The changing relations between city and countryside

in Late Antique Illyricum

Slavko CigleneÈki

UDC: 711.6(367)02/05 S. Cigleneki

728.8(367)02/05 Inštitut za arheologijo ZRC SAZU
Preliminary communication Novi trg 2
Manuscript received: 04. 02. 2014. SI-1000 Ljubljana
Revised manuscript accepted: 18. 05. 2014. Slovenia
DOI: 10.1484/J.HAM.5.102646

The paper presents the problem of transformation of Late Antique towns in Illyricum. Apart from the continuity of some urban
centres a number of different transformation processes can be distinguished; from complete decay and abandonment or radical
decrease and pauperisation of town areas to the last new foundations of strongly transformed urban sites. These transformations
must be observed in relation to the contemporary countryside settlement pattern which in Illyricum shows a number of new set-
tlement forms, either fortified or unfortified, various military posts which also served the civilian population and different types
of refuges. A special emphasis is put on the architecture within the urban and the countryside settlements which is a great help
in understanding of the changes in the settlement structure of this endangered region. The archaeological research of the recent
decades has contributed several new solutions to the previous rather poor understanding of the Late Antique settlement pattern.

Keywords: Illyricum, Late Antiquity, Roman towns, late antique countryside, settlement patterns

INTRODUCTION reveals a degradation and decline of the Roman civilization.

With the onset of Late Antiquity (roughly 300–600), the
settlement pattern of the Roman era began to change fun-
damentally. Cities gradually lost in importance and size, and
the countryside saw new types of settlements appearing
alongside the already existing ones. The central authority
in the western part of the Empire became ever weaker,
which led to the population drawing more and more on
its own strengths and either building new or fortifying old
settlements from earlier periods of history.
This phenomenon is particularly well visible in the areas
joined, in the fourth century, into the large prefecture of
Illyricum. From the second half of the third to the begin-
ning of the seventh century, it witnessed incursions and
plundering; it was undoubtedly one of the most endangered
parts of the Empire. Illyricum comprised highly diverse
provinces in geographical, political, economic and cultural
terms. The diversity of the prefecture is also visible in the
differences in the appearance and continuity of cities and
countryside settlements, as revealed by the archaeological
sites investigated thus far.
In order to gain a better understanding of the structural
changes in the settlement pattern, it is important to first
correlate the changes in the cities with the development of
new types of settlements in the countryside; in Illyricum,
the latter differ considerably from those in other parts of
the Empire. It is only through a better understanding of
the settlement in the countryside that we can endeavour
to comprehend the gradual weakening and decline of the
cities in Illyricum. Research of some of the better investiga-
ted areas indicates a reliable correlation between the phases
of decline in cities and the intensification of activities, either
contemporaneous or with a slight delay, in the countryside
settlements, which were already conceived according to a
different principle.
Discussions on the settlement in Late Antiquity have
thus far mostly been limited to one settlement category,
namely the cities. The settlement picture thus obtained
However, the inclusion of the contemporary countryside
settlement in the hinterland into this picture shows that the
achievements of this civilization are very much alive and at
places persist into the beginning of the seventh century. In
architecture, this is visible in the numerous well constructed
residential buildings in the newly-established fortified sett-
lements and, besides churches, even in individual buildings
of a public character with discernible remnants of the once
flourishing urban design.
Literary sources inform us of a shift of population1. More
precisely, they relate that a part of the population moved to
Italy or other safe places to the south. Recent archaeological
investigations, however, show that the population largely
remained at their old homes and that the settlement shifts
were on a small scale and took place primarily from the
lowland to higher-lying and naturally protected locations.
In light of this, the discussion below is aimed, firstly, at a
diachronic description of the important changes that took
place in the cities and, secondly, at revealing the dynamics
and scale of the settlement in the countryside.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE ON THE DECLINE AND
TRANSFORMATION OF CITIES
The extensive changes that affected cities in Late Anti-
quity need not be repeated here; they are the subject of
numerous articles that show a growing interest in the topic,
but also of several synthetic overviews. Most of these are
written from a historical point of view, thought they do
include the most important archaeological data2.
This literature includes the area of the Late Antique
Illyricum, albeit in a small extent and mostly only some of
the more important and better researched centres. There
are, however, very few discussions that would consider the
entire spectre of cities, from those that were completely
abandoned to those that showed continuity3. The picture
painted by such contributions is thus often misleading
and allows for a generalization of the data from the better

232
 Fig. 1. Map of Illyricum with marked prominent archaeological sites mentioned in text.
researched centres onto other cities that, per analogiam,
must have suffered the same fate of survival and transfor-
mation in the time from the fourth to the sixth century. Very
little is known of the multitude of newly formed centres that
took over some of the functions of a city proper and have
survived in full extent to the end of the sixth century, many
even into the first half of the seventh century. It is the latter
settlements that allowed, alongside the rare surviving cities,
for a continuation of the Romanized way of life; without
them, the settlement in the final period of Antiquity cannot
be correctly understood.
The extensive changes in the Late Antique cities can
primarily be traced through the construction of city walls,
Early Christian churches and their renovations, and through
the gradual abandonment of public spaces and sanctuaries.
Particularly revealing in this sense are church buildings,
which are for the most part well datable through characte-
ristic decorative elements, inscriptions of donors, as well
as small finds (particularly coins). Less well known are the
city walls, which had mostly been constructed in earlier
centuries and their subsequent renovations cannot always
be reliably dated.
In order to better understand the dynamics and extent
of the changes in the Late Antique cities, however, we need
to look beyond the best visible traces of their development
and observe the scarce remains of the late dwellings. In face
of the better preserved and richer church architecture in
Illyricum, these were often overlooked or rarely adequately
evaluated. The text below will therefore take a look at the
bits of information we have on the late residential architec-
ture, while at the same time highlighting the basic elements
instrumental in assessing and comparing the transforma-
tion and decline of cities. Apart from dwellings, the discus-
sion will also consider the phenomenon of new buildings
S. Cigleneèki: The Changing Relations... 233
 Fig. 2. Stobi. So – called Domus Fullonica. The traces of subdivision from the end of the fourth to the mid-fifth century are hatched (Mikulèiæ 1982).
encroaching into public spaces and older buildings, which
reveals substantive changes in the structure and character
of cities, the transformation of the road network and the
presence of burials within city walls. This research can be
aided with the already published research in some of the
better researched cities in Illyricum, but mostly those in
neighbouring Italy4. Church buildings and city walls will be
included into the discussion only so as to elucidate, with
the support of reliable dates, the significance of cities in
crucial periods in history.
After the reforms adopted by Emperors Diocletian and
Constantine, most cities entered their last period of pros-
perity. This is visible primarily in the construction of several
large buildings, partly public, but mostly private domi.
Existing peristyle buildings were, for example, enlarged and
added triclinia with an apse, as well as other extensions5.
The research in north-western Illyricum documented
this last period of prosperity well. In Flavia Solva, for
example, excavations revealed luxury renovation of a
number of residential buildings; the same can be said of
Aguntum6. There is also a mass of data that speaks of an
important role of Siscia in this period7. This is firstly indi-
cated by the imperial mint in the city, but also by a number
of public buildings that indicate the city’s most prosperous
period. The fourth-century Sirmium was an important city
with an imperial residence, massive city walls, numerous
public buildings and luxury villas, a mint, literary sources
also attest to an arms workshop and a state weaving mill8.
After the devastation in the late third century, Stobi was
extensively renovated. Public buildings were constructed,
but also seven well-investigated urban villas that offer a
remarkable insight into the construction of private buil-
dings of the time9. Published in detail are the investiga-
tions of a large urban villa, the so-called Domus Fullonica,
which reached its greatest size and significance prior to
the mid-fourth century, when deep apses were added to
both triclinia10. Further examples of luxurious urban villas
come from Athens, where twenty were found at the foot of
234
the Acropolis, attributable to the time between the fourth
and the seventh century11.
The first marked changes in the settlement pattern and
residential architecture in Illyricum occur in the second
half of the fourth century, mostly towards its end. This is
a time when literary sources for this region relate nume-
rous incursions and invasions, but it is also a time of great
political and socio-economic changes discernible across
a large part of the Empire. A more accurate chronology
of the changes in residential architecture depends on the
geographic location within the vast and varied Illyricum,
but also on the rhythm of historical events. In many cities,
the change is so radical that it marks one of the greatest
interruptions in their development.
In this time, we can observe the abandonment of public
buildings, primarily theatres, baths and fora, but concur-
rently also reinforcement or new construction of city walls.
The construction of the city walls in Celeia, for example, is
dated as early as the first half of the fourth century, while a
mention by Ammianus Marcellinus of a palace extra muros
in Poetovio proves an at least partial enclosure around the
city dated to the same time frame12. In the case of Teurnia,
the city was relocated at the end of the fourth century to a
nearby and naturally protected site, which was also forti-
fied with defence walls13. On the other hand, some of the
unfortified cities at the edge of the Pannonian Plain, such
as Salla, Flavia Solva, Neviodunum and Andautonia, were
already abandoned at the end of the fourth century14.
The most revealing are the changes in the structure
of residential buildings. Numerous urban villas were
abandoned and converted into several modest residential
units, a phenomenon known as subdivision and observed
in numerous cities across the Empire15. At Stobi, the first
traces of reliably dated modest architecture within abando-
ned urban villas were well researched. Ivan Mikuli dated
the new and simple dwellings within the so-called Domus
Fullonica more precisely in the late period of the reign of
Theodosius I or just after that. The abandoned villa was
 Fig. 3. Sirmium. Late Antique structures within an earlier urban villa (Popoviæ 1982).
Fig. 4. Heraclea Lyncestis. Map of the city in the sixth century (Mikulèiæ 2002).
divided among four families, which created their homes by
putting up walls of stone bonded with clay. In the courtyard,
an ironworking workshop was established. This phase is
well dated with coins and other finds, and lasted roughly to
the mid-fifth century. It is, in this case, possible to speak of
an influx of inhabitants that abandoned their countryside
dwellings and sought refuge in the better protected city,
while retaining, at least in part, their activity of cultivating
land and rearing farm animals, as indicated by finds16. Also
in Stobi, James Wiseman observed most dramatic changes
taking place towards the end of the fourth and in the early
fifth century, namely the construction of new city walls
and, with it, the reduction of the city area. Furthermore, he
observed the earliest primitive buildings within the theatre
to have been put up already in the beginning of the fifth cen-
tury17. The recent extensive investigation in Stobi is largely
concerned with the same, last phase; residential buildings
show pronounced degradation18. This is in sharp contrast
with the church architecture, as the extensive renovation
of the large episcopal church with rich mosaics occurred
at the beginning of the fifth century19.
A similar situation is noticeable in Sirmium. Following
the barbaric incursion, which damaged at least the central
part of the city and is dated by Vladislav Popovi to the end
of the fourth or beginning of the fifth century, a church
was built on the levelled layer of debris. Around, a small
cemetery was set up with burials from the first half of the
fifth century. In its immediate vicinity, shoddy buildings
were found, built of debris material and bonded with clay20.
Popovi does, however, allow for the possibility of some of
the more soundly constructed earlier buildings remaining
in use until the Hun invasion21.
Changes in the residential construction are well visible
in Heraclea Lyncestis, where the earliest construction with
S. Cigleneèki: The Changing Relations... 235
 Fig. 5. Athens. Villa with a peristyle and baths, the latter added in the sixth century (Sodini 1984).
crudely reused materials, of earlier monuments, dates as
early as the fourth century22. Important changes are also
observable at Delphi, where shops and workshops were
set up inside a temple23. At Philippi, some urban villas were
abandoned in the second half of the fourth century and
converted into workshops24.
The phenomena of encroachment and subdivision
are, of course, not limited to Illyricum. Similar examples
are known also from Italy. Particularly illustrative are the
results of investigations in Brescia, where the site at Via
Alberto Mario revealed an urban villa, the walls of which
were levelled and a wooden building erected on top of them,
sometime between the end of the fourth and the mid-fifth
century25. The S. Giulia site in Brescia also revealed an
abandoned urban villa subdivided into smaller dwellings
after the mid-fifth century26.
As opposed to the above presented examples, the south-
ern parts of Illyricum and even more so areas along the
Mediterranean coast show a stronger continuity in residen-
tial architecture. The seaside Butrint, for example, revealed a
previously constructed villa extended around AD 400 with a
peristyle and beautifully decorated porticoes, and extended
even further in roughly 420 with a three-apse triclinium27.
In Athens, most urban villas in the agora area continued
into the fifth, many even into the sixth century. A similar
situation can be supposed in Demetrias, where the aristo-
cratic House of Damokratia existed contemporaneously
with the Basilica of Damokratia, i.e. roughly throughout
the fifth century28.
236
Another turning point for the residential architecture
came around the mid-fifth century. In some cities, it can
archaeologically be tied with Hunnic finds in layers of burnt
remains, but also reports of devastations in literary sources.
The archaeological record elsewhere shows that cities had
been abandoned even earlier, i.e. in the first half of the fifth
century. The unfortified Virunum, but also the fortified
Celeia, thus far yielded no traces of reliably dated buildings
that would date beyond the first third of the fifth century29.
In Poetovio, the last reliably dated settlement layers date to
the first third of the fifth century, while the last clear context
is a small cemetery within the former workshop quarter
(dated roughly to the mid-fifth century); the finds from this
cemetery include a male skeleton with a deformed skull and
grave goods characteristic of the Hunnic tribes30.
Investigations in Siscia have not revealed a settlement
layer reliably dated beyond the mid-fifth century, though
a continuous settlement is indicated by numerous small
finds, a mint during the reign of Theodoric as well as by
literary sources31.
At Stobi, Mikuli connects the end of the first phase
of extensions to the Domus Fullonica with the Hunnic
incursion in 447 on the basis of the characteristic trefoil
arrowheads and the remains of a reflex bow found within
the layer of burnt remains32. A layer from the first half of
the fifth century sealed with burnt remains and trefoil ar-
rowheads was supposedly documented in other rich urban
villas in the centre of Stobi.
House B in Diocletianopolis, Thessaly, was built in the
first half of the fourth century, but later had numerous small
 Fig. 6. Lechaion. Late Antique buildings within the church and the atrium (Sodini 1984).
rooms set up in the ruins of the original building. It is not
possible to precisely date the destruction of the first phase
construction, though the finds indicate it occurred in the
time of the Ostrogothic incursion at the latest, possibly even
earlier33. The subdivision as well as the use of the existing
walls shows great similarities with the first subdivision of
the Domus Fullonica in Stobi.
The cities either not afflicted with Hun incursions or
recovering soon after them, show no significant changes.
These are primarily numerous seaside cities; they are not
well researched due to the continuity of settlement and
modern habitations. Even in cities that could be thus
researched, the investigations were primarily focused on
the church architecture (e.g. Salona). It seems, however, that
in most cities, the partially subdivided buildings remained
in continuous use.
Considerable change can be discerned towards the end
of the fifth century, in some areas even somewhat later.
Using the archaeological method, it is difficult to pinpoint
these events at individual sites, though the small finds,
particularly coins, give an approximate time frame.
In Sirmium, Popovi attributed the time frame of the
second half of the fifth and the sixth century to humble
structures put up in the courtyard areas of an urban villa
and a luxury building, the latter interpreted as the imperial
residence from the fourth century. The houses were made
of light materials and brick fragments bonded with clay34.
Similar dwellings were unearthed in the area of the church
with cemetery from the second quarter of the fifth century.
Popovi also mentions an isolated settlement made up of
modest huts, which is indicated by rectangular hearths
found in the area of the hippodrome; these huts were
supposedly in use from the end of the fourth century to
the end of the existence of the city35. Late finds, however,
are concentrated in the southern part of the city, along the
Sava river, and indicate a marked reduction of the city’s size.
In Stobi, simple dwellings are put up on top of the ruins
of urban villas in the aftermath of the Hun incursions in 447.
In the case of the Domus Fullonica, a large part of the villa
remained unused, only two of its corners revealed smaller
structures with walls bonded with clay, completely without
mortar. Several ground surfaces in them suggest that these
houses saw several renovations36.
The period also knows buildings of a sounder construc-
tion, a great majority of them being church architecture.
Heraclea witnessed the erection of important buildings,
namely the large episcopal basilica, beside it a small church
and an episcopium, all enclosed within a wall. At the same
time, the city area was reduced in its eastern side and new
defence walls erected. These constructions date from the
end of the fifth to the mid-sixth century37.
A considerable reduction of the city walls took place
in Nicopolis, in Epirus, which is now agreed to date to the
reign of Anastasius38. These mighty walls, largely preserved
to this day, reduced the area of the city from 40 to 7ha. They
represent the most typical example of the reduction that
took place in numerous cities during this period.
In the southern, less exposed part of Illyricum and par-
ticularly in the large cities, spacious urban villas were still
in use. Some of them were even extended. An example of
the latter is the House of Sculptures in Athens, to which
new baths were added in the first half of the sixth century39.
The construction of the episcopal basilica at Bargala
is dated to the late fifth and its renovation as early as the
beginning of the sixth century. In its vicinity, a peristyle buil-
ding was found, supposedly the episcopium40. A particular
feature is baths, which were located between the supposed
episcopium and the defence walls41. Recent investigations
also revealed numerous houses, not published in detail,
and a small basilica in the centre of the town42.
Scupi, capital of the province of Macedonia, was long
thought to have been largely abandoned after the earth-
quake of 518. After that date, Mikuli only mentions an
Early Byzantine village43. The last extensive systematic in-
vestigations, however, revealed abundant settlement traces
from the time after the earthquake, there is even a mention
of two late renovations of roads44. The ruins of earlier buil-
dings along the cardo revealed numerous adaptations of old
S. Cigleneèki: The Changing Relations... 237
and the construction of new buildings that were residential,
but also housed workshops45. In connection with those,
it should be stressed that the buildings were still soundly
constructed, with some walls combining courses of stones
and horizontally laid bricks, though already bonded with
clay. There is even a mention of a tiled roof. The presence
of a large number of inhabitants is further indicated by the
newly-discovered three-apse basilica, the construction of
which is dated to the beginning of the sixth century46.
At Butrint, smaller post-built structures were set up in
the area of the Triconch Palace in the first half of the sixth
century. These dwellings made partial use of the already
existing rooms47. In the second half of the sixth century,
the area began to be used for burial, in a part even a series
of kilns was set up. In the immediate vicinity and on top of
ruins, a two-storey house of stone and wood was construc-
ted in the late sixth century. Evidence of the persisting
knowledge of solid construction during the sixth century
can be found nearby, in the large basilica and the baptistery
adorned with beautiful mosaics48.
At the southern tip of Illyricum, in Corinth, simple and
irregularly distributed houses were built soon after the
mid-sixth century, in the area of the basilica at Lechaion49.
Both the construction and the finds show that this was a
completely rural settlement. Recent investigations revea-
led Late Antique constructions in the interior of the city,
among them also small baths and a long building from the
mid-sixth century50. In contrast to numerous other cities,
Corinth experienced remarkably strong continuity into the
seventh century.
A particular example among the cities is Golemo
Gradište near the village of Konjuh, the ancient name of
which has not been positively identified51. It was most pro-
bably built already in the second half of the fifth century. It
represents the first example of cities, such as are known in
larger numbers only in the sixth century, where semi-urban
settlements were built on naturally well protected locations,
in this case on a slope and terrace of a well protected hill
in a river bend52. The settlement on the acropolis was sup-
posedly built in the second quarter of the sixth century,
probably as part of Justinian’s efforts of fortifying Illyricum53.
The excavated buildings on the north terrace show solid
construction, while those within the acropolis are mostly
simple and hewn into the bedrock54.
The final part of Late Antiquity also represents the last
period of prosperity for cities during the reign of Emperor
Justinian. Dated to the mid-sixth century in Heraclea Lyn-
cestis is a well investigated complex of poorly constructed
buildings that housed a small community within the former
theatre55. Recent investigations furthermore showed that
earlier buildings were put up not only inside the theatre, but
also in the area between the theatre and the episcopium,
as well as higher up, on the slopes of the acropolis. This
indicates a habitation denser than the micro-dwelling unit
observed previously56.
Some of the large cities with settlement continuity wit-
nessed, in the Justinian period, the construction of nume-
rous churches, but also the construction or renovation of
individual public buildings, as evidenced by the baths at
Byllis57. But at the same time, the city of Byllis also revealed
a drastic reduction in city area, as conceived by architect
Victorinos with the construction of the new defence walls58.
In the fifth century, the previously large city of Demetrias
suffered from barbaric incursions, after which it was consi-
derably reduced in size. The abandonment of the Basilica
of Damokratia in the second quarter of the sixth century
238
proves the abandonment of the part of the city on the south
side of the bay. Already after the Ostrogothic incursion in
482, the population resettled on the lower hill of Iolkos,
which was refortified under Justinian and also became the
administrative and ecclesiastical centre59. The foot of the
hill was settled in a smaller extent.
The city of Thessaloniki, the well fortified seaside capital
of Illyricum, shows strong continuity of residential architec-
ture. The investigated architecture includes twelve houses
with apsidal terminals, which see major changes only in
the second half of the sixth century. These changes take
the form of new rooms partitioned with walls bonded with
clay60. Transformation also occurred in the former Palace
of Galerius, where a church with a baptistery and funerary
chapels was built inside the rotunda. Similarly, the former
octagonal triclinium was turned into a mausoleum with
added chapels61.
The third decade of the sixth century may also mark
the beginning of several settlements that possess some
elements of a city, but cannot be treated as the continuation
of the classic city. The best known example, with most ele-
ments of a classic city, is the settlement on Cariin grad, the
supposed Iustiniana Prima 62. This settlement shows urban
design with two perpendicular axes, with porticoes, several
public buildings and a well organized water supply. By far
the most prominent architecture is of a religious character,
comprising numerous lavishly decorated churches. Houses
are concentrated in the south-western part of the lower
town and reveal two construction techniques, namely walls
bonded with clay and wattle-and-daub walls63.
The large fortified settlements with certain urban ele-
ments, such as Gradina on Jelica, Markov grad near Vodno,
Vinica and Taor, can as yet not be classified into the group
of transformed cities due to insufficient investigation and
hence knowledge on the sites64. The most revealing in these
settlements is the layout of the Davina uer site, of which
the well preserved remains above ground as well as those
revealed by trial trenching show an urban layout with a city
square, church complexes, communications and suburbs65.
However, the city status of these settlements is not reliable
and it seems reasonable to consider them rather as large
countryside settlements.
For most Roman cities in Illyricum, life ceases in the
period towards the end of the sixth and the first half of the
seventh century. Alongside the gradual decline brought
about by social and economic changes, the cities suffered
a final blow from the Avar and Slavic incursions at the end
of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century66.
Sirmium, for example, was captured by Avars already in
582. Simple clay floors in some of the buildings in Stobi
prove the existence of the city continuing into the second
half of the sixth century, though it is known to have been
abandoned prior to the arrival of the Slavs67. Life in Heraclea
Lyncestis continued a while longer, with buildings in the city
centre including those occupied into the Middle Ages68. The
southern cities of Illyricum, in Greece, met a similar fate.
They were mostly abandoned between the last quarter of
the sixth and the first quarter of the seventh century; only
some of them showed clear signs of continuity into the
seventh century69.
EXTENSIVE SETTLEMENT CHANGES IN THE COUNTRYSIDE
Apart from cities, radical changes in the settlement
of Late Antique Illyricum are also observable in the
countryside. As with the cities, the extent of these changes
 Fig. 7. Romuliana. Buildings from the fourth-sixth century marked in green (Heinrich Tamáska 2011).
depends on geographic location and, with it, vulnerability
to barbaric incursions. Villas and other forms of lowland
settlement were gradually abandoned and, from the end
of the fourth century onwards, fortified settlements were
rapidly being established, mostly on naturally well protec-
ted elevations.
Contemporaneously with the last period of prosperity
of cities in the fourth century, it is possible to discern par-
tial prosperity also in the countryside. We can primarily
observe compaction of estates and hence a small number
of large villas, which is a phenomenon known across a large
part of the Empire70. These large and luxury villas include
numerous and well researched complexes in Hungary71, but
also at Bruckneudorf 72, Lofelbach73, Šmarje – Grobeljce74
and apljina Višii75.
Similarly as in the cities, profounder changes in the sett-
lement pattern of the countryside began in the second half
of the fourth and first half of the fifth century. Researchers
of the countryside in vast Illyricum have observed aban-
donment of villas already at the end of the fourth century,
with only rare villas persisting into the first half of the fifth
century and beyond76.
Several fortified villas show a change in function and
transformation into fortified countryside settlements. An
excellent example of this is Romuliana, a villa of Emperor
Galerius, where such a transformation is dated from the
last quarter of the fourth to the mid-fifth century77. New
living quarters and various workshops were set up in old
buildings; the first church also appears. Some of the rooms
have retained their function for a while, but eventually
succumbed to changes in the mid-fifth century. At the
turn of the fifth century, a cavalry unit is even believed to
have been stationed here78. A similar situation has been
observed in the fortified villa at Mogorjelo. It is believed to
have been abandoned around AD 400, but was later, in a
half dilapidated state, subdivided; some of the entrances
in the defence walls were walled-up and others narrowed79.
The composition of buildings in the complex at Pelenica
in Draevo, partly enclosed within defence walls, also indi-
cates a late countryside villa. It included traces of a three-
aisled basilica; on the basis of small finds and the mosaic,
it can be dated to the fourth and fifth centuries80.
This period of transformation is particularly marked
by a multitude of new fortified hilltop settlements. Some
were inhabited only occasionally and others permanently81.
They were built on naturally well protected locations and,
where necessary, additionally fortified. They were esta-
blished across a large part of Illyricum, though most are
poorly investigated and not clearly distinguishable from
the contemporary military posts on similar locations.
S. Cigleneèki: The Changing Relations... 239
 Fig. 8. Biograci. Fortified settlement from the forth-sixth century (Èremošnik 1987/1988).
The earliest fortified hilltop settlements from the Late
Roman period, are best known in the NW part of Illyricum,
in the eastern Alpine area, which was under greatest threat
due to its position on the main routes leading towards Italy
from the north82. Chronologically sensitive finds from these
settlements date their beginning in the second half of the
fourth century83. This is confirmed by an analysis of the coin
finds, which revealed an intensification of coin circulation
between 364 and 37884. The best researched among these
settlements include those on Brinjeva gora, Tinje above
Loka pri usmu, and Annikovo gradiše near Jurišna vas.
They were established on naturally well protected loca-
tions, had modest defence installations, but also stone
and wooden residential buildings in the interior85. In this
connection we should mention Ajdovšina above Rodik,
which differs considerably from the contemporary, as well
as subsequent settlements in its numerous buildings of
complex ground plans86.
Understanding the settlement in the countryside is
further hindered by the fact that, in Late Antiquity, the line
between military posts and civilian settlement became
blurred. Literary sources relate numerous instances of
garrisons being stationed in cities and fortified settlements,
while we can no longer detect classic military forts87. In the
absence of systematic investigation, it is very difficult to
distinguish between the two categories of sites. It is true,
however, that the multitude and the improvised execution
of defence installations do indicate an at least partial, if not
exclusive presence of civilian population. In light of this,
we should first proceed by mentioning the sites that show
a military character in their strategic location and items of
military equipment, but at the same time differ from the
reliably identified forts of the Claustra Alpium Iuliarum in
their defence and residential architecture. Such sites are on
Gradiše near Dunaj, Rudna near Rudnica, Zbelovska gora
and Šumenje88. A well researched site at the edge of the
Pannonian Plain is Kuzelin in the Prigorje region, Croatia,
where the concentration of coins and other finds indicates
240
life from the last quarter of the fourth to the first half of the
fifth century89. Its defence walls as well as wooden buildings
are indicative of a military post, while the site also yielded a
multitude of finds that rather point to the presence of civi-
lians, living there either permanently or only occasionally
and using the site as a refuge. To the west, in Friuli, a well
investigated site of this phase is on the hill of Invillino, where
the first more extensive settlement dates from the mid- or
second half of the fourth to the first half of the fifth century90.
Such settlements in the central and eastern Illyricum are
either not well known or were investigated in the time when
they were supposed to have been continually inhabited
from the fourth to the sixth century. An example of this is
the fortified settlement on Biograci, the construction of
which was supposed by Irma remošnik already at the end
of the third or in the beginning of the fourth century. Ano-
ther example is the fort in Gornji Vrbljani, the construction
of which Ivo Bojanovski dated to the first half of the fifth
century91. Recent investigations also brought more reliable
distinction between the forts of the Late Roman phase and
later forts from the sixth century. The well investigated
Gradina Ras in Serbia revealed several phases: the first
more intense habitation is dated to the beginning of the
fourth century, while the numerous closed layers in mostly
wooden buildings point to the peak in habitation primarily
in the second half and supposedly also in the beginning of
the fifth century92. The beginning of the Late Roman phase
on Gradina in Vrsenice, is dated to the seventh or eighth
decade of the fourth century93. Even for the systematically
investigated complex site on Jelica, Mihailo Milinkovi
allows for the theoretical possibility of limited habitation
already in the fourth/fifth century94. The early, phase has
also been observed in some of the fortified hilltop sett-
lement in Macedonia, Albania and Kosovo, though these
sites are not known well enough for the settlement phase of
this time to be positively identified, but also for the civilian
settlements to be distinguished from the military forts with
any certainty95.
 Fig. 9. Ostrovica. Central residential building within the villa from the sixth century (Rapaniæ 1984).
Fig. 10. Bosar. Remains of the settlement in the forefront and the fort of Korintija in the background.
In a great majority of sites, a continuous settlement
into the second half of the fifth century could not be
established. This discontinuity is particularly apparent on
Korinjski hrib, in the defence tower with a cistern, where the
buildings from the sixth century were constructed on top
the previously destroyed wooden remains from an earlier
phase96. On Gradina Ras, investigations revealed that the
sixth-century buildings in the NW part of the settlement
were constructed on a surface that had been levelled on two
previous occasions97. Although reliable stratigraphic data
are rare, the small finds from most such settlements never-
theless indicate a considerable hiatus in habitation between
the early fifth and the sixth century. In the neighbourhood
of Illyricum, to the west, two well researched settlements,
namely Invillino and Tonovcov Grad, each revealed two
settlements of a completely different layout, one from the
first and the other from the second half of the fifth century98.
The continuous habitation in most well researched
fortified hilltop settlements can only be evidenced until
the first third of the fifth, in exceptional cases until the
mid-fifth century. In connection with these is also the open
question of where the inhabitants of the abandoned cities
and countryside settlements took refuge in the second
third of the fifth century. It is possible that they retreated to
small, shoddily built temporary settlements, which cannot
be positively identified due to the improvised architecture,
scarce and chronologically less sensitive small finds, as well
as a cessation of a regular influx of money into circulation.
This population could, in times of peril, retreat to nearby
refuges, some of which are known, though poorly dated99.
This habitation hiatus could well be filled with the results
of intensive regional surface surveys, but these have so far
been conducted only in rare areas, primarily in southern
parts of Illyricum100.
Considerable shifts in habitation are again observable at
end of the fifth and beginning of the sixth century. Reliably
dated countryside villas are rare and known only in a narrow
strip along the shores of the Mediterranean. Examples of
these are at Muline on the island of Ugljan101, Akra Sophia
near Corinth102, and in Argolis and Messenia, supposedly
inhabited into the sixth century103. A very typical example
is the poorly investigated though well preserved remains
of the villa at Ostrovica kod Gata (Poljica), reliably dated
to the sixth century104. It comprises several buildings, of
S. Cigleneèki: The Changing Relations... 241
 Fig. 11. Gradec, Prapretno. Late Antique settlement (Cigleneèki 1987).
which the central building with walls still standing very
high shows a good quality of construction and various
architectonic details.
Even rarer are the examples of stone-built, but unforti-
fied settlements in the lowland. One such is at Bosar near
Baška, on the island of Krk, though it had natural protection
provided by its location on a poorly accessible part of the
island105. Life in this vast settlement, with at least three
churches, thus depended solely on maritime connections.
In times of peril, its population may have sought refuge on
the contemporary fort on Korintija above it.
In his overview of the countryside in Macedonia, Archi-
bald Dunn lists unprotected countryside settlements that
supposedly existed between the second and the sixth cen-
tury on the territory of Philippi. Extensive surveys in Cam-
pania revealed Late Antique settlements in the lowland, but
these could not be dated more precisely106.
Habitation in the lowland continues, in a substantially
altered form, in several complexes that had already been
fortified previously. The last phase of habitation in the for-
mer imperial villa of Romuliana is dated from the end of the
fifth to the beginning of the seventh century. In this period,
two buildings of a religious character, simple residential
buildings, storehouses and workshops were built in two
chronological horizons107.
At Mogorjelo, the double church, built into the ruins of
a former villa, is dated to the end of the fifth century108. The
orientation of the church stands apart from that of earlier
buildings, which clearly shows that these buildings had, at
that time, already been destroyed and the area levelled109.
The fortified area of this former villa revealed reparations
to the defence walls made in the Early Byzantine period,
242
while it also revealed small finds spanning from the fourth
to the sixth century and confirming the existence of a for-
tified settlement110.
The most clearly observable and best represented type
of settlement in the second half of the fifth and throughout
the sixth century is again a fortified hilltop settlement with
clear traces of continuous habitation. They can be traced
across Illyricum, from the eastern Alps to Greece. These
settlements grew within the span of several decades and
represent the basic form of settlement from the last third of
the fifth to the end of the sixth century, at places even into
the beginning of the seventh century111. Individual coins in
some of these settlements indicate that some of them may
have started in the 480s or even the 470s112. Most of them,
however, which saw extensive systematic investigations,
began in the 490s, some possibly even in the first decade
of the sixth century. This date is often corroborated by
contemporary cemeteries, which did not reveal finds that
could reliably be dated to a time prior to the end of the
fifth century113.
In comparison with the earlier group of fortified hilltop
settlements, these reveal a systematic construction of resi-
dential buildings according to a preconceived plan with one
or more churches on an exposed location and defence ins-
tallations adapted to the terrain114. It should be noted that
the housing within these settlements still shows high-qua-
lity construction, often of mortar-bound stones, which can
rarely be observed in residential buildings in contemporary
cities. Research shows that these settlements represented
the basic settlement type in a large part of Illyricum. It is,
however, beyond the scope of this contribution to present
all the settlements in this group, most of which were not
 Fig. 12. Èuker, Mokro polje. Fortified settlement from the sixth century (Cigleneèki 2003).
Fig. 13. Rifnik. Late Antique residential buildings on the south slope.
known several decades ago. They have been discussed
in several synthetic overviews that offer the preliminary
outline of their number and geographic distribution115.
Some also saw systematic investigations aimed at revea-
ling the structure and detailed chronology (for example on
Duel116, Hemmaberg117, Rifnik 118, Kuar119, Biograci120, Ras121,
Jelica122). In Macedonia, Mikuli attributed a number of
newly established fortified settlements to this time frame.
Although mostly only partially investigated, the finds thus
far recovered in them show that the sixth century represents
the most important phase in the construction of these sites.
Mikuli listed roughly 400 of them, while recent investiga-
tions point to an even higher number.
Earlier synthetic publications and the archaeological
lexicon of Bosnia and Herzegovina reveal the existence of
a large number of fortified settlements in the central part
of the province of Dalmatia, though the data are often too
limited to enable conclusions to be drawn123. More detailed
overviews of prehistoric hillforts in some of the karst poljes
of Bosnia revealed fortified settlements characterized by a
proteichisma as a distinctive feature of the Early Byzantine
forts. Thin defence walls as well as residential buildings were
built into old, prehistoric ramparts124. A very well known
example of such a settlement is at uker near Mokro polje,
investigated by Ejnar Dyggve125.
Some of the numerous fortified settlements, particularly
those in less exposed areas, can be seen as mere refuges.
They may have been in use for a short period, in times of se-
rious peril, by a population otherwise living in the lowland.
An example of such a refuge is to be found in Kupreško
polje, where Sergejevski discovered two fortified Late
Antique settlements as well as contemporary Late Antique
settlements at the foot of the respective hills. In the latter,
the best investigated and dated are the churches126. A simi-
lar situation has been indicated for the above-mentioned
unfortified settlement at Bosar and the fort of Korintija on
the hill above it. In Macedonia, such a fortified settlement
is at Gradište in Negotin, with extensive remains of Late
Antique buildings investigated in its vicinity127. A number
of other, similar examples can be found, but the associated
settlement at the feet of the hillforts are poorly known and
loosely dated, usually only determined on the basis of the
better determinable remains of churches. In light of this,
the settlement pattern will be better discernible with of the
results systematic investigations. For now, we have to make
do with being aware of the possibility of a concurrent use
of unfortified as well as fortified settlements and refuges,
possibly even military forts.
In southern Illyricum, the systematic intensive surveys
conducted in Boeotia showed that the decline of the city
of Thespiae coincided with the intensification of life in
countryside settlements in its hinterland128.
Similarly as cities, the countryside also saw numerous
fortified settlements growing in the time of Emperor Jus-
tinian. Concurrently with new cities such as Cariin grad
(supposed Iustiniana Prima), a number of other, fortified
settlements appear, primarily in eastern Illyricum129. In
the western part, the Justinian period revealed changes
and additions to the already existing fortified settlements,
primarily concerning church architecture130.
In Serbia, Mihailo Milinkovi observed that most of the
investigated hilltop settlements have a single phase, begin-
ning in the 530s and lasting to the beginning of the seventh
century131. He set apart the large settlement on Gradina
S. Cigleneèki: The Changing Relations... 243
 Fig. 14. Èuèer and Vodno. Large fortified settlements from the sixth century (Mikulèiæ 2002).
on Jelica, as a particularly well researched example, the
beginning of which is determined by small finds into the
time around 530132. Smaller in size, but similar in date are
the settlements on Postenje-Gradina, Pazarište-Gradina,
Ostrovica-Zlostup, Djurdjevica-Djerekare and Lis-ava133.
The beginning of some of the very numerous fortified sett-
lements in Macedonia can also be dated to the Justinian
period, with insufficient investigation elsewhere hindering
more such settlements to be identified134.
In the last phase of the newly built hilltop settlements, the
line between the less inhabited cities and large countryside
settlements becomes blurred. The most important features
of both are their defence walls and towers, as well as public
buildings such as churches, residential buildings for the
clergy, often also buildings for stationing garrisons135.
We should also bear in mind the issue, mentioned
already in connection with the early group of fortified hill-
top settlements, but pertinent in relation to military forts
enumerated by Procopius for some of the provinces of Illy-
ricum, namely the blurred line between military posts and
civilian settlements. A predominantly military character can
244
primarily be ascribed to the numerous forts in Dalmatia,
particularly on islands, but even these cannot always be
reliably determined as to their function and date136.
The multitude of hilltop settlements includes, according
to Mikuli, a group of sites he named either ‘oppida’ or
‘oppidula’137. These supposedly replaced the abandoned
Roman cities and afforded a continuation of life on bet-
ter protected locations of a smaller size. The best visible
public buildings in them are churches. Very rarely do these
settlements show traces of the classic urban design. A very
revealing example in this sense is the afore-mentioned
uer, the good preservation of which affords an insight
into the structure of the small late cities138. uer is further
important for its size, which is close to that of contemporary
Cariin grad, Heraclea and Bargala139. Also attributable to
this group are the somewhat smaller settlements at Taor,
Vodno and Vinica140. Despite their partial state of investiga-
tion, they appear to offer the best answer as to the relocation
of the population once living in cities towards the interior.
If this group was deemed not sufficiently known and
limited to the area of Macedonia and Serbia, the growing
number of partly investigated Late Antique settlements
elsewhere indicates the existence of similar fortified settle-
ments with a central role in a region, with an ecclesiastical
presence, a military significance and a strong civilian com-
ponent. Such settlements on the western edge of Illyricum
are Kranj and Bosar141. These are not cities in the classic
sense, but do have a central role within the settlement
network of Late Antiquity.
Another topic that warrants an in-depth discussion is
the sites that are better known primarily along the coast of
the Adriatic and appearing towards the end of the sixth and
beginning of the seventh century. Anonymus Cosmographer
of Ravenna mentions them as civitates, but their location
and extent in most cases show the characteristics of fortified
settlements on well protected peninsulas142. They are the
typical representatives of the fortified settlements of Late
Antiquity that used the location along the coast for their
protection, but also took advantage of maritime routes.
CONCLUSION
The overview above is made on the basis of a modest
selection of cities and countryside settlements, but it never-
theless allows us to make certain important observation and
draw several conclusions. It should first be observed that Illy-
ricum witnessed, after the last more extensive construction
efforts, a process of degradation and abandonment of cities
that began in many parts towards the end of the fourth or
the beginning of the fifth century, and became even stronger
after the mid-fifth century. Following a short intermission,
revival of certain cities is perceptible in the second third of
the sixth century, in the time of Emperor Justinian.
The architecture of the last phases of cities shows an
emphasis on the church and very rarely other buildings,
while residential architecture is modest and incorporates
workshops. Most buildings have walls bonded with clay.
Such buildings are mostly concentrated in pockets within
the cities, with small cemeteries sometimes observed in
their vicinity. The cities show a marked degradation and
an intensified ruralisation of the city area.
New cities, the Late Antique civitates, no longer com-
parable with the classic cities, are perceptible in this area
only in the time of Justinian, in the coastal areas also in the
time of the Avar incursions towards the end of the sixth and
beginning of the seventh century.
The weakening of cities and abandonment of villas went
hand in hand with numerous new settlements (mostly forti-
fied) appearing in the countryside. The areas under greater
threat reveal, in the second half of the fourth century, the
beginning of the first fortified hilltop settlements, though the
current state of investigation makes it difficult to differen-
tiate between military posts and civilian settlements. Their
number, however, certainly indicates a frequent civilian use.
The middle and the second half of the fifth century is
a time least well known as far as the understanding of the
1
In overview in R. BRATO, Izseljevanje prebivalstva iz zahodnega Ilirika v 5. in 6. stoletju: Vojni ujetniki in begunci v pozni antiki (Die Auswanderung
der Bevölkerung Westillyricums im 5. und 6. Jahrhundert: Kriegsgefangene und Flüchtlinge in der Spätantike), in T. Šenk (ed.), Arhivistika – zgodovina
–pravo: Vilfanov spominski zbornik, Ljubljana, 2007, 247-284.
2
D. CLAUDE, Die Byzantinische Stadt im 6. Jahrhundert, München, 1969; J. H. W. G. LIEBESCHUETZ, The Decline and Fall of the Roman City, Oxford,
2001; H. SARADI, The Byzantine City in the Sixth Century. Literary Images and Historical Reality, Athens, 2006.
settlement is concerned. A fateful rupture was caused by
devastating Hunnic incursions, particularly along the main
routes towards the Balkans and Italy. The Hunnic invasion
undoubtedly represented, alongside economic and social
changes, the incentive for a radical change in the settlement
pattern. After the mid-fifth century, numerous cities were
either completely destroyed or scraped along in a conside-
rably smaller extent. Residential architecture of this period
is archaeologically least well known. We may surmise the
use of several half-ruined parts of cities or small construc-
tions in the countryside, but also occasional use of refuges
on fortified hilltops.
Towards the end of the fifth century, a large part of Illy-
ricum saw final shifts in the settlement. The countryside
witnessed an accelerated building of new and reuse of old
hilltop settlements and refuges, some of which even appear
to have functioned as regional centres. In the latter, simple
but well made buildings with walls bonded with mortar are
often observed alongside churches and rare other public
buildings.
The geographically, but also politically and economically
varied area that was Illyricum reveals many differences, but
also important common characteristics, namely a common
trend of settlement shifts, which varies from region to region
in speed and intensity. The periods of rupture highlighted
above are visible both in the cities and in the countryside;
cities in a large part of Illyricum become weaker, while the
countryside sees an increasing number of fortified settle-
ments and refuges. This represents fundamental shifts in
settlement, with previously poorly inhabited and poorly
accessible hilly areas now often receiving inhabitants.
These shifts of population to fortified hilltop settlements
are visible already in the Late Roman period, but become
more intensive in western Illyricum towards the end of the
fifth and in the eastern Illyricum from the 530s onwards.
The settlement picture changes once more at the end of
the sixth or the beginning of the seventh century, when
habitation again moves to the plains. This is also a time of
a complete transformation of residential architecture that
falls to the pre-Roman level and can be tied, across a large
part of Illyricum, with the residential culture of newcomers.
It may be concluded that the processes observable in
Illyricum are comparable to those elsewhere and thus
have a universal quality. On the other hand, the distinctive
feature in Illyricum is in the settlement of the countryside,
where the prevalent mode of habitation is a fortified hilltop
settlement. The exposed location of Illyricum within the
Roman Empire thus influenced the early transformation
of the settlement pattern in comparison to other parts of
the Empire, but also caused the most massive shifts in the
settlement. The numerous hilltop settlements represent the
last expression of the Antique settlement tradition and have
retained numerous civilizational elements of the Antiquity
all to the end of the sixth, in many places even into the first
decades of the seventh century.
S. Cigleneèki: The Changing Relations... 245
3
Dalmatia is well presented by Sui (M. SUI, Antièki grad na istoènom Jadranu, Zagreb, 1976 and id., Antièki grad na istoènom Jadranu, Zagreb, 2003
(2. dopolnjena izdaja), while the situation in Noricum and Pannonia is shown in M. Šašel Kos, P. Scherrer (edd.), The autonomous Towns of Noricum
and Pannonia. Noricum, Situla, 40, 2002 and M. Šašel Kos, P. Scherrer (edd.), The autonomous Towns of Noricum and Pannonia. Pannonia I, Situla, 41,
2003, though here the period of Late Antiquity is only marginally presented. For the eastern Illyricum see: I. MIKULI, Antièki gradovi vo Makedonija
(Antike Städte in der Republik Makedonien), Skopje, 1999; J.-P. SODINI, L’habitat urbain en Grèce à la veille des invasions, in Villes et peuplement dans
l’Illyricum protobyzantin, Colloque organisé par l’Ecole Française de Rome 1982, Rome, 1984, 314-397; id. The Transformation of Cities in Late Antiquity
within the Provinces of Macedonia and Epirus, in A. G. Poulter (ed.), The Transition to Late Antiquity. On the Danube and Beyond, Proceedings of the
British Academy, 141, Oxford, 2007, 311-336.
4
I. MIKULI, Der Untergang der Paläste im spätantiken Stobi, Nordmakedonien, in D. Papenfuss, V. M. Strocka (edd.), Palast und Hütte. Bauen und
wohnen im Altertum, (Symposium der Alexander von Humboldt- Stiftung, Berlin 25.-30. Nov. 1979), Mainz am Rhein, 1982, 535-544; V. POPOVI, ibid.
545-566; G. P. BROGIOLO, Lo scavo di via Alberto Mario, in G. Panazza, G. P. Brogiolo (edd.), Ricerche su Brescia altomedievale 1, Brescia, 1988; G. P.
BROGIOLO (ed.), S. Giulia di Brescia. Gli scavi dal 1980 al 1992. Reperti preromani, romani e alto medievali, Firenze, 1999; B. WARD-PERKINS, From
Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages. Urban Public Buildings in Northern and Central Italy AD 300-850, Oxford, 1984.
5
In overview in S. P. ELLIS, Roman Housing, London, 2000; I. BALDINI LIPPOLIS, La domus tardoantica. Forme e rappresentazioni dello spazio domestico
nelle città del Mediterraneo, Bologna, Imola, 2001, 74-94; K. BOWES, Houses and Society in the Later Roman Empire, London, 2010, 55-58.
6
S. LADSTÄTTER, Die Spätantike, in V. GASSNER, S. JILEK, S. LADSTTÄTTER, Am Rande des Reiches. Die Römer in Österreich, Wien, 2002, 318-319.
7
B. MIGOTTI, Arheološka graa iz ranokršanskog razdoblja u kontinentalnoj Hrvatskoj, in Od nepobjedivog sunca do sunca pravde. Rano kršæanstvo
u kontinetnalnoj Hrvatskoj, Zagreb, 1994, 47-48; T. LOLI, Colonia Flavia Siscia, in M. Šašel Kos, P. Scherrer (edd.), The autonomous Towns of Noricum
and Pannonia. Pannonia I, Situla, 41, 2003, 143-144.
8
V. POPOVI, op. cit.. 549.
9
I. MIKULI, Frühchristlicher Kirchenbau in der S. R. Makedonien, in Corso di cultura sull'arte ravennate e bizantina, 33, 1986, 230; I. BALDINI
LIPPOLIS, op. cit., 298-302; D. GERASIMOVSKA, House Development in the Cities of the Republic of Macedonia throughout Antiquity, Haemus Journal
1, 2012, 108-110.
10
I. MIKULI, op. cit., 1982, 536.
11
J.-P. SODINI, op.cit., 1984, 344-353; I. BALDINI LIPPOLIS, op. cit., 147-158.
12
R. KREMPUŠ, B. MUŠI, M. NOVŠAK, Celeia (Noricum). Topographische Erkenntnisse 1992-2002, in L. Borhy, P. Zsidi (edd.), Die norisch-panno-
nischen Städte und das römische Heer im Lichte der neuesten archäologischen Forschungen, Aquincum nostrum 2. 3., 2005, 208-209; J. HORVAT, M.
LOVENJAK, A. DOLENC VII, M. LUBŠINA TUŠEK, M. TOMANI JEVREMOV, Z. ŠUBIC, Poetovio. Development and Topography, in M. Šašel Kos, P.
Scherrer (edd.), The Autonomous Towns of Noricum and Pannonia, Pannonia I, Situla, 41, 2003, 157, 162.
13
F. GLASER, Castra und Höhensiedlungen in Kärnten und Nordtirol, in H. Steuer, V. Bierbrauer, M. Hoeper (edd.), Höhensiedlungen zwischen Antike
und Mittelalter von den Ardennen bis zur Adria, (Ergänzungsbände zum Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, Bd. 58), 2008, Berlin, New
York, 597-608.
14
In overview in S. CIGLENEKI, Von römischen Städten zu spätantiken Höhensiedlungen zentralörtlichen Charakters, in J. Machaek, Š. Ungerman
(edd.), Frühgeschichtliche Zentralorte in Mitteleuropa, Studien zur Archäologie Europas, 14, Bonn, 2011, 185.
15
S. P. ELLIS, The end of the Roman House, American Journal of Archaeology 92, 1988, 567-569.
16
I. MIKULI, op. cit., 1982, 536; I. MIKULI, op. cit., 1986, 253.
17
J. R. WISEMAN, The City in Macedonia Secunda, in Villes et peuplement dans l’Illyricum protobyzantin, Colloque organisé par l’Ecole Française de
Rome 1982, Rome, 1984, 295, 301-302.
18
D. GERASIMOVSKA, op. cit. , 109-110.
19
I. MIKULI, op. cit., 1986, 232.
20
V. POPOVI, op. cit., 550.
21
Ib., 554.
22
I. MIKULI, op. cit., 1986, 235; I. MIKULI, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen in Nordmakedonien. Städte, Vici, Refugien, Kastelle,
Münchner Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte 54, München, 2002, 268.
23
H. SARADI, op. cit.. 197.
24
J.-P. SODINI, op. cit., 2007, 327-328.
25
G. P. BROGIOLO, op. cit., 1988.
26
Id. (ed.), op. cit., 1999, 14-15.
27
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Cemetery unpublished, grave preliminary presented in M. LUBŠINA TUŠEK, Izroilo preteklosti med Potrevo in Volkmajerjevo cesto na Ptuju, in
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O. KARAGIORGOU, op. cit., 154 and 156.
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V. POPOVI, op. cit., 551.
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I. MIKULI, op. cit., 1982, 537.
37
Id., op. cit., 2002, 268.

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J. –P. SODINI, op. cit., 2007, 320.
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M. SUI, op. cit., 1976, 238; id., op. cit., 2003; Z. GUNJAA, Kasnoantika fortifikacijska arhitektura na istonojadranskom priobalju i otocima, Ma-
terijali 22, 1986, 124-136; . TOMII, Auf der Spur der Reconquista Iustiniana: spätantike Befestigungsanlagen an der Nordküste Kroatiens, Prilozi
Odjela za arheologiju, 10, 1996, 103-116.
137
I. MIKULI, Spätantike Fortifikationen in der S.R. Makedonien, in Corso di cultura sull’ arte ravennate e bizantina 33, 1986, 266-271.
138
See note 62.
139
V. LILI, Davina Kula, uer, 2000, Makedonsko nasledstvo (Macedonian Heritage), 6/15, 2001, 30-40.
140
K. RISTOV, Tauresium. Moneti od arheološki istrauvanja (Coins from archaeologicala excavations), Muzej na grad Skopje, Skopje, 2012; I. MIKULI,
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S. CIGLENEKI, op. cit., 2011, 187-188, 190-191.
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M. SUI, op. cit., 1976, 341-342; id., op. cit., 2003, 362-363; J. MEDINI, Provincia Liburnia, Diadora, 9, 1980, 393-400; S. AE, Civitates Dalmatiae
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S. Cigleneèki: The Changing Relations... 249

 MIJENE U RELACIJAMA IZMEÐU GRADOVA I UNUTRAŠNJOSTI U KASNOANTIÈKOM ILIRIKU
SAŽETAK
U kasnoj antici dogaa se radikalna promjena naseo-
binske strukture: gradovi gube na veliini i znaenju, a
u unutrašnjosti formiraju se pored starih i mnogi novi
tipovi naseobina. Na nekolicini primjera u Iliriku prikazan
je proces transformacije kasnoantikih gradova gdje se
pored kontinuiteta nekih centara izlau i druga rešenja:
sve od propasti i potpuna uništenja gradova, radikalnog
smanjenja i pauperizacije, pa sve do nastanka posljednjih
temeljito promijenjenih gradova. Taj proces osvijetljen je
na osnovi skromnih ostataka najkasnijih zgrada i primi-
tivnih struktura koje su se smjestile u tkivo starijih zgrada,
promjenom mree gradskih komunikacija i prisutnošu
grobova u unutrašnjosti bedemom zaštienih gradova.
Ove se promjene naroito dobro oituju u Teurniji, Sirmiju,
Stobima, Herakleji Lynkestis, Ateni, Demetriadi, Butrintu,
Korintu i Cariinom Gradu.
250 Hortus Artium Mediev. Vol. 20/1 232-250
Ove promjene nije mogue shvatiti bez poznavanja
suvremene naseobinske slike u unutrašnjosti, koja u Iliriku
iskazuje itav niz novih naseobinskih oblika, kako utvrenih
tako i neutvrenih, koje su sluile civilnoj populaciji. Pored
skromnih ostataka rimskih vila, utvrenih ladanjskih dvo-
raca i nezaštienih naseobina, za ugroeni teritorij Ilirika
su naroito karakteristine utvrene visinske naseobine. U
sjeverozapadnom dijelu Ilirika koji je bio najviše ugroen,
pojavljuju se mjestimino ve u drugoj polovini 4. stoljea, a
masovno se grade u drugoj polovini 5. stoljea. U istonom
njegovom dijelu je gradnju mogue datirati uglavnom u 6.
stoljee, najveim dijelom u doba cara Justinijana.
Ova naseobinska struktura promijenjena je tek krajem
6. ili na poetku 7. stoljea, kad dolazi do cjelokupnog
preobraaja stambene arhitekture na razinu koju je imala
u predrimsko vrijeme.
S. Cigleneèki THE CHANGING RELATIONS...