages studied. Unlike in the other three
countries, there were also some instances where
students displayed conflicting feelings toward
English, as the following quote illustrates:
573
The Netherlands Spain Total
(n = 560) (n = 607) (n = 2,255)
45 (8%) 143 (24%) 416 (18%)
39 (7%) 47 (8%) 193 (9%)
4 (0.1%) 19 (3%) 124 (5%)
– 19 (3%) 19 (1%)
2 (0.01%) 39 (6%) 41 (2%)
– 19 (3%) 49 (2%)
I would put more positive things about the other lan-
guage. I hate English, but I need to know it in the
future; it is important. (Spanish student)
In nine instances, students explicitly stated that
English posed a threat to minority languages,
arguing, for instance, that English was “overval-
ued” at the expense of minority languages such as
Euskera (Basque), and that people should “fight
harder” to maintain the minority language. The
spread of English was in some cases also perceived
as a threat to personal identity. As one student
elaborated:
I fear that introducing English into our educational
and social systems endangers our minority language
[Euskera][ …] English generates the loss of our in-
dividual identity and creates globalisation, a phe-
nomenon which converts us into indistinguishable
citizens [ …] We are people, and we have an iden-
tity! English is NOT my language, and I have neither
necessity nor obligation to use it.
The data thus indicate the perceived sig-
nificance of English strongly shapes students’
attitudes, in most cases leading to favorable
views of English and lesser interest in other lan-
guages. However, students can also perceive the
increasing presence of English in the educational
system as a threat, which can trigger unfavorable
attitudes and a stronger sense of identification
with the other language learned.
RQ 2. What Role Do Other Internal and Contextual
Factors Play in Differing Attitudes?
Further analysis of the data revealed various
other internal and external sources of influence,
574
TABLE 5
Teachers and Teaching/Methods
Reasons for Different Bulgaria Germany
Responses* (n = 403) (n = 684)
Different teachers 94 (23%) 159 (23%)
Different 7 (2%) 12 (2%)
teaching/methods
Note. * n and percentages (rounded, except values below 1%) refer to the total number of valid responses in each
country.
which make students either favor English or an-
other language. The following analysis focuses on
the most salient sources of influence.
Teachers. Teachers were clearly important,
with 30% of students mentioning teachers as rea-
sons for attitudinal dispositions. In all countries
there were more references to the teacher than
to the actual teaching or teaching method (see
Table 5).
It is noteworthy that more Bulgarian students
stated that their answers would differ depend-
ing on the teacher who taught the FL course
(22%) than due to the perceived significance
(19%) of the English language. The data from all
four countries illustrate well that language learn-
ing can be a stressful experience for adolescents
and that a positive teacher–student relationship
is very important in developing positive disposi-
tions toward an FL. There were many instances
where students positively highlighted that a par-
ticular teacher “cared more” for their learning,
was “more interested” in them or “valued” them
more, which positively disposed them toward a
particular language. Some students stressed that
the teachers’ interest in them was decisive for
their engagement, while others referred to the
general importance of a positive student–teacher
relationship. In some instances, different factors
related to teachers’ affective dispositions and pro-
fessional competences seemed to come together,
as illustrated by a German student’s response:
Yes! The answer would be very different because, in
French, I have a teacher who is more caring. She
is more interested in us, she gives fair grades, she
teaches well, and her lessons are entertaining.
In some instances German, Bulgarian, and
Spanish students referred very positively to lan-
guages other than English and linked their en-
joyment to their FL teachers. In the Netherlands,
however, very few instances of such positive ap-
praisals of teachers occurred, with nearly none re-
ferring to teachers of FLs other than English.
The Modern Language Journal 101 (2017)
The Netherlands Spain Total
(n = 560) (n = 607) (n = 2,255)
254 (45%) 185 (30%) 692 (31%)
7 (0.1%) 9 (1%) 35 (2%)
Ability Beliefs. Differing ability beliefs depend-
ing on the languages learned were mentioned by
17% of the students. Ability beliefs were most fre-
quently mentioned in the Netherlands, followed
by Germany, and least frequently in Bulgaria (see
Table 6).
Dutch students appeared to feel more talented
in English and less talented in other languages;
in Germany and Spain, the answers were not posi-
tively biased toward English. In some of the Span-
ish responses, perceptions of language aptitude
may also have been influenced by students’ per-
ceptions of the wider social significance of the lan-
guage. As one student explained:
Nevertheless, Valencian (which is the other language
I study besides English and Spanish), is more diffi-
cult for me than English, although it is not a foreign
language, and I have been studying it all my life. I be-
lieve this is because I think it is a language without a
future.
Other Factors. Additional factors of varying im-
portance in the different countries are summa-
rized in Table 7. In total, 15% of students (337)
made references to language characteristics and
language-intrinsic challenges, but more than half
of the responses came from the Netherlands.
Dutch students stated that they perceived learn-
ing English to be easier than learning other FLs,
with many references to the difficulty of German
grammar and French spelling and pronunciation.
The latter was also mentioned by German stu-
dents, but less frequently. By contrast, a few Span-
ish students stated that they perceived English as
very difficult and considered that the other lan-
guage (a Romance language like French, but also
Valencian) was easier to learn due to its proxim-
ity to Spanish. About 9% of students, nearly half
of them from Bulgaria, felt that time of exposure
and the age of starting FL learning and number of
years dedicated to learning the FL made a differ-
ence in their dispositions. Students explained that
they had started learning English earlier and had
Vera Busse 575
TABLE 6
Ability Beliefs

Reasons for Different Bulgaria Germany The Netherlands Spain Total

Responses* (n = 403) (n = 684) (n = 560) (n = 607) (n = 2,255)

Differing ability levels 26 (6%) 93 (14%) 221 (26%) 48 (9%) 388 (17%)
High ability English 7 (2%) 24 (3%) 63 (7%) 19 (4%) 329 (15%)
High ability other 5 (1%) 24 (3%) 47 (6%) – 76 (3%)
languages
Low ability English – 13 (2%) 35 (4%) 21 (4%) 69 (3%)
Low ability other 13 (3%) 17 (2%) 69 (8%) 4 (0.7%) 103 (5%)
language(s)
No further 1 (0.2%) 15 (2%) 7 (0.8%) 4 (0.7%) 27 (1%)
explanation

Note. * n and percentages (rounded, except values below 1%) refer to the total number of valid responses in each
country.

TABLE 7
Other Factors

Reasons for Different Bulgaria Germany The Netherlands Spain Total

Responses* (n = 403) (n = 684) (n = 560) (n = 607) (n = 2,255)

Language characteristics and 51 (12%) 54 (8%) 183 (21%) 49 (9%) 337 (15%)
language-intrinsic
challenges
Time of exposure 40 (9%) 17 (2%) 3 (0.4%) 25 (5%) 85 (4%)
Performance/grades 13 (3%) 41 (6%) 9 (1%) 14 (3%) 77 (3%)
Parental views 5 (1%) 27 (4%) 25 (3%) 17 (3%) 74 (3%)
Levels of contact 3 (0.7%) 10 (1%) 28 (3%) 4 (0.7%) 45 (2%)
Media 3 (0.7%) – 28 (3%) 4 (0.7%) 35 (2%)
Stay abroad – 10 (1%) – – 10 (0.4%)
Peer views 3 (0.7%) 9 (1%) 5 (0.6%) 5 (0.9%) 22 (1%)
Status (optional vs. – – 7 (0.8%) 14 (2.9%) 21 (1%)
compulsory)
Bilingual background – – 7 (0.8%) – 7 (0.3%)
Rewards – 2 (0.3%) – – 2 (0.08%)
Learning strategies – 2 (0.3%) – – 2 (0.08%)

Note. * n and percentages (rounded, except values below 1%) refer to the total number of valid responses in each
country.

spent more time learning it, affording them more
experience with the language, which positively af-
fected their attitudes toward learning English. In
Germany, some students had learned French as a
first language, instead of English; this appeared
to have a positive motivational impact. One
student explained that by starting with French in
the fifth grade, a closer relationship with both the
language and the teacher had been developed.
Another student summarized:
My answers would be completely different. I have spe-
cialized in French [ …] It’s simple, my first foreign
language is French, and not English, and one can
notice that in the grades, in motivation and in per-
formance. (German student)
In Spain, students also mentioned feeling
closer to minority languages than to English be-
cause minority languages were already introduced
at kindergarten age. In turn, the relationship to
English felt closer than to the second FL such as
German or French because English was studied in
primary school, whereas the second FL was intro-
duced in secondary school.
Very few students mentioned different perfor-
mance or grades in one of the languages as a
source of influence on their attitudes. Although
parents and peers were also rarely mentioned, the
data show that different views by parents or peers
do play a role—for instance, parents may consider
learning English to be more important than learn-
ing other languages, encouraging their children
576
to concentrate on English. Classmates, usually fa-
voring English over other languages, were also
perceived as unsupportive when other languages
were studied. In addition, different levels of con-
tact were mentioned; in the Netherlands, for
example, interest in learning English was some-
times explicitly linked to different levels of contact
with the use of English in media. It appeared that
because of high contact with media, the classroom
experience could play a less important role for
some Dutch students. As one student explained:
English interests me a lot. It’s useful in my free
time (English videos on YouTube, English TV pro-
grammes, English humour sites). Because of this, a
lot of my free time has something to do with English.
In English lessons, that’s different because grammar,
etc. doesn’t interest me. I also don’t find the lessons
fun. (Dutch student)
By contrast, students in Bulgaria, Germany, or
Spain rarely mentioned English-speaking media
as a source of personal interest.
A few students in the Netherlands and Spain
also referred to the different status of the lan-
guages in the educational system (optional vs.
compulsory), stating that they appreciated having
a choice when opting for another FL in secondary
school. As one student explained: “Because other
languages, such as German, are not mandatory,
I study it because I like it and feel like it.” In
the Netherlands, seven students also explained
that they had different mother tongues than their
classmates, that is, they had grown up bilingually.
These students stated that their perception of how
difficult languages are to learn would positively
differ from monolingual students. Last but not
least, some students mentioned different learning
strategies or different rewards for performance as
a source of influence.
RQ 3. To What Extent Are Attitudes Toward English
Similar to Attitudes Toward Other Languages and
What Role Does an Appreciation of Language
Learning in General Play?
Only 20% of students reported that they would
have answered the questionnaire similarly if it had
referred to another language, and 9% seemed
driven by an appreciation of and a general inter-
est in language learning. It thus appears that stu-
dents who hold positive attitudes toward various
languages and strive to become plurilingual are
in the minority. In addition, some country-specific
differences emerged (see Table 8). Plurilingual
aspirations were mostly voiced in Germany and
Spain, while the fewest references occurred in
The Modern Language Journal 101 (2017)
the Netherlands. Aspiring plurilinguals in Ger-
many and Spain referred to a general interest
in languages and the value of FL learning for
their future, while aspiring plurilinguals in Bul-
garia additionally stressed the status of the FLs
they studied, suggesting that traditional FLs like
German still hold some prestige. Sometimes an-
swers touched upon identity-related aspects and
hinted toward a language relevant Bildungs-Selbst.
As one Bulgarian student explained: “Languages
are an important part of the kind of people we
want to become.” In Spain, the significance of
learning different languages for economic rea-
sons was repeatedly stressed (55 instances). Stu-
dents made ample references to Spain’s poor
economy, some stating that they might have to
emigrate because of poor employment prospects.
Language skills were seen as useful in that respect,
with one student asserting that “[l]anguages are
very important to succeed in the future, espe-
cially in this time of crisis.” This perceived im-
portance seemed to go hand in hand with more
pronounced plurilingual educational aspirations.
One student expressed:
No [ …] I don’t consider English to be more impor-
tant than other languages because Italian and Ger-
man [ …] are important for me personally and for
who I want to be in the future. English remains some-
thing important in general, but not more important
than other languages [ …] which I study with the
same effort, interest and I give it the same impor-
tance as English. (Spanish student)
Only a few students declared a general lack of
interest in language learning, with eight student
responses coming from Germany and Spain each.
However, occasional reference to general be-
liefs about language learning ability explained
similar attitudes, with some students elaborating
that they had either high ability (“My answers
would be the same because the languages are
equally easy for me”) or low ability (“I’m not good
at languages, neither English nor German”), irre-
spective of the language involved.
In Bulgaria, some students also referred to their
parents (“they insist on me studying languages”),
while others felt that the teaching of both FLs
they were studying was equally poor or stressful,
with one student pointing to indifferent teach-
ers. Teachers and parents were not mentioned in
Germany; but in the Netherlands and Spain some
students stated that their teachers emphasized the
importance of learning other FLs, a focus that led
to their valuing the learning of other languages.
Some students stated that their parents expected
Vera Busse 577
TABLE 8
Factors Influencing Similar Attitudes Toward Different Languages

Reasons for Similar Bulgaria Germany The Netherlands Spain Total

Responses (n = 403) (n = 560) (n = 560) (n = 607) (n = 2,255)

Interest in FL learning 30 (7%) 79 (12%) 23 (4%) 81 (13%) 213 (9%)

Economic reasons – – – 55 (9%) 55 (2%)
Beliefs about FL ability 10 (2%) 46 (8%) 29 (5%) 26 (4%) 111 (5%)
Low ability 2 (4%) 36 (5%) 13 (2%) 21 (3%) 72 (3%)
High ability – – – 5 (0.8%) 5 (0.02%)
Lack of interest – 8 (1%) – 8 (1%) 16 (1%)
Parents 2 (0.5%) – 10 (2%) 10 (2%) 22 (1%)
Teaching methods 2 (0.5%) – – – 2 (0.08%)
Teachers 1 (0.25%) – 21 (4%) 9 (1%) 31 (1%)
Other factors – 2 (0.3%) – 10 (2%) 12 (1%)

Note. * n and percentages (rounded, except values below 1%) refer to the total number of valid responses in each
country.

them to put the same effort into every subject at
school.
Other factors at play included some students in
Spain mentioning that their answers would be the
same in reference to learning an FL other than
English because they had the same peers in their
language class, and in one instance the reason for
an identical answer was that the other FL was also
studied in the context of school and not in a lan-
guage institute. In Germany, two students stated
that their performances were the same in all FL
classes.
DISCUSSION
In line with previous research on young Euro-
peans’ attitudes toward FL learning (e.g., Dörnyei
et al., 2006), the data illustrate that students’ at-
titudes toward English often differ from their at-
titudes toward other FLs learned at school and
that the perceived significance of the English lan-
guage plays a major role in that respect. Although
regionally specific historical, cultural, and linguis-
tic influences shape young Europeans’ attitudes
toward languages in various ways, many adoles-
cents from countries as diverse as Bulgaria, Ger-
many, the Netherlands, and Spain highlighted
the particular importance of English as a lingua
franca, emphasizing that English will play a role in
their future, as most professions require English
language skills. On the whole, students’ attitudes
toward English appear to be favorable (see Taylor
& Busse, 2015), with responses suggesting that the
perceived significance of English can stimulate
these positive attitudes toward English but can
also give rise to negative attitudes toward other
European languages because they are perceived
as being of less importance and utility. Only a neg-
ligible number of adolescents in the four coun-
tries stated that other languages were equally or
more important than English, with responses in-
dicating little appreciation of other languages.
Nevertheless, perceived societal significance
can sometimes be very different from personal
interest and the importance placed on a par-
ticular language by the individual. Strikingly,
many students also made references to sociore-
lational factors, highlighting the importance of
the teacher–student relationship as a reason for
attitudinal dispositions. The latter adds to the
substantial body of research demonstrating how
positive relationships can foster positive atti-
tudes toward learning in general (e.g., Cornelius–
White, 2007) and to language learning in particu-
lar (e.g., Taylor, 2013). Teachers are also crucial in
addressing unfavorable ability beliefs as expressed
by some of these students, an issue which has been
much discussed in the literature on adolescent FL
learners (e.g., Williams et al., 2002). Any effort
to promote plurilingualism in Europe is likely to
fall short if students are not convinced that they
are capable of learning various languages. Pay-
ing more attention to students’ language learn-
ing mindsets (see, e.g., Ryan & Mercer, 2012) and
linking language achievement to motivation and
effort, rather than talent (Weiner, 1992), is cer-
tainly advisable in that respect.
However, even frequent references to teachers
cannot obscure the considerable influence that
the macro-context exerts on the meso- and micro-
level of teaching (see also Ushioda, 2017, this
issue). In Bulgaria and Germany, students who
felt more interested in other European languages
than English linked their interest to a more
578
positive teacher–student relationship with other
FL teachers, but in the Netherlands, where En-
glish has traditionally been much more present,
students displayed little interest in other FLs and
made almost no positive references to other FL
teachers. Dutch students also stressed the impor-
tance of English more than students in other
countries and more frequently stated that they
perceived English as easier than other languages.
Some Dutch students further explained that they
felt interested in English and engaged with En-
glish, irrespective of whether they enjoy English
learning in the classroom. Studies in other North-
ern countries, such as Sweden, have observed
similar phenomena connected to the rise of new
media (e.g., Henry, 2014), which were also men-
tioned by Dutch students. Progress in English may
therefore depend less on classroom input than
progress in other FLs. Given that progress is im-
portant for sustaining positive attitudes toward
language learning in the long run (e.g., Busse,
2014) and that some parents voiced that they
wanted their children to focus on English only,
teachers of other languages than English face
multiple challenges.
While the global status of English and increased
exposure to English can bring about positive
attitudes and incentivize students to learn En-
glish, perceived downward pressure can also have
the opposite effect. In Spain, a complex picture
emerged: Students appeared to be acutely aware
of the importance of learning English for obtain-
ing a job, and also feel pressure to learn English,
which may be related to the difficult economic sit-
uation in Spain and high unemployment rates. At
the same time, the increased importance placed
on English in the Spanish educational system was
sometimes perceived as a threat to local iden-
tity, which resulted in adverse attitudes toward
learning English. These responses could explain
why students with a minority language as their L1
have less positive attitudes toward English than
students with Spanish as their L1 (Lasagabaster,
2003). Globalization may thus work as an incen-
tive for some students to learn English, while it
can trigger anxiety in others, depending also on
whether or not they want to belong to this per-
ceived global community (see Ushioda, 2017, this
issue). As fear of loss of identity has also been
found among other European citizens (McLaren,
2004), the study of the relationship between iden-
tity and language learning appears more timely
than ever.
Regarding identity-related aspects, it is worth
pointing out that motivational research has tradi-
tionally focused on monolingual learners who en-
The Modern Language Journal 101 (2017)
gage only with one other language (either an L2
or a FL). This may not adequately reflect the sit-
uation in many learning contexts (Henry, 2010),
encouraging a problematic monolingual bias
in traditional motivational models (see Henry,
2017, this issue). More research is needed on
the relationship between identity and language
learning when students learn different languages
simultaneously. The data in this study support
the view that the first FL (English) can work like
a template against which the second FL is com-
pared (Henry, 2010). In comparison, the second
FL may not fare well because multiple influences
(including societal and parental views) suggest to
the learner that other languages are inferior in
terms of utility and status. As a consequence a
well-developed ideal L2 self for English may re-
late negatively to the ideal L2 self for the second
FL (Csizér & Lukács, 2010). Nevertheless, in this
study, 9% of students held positive attitudes to-
ward various languages and judged plurilingual-
ism to be an important educational aim. Similar-
ily to FL university students explored in another
study, these aspiring plurilinguals may be guided
by an overarching plurilingual ideal Bildungs-Selbst
(Busse, 2015). Drawing parallels between ded-
icated monolingual students studying different
FLs and multilingual students (who are in contact
with two or more languages either due to regional
multilingualism or different family/heritage lan-
guages), Henry (2017, this issue) illustrates that,
in both cases, the image of an ideal self speak-
ing various languages can have a powerful effect
on motivation. More research is therefore needed
on the formation of and the individual and con-
textual factors contributing to such a plurilingual
ideal Bildungs-Selbst.
Echoing other studies (e.g., Csizér & Lukács,
2010), a few answers indicated that the order in
which FLs are learned in combination with the
time of exposure plays a role in students’ atti-
tude toward studying a language. Earlier intro-
duction of a second FL could potentially coun-
teract the bias toward English over the other FL,
but it would be naïve to assume that it would auto-
matically lead to a stronger sense of appreciation
of language diversity per se. Because students are
very aware of the increasing importance assigned
to English, a more holistic approach is needed,
with measures being implemented not only on
the teaching, but also on the societal, policy, and
institutional level. Nevertheless, FL (and espe-
cially EFL) teachers hold particular responsibil-
ity in addressing the growing imbalance between
languages, by—amongst other initiatives—using
teaching materials that value different languages,
Vera Busse
critically question the hierarchical relationship
between English and other languages (not only
the FLs discussed here, but also students’ home
and heritage languages), and depict individual
plurilingualism as the norm, rather than the ex-
ception. The plurilingual turn in FL teaching
is ideally supported by schools that assign high
status and visibility to different languages learned
and spoken by students, communicate the value
of plurilingualism in general, and stress the bene-
fits of becoming plurilingual for young Europeans
to both students and parents. Such joint efforts
would not only be a significant step toward pro-
moting plurilingualism in Europe, but also ade-
quately respond to the increase in linguistic diver-
sity due to migratory movements.
LIMITATIONS AND CONCLUSION
While this study adds to knowledge about
young Europeans’ language attitudes, a number
of limitations have to be acknowledged. First,
the main focus of the survey was on students’
perceptions of learning English. Perceptions of
learning other languages were only elicited via
open-ended questions and could thus not be
systematically compared to students’ perceptions
of English. There was also a large amount of
attrition, because not all students filled in the
open-ended questions. In addition, the quality of
these responses varied greatly: While some stu-
dents gave elaborated accounts, others provided
much shorter answers.
Second, potentially sensitive data, such as
migration background, languages spoken at
home, and the socioeconomic status of students’
parents, were not collected, for ethical reasons,
in the questionnaire. That leaves unexplored
whether students’ responses differed according
to their background. It is known, for instance, that
socioeconomic status affects self-efficacy beliefs
for FL learning (Kormos & Kiddle, 2013), and af-
fluent parents are more likely to be able to afford
visits to other European countries (e.g., Wright,
1999) or hold jobs where they use different FLs
and engage with people from various European
countries. There is also evidence to suggest that
immigrant bilingualism may affect FL learning
positively when socioeconomic status is con-
trolled for (Maluch et al., 2015), possibly because
students have more open attitudes toward lan-
guage learning in general. However, such positive
attitudes may not extend to minority languages,
as studies from Spain suggest (Bernaus et al.,
2004; Ibarraran, Lasagabaster, & Sierra, 2008).
579
Future studies would therefore have to further
investigate the influence of these variables.
Although results from this qualitative analysis
may not be generalizable and future studies will
have to explore the insights gained here in more
depth, it is worth highlighting that data were
collected in 23 schools in different regions of the
four countries. The data provide some nuanced
insights into the complex interplay between
multi-layered external and internal factors. On
the whole, they suggest that the growing use of
English as a lingua franca and the increasing
presence of English in all European countries ex-
ert considerable influence on students’ attitudes,
in many cases leading to favorable tendencies
toward English and less favorable tendencies to-
ward other languages. While dedicated teachers
and adequate teaching materials are important
to foster more positive attitudes toward different
languages and stimulate interest in becoming
plurilingual, the data also suggest that a more sub-
stantial effort has to be made if the educational
objectives of the EU are to be met. Societal views
as expressed in the media, educational policies,
schools and their curriculum, as well as parents,
hold responsibility for whether or not students de-
velop favorable attitudes toward language diver-
sity and come to pursue plurilingual aspirations.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am particularly grateful to PI Dr. Florentina Taylor,
who designed the project, and the British Council for
supporting this study through a Research Partnership
Award (R1380101). I am also grateful to all the partici-
pating schools; pupils and teachers; researchers and re-
search assistants, in particular Katharina Lindefjeld and
Jana Jungclaus; and to the two anonymous reviewers.
NOTE
1
The full questionnaire can be downloaded from
www.iris-database.org/.
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