J Archaeol Res (2010) 18:151–201

DOI 10.1007/s10814-009-9036-8

The Archaeological Study of Spanish Colonialism

in the Americas

Mary Van Buren

Published online: 31 December 2009

Ó Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2009

Abstract Spanish colonial archaeology has undergone a fundamental shift since

the Columbian Quincentenary due to the adoption of a bottom-up understanding of
colonialism that emphasizes the analysis of local phenomena in a global context and
the active ways in which people negotiated the processes set in motion by the
conquest. This review examines five key research foci: culture change and identity,
missionization, bioarchaeology, economics, and investigations of the colonial core.
It ends with a consideration of ongoing challenges posed by the archaeology of
colonialism, particularly the relationship of the individual to broader social
processes and the emerging role of comparison.

Keywords Spanish colonialism
Archaeology
Identity
Missions

Introduction

Spanish colonial archaeology has undergone a fundamental shift in perspective over

the last few decades, one that is invigorating the field and encouraging archaeologists
to participate more fully in the broader dialogue in which historical anthropology
engages. This transformation is due to two theoretical perspectives whose influence
became apparent in the 1990s. First was a bottom-up understanding of colonialism
that emphasizes the agency of local actors and the varied consequences of European
expansion, an approach that was explicated most cogently by Wolf (1982). This was
followed by a theoretical current that draws on the ideas of Bourdieu (1977) and
Giddens (1984) to reframe the issue of culture change in terms of the mutually
constitutive interaction of human actors and social structures, particularly with

M. Van Buren (&)

Department of Anthropology, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO 80523, USA
e-mail: mary.vanburen@colostate.edu

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regard to the often strategic production of new identities. While drawing from
different theoretical sources, both of these approaches are characterized by an
interest in the effects of European expansion on the full range of people who were
caught up in this process, a rejection of the concept of discrete, bounded cultures, and
an emphasis on the active ways in which individuals and social groups negotiated the
processes set in motion by the conquest.
This article reviews developments in the field since 1992 and includes research
conducted by North and Latin American scholars. Coverage of the latter as well as
research produced in the context of cultural resource management in the United
States is less complete due to the difficulties of locating materials. While historical
sources are critical to this subfield, for reasons of space, only archaeology,
bioarchaeology, and some research in underwater archaeology are included. The
review begins with a brief discussion of work produced in association with the
Columbian Quincentenary, followed by an overview of recent research organized in
terms of five key issues that crosscut regions: culture change and identity,
missionization, the biological consequences of colonization, the changing nature of
economic activities, and the urban core. Within each of these bodies of research,
investigators have emphasized the highly variable ways in which people negotiated,
embraced, resisted, and were transformed by their incorporation into a new world
order. The final section briefly considers some of the ongoing challenges posed by
the archaeology of colonialism, particularly with regard to the relationship of the
individual to broader cultural processes, and the emerging role of comparison in
what is often an ideographic endeavor.

The Columbian Quincentenary

The Quincentenary of Columbus’ first voyage to the Americas generated a spate of

publications by historical archaeologists, but the literature produced for the event
itself does not represent a break from previous research traditions. Most of this work
falls into one of two categories: compendia of research that had been conducted in
the decade preceding the event, and visually appealing books intended for the general
public.
The breadth of archaeological, ethnohistoric, and demographic studies of Spanish
colonialism conducted up to 1992 is reflected most notably in Columbian
Consequences, a three-volume collection based on a series of symposia on the
Spanish borderlands that was initiated by the Society for American Archaeology
(Thomas 1989, 1990, 1991; see also Thomas 1992), and the Spanish Borderlands
Sourcebooks, 27 volumes of reprinted articles and source materials, each with an
introductory essay by a specialist. The first two volumes of Columbian Consequences
consist of brief synopses of specific issues that are organized geographically; the
third concludes with a series of essays on the future of borderlands scholarship.
However, only Thomas (1989, 1991) argues for an explicitly different orientation, a
‘‘cubist’’ perspective that rejects the notion of a single truth and encourages the
examination of phenomena from multiple perspectives. Although this is a powerful
metaphor, the volumes themselves primarily reflect differences in regional and

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disciplinary focus rather than the more profound differences generated by distinct
epistemologies (e.g., Sued-Badillo 1992).
Neither are new ways to conceptualize the effects of European expansion
explored in the primary vehicles used by the Society for Historical Archaeology to
commemorate the Quincentenary. The SHA sponsored a series of guides to the
archaeological literature of the immigrant experience in America (e.g., Ayers 1995;
Ewen 1990) and published a special issue of Historical Archaeology (Farnsworth
and Williams 1992) for the event. The guides are primarily bibliographic in nature,
and the special issue of Historical Archaeology includes an eclectic set of articles on
various issues in the investigation of colonial and Republican sites in the northern
borderlands and Mexico that are grounded primarily in processual and economic
perspectives (Figure 1).
A number of other scholarly works were published as a result of symposia or
other events organized to mark the Quincentenary. These include, for example, an
edited volume based on a symposium sponsored by the British Academy (Bray
1994) and a series of papers on Latin American colonial archaeology from a
symposium held at the 1992 Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical
Archaeology in Jamaica (Gasco et al. 1997). An important volume edited by Verano
and Ubelaker (1992) highlighting the variable effects of diseases introduced into the
Americas by Europeans was produced in conjunction with seminars organized by
the National Museum of Natural History, and another on a similar theme (Larsen
and Milner 1994) was based on a symposium at the American Association of
Physical Anthropology meetings. The Quincentenary also inspired, in part, the
innovative project developed by Steckel and Rose (2002) to facilitate communi-
cation between historians and physical anthropologists who shared an interest in
historical patterns of illness and health in the Americas. A 1988 Society for
American Archaeology symposium exploring the consequences of European
expansion from both ethnohistoric and archaeological perspectives resulted in
Ethnohistory and Archaeology (Rogers and Wilson 1993). The latter is one of the
few works that explicitly addresses the challenge of integrating archaeological and
historical data (see also Galloway 1991 and Gannon 1992).
Not surprisingly, scholarly recognition of the Quincentenary was most
pronounced in the circum-Caribbean. In the Dominican Republic, Veloz Maggiolo
and Ortega (1992) produced a volume on the foundation of Santo Domingo to
commemorate the event, and the Ripley P. Bullen Columbus Quincentenary Series
was initiated by the University Press of Florida (McEwan 1993; Milanich and
Hudson 1993; Milanich and Milbrath 1989; Weisman 1992). Much of this work is
about the early exploration of La Florida, particularly de Soto’s entrada, a topic that
continues to elicit both scholarly and popular interest (Ewen and Hann 1998).
Additional works published for the educated public include Milanich’s (1995) long-
term history of Florida Indians before and after the Spanish conquest, and Seeds of
Change (Viola and Margolis 1991), based on a Smithsonian exhibition of the same
name. Many of these volumes are excellent examples of the presentation of current
archaeological interpretations by experts to the public in an accessible and
beautifully illustrated format.

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San Francisco Pueblos

San Luis
Santa San Luis Rey
Los Adaes de Talimali
Cruz San Diego
San Juan
Santa Catalina
Santa
Fort Mose
Barbara Santa Maria St. Augustine
Channel de Galve
Puerto Real
Otumba Yaxcab
La Isabela
Havana
Mexico
City
Soconusco La Guaira
Region

Caracas

Bogot

Quito
Cuenca

M rrope

Colca Valley
Potos
Moquegua

Mendoza Guaran
Missions
Buenos Aires

Amalia
Sites

Fig. 1 Approximate locations of sites mentioned in text

This discussion is not meant to denigrate the scholarship that was published in
conjunction with the Quincentenary but to point out that, for the most part, this body
of work did not constitute a new vision of Spanish colonial archaeology. Little in the
way of explicit critical reflection, synthesis, or programmatic statements regarding
future research was published at the time of the event. However, the Quincentenary
coincided with a shift in theoretical perspective within archaeology as a whole,
specifically the incorporation of postprocessual approaches, variants of which
have come to dominate the field of historical archaeology in the United States. As
Deagan (1998) notes, few archaeologists of Spanish colonialism explicitly espouse

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postmodern theory, and many investigators continue to pursue their previous

research agendas. However, a number have successfully articulated their research
with two general theoretical currents that are prevalent in the broader intellectual
community, namely, an interest in the varied ways in which people negotiated,
resisted, embraced, and sometimes even escaped incorporation into the global
economy, and a concern with the formation of identities in internally diverse
communities characterized by marked differences in power. The first is influenced
by Wolf’s (1982) examination of the effects of European expansion, and the second
is informed, often very generally, by the postmodern concern with identity, power,
and praxis.

Columbian consequences: Destruction, transformation, creation

Archaeological research on the Spanish colonial period is extremely diverse, shaped

in part by the history of particular regions as well as the research traditions that have
developed within them. However, many investigators are concerned with five broad
themes that crosscut regions and the specific historical trajectories of particular
groups: identity and culture change, the demographic effects of European
expansion, missionization, the changing nature of economic activities, and
urbanization. In all of these areas researchers have emphasized the varied ways in
which people responded to conquest and colonization.

Identity and culture change

The dominant theme in Spanish colonial archaeology—particularly within the

northern borderlands—has long been the issue of culture change, initially phrased in
terms of acculturation. The early history of these concepts and their adoption by
archaeologists has been expertly addressed by Cusick (1998). The best-known
archaeological approach to culture change within this intellectual tradition was
developed by Deagan (1974, 1983) in her landmark research on colonial St.
Augustine. Deagan integrated a processual interest in adaptation with ideas about
acculturation that were drawn from scholars such as Foster (1960) in her examination
of the emergence of creole society in a frontier setting. By employing the pattern
recognition method developed by South (1978), she discovered that the Spanish
colonial pattern at St. Augustine differed from the Carolina pattern associated with
British colonists, primarily in the large percentage of indigenous wares present in the
kitchen activities category (Deagan 2005). This occurred at all socioeconomic levels,
even though higher-status households had larger percentages of European goods
overall. Deagen explained this in terms of gendered spheres of action, with public,
male activities associated with higher-status European objects, and more private,
female activities involving lower-status indigenous goods and also frequently
conducted by indigenous women who married into Spanish households. The result of
these processes was both biological and cultural mestizaje, the development of a new
form of American culture that combined elements from colonizing and colonized
groups.

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Deagan’s approach to the emergence of a creole American culture has been

especially influential in the southeastern United States and Caribbean, where she and
her many students have produced an impressive array of studies on European, Native
American, and African groups under Spanish rule. Most notably, Deagan directed
two large, multidisciplinary projects that examined early Spanish adaptations to life
in Hispaniola, one at La Isabela and the other at Puerto Real. The investigation of La
Isabela (Deagan 1996a; Deagan and Cruxent 2002a, b) was a multinational project
that was initiated by the Dominican Republic in 1987 in anticipation of the
Quincentenary. This site, the first intentional European colony in the Americas, was
established by Columbus in 1493 with a contingent of over 1500 who arrived well
equipped to recreate a medieval Spanish town. Nonetheless, the community was
ravaged by illness and food shortages; by 1498 it was abandoned after a group of
rebels sacked the town and established an independent community among Indian
allies. Deagan and Cruxent argue convincingly that La Isabela represents a failed
attempt at transplanting Spanish lifeways directly to Hispaniola without accommo-
dating to local conditions. The genesis of a successful, truly American culture can be
traced, instead, to subsequent communities in which nonelite households combined
cultural practices, frequently—but not always—as the result of intermarriage.
The process of creolization is evident at the slightly later site of Puerto Real,
Haiti, one of 13 towns established in 1503 by the Spanish government to gain
control of Hispaniola (Deagan 1996a). Diets, for instance, were adjusted to local
conditions, with cattle (a species that adapted rapidly to the local environment)
rather than sheep or goats providing the most meat; a variety of wild resources were
consumed as well (Deagan and Cruxent 2002a, p. 291; Reitz and McEwan 1995).
Also unlike La Isabela, utilitarian ceramics at Puerto Real are dominated by locally
produced, non-European wares. For a brief period these were Taino in origin, but
indigenous ceramics were rapidly replaced by colono ware, a shift that reflects the
demise of the native population and the importation of African slaves (Smith 1995).
Ewen’s dissertation research at Puerto Real (Ewen 1991, 2000) constituted a
systematic test of the process of creolization identified by Deagan at St. Augustine.
To accomplish this he examined artifacts and faunal remains from a high-status
household in light of a series of test implications that he derived from Deagan’s
model. The results indicate that similar processes took place at both settlements;
Ewen argues that creolization may have proceeded in much the same fashion
throughout the Spanish empire. However, the investigation of sites in the Andes and
Mexico City suggests that there were regional differences in the proportions of
indigenous and Hispanic goods, particularly ceramics, consumed by households.
Both Smith (1997), who studied colonial wineries in the southern Peruvian valley of
Moquegua, and Van Buren (1999), who examined an elite recreational home near
Potosı́, Bolivia, found that while the basic trend is similar in that European-style
pottery was more frequently employed in public contexts, the Andean assemblages
were overwhelmingly dominated by locally produced ceramics, including indige-
nous table wares, even in wealthy households. A number of factors could account
for this difference, including the continued availability of native wares and the lack
of access to contraband goods in the Andes. Yet the larger point is that while
identification of the Spanish colonial pattern provided an important insight into the

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roles played by gender and socioeconomic status in circum-Caribbean culture

change, it cannot account for the diverse processes that shaped household
consumption—or culture change—throughout the empire.
More recently, Rodrı́guez-Alegrı́a (2005a, b) and Voss (2008) have offered more
fundamental criticisms of Deagan’s model. Rodrı́guez-Alegrı́a argues against the
underlying assumption that Spaniards universally attempted to distinguish them-
selves from indigenous groups when possessing the means to do so. His analysis of
assemblages from four households occupied by Spaniards in the colonial core of
Mexico City revealed that traditional Aztec serving wares as well as majolicas were
used by all of them, but in varying proportions. Yet, socioeconomic status does not
seem to have determined the quantity of majolicas consumed. A household occupied
by two powerful Spaniards had higher percentages of indigenous serving vessels than
did nearby renters, a pattern that Rodrı́guez-Alegrı́a interprets as reflecting the
strategic decisions of individuals, some of whom used indigenous serving wares in
contexts in which the collaboration of native peoples was sought. The ubiquity of
Aztec-tradition serving wares in European households in Mexico City makes it clear
that Spaniards did not uniformly reject indigenous culture, and the possibility that the
decision to use these objects was shaped by strategic concerns warrants further
investigation. Yet the fact that the pattern of ceramic use in the core of the empire—
Mexico City and the Andes—differs from that of the circum-Caribbean area does
suggest that regional circumstances also played a role. The distinctive demographic
and historical conditions in the core, most notably the presence of highly stratified
native societies with long traditions of craft specialization, may have influenced the
degree to which native goods were both available and accepted.
Voss (2008) also questions the general applicability of Deagan’s model and
criticizes the assumptions underlying it, particularly the use of binary categories
such as ‘‘public’’ and ‘‘private’’ to analyze household assemblages and the argument
that intermarriage between Spaniards and natives explains their syncretic nature.
While Voss reiterates the importance of race and gender in the examination of
colonialism, she argues that broader economic processes must be investigated in
addition to domestic arrangements. By examining colonial labor regimes, she is able
to articulate these two scales of analysis, proposing, for example, ways in which
tribute systems would have made certain kinds of food and ceramics available to
households that were created by coercion as well as marriage.
Rodrı́guez-Alegrı́a’s and Voss’s work reflect the different ways of conceptual-
izing culture change in colonial contexts that have emerged over the last decade,
approaches that place more emphasis on the individual negotiation of identity within
communities characterized by highly diverse populations and large disparities in
power. Deagan (1998) discusses the development of these ideas in the wake of the
Quincentenary, which she argues had profound consequences for the way in which
archaeologists have conceptualized culture change in the circum-Caribbean area.
Earlier models of unidirectional culture change have been subsumed by approaches
that emphasize the dialectical nature of the relationship between colonizers and
colonized and the active negotiation of identity by both; what was previously
understood as acculturation has come to be viewed instead as transculturation,
creolization, and ethnogenesis, processes that were shaped by local factors and

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resulted in varied outcomes. Deagan attributes this critical shift to the dialogue
engendered by the anniversary of Columbus’ voyage, which was informed by the
concept of transculturation developed by the Cuban cultural anthropologist Ortiz
(1940), as well as the influence of postmodern thought on archaeology. Her work
and that of many of her colleagues in the Southeast has increasingly emphasized the
dialectical nature of culture change and the agency of the variety of actors involved
in this process. As she notes, however, this is not occurring in the context of an
outright rejection of earlier models, nor has it entailed direct reference to specific,
alternative bodies of thought.
More explicit applications of distinct theoretical approaches are found primarily
in the research conducted by scholars working in other regions, particularly
Lightfoot and his students in California (see discussion of Voss [2008] above).
While much of this centers on the Russian colony of Fort Ross (Lightfoot et al.
1998) and thus lies outside the scope of this review, the perspective being developed
by this group of scholars has had an impact on the understanding of Spanish colonial
populations as well. The trajectory of the archaeological investigation of culture
contact in California is parallel to that of the Southeast, with early assimilationist
models being replaced by an acculturation perspective by the 1980s. Farnsworth
(1992), for example, modified a classification system developed by Quimby and
Spoehr (1951) to produce an acculturation profile that he used to assess culture
change in three missions in Alta California. This technique employs a number of
indices based on the relative frequencies of imported and native artifacts and artifact
traits in order to determine the degree of culture change that occurred within the
neophyte population in those communities. The understanding of the relationship
between material culture and culture change that underlies this method is similar to
the approach adopted in the Southeast and is criticized by Lightfoot and his
colleagues (Lightfoot et al. 1998) on three interrelated grounds: first it does not
adequately capture the complex processes underlying the formation of identity,
particularly within pluralistic settings; second, it obscures individual agency and
characterizes native participation in the process as passive; and third it tends to rely
heavily on the analysis of assemblages in terms of the relative proportions of
artifacts displaying European and indigenous influences. As an alternative—or
complementary—strategy, they propose an agency-based approach shaped by
Bourdieu’s theory of practice and Giddens’ notion of structuration, one that focuses
on the reproduction and creative modification of culturally shaped categories and
values through the routine performance of daily activities. They argue that this
perspective is particularly useful for analyzing the ways in which individuals living
in colonial settings characterized by rapidly shifting and internally diverse social
fields reconstituted their practices in ways that allowed them to be both meaningful
and effective under new conditions. Methodologically, this perspective is associated
with a focus on spatial organization, particularly the analysis of the built
environment and the residues that accumulated within it as the result of daily
routines, rather than the quantitative assessment of artifact assemblages.
This approach has been applied by Lightfoot (2005a, b) in his comparison of the
historical trajectory of native Californians living at Fort Ross and that of groups
subjected to the mission system to the south, by his students Silliman (2001a, b, 2004)

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and Voss (2002, 2003, 2005) in their studies of native Californians under Spanish
and Mexican rule, by Loren (2001a, b, 2007, 2008) in the lower Mississippi Valley,
by Scarry (2001) in La Florida, and independently and with a different emphasis by
Jamieson (2000) in Ecuador. While most examinations of acculturation focus on the
colonizer-colonized dichotomy, these scholars emphasize the complex nature of
social identity and the way in which it changes, arguing that most colonial contexts
were characterized by diverse native and European populations that, in turn, were
marked by important differences in gender, class, race, and other parameters. In her
analysis of the Presidio de San Francisco, Voss (2005), for example, examines a
household midden and architectural data to trace the emergence of a Californio
identity. She argues that the evidence of daily practices reflected in the midden
remains, and eventually in architecture, indicates that the presidio residents
downplayed their differences in favor of a shared colonial status. Unlike colonists in
other parts of the empire, such as the circum-Caribbean, this entailed the complete
rejection of indigenous material culture, perhaps as a strategy for highlighting a
distinctive common identity.
Some scholars (Cusick 2000; Ewen 2000) have questioned the degree to which
these new perspectives represent a break with earlier approaches. While the
rhetorical virtuosity of scholars espousing any new theoretical approach tends to
obscure continuity with previous ideas, this does, in fact, represent a fundamental
shift in perspective rather than simple capitulation to current political sensibilities.
The reconceptualization of acculturation in terms of the negotiation of identity
within the shifting fields of social relations that were generated by colonial regimes
allows archaeologists not only to identify the highly variable ways in which
identities were formed and new ethnic groups emerged, but also facilitates
participation in the broader anthropological discourse about these issues. This does
not mean, however, that all phenomena of archaeological interest can be subsumed
by the study of identity. As Brubacker and Cooper (2000) demonstrate, the term
itself now encompasses such broad and contradictory meanings that it is often used
as a way to signal affiliation with a general theoretical stance, rather than as an
analytical tool. Perhaps more importantly, the kind of obsessive concern with
identity that has occurred in other fields could inhibit investigation of the multitude
of processes that were touched but not determined by the relationship between
colonizers and colonized.

Missionization

The term ‘‘missionization’’ is meant here to include the ways in which Spaniards
and natives negotiated the evangelical and acculturative programs instituted at
formal missions along with less well-studied aspects of religious negotiation that
occurred in other contexts. The study of missions obviously demands a consider-
ation of identity and has been of particular interest because these institutions
represent cases of ‘‘directed culture change’’ in which indigenous people were
subjected to explicit programs of acculturation that were often maintained by force.
Missions are discussed here separately, however, because the long history of

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research on this institution has generated an identifiable scholarly discourse that

includes issues that extend beyond the topic of acculturation.
Historically, the primary impetus for archaeological investigations of mission
sites has been the need for information on which to base architectural reconstruc-
tions, and more recently cultural resource management requirements motivate much
of this work. Architectural studies, however, continue to be important (e.g., Fox
1993; Weisman 1992), particularly in Mexico (for examples see Fernández and
Gómez 1998). While the goal of much of this research is to aid the accurate
restoration of mission complexes, some architectural studies go beyond this to
consider the ways in which mission architecture reflects evangelical processes. Ivey
(1993), for instance, compares Franciscan missions along the northern and central
frontier of New Spain and concludes that the relative uniformity of these complexes
reflects the training that friars received in central Mexico, as well as their ability to
direct all but the most difficult types of construction. Others, however, have
emphasized variability in mission architecture. Saunders (1993, 1996) and Marrinan
(1993) note that the plans of missions in La Florida deviate from the supposed
‘‘ideal’’ with regard to overall layout, the size and design of churches, and the
location of burials. They argue that archaeologists working in the Southeast have
imposed the model of mission layout outlined by Jones and Shapiro (1990) on the
data, thus obscuring variation caused by temporal and geographic differences in the
social environment.
The developmental sequence of mission chapel architecture has been analyzed in
detail by Hanson (1995). Building on Kubler’s (1948) work in central Mexico,
Hanson correlates the construction of increasingly more elaborate chapels in the
Yucatán with successive phases of acculturation; temporary chapels were built in
newly visited Maya communities, followed by simple and then permanent ramada
chapels to which large masonry structures were added after a community had
become a center of pastoral activity in its own right. Hanson’s model points to the
important relationship between the built environment and the unfolding process of
missionization, an issue that also is explored by Wernke (2007a). While Hanson
emphasizes how changes in architecture were shaped by Franciscan strategy,
Wernke, drawing on work by the Comaroffs (1986, 1991), highlights the
improvisational and mutually constitutive nature of early missionary work. His
research in the Colca Valley of southern Peru suggests that friars often had to rely
on analogies with existing practices in order to communicate Christian doctrine in
ways that were intelligible to native groups, in this case constructing chapels within
spaces that had been previously used for ritual and political purposes by the Inka.
The use of analogies linking indigenous and Christian symbols for the purpose of
conversion was a strategy that was opposed by some members of the Church and
promoted by others, and one, Wernke argues, that ultimately prevented the complete
eradication of native practice in the long term.
The issue of religious conversion has long been a central component of mission
studies, particularly in California where scholars have sought to explain the
‘‘voluntary’’ entry of large numbers of people into the mission system over a short
period of time (Lightfoot 2005a). A difficulty inherent in this type of research is the
assessment of belief, as its reflection in public behavior is especially distorted under

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conditions of devastating change and frequent violence. Thus the ‘‘idol behind the
altar’’ has been regarded as the conservative retention of old beliefs, as indicative of
an outward and superficial acceptance of Christianity that masks continued
adherence to traditional practices, or more recently as an act of resistance against
state religion. In an important review of mission archaeology, Graham (1998) uses
the Comaroffs’ (1986, 1991) analysis of Protestant missionization in South Africa to
argue against interpreting the persistence of indigenous practices solely in terms of
the rejection or acceptance of Christianity. While efforts to create a unified Christian
society failed, missionization did result in the reformulation of native as well as
European concepts and practices as people attempted to make sense of their
changing worlds. This did not, however, preclude resistance or even open rebellion
and, in many instances, may have actually promoted it. As the Comaroffs (1986, pp.
1–2) state: ‘‘The missionary project was everywhere made particular by variations
in the structure of local communities, in the social and theological background of
the evangelists, and in the wider politico-economic context and precise circum-
stances in which the encounter took place.’’
Archaeological studies of missionization (e.g., McEwan 1993, 2000; Milanich
1995, 1998, 1999; Thomas 1990) have yielded abundant evidence for such
differences, both within and between regions. McEwan (2000) has emphasized the
unique situation that transpired in the Apalachee province of La Florida, where, in
1608, members of the native elite traveled to St. Augustine to request the presence
of missionaries. Although these individuals represented only one faction in a larger
field of competing elites (Scarry 1999), missionization throughout La Florida
appears to have involved much mutual accommodation. At San Luis de Talimali, an
Apalachee council house was constructed on the plaza across from the church,
suggesting, in a sense, a balance of power. McEwan’s (2000) review of mortuary
evidence from mission sites throughout the Southeast indicates that while in most
ways burials conformed to Christian doctrine (see also Jacobi 2000), the friars made
some concessions to native practice, particularly with regard to grave goods. The
influence of Christianity on belief systems is perhaps most convincingly revealed by
the maintenance of a Catholic identity by the Talimali band up to the present day,
and most intimately by the analysis of a crystal cross found at Mission San Luis that
was manufactured using indigenous techniques (McEwan et al. 1993). Even among
the Apalachee, however, resistance was often pronounced and took diverse forms.
Scarry (2001) attributes the wide range of native responses to the fact that the way
in which individuals negotiated this new world was shaped by their specific social
positions in colonial society.
The very complex relationship of Native Americans to mission life is nowhere
more pronounced than in the Rı́o de la Plata region of what is now southern Brazil.
In 1750 Spain ceded the territory where seven Jesuit communities were located to
Portugal, leading to the Guaranı́ War in which Indians fought both Portuguese and
Spanish troops in an attempt to remain on mission lands. While these communities
were far from the idyllic oases that are sometimes depicted in the media, historians
and archaeologists working with the Historic Mission Archaeology Project have
uncovered abundant evidence for the development of a synthesis of indigenous and
European practices at these sites (see volume edited by Kern 1998). For instance,

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the Jesuits taught mission Indians how to forge iron, and iron objects, especially
agricultural implements, were used as a means of attracting and co-opting
neophytes. At the same time, ceramics continued to be produced and included
Guaranı́, European, and hybrid vessel forms as well as pipes that were associated
with native rituals that the Jesuits attempted to eradicate. Thus, while the Guaranı́
may not have become the model Christians that the Jesuits desired, they did produce
a unique amalgam of indigenous and Spanish culture that could be productively
analyzed, perhaps, in terms of the processes identified by the Comaroffs in South
Africa.
The explicit rejection of Christian ideology is most apparent in the American
Southwest. Relatively little work has been conducted in New Mexico and Arizona
on these and other issues related to Spanish colonialism, perhaps, as Snow (1992)
suggests, because of the lack of institutional support for such endeavors and the
overreliance on Franciscan records for understanding mission history (Ivey and
Thomas 2005). The Pueblo Revolt, however, has attracted a substantial amount of
scholarly attention from archaeologists, who have employed diverse perspectives—
many of which derive from prehistoric archaeology—to illuminate not only the
event itself but the ways in which it shaped later Pueblo identity (Liebmann 2008;
Preucel 2002; Riley 1995).
In 1680, the Pueblos and their indigenous allies revolted against Spanish rule,
killing 401 colonists and 21 missionaries and freeing themselves from European
control until 1692 when they were reconquered (Preucel 2002). The revolt entailed a
rejection of missionaries and their teachings, as well as a call for cultural
revitalization in which native religious beliefs figured prominently. A number of
archaeologists have examined the ways in which symbols expressive of religious
and social identity were manipulated to better understand how Puebloan peoples
negotiated the early missionary period as well as the subsequent decade when they
were fending off Spanish attempts to regain control of the region. Mobley-Tanaka
(2002) argues that the use of the cross on prerevolt pottery allowed indigenous
people to maintain some level of religious integrity while outwardly acquiescing to
Catholicism, since the cross is meaningful in both the Christian and Pueblo worlds.
In contrast, the Dongoskes’ (2002) examination of rock art just below the pueblo of
Awatovi revealed very little Christian symbolism.
The decade immediately following the revolt was marked by a rapid shift in
settlement patterns and many other aspects of material culture. Liebmann (2008), in
an examination of Jemez participation in the revitalization movement, emphasizes
the varied ways in which Pueblo people responded. While women in some villages
revived older ceramic styles, emphasizing a shared identity rooted in native
religious practice (Capone and Preucel 2002; Mills 2002; see Saunders 2000, 2001
for a discussion of similar ceramic changes in the Southeast), the Jemez adopted
new ceramic types and constructed dual-plaza pueblos that referenced but did not
imitate earlier architectural forms. As Liebmann argues, the latter not only reflected
but shaped the new moiety system that was adopted by the Jemez as a result of
interaction with their Pueblo neighbors. Revitalization thus did not mean a simple
return to the past but represented, instead, a movement forward that entailed the

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rejection of many aspects of European culture as well as innovative responses to

new conditions that were sometimes rooted in traditional practice.
In addition to issues of identity and religious conversion, the economic
implications of missionization also have been explored. Rickliss (1996) is the only
investigator who examines the impact of missionization from an ecological
perspective that takes the entire indigenous settlement system into account; his
approach is explicitly derived from previous work on prehispanic populations in the
area. He provides a long-term history of the Karankawa of the central coast of Texas,
arguing that this group treated missions as an economic resource analogous in some
ways to the coastal prairie. This strategy allowed them to maintain their traditional
economic and settlement patterns despite initial high rates of mortality, an
interpretation supported by stable isotope analyses on human remains from Mission
San Juan (Cargill and Hard 1999). Only with the arrival of Anglo-Americans and the
subsequent loss of land did their society suffer a rapid and irrevocable decline. Allen
(1998) adopts some aspects of this perspective in her examination of cultural
continuity at the Californian mission of Santa Cruz. She traces the ways in which
neophytes maintained traditional work and dietary practices despite radical changes
in the environment that were induced by the missionary system itself. Lightfoot
(2005a, p. 86) argues that these changes were so deleterious to native lifeways that
they essentially forced indigenous groups into the missions in order to survive.
Despite the apparent importance of environmental factors in postconquest life, very
little research is being done on this topic in California or elsewhere, outside the
context of botanical and zooarchaeological studies that are concerned primarily with
diet (e.g., Scarry 1993) and the adaptation of European domesticates to conditions in
the colonies (e.g., deFrance 1996; Reitz 1993).
In 1993 Costello assessed the economic changes that had occurred in Alta
California during the early 19th century and argued that despite their seeming
homogeneity, missions—even within a single region—cannot be viewed as ‘‘peas in
a pod.’’ Fifteen years of additional research on the social, ideological, and economic
processes that unfolded at missions throughout the Spanish empire make this
assertion incontrovertible. As will be seen in the following section, this observation
is equally valid with regard to the demographic impact of Spanish contact and
missionization on native populations.

Biological impacts of conquest

One of the few debates that crystallized as an immediate result of the research
produced for the Quincentenary centers on the demographic effects of European
contact. Of the nine essays on the future of borderlands studies that conclude the last
volume of Columbian Consequences, three (Dobyns 1991; Dunnell 1991;
Ramenofsky 1991) argue that catastrophic population decline as a result of
epidemic diseases resulted in profound discontinuities between pre- and postcontact
societies. The methodological implication of this bottleneck, with its attendant
decrease in cultural variability, is that the use of ethnographic analogy to understand
prehistoric societies is completely inappropriate. This argument has its roots in a

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related debate regarding the size of the indigenous population just prior to the
arrival of Europeans and the magnitude of subsequent population loss. While some
scholars, most notably Cook (1981) and Dobyns (1983, 1991), have provided very
high precontact estimates and contend that the indigenous population suffered a
dramatic decline as the result of the rapid spread of epidemic disease, others, such as
Ubelaker (1976, 1988, 1992), argue for lower initial estimates and thus more
demographic continuity over time.
Scholars agree that the arrival of Europeans had an extremely negative impact on
the health and well-being of Native Americans, resulting in increased levels of
illness and death that in some cases led to the extinction of entire groups. They do
not agree on the timing, nature, and magnitude of the biological effects of the
European conquest on different groups (Larsen and Milner 1994). In 1994 Larsen,
who accepts the lower population estimates generated by Ubelaker, reviewed
research by anthropologists on the biological consequences of European contact up
to that point. He compared six populations, four of which were incorporated into the
Spanish empire, and found varied effects. All populations showed signs of increased
stress, but levels of violence, nutritional status, and other factors differed among
groups.
Since then a substantial amount of bioarchaeological research has confirmed
variability in the biological dimension of the contact experience and has produced
new insights into the physical consequences of colonialism for a number of Native
American groups (e.g., Kealhofer and Baker 1996). A particularly impressive body
of data has been generated by Larsen, his students, and colleagues under the
auspices of the La Florida Bioarchaeology Project, a collaborative research program
that was initiated in the early 1980s to investigate the impact of contact on the Guale
at the Mission Santa Catalina on St. Catherines Island and was later extended to
examine additional Guale, as well as Timucua, and Apalachee populations in La
Florida from a comparative perspective (Larsen 2001; Larsen et al. 2002).
Researchers have employed a range of techniques to examine diet, illness, and
activity patterns in populations incorporated into the Spanish empire. Stable isotope
analysis, for example, has revealed a shift from heterogeneous to homogeneous
diets based largely on maize in mission period populations (Hutchinson et al. 1998;
Larsen et al. 2001). Larsen et al. (2001) attribute this to the Spanish promotion of
maize as both an agricultural commodity and a means of ‘‘civilizing’’ native
populations by encouraging them to forgo wild foods and focus on agricultural
production. Related to this is a striking increase in porotic hyperostosis, most likely
caused by iron deficiencies associated with increased maize consumption and
reduced intake of seafood, as well as diarrheal diseases and parasites that proliferate
in crowded conditions (Larsen and Sering 2000). The latter also appear to have
caused growth disruptions, particularly in young children who, while being weaned,
were particularly susceptible to the severe dehydration caused by diarrhea (Simpson
2001).
The work routines associated with increased reliance on agriculture and the
demands of mission life shaped the bodies of Native American neophytes in other
ways as well. Structural characteristics of the long bones of Guale and Timucua men
suggest that they were experiencing more biomechanical stresses as a result of

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activities such as lifting and pushing, while women in these groups appear to have
become less mobile. Yamasee men, however, showed fewer of these effects and no
differences in the mobility of men and women were apparent (Ruff and Larsen
2001).
Walker’s (2001) comparison of the La Florida data with that from Alta California
and the Pueblos indicates some interesting parallels as well as differences,
particularly with regard to the Pueblos. While populations in the Santa Barbara
Channel area show a shift from marine to terrestrial resources comparable to the
changes in diets in La Florida, people at Pecos—who were more reliant on corn
prior to the conquest—appear to have consumed either less maize or bison and more
wild plants during the mission period. Neither Puebloan people nor missionized
populations in Alta California experienced a sharp increase in porotic hyperostosis,
although the body size of Alta California populations within missions decreased,
with children, in particular, stunted compared to their counterparts in unmissionized
villages (Walker et al. 1996). In the Pueblo case, however, anemia, caries, and other
health problems appear to have been common prior to the Spanish conquest. The
available osteological evidence suggests that while these communities experienced
a small decrease in their health status, probably as a result of an increase in
infectious disease, changes in illness and nutrition were less dramatic than they were
in other populations, at least with regard to the kinds of chronic stresses that leave
evidence in the human skeleton. Yet trauma, particularly cranial trauma suggestive
of violence, did increase markedly, perhaps because of rising conflict between
Pueblo groups and their Spanish and indigenous neighbors (Stodder and Martin
1992; Stodder et al. 2002).
The small quantity of bioanthropological data available for other regions under
Spanish control suggests intriguing differences from the northern borderlands. The
largest and most thoroughly investigated sample comes from Tipu, a Maya
settlement that was also the site of a Spanish visita mission. Tipu is unusual in that
it was located in a political no-man’s-land between areas controlled by the
Spaniards and the Itzá and managed to maintain its political autonomy for much of
the early colonial period, effectively escaping missionization as a result (Prudence
Rice, personal communication, 2008). The analysis of over 600 individuals buried
in and around the church revealed a remarkably healthy population with low
frequencies of osteological evidence for trauma, anemia, infection, or episodes of
severe stress compared to precontact Maya populations in the area (Cohen et al.
1994, 1997). Analyses conducted by Storey et al. (2002) on samples from the
Maya sites of Tipu, Xcaret, and Lamanai yielded similar results. The interpretation
of these data is difficult. The relative levels of cultural, political, and dietary
continuity in Maya communities may have buffered these populations from adverse
health effects caused by changes in diets, work routines, and living conditions
(White et al. 1994). Cohen and his team, however, suspect that the cemetery at
Tipu is not complete, as both the elderly and infants are absent, while Storey and
her colleagues suggest that the very young populations found at these sites may be
the result of large numbers of people succumbing to epidemic diseases that leave
no osteological evidence.

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Almost no systematic bioanthropological studies of colonial populations have

been conducted in South America, with the exception of urban cemeteries in Ecuador
(Ubelaker and Newson 2002; Ubelaker and Ripley 1999), small samples recovered
during salvage efforts (e.g., Durán and Novellino 2002), and most recently a large
cemetery associated with a church in the Mochica settlement of Mórrope on the north
coast of Peru (Klauss and Tam 2008). The latter analysis indicates that compared to
the precontact population in the same area, the colonial sample (n = 459) from
Mórrope showed a significant increase in periosteal lesions and degenerative joint
disease, and decreased female fertility. The investigators argue that the people of
Mórrope suffered a dramatic decline in health after the conquest as a result of
increased workloads and infectious disease associated with a resettlement program
that forced indigenous households to congregate in reducciones, perhaps comparable
to aggregation in mission communities.
Variability in the biological effects of colonialism is not surprising given the
enormous geographical and cultural differences encompassed by the Spanish empire
as well as temporal changes in conditions over time. Walker (2001) argues that
commonalities within the borderlands are due largely to colonial strategies that were
similar throughout the region, whereas differences in the specific historical
conditions of these groups resulted in divergent experiences. Populations in Alta
California and La Florida, for example, experienced the most profound changes in
diet and living conditions with concomitant shifts in health status; the Pueblos
appear to have suffered less dramatic changes in chronic health conditions as a
result of their continued reliance on maize-based agriculture, but they experienced
higher levels of violence in part because the Spanish presence exacerbated
preexisting political tensions. The apparently anomalous case of the Maya,
particularly at Tipu (if not attributable to sampling issues), may be due to
continuity in living conditions. These data do not, of course, speak to the known
effects of multiple epidemics that affected each of these populations, but even with
regard to infectious disease, we might expect variation. Ramenofsky et al. (2003)
point out that the demographic characteristics of individual populations as well as
the different strains of pathogens themselves also would have shaped the spread of
infections.
Recent research using dental characteristics to determine genetic affinities and
differences within indigenous groups, and thus to detect demographic processes such
as population bottlenecks and the amalgamation of different groups (Jacobi 1997,
2000; Klauss and Tam 2008; Stojanowski 2005b), demonstrates the continuing
potential of bioarchaeological research for revealing the complex trajectories of
Native American history. For example, Stojanowski (2003, 2004, 2005a, b) uses a
large sample of odontometric data to examine genetic variability among the Guale
and Apalachee over time in order to assess the effects of Spanish colonialism on the
biological interaction of these groups. These data, impressively integrated with
historical and archaeological information, are interpreted in evolutionary terms,
specifically gene flow and genetic drift, in order to gain insight into the relative
isolation and interaction of native populations from the precontact to the late mission
period. Stojanowski (2005b) suggests that variation increased immediately after
contact, probably due to lessened interaction among groups, and then declined

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precipitously, most likely as a result of the formation of a polyethnic community

consisting of previously fragmented populations. As he emphasizes (Stojanowski
2005a), these findings help illuminate the process of ethnogenesis in a group whose
local history was ultimately truncated by events associated with British rule, one of
many who ‘‘disappeared’’ as the result of the conquest. Rather than writing off the
postconquest histories of indigenous communities as inappropriate for modeling
preconquest societies, this strategy provides insight into the historical experiences of
generations of Native Americans who attempted to reconstitute their societies in the
wake of dramatic biosocial disruptions.
Osteological analyses do not, however, provide a means for assessing the extent
of population loss or associated cultural collapse immediately before and after
European incursions. This goal can be achieved only through the investigation of
precisely dated archaeological contexts that allow the reconstruction of local
histories. Of the cases investigated thus far (e.g., Burnett and Murray 1993; Ewen
1996; Hutchinson 2006; Johnson and Lehmann 1996; Kulisheck 2005; Lightfoot
2005a; Perttula 1994), few have yielded evidence of regional pandemics during the
protohistoric or immediate postconquest periods (but see Hally 1994; Spores and
Robles Garcı́a 2007; Upham 1992 for exceptions). Although this might be the result
of problematic methodologies (Hutchinson and Mitchem 2001), the available
evidence clearly indicates that the demographic collapse was not uniform in either
timing or magnitude and may have been caused by factors other than epidemic
disease. Dunnell’s caution against the use of ethnohistoric analogies must be taken
seriously. Yet given the fine-grained information that is emerging from these
studies, rather than simply assuming a lack of continuity among all populations as
he suggests, we can now examine individual cases to determine when and how
biological and cultural change occurred. Despite the trauma of conquest, Native
Americans continued to have their own histories, intertwined with but not entirely
determined by Europeans and their pathogens.

Local economies in a globalizing world

Interest in cultural persistence and the varied ways in which people negotiated their
involvement in the colonial order also characterizes work on the economic
implications of Spanish imperialism. This body of research is loosely unified by a
general concern with political economy, although specific theoretical approaches
and substantive themes are quite diverse. The majority of investigators engage in
some way with world-systems theory, either rejecting it outright (e.g., Lycett 2005;
Scaramelli and Tarble de Scaramelli 2005; Skowronek 2002; Williams 1992) or
substantially modifying it to address widespread anthropological criticism of the
top-down, homogenizing effects of such an approach (Alexander and Kepecs 2005).
The study of native political economies is, perhaps, best developed in
Mesoamerica where a number of researchers have conducted investigations of
long-term change (e.g., Charlton et al. 2005; Evans 1998; Kepecs 1997, 2005;
Kepecs and Alexander 2005), some of which extend into the 19th and 20th
centuries. Alexander (1997, 1998, 1999, 2004) has produced a sophisticated body of
work on the causes and consequences of the Caste War of Yucatán (1847–1901), as

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these are reflected in the settlement pattern and documentary record of Yaxcabá
parish. Her examination of the relationship between variation in the spatial
organization of communities and households and factors such as tax structure and
land stress allows her to reconstruct the ways in which Maya agriculturalists resisted
and accommodated to changes in the local political economy. This long-term,
bottom-up perspective brings the varied responses of Maya householders into view
and places the Caste War in the broader context of peasant adaptation to—and
avoidance of—the exaction of surpluses by state, church, and private entities over
the centuries.
Gasco’s research in the Soconusco region of Chiapas (Gasco 1993, 1996, 1997,
2005) provides an interesting contrast to the situation in Yaxcabá, although
differences in methodology and a focus on earlier colonial times impede a direct
comparison of the two cases. Gasco integrates documentary evidence with
archaeological data from the settlement of Ocelocalco to examine changes in
socioeconomic status within communities over time. Soconusco was an important
cacao-producing zone; while Spanish merchants controlled distribution, production
appears to have remained under the control of indigenous families until late in the
colonial period. Households in Ocelocalco consumed larger quantities of European
goods than their counterparts in other regions, and a process of economic leveling
rather than an increase in stratification occurred over time. Gasco attributes the
relative economic well-being of households in the rural settlements of Soconusco to
the fact that indigenous families retained control over production; their interactions
with Spaniards were primarily commercial in nature. Furthermore, the specific
conditions of cacao production in the area, particularly the ease with which people
with little capital could become independent producers, tended to flatten economic
differences.
While not explicitly focused on political economy, Palka’s (2005) synthesis of
the history, ethnography, and archaeology of the Lacandon Maya is an important
complement to the studies by Alexander and Gasco. Since their ‘‘discovery’’ by
outsiders in the 1940s, the Lacandon have been romantically viewed as the isolated
descendants of the Classic Maya. Palka effectively refutes this view by highlighting
the historical processes that shaped Lacandon history. Most likely originating as an
amalgam of different peoples fleeing Spanish control, the Lacandon maintained
their independence until the 20th century by engaging outsiders on their own terms,
a tactic made possible by their dispersal in a lightly populated ‘‘tribal zone,’’ itself a
strategy for coping with European encroachment. Only in the 19th century (the only
period for which archaeological evidence is now available), with the incursion of
logging, cattle raising, and other activities promoted by postcolonial governments,
did the Lacandon begin to experience rapid culture change and ultimately a loss of
autonomy.
The impact of European expansion on groups who remained largely independent
until the 19th century also has been investigated in Argentina where Spanish
settlement reconfigured the social landscape, resulting in the development of new
economic practices as well as sweeping ethnic change. This issue has been explored
in depth by Mazzanti (2007) from the perspective of the Amalia locality, a set of
sites in the eastern Pampas that was occupied in the second half of the 18th century.

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Drawing on a rich array of archaeological and historical evidence, she argues that
the incorporation of indigenous populations into the global economy resulted in
intensified interaction along preexisting social networks that linked populations on
the Pampas with Mapuche groups to the west. This process is often referred to as
‘‘Araucanization,’’ a term Mazzanti rejects in favor of a perspective that highlights
the complex web of economic, social, and ritual relationships that developed in the
face of Spanish hegemony and that was destroyed only with the consolidation of the
Argentinian and Chilean nation-states at the end of the 19th century.
The studies produced by Alexander, Gasco, Palka, and Mazzanti offer detailed
accounts of the varied historical trajectories of indigenous peoples after the Spanish
Conquest and highlight the very different implications of European expansion for
native groups. This research, as well as the investigations by Evans (1998), Kepecs
(1997, 2005), Lycett (2005), the Rices (2005), Van Buren (1996), and others (e.g.,
Gasco et al. 1997) that are more limited in temporal scope, points to some of the
unique factors as well as the general processes that shaped local histories. Not
surprisingly, control over land, availability of labor, evasion of taxes, and the
existence of market opportunities were among the key variables that conditioned
individual strategies for negotiating the colonial economy. While technologies,
beliefs, and behaviors often persisted, even these continuities must be understood in
terms of the changing historical contexts in which they occurred.
A related body of research examines some of the same issues, but from the
perspective of colonists and missionized Indians whose labor was closely controlled
by Spanish friars. Much of this work has been conducted on the ranchos, missions,
and, especially, presidios of the northern borderlands and addresses adaptation to
local subsistence resources as well as the interplay between Spanish policy and
actual economic practices. Prior to the Bourbon reforms when the Crown attempted
to control economic activity in the colonies and to directly provision settlements
along the northern frontier, the quantity and quality of goods provided by the
situado and the caravans supplying New Mexico were notoriously poor. Colonists
were left with two options, both of which they employed: rely heavily on locally
available goods and engage in illegal commerce.
Reitz (1993) explores the relationship between European colonization and the
degree to which imported livestock could adjust to local conditions; human
adaptation was mediated by the adaptation of domestic animals to their new
environments. Many early Spanish communities in La Florida, where European
cultigens did not flourish, depended largely on aboriginal crops (Ruhl 1993; Scarry
1993) as well as marine resources and game, foods that Europeans often regarded as
unfit for consumption (Reitz 1993). However, in Hispaniola (Deagan and Reitz
1995; Reitz and McEwan 1995), Alta California, and to a more limited degree the
Pimerı́a Alta (Pavao-Zuckerman and LaMotta 2007) cattle thrived and were
produced not just for meat but also for the trade in hides and tallow. The
development of haciendas in 17th century La Florida also resulted in the production
of wheat and oranges for both internal markets and, in the case of fruit, for British
colonies along the eastern seaboard (Ruhl 1997). The response of Old World
domesticates to American environments thus played a role in Spanish dietary
adaptations as well as commerce. Although bioarchaeological analyses indicate that

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Native American diets were transformed as a result of their incorporation into

missions, the limited botanical and faunal data from autonomous indigenous
settlements suggest that European domesticates were not rapidly adopted (deFrance
1996; Gremillion1993; Ruhl 1993)
Distance from market centers and the challenges posed by extreme aridity appear
to have made communities in the Southwest particularly autonomous. Trigg’s
(2005) investigation of economic activity in New Mexico highlights the largely self-
sufficient nature of households in that part of the borderlands (for treatment of this
issue in Texas, see Bonine 2004; Galindo 2004; Horrell 1999). Her research also
reveals that while most Hispanic households produced goods primarily for their own
consumption (in many cases supplemented by tribute), they also were articulated
with regional and long-distance exchange networks through the entrepreneurial
activities of church and state officials who often manipulated official policy for their
own benefit. Even in this remote corner of the Spanish empire, primary products
such as hides and coarse textiles were produced by missions for sale in the mines to
the south, luxury items were imported, and some goods such as ceramics were
produced by households for local markets in later colonial times (Carillo 1997). The
Camino Real was the critical link allowing the exchange of products and
information between New Mexico and the political and economic centers to the
south (Palmer et al. 1993, 1999; Staski 1998, 2004). In the Sonoran Desert, which
was not even serviced by good wagon roads, self-sufficiency was even more
marked. In an explicit test of the applicability of world-systems theory to northern
New Spain, Williams (1992) examines presidio sites in Arizona to determine the
degree to which these communities were dependent on manufactured goods from
the ‘‘core.’’ He rejects Wallerstein’s model, finding that residents relied primarily on
locally and regionally produced goods, a state of affairs that apparently persisted
until the arrival of the railroad in the1880s.
In general, economic activities at presidios—fortified settlements composed of
military contingents as well as civilians—were highly variable simply because these
communities were located on the fringes of the empire and received little support
from the Crown (Bense 2004). Some of the demand they created was met by nearby
missions (Farnsworth and Jackson 1995) that were often involved in the specialized
production of goods as well as food (Silliman 2004), a trend that intensified over
time, particularly in California (Costello 1992). Presidio residents, though, often had
recourse to economic sources outside those sanctioned by the state. Especially
interesting are the presidios located at the intersection of the Spanish, French, and
later British colonies in the Southeast. Bense’s (1999, 2003) long-term research at
the Presidio Santa Marı́a de Galve in Pensacola is one of the most thorough
investigations of presidio life in that region. Santa Marı́a was located in an area with
little native population and as a result everything from food to manufactured goods
was imported from one of two sources: the situado that departed from Veracruz, or
legal and illicit trade with the French at Old Mobile (Waselkov 1999). The long-
term investigation of the presidio and mission of Los Adaes (Avery 1995; Gregory
et al. 2004) in northwestern Louisiana has yielded similar evidence of interaction
and interdependence among the Spaniards, French, and indigenous populations.
Excavations at Los Adaes have produced a ceramic assemblage largely dominated

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by Caddoan pottery and a much larger percentage of French, British, and Dutch than
Spanish tin-enameled wares, suggesting a reliance on northern European goods that
is exhibited, as well, in other artifact categories. This cultural symbiosis rather
accurately reflects the intimacy that developed between the Spaniards, French, and
Caddoans who intermarried and provided the sorts of mutual support that were
probably frowned upon by imperial administrators.
The studies described thus far are all located in areas that were economically and
politically marginal. An important exception to this is Schávelzon’s (2000a)
investigation of the evolution of Buenos Aires from a peripheral village at the ‘‘end
of the world’’ to a major urban center. Schávelzon synthesizes data from numerous
excavations throughout the city to document how Buenos Aires developed in
relation to the broader political economy, benefiting from its status as a conduit for
yerba maté from the Jesuit missions, silver from Potosı́, and, later, manufactured
goods from Europe as well as cattle hides from its own hinterlands. Throughout
most of the colonial period this trade was both legal and illicit, with contraband
goods playing a key role in the city’s economic success.
The circumvention of mercantilist and other state policies by colonists, and
particularly the role of contraband in local economies, has received quite a bit of
attention by archaeologists (La Rosa Corzo 1995; Skowronek 1992; Skowronek and
Ewen 2006). Studies of illicit trade could be particularly productive in archaeology
because they ostensibly investigate activities that are largely unrecorded in the
documentary record. Deagan (2007) evaluates the contribution that archaeologists
can make in this regard by providing a case study from St. Augustine. She concludes
that the examination of illicit trade at the community level adds little to what is
already known from historical sources, but that a household scale of analysis can
provide information about economic strategies that are not easily discerned in texts.
In addition to yielding information about specific artifact classes that were
involved in long-distance trade (Gordus and Craig 1995, Gutiérrez 2003; Marken
1994), shipwrecks provide another potential avenue for the investigation of both
contraband and legal commerce, one that focuses on providers rather than
consumers. El Nuevo Constante, a ship that was part of the Spanish flota on its
return voyage to Spain when it sank off the coast of Louisiana in 1766, contained
silver and gold that was being smuggled by the crew or passengers as well as a cargo
of dye stuffs, purgatives, spices, and hides (Pearson and Hoffman 1995). With few
exceptions, however, the potential of maritime archaeology for shedding light on
legal and illicit trade, as well as other aspects of economic behavior, has not yet
been realized (but see Hunter 2001).
The archaeological data on economic behavior in the Spanish colonies highlight
the diversity of lifeways that existed during the first three centuries of European
expansion and make it clear that world-systems theory does not provide the
necessary tools for analyzing the histories of specific communities. Since the
Quincentenary, if not before, archaeologists have focused on the local negotiation of
global processes and emphasized the importance of agency, both indigenous and
Spanish. This is due in part to the influence of Wolf (1982) but also as a response to
the descendants of colonized peoples who reject the characterization of their
ancestors as simply the objects of change. This trend has intensified in recent years

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with more explicit attention to the notion of resistance, the increased application of
practice theory, and a growing interest in bridging the historical divide between
contemporary and prehispanic cultures. Ironically, these developments are not
broadly characteristic of the research being conducted by Latin American historical
archaeologists, an issue that is addressed below.

The colonial core

The social processes that unfolded in the Spanish colonial core differed in many
respects from conditions encountered in the northern periphery of the empire, most
notably with regard to the development of urban centers and the institutions and
activities that they engendered. Urban phenomena have thus been the focus of much
of the research conducted in Latin America by archaeologists interested in the
Spanish colonial world.
Historical archaeology developed relatively late in Latin America, emerging as
an identifiable subdiscipline in many countries in the 1980s, a delay due, perhaps, to
academic factors such as the adoption of antihistorical processual models imported
from the United States (Gómez Romero 2005), as well as prevailing sociopolitical
conditions such as the imposition of military rule in the Southern Cone from the
1960s until the 1980s (Funari 1997). Most early work was conducted by architects
and art historians working on the restoration of buildings with historical
significance, many of them colonial. As in the United States, heritage management
continues to dominate the field today, although now it is often conducted by
scholars trained as archaeologists working in multidisciplinary teams. The
proceedings from the first historical archaeology conferences held in Mexico
(Fernández and Gómez 1998) and Argentina (Schávelzon 2002) reflect this focus on
colonial archaeology and restoration or salvage efforts.
Much of the research on colonial archaeology in Latin America has been
conducted by urban archaeology programs such as the Buenos Aires Urban
Archaeology Project (Schávelzon 1992a, b), the San Francisco Ruins Project in the
historic center of Mendoza (Bárcena 2004; Schávelzon 1998), the Urban Archae-
ology Project in Caracas (Sanoja 1998a; Sanoja and Vargas 2002; Sanoja et al.
1998; Vargas et al. 1998), the Urban Archaeology Program that grew out of the
excavation of the Templo Mayor in Mexico City (Matos Moctezuma 1993, 1999;
Matos Moctezuma et al. 1998), the Panama Viejo Archaeological Project on the
edge of modern Panama City (Rovira 2001a), the Colonia del Sacramento Project in
Uruguay (Fusco Zambetogliris 1995), and the various excavations conducted under
the auspices of the Office of the City Historian in Havana (Domı́nguez 2003; Mahé
and Menéndez 2003). Although work generated by heritage management projects is
often purely descriptive, in many cases archaeologists have been able to conduct
problem-oriented research, sometimes facilitated by the development of an
integrated plan for investigating and restoring historic structures, such as in Havana
(e.g., Domı́nguez 2003). In other instances, archaeologists have employed creative
approaches to analyze the data made available to them from restoration projects
(e.g., Therrien 1996). Many different issues have been investigated as a result, with
urban geography, the production and consumption of manufactured goods

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(particularly ceramics), and the multiple distinctions among class and ethnic groups
receiving particular attention.
Schávelzon directs one of the most productive and long-running urban
archaeology programs in the Americas. Over the course of two decades and more
than 20 projects, he and his colleagues have not only produced fundamental
descriptive information about the material culture of Buenos Aires, they have also
investigated diverse issues such as the development of residential structures, the
complex history of food and drink, and especially the archaeology of class,
ethnicity, and gender (Schávelzon 2000a, b, 2005). With regard to the latter issue, a
combination of documentary sources and excavations in diverse locations through-
out Buenos Aires have allowed him to sketch the development of a pluriethnic city
that became increasingly white and economically successful over the centuries
(Schávelzon 2000a, b). The nonlinear nature of this process is exemplified by the
history of the black population (Schávelzon 2003). People of African descent
comprised over a quarter of the population in the late 18th century and developed a
rich urban culture. Today, however, they have largely disappeared from view, and
their presence has been erased from historical memory, a loss that Schávelzon’s
book is intended to help rectify.
Research on the Afro-American population of Buenos Aires is of particular
interest since relatively little work has been conducted on the experiences of people
of African descent in the Spanish colonies (Weik 2004). Exceptions include the
investigation of the maroon settlement of Fort Mosé in Florida (Deagan and Landers
1999; Deagan and MacMahon 1995; Reitz 1994) and a few studies of colono and
criollo wares in the Caribbean (Smith 1995; Solis Magaña 1999) and Colombia
(Suaza Español 2006). Most important, however, is the work conducted in Cuba,
which has a long history of research on slaves. Singleton (2001, 2005) has recently
examined the prison-like conditions on a late colonial coffee plantation, and La
Rosa (2005) has launched a project examining cimarrón settlements in the rugged
northern sector of the island.
The relationship between the configuration of urban spaces and cultural processes
has been the focus of a number of investigations, as archaeologists have taken
advantage of research opportunities made available by restoration activities or
standing colonial architecture. For example, the production of urban space in
Caracas has been illuminated by Sanoja and Vargas (2002) who examined the
growth of the city’s core in relation to both control over water and the activities of
political and economic elites. Therrien (1995) used the restoration of the roof of the
Cathedral in Bogotá to explore the ways in which building materials and
construction techniques were influenced by the broader political economy. Jamieson
(2000), drawing on Bourdieu and Giddens, has examined the layout of colonial
homes in Cuenca in light of the ways that different genders, classes, and ethnic
groups negotiated the exercise of social power. He contrasts the panoptic quality of
elite compounds, which enabled residents to monitor the street and their own patios
without being seen, with the more permeable housing of the poor, which allowed
neighbors to view each other’s activities.
In Mexico City, artifact assemblages generated by salvage and restoration efforts
in the historic core continue to be an important source of data for archaeologists

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interested in colonial socioeconomic structure and the emergence of new identities

(Fournier 1998; Rodrı́guez-Alegria 2005a, b). Much of this work focuses on the
consumption of ceramics, both imported and locally made. Fournier, for example,
has produced a substantial body of work on the ways in which the consumption of
majolicas reflects socioeconomic status and increasing ties to a global economy, as
well as the continued use of prehispanic production techniques that were linked to
the emergence of new identities (Fournier 1996, 1997a, b, 2004). Comparisons with
data generated by Charlton in Otumba suggest differences in the nature and rate of
these processes in urban and rural areas (Charlton and Fournier 1993; Charlton et al.
2002; Fournier and Charlton 1996–1997). The production and distribution of
ceramics manufactured in the colonies have received less attention, although work
in this area is accelerating in Mexico (Blackman et al. 2006; Gómez et al. 2001;
Monroy-Guzman and Fournier 2003), Central America (Rovira 2001b; Rovira et al.
2006), and South America (Jamieson 2001; Jamieson and Hancock 2004; Therrien
et al. 2002), with Panamanian majolicas being a particular focus.
Other than the investigation of majolicas, surprisingly few studies of commodity
production for local or European markets have been carried out. One of the most
comprehensive was Rice’s investigation of wine and brandy production in the
Moquegua Valley of southern Peru, an industry that developed primarily to meet
demand generated by the mining center of Potosı́, in central Bolivia. The Moquegua
Bodegas Project located 130 hacienda sites and examined the technology and
organization of wine production (Rice 1996, 1997), as well as ancillary industries
such as the manufacture of fermentation jars (Rice 1994; Rice and Van Beck 1993).
The success of this very Iberian industry was due, in part, to the adaptation of native
water management and transportation technologies by European producers (deF-
rance 1996; Smith 1997). Comparable research has not yet been carried out at
colonial haciendas in other regions, although there is a growing body of work on
later haciendas, most notably in Mexico (Juli 2003; Meyers and Carlson 2002;
Newman 2008). Other types of production that have been investigated include flour
mills (Aparicio 1997), tar (Stothert 1994), and silver (Van Buren and Mills 2005).
At Porco, a silver-mining center located close to Potosı́, the use of technologies
drawn from both European and native repertoires is evident. In that case, however,
indigenous production was rapidly displaced by multiscale mining in which highly
capitalized enterprises owned by Spaniards coexisted with small-scale production
conducted primarily by indigenous people using a combination of European and
native techniques (Van Buren 2003; Van Buren and Mills 2005).
The economic linkages between colonial producers and European consumers
have received even less attention, in part because of the site-centered focus of most
research. Sanoja’s (Sanoja 1998b; Sanoja and Vargas 1996) analysis of Santa Tomé
de Guayana in Venezuela, however, explicitly ties local production to the emerging
capitalist economy, identifying the specialized manufacture of goods by different
missions and positing market connections with other countries. Amodio et al. (1997)
document the Camino Real that connected Caracas and the port of La Guaira during
the colonial period, providing information about associated sites and activities as
well as the road itself. Like regional studies, the examination of transportation
routes (see also Fournier 2006; Lugo-Fernández et al. 2007) encourages the

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investigation of social and economic linkages among communities and institutions,

an approach that archaeologists of the colonial period have yet to develop. Such a
perspective not only would highlight the ways in which surpluses were extracted
and goods moved through developing commodity chains but also would facilitate
the examination of interactions between indigenous groups, an issue that merits
more attention.

Out of colonialism

The archaeological research being conducted in Latin America differs from North
American practice because of both past and current geopolitical conditions. One
aspect of this is that academic communities within different countries have
developed distinct intellectual traditions. A substantial corpus of historiography is
emerging on the development of archaeology, including historical archaeology, in
Latin America that addresses some of the factors that have shaped these different
research trajectories and describes the emergence of new approaches (Fournier
2003; Fournier and Miranda Flores 1992; Funari 1996, 1999; Funari and Zarankin
2004; Garcı́a Targa 1995; Jamieson 2005; Lezama 2002; Mogrovejo 1996; Oyuela-
Caycedo 1994b; Podgorny et al. 2005; Politis 1992, 2003; Politis and Alberti 1999;
Williams and Fournier-Garcia 1996).
Most Latin American archaeology has been highly descriptive and conducted
within the framework of a culture history approach (Politis 2003) that was initially
promulgated by U.S. archaeologists working in Latin America in the 20th century
(Zarankin 2004); it has become the norm in part because it is consonant with the
nationalist interests of these states (Oyuela-Caycedo 1994a; Trigger 1994). Over
time, though, this general approach has undergone substantial modification as Latin
American archaeologists have introduced concepts drawn from processual archae-
ology, and more recently postmodern theory, and have developed new approaches
of their own (Politis 2003; Zarankin and Acuto 1999). The focus on local
monuments and the challenges of communicating across and sometimes even within
national boundaries, however, have limited the emergence of unified approaches or
even the development of professional discourses centered on the same themes. This
situation is changing with the creation of international venues in which research
results and theoretical developments can be published. An early example is Stanley
South’s series, Historical Archaeology in Latin America; more recently Latin
American archaeologists have hosted international conferences and are developing
web-based approaches that allow for the rapid dissemination of information (Funari
2007). Perhaps most salient among autochthonous approaches that transcend
national boundaries is social archaeology, a Marxist approach developed in the
1970s by Lumbreras (1974), Sanoja, Vargas, Lorenzo, and others (Lorenzo et al.
1979). Interestingly, while the impact of this perspective on work in the region has
been contested (Oyuela-Caycedo et al. 1997; Patterson 1994, 1997), the very debate
appears to be generating a renewed interest in the approach, particularly among
historical archaeologists (Fournier 1999).
Most important, however, in understanding the development of distinct academic
traditions are the stark economic differences that characterize regions. The social

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and economic formations that emerged in the south, shaped in part by the complex
societies that preceded Spanish control, had no direct counterparts in the northern
fringe of the empire. Today many countries in this region are among the world’s
poorest, with little funding available for archaeological research or to meet other,
more basic, needs. The irony of this situation is that relatively few Latin American
historical archaeologists have directly addressed issues of economic and political
inequality. As Zarankin asks in an essay on the future of Latin American historical
archaeology, ‘‘Doesn’t it seem strange that it is almost exclusively ‘first world’
archaeologies that address problems like domination, exploitation, and marginal-
ization when it is we who daily experience such conditions as individuals and as a
society?’’ (Zarankin 2004, p. 131; my translation). He attributes this disjunction to
the hegemonic role played by North American theory, which has tended to reinforce
the expansion of global capitalism that has been embraced by many Latin American
governments. Zarankin argues, though, that like the social archaeologists of the
1970s, contemporary scholars can create counterhegemonic approaches by focusing
on the formation of Latin American societies, thus using archaeology as a tool to
illuminate and critique the development of current conditions. This is, of course,
already happening and should accelerate with the growing number of historical
archaeologists in Latin America and the expansion of contexts in which they
interact.

The challenge of comparison

No single term can capture the multiplicity of experiences that occurred in the wake
of European expansion. Individuals suffered, negotiated, triumphed; cultures were
extinguished, transformed, and created. What is clear is the historically contingent
nature of the encounter, one that did not result in the immediate destruction of
indigenous societies or the imposition of a purely European world. Rather a
complex process has played out for over half a millennium and continues to unfold
today. Archaeological studies allow us to penetrate the seemingly monolithic and
inevitable nature of globalization as viewed from the 21st century and to illuminate
the historical trajectories of specific groups. Yet, with the increasing volume of
work being conducted, we must ask if an ideographic focus on particular cases is
enough.
The examination of individual identity and human agency in recent work is a
welcome corrective to earlier research that reified sociocultural systems. Yet, the
increasing focus on individuals and the concomitant lack of attention to the broader
contexts that they inhabited can itself be problematic. The recent emphasis on
individual identity seems to reflect present-day involvement with the creation of
identity through strategic associations and the consumption of mass-produced goods
as a way of circumventing or denying the power of enormous bureaucracies and
economic networks that shape our lives. Not only is such an endeavor a poor
substitute for substantive control over the conditions we negotiate in daily practice,
it also misrepresents the lived experiences of the people we study and the historical
trajectories of colonized populations. By definition, individuals do not create social

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change. Although they might be instrumental in the process, only the adoption of
beliefs and behaviors by groups of people—as the consequence of conscious
reflection or unconscious processes of social reproduction—result in the transfor-
mation of society. Furthermore, identity is not the only parameter that circumscribes
or motivates human behavior. While it is a key factor in understanding social
relations, as an analytical concept it should not subsume all other aspects of colonial
life.
To contribute more fully to the understanding of colonialism we must be able to
identify the conditions that shaped individual and group practices as well as
constrained and enabled different strategies for negotiating the colonial landscape.
Such a perspective requires comparison, an activity that neither archaeologists
engaged in culture history nor their postmodernist colleagues are inclined to pursue.
A number of scholars, however, have turned to comparison in recent years in order
to both illuminate specific practices and account for regional differences (e.g.,
Garcı́a Targa 2002; Hanson 1995).
Two recent books exemplify the important contributions that broad-scale,
systematic comparisons can make to our understanding of the long-term effects of
European colonialism on native groups. The goal of Lightfoot’s (2005a) ground-
breaking volume, Indians, Missionaries, and Merchants, is to determine why some
native Californian groups are federally recognized tribes while others are not. He
approaches this issue by comparing the experiences of the Kashaya Pomo with
Russian fur traders to those of indigenous Californians who were incorporated into
the Franciscan mission system. He then examines how the outcomes of those
interactions subsequently shaped the way in which anthropologists—and then the
government—defined ‘‘authentic’’ Indian tribes. Lightfoot systematizes his com-
parisons by employing seven dimensions of colonial encounters (ranging from
relocation programs to interethnic unions) and in each case counterposes
descriptions of imperial policy with discussions of native agency. His analysis
reveals that Indian identities, although transformed, survived early colonization.
Yet, three broad social processes resulted: political fragmentation and the creation
of ‘‘pan-mission’’ identities among the northern mission groups, continuity in
political and ritual systems among the natives incorporated into the two
southernmost missions, and the development of a tribal organization—that later
provided the basis for federal recognition—by the Kashaya Pomo to the north.
While the Spanish mission system did provoke the breakdown of native polities and
localized identities, the effects were uneven; in the two southern missions where
indigenous villages continued to be occupied, traditional culture displayed greater
continuity with the past.
An interesting contrast to the trajectories analyzed by Lightfoot can be found in
Colonial Encounters in a Native American Landscape by Rothschild (2003a; see
also Rothschild 2003b). She compares the interaction of Puebloan peoples with
Spanish colonists in the Rio Grande drainage to the Mohawk’s encounter with the
Dutch in the Hudson River Valley. Rothschild attributes the distinct outcomes of the
two cases, specifically the retention of much traditional land and culture by the
Pueblos and their loss by the Mohawks of New York, to differences in the flow of
material culture between colonists and indigenous populations, a process that was

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itself mediated by factors such as geography, the religion of the colonizers, and
especially the role of women in maintaining or bridging social distance between
groups. Ironically, cultural persistence appears to have been greatest among the
Pueblos who were subjected to a systematic program of enculturation in contrast to
the relatively laissez-faire economic regime in which the Mohawks participated. In
the Pueblo case—like that of the missions in San Luis Rey and San Diego in what is
now southern California—the retention of tribal lands and geographic inaccessi-
bility were key factors shaping this outcome. However, additional factors also came
into play: the Pueblo Revolt appears to have mitigated Spanish policy to some
extent, and in the Californian case the individual padres in charge of the missions
were much more lenient in their approach. Although contemporary archaeologists
have a tendency to depict Spanish policy as homogeneous and entirely coincident
with practice, these cases underscore the importance of agency with regard to the
colonizers as well as the colonized. More importantly, such comparisons allow us to
identify key parameters of the changing socioeconomic fields in which people were
embedded while at the same time making the role of agency—indigenous as well as
European—apparent.
Comparisons of this sort require richly documented cases that include
consideration of a wide variety of factors. Although the negotiation of identity
constitutes one component of the histories of specific groups, archaeologists should
not restrict themselves to the examination of this process and should, in fact,
investigate a broader range of issues than typically has been considered. While
different factors are important in specific historical cases, during the course of this
review it became apparent that three broad issues have received surprisingly little
attention. Perhaps most striking is the lack of research on environmental change and
landscapes, despite the currency of these topics among archaeologists and the
public. Although a number of archaeologists have addressed food ways and human
health (Deagan 1996b), with the important exception of Wernke (2007b) few have
examined changes in human-landscape interactions or the impact of European
expansion on the broader environment, research that is being developed by
geographers and historians (e.g., Endfield 2008; Melville 1994; Preston 1997;
Sluyter 2001). Landscape studies, in particular, have the potential for linking the
past and the present in ways that can be especially meaningful to descendant
communities (Rubertone 2000). Perhaps equally surprising is the lack of work on
regional economic development and interaction, or, even more narrowly, on
production for export. Archaeologists have focused almost entirely on consumption
and have largely ignored the ways in which commodities were produced and
distributed. The generation of wealth through the exploitation of native labor was
the key factor that both motivated Spanish colonization and shaped colonial society
(see Silliman 2001b); it should be a priority for archaeological research. Finally,
indigenous history or, more specifically, the relations among indigenous groups is
usually considered only tangentially in the examination of social and cultural
change. Archaeologists have finally moved beyond the conception of colonial
society as a dyadic relationship between colonizers and colonized, recognizing the
variable and fluid nature of indigenous identity, in particular. Yet the notion that
indigenous groups could have histories that were not entirely determined by their

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relationships with colonizers, and in fact developed at times independently of them,

has not been incorporated into much colonial research. Archaeologists must look
sideways, so to speak, rather than just up and down, to examine the interaction of
people who were not distinguished primarily by differences in power.
All of these issues require a change in scale to encompass the broader
socioeconomic fields in which colonial groups participated. Although the sheer size
of the Spanish empire makes this a daunting task, archaeologists can broaden their
scope in a variety of ways. The sort of landscape reconstruction that is now
occasionally done in urban settings (e.g., Sanoja and Vargas 2002) could be applied
more widely and integrated with studies of settlement patterns and transportation
routes, environmental reconstruction, or landscape approaches that involve
descendant communities in order to provide more holistic understandings of
specific localities. At a larger scale, multinational projects could investigate flows of
commodities, people, and perhaps other organisms across long distances, for
instance between the Yucatán and Cuba or Seville and Mexico City (for an example
see Lightfoot et al. 1998). These approaches would encourage a more explicit
consideration of interaction among groups and help archaeologists break away from
a focus on specific sites that is due, in part, to the continuing interest in architectural
reconstructions of noteworthy monuments.
Over the last 15 years archaeologists have produced an impressive array of
studies that examine the participation of particular groups of people in the colonial
world. Increasing the scale of investigations and encouraging the comparison of
specific historical trajectories are just two approaches that could facilitate our
understanding of the relationship between specific cases and broader processes. Just
as importantly, such work also would enhance the productive relationship between
archaeology and historical anthropology that has been promoted by archaeologists
working in both the north (Lightfoot 1995) and south (Corona 1998; Patterson
1994). And finally, these types of projects are more likely to be relevant to
descendant communities—in the United States, but especially in Latin America—
who are interested in examining the historical roots of their current circumstances.

Acknowledgments I thank Hayley Hendricks and Rosalie Samaniego for all of their work formatting
and correcting the bibliography, as well as Patricia Fournier, Thomas Charlton, Rani Alexander, Steve
Wernke, Jeffrey Quilter, Maria Ximena Senatore, Clark Larsen, Haagen Klaus, Matt Liebmann, and
Pedro Funari for sharing their own work and recommending that of others. Gary Feinman, Linda
Nicholas, Thomas Charlton, Chuck Orser, Pru Rice, and three anonymous reviewers also provided helpful
advice. Most of all I thank Dimitris, Maria, and Michael for their patience during the long process of
writing this review. Given the tremendous amount of research that has been conducted on Spanish
colonial archaeology over the last two decades, I am sure that I have inadvertently omitted interesting and
important work. To those authors, my apologies.

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