Eastern Europe Immigation in Portugal - Catarina - Silva

EASTERN EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION IN PORTUGAL - OVERVIEW
CONTENT
EASTERN EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION IN PORTUGAL ...................................................... 3

HISTORIC EVOLUTION ........................................................................................................ 3
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION ............................................................................................ 9
TYPES OF FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLDS ......................................................................... 12
DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS .............................................................................. 13
ANALYSIS OF THE INTEGRATION IN THE HOST COUNTRY......................................... 17
SOCIAL .................................................................................................................................. 19
ECONOMIC ........................................................................................................................... 22
CULTURAL ........................................................................................................................... 23
COUNTRY PROFILE SUMMARY ........................................................................................... 27
1. UKRAINE ....................................................................................................................... 27
2. MOLDOVA .................................................................................................................... 29
3. ROMANIA ...................................................................................................................... 29
4. RUSSIA........................................................................................................................... 30
Concluding Remarks ................................................................................................................... 31
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................... 33
1
INDEX OF CHARTS, TABLES AND PICTURES

Chart 1 - Foreign Citizens regularly living in Portugal, by region (1974-2012) .............. 3
Chart 2 - Semester of Entry in Portugal ........................................................................... 4
Table 1 – Year of arrival of respondents and family members (%) ................................. 4
Table 2 – Documents of arrival in Portugal by region of origin ...................................... 5
Chart 3 - Foreign Citizens granted residence permits (2001-2002) ................................. 6
Table 3 - Residence Permits granted to Eastern European Nationals (2001-2002) ......... 7
Chart 4 – Percentage of foreign population with legal residence in Portugal (2001) ...... 7
Chart 5 – Percentage of foreign population with legal residence in Portugal (2007) ...... 8
Table 4 - Most representative nationalities in Portugal (2011) ........................................ 8
Table 5 – Evolution of the main foreign nationalities in Portugal ................................... 9
Picture 1 - Variation rate (%) of Foreigners living in Portugal (1991-2001) ................. 10
Table 6 – Foreign citizens holding valid contracts by area of origin and region of
settlement in Portugal (2001) ......................................................................................... 11
Table 7 - Eastern European Population geographic distribution (2001) ........................ 12
Table 8 - Immigrants granted residence permits, by district (2005) .............................. 12
Table 9 – Age groups (%) of respondents and family household members by region ... 14
Table 10 - Structure of Population (sex and age) in 2001 .............................................. 15
Table 11 - Eastern European population in Portugal (2012) .......................................... 15
Table 12 - Active Immigrant Population by country of origin, 2001 ............................. 16
Chart 6 - Perceptions of integration regarding immigration in Portugal ........................ 18
Chart 7 - Perception of Integration among immigrants from Ukraine and Moldova ..... 21
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EASTERN EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION IN PORTUGAL
HISTORIC EVOLUTION
The historical trend of Portugal as a country of emigrants began to be reversed

after the revolution of 1974, which saw the return of many people from the former
colonies that had become independent countries in the meantime. With the arrival of half
a million people in the years following the revolution, Portugal experienced the
emergence of the first immigrant communities, which continued to expand in the
subsequent years (Baganha et al, 2009; Malheiros et al, 2013).
Throughout the eighties, the economic investment in the country fuelled by the
entrance in the European Economic Community continued to stimulate the search for
manpower that would come mainly from the former colonies (also referred to as
Portuguese-speaking African Countries).
Due to this constant demand for manpower to work in construction and public
works, in 1985 there were 79.594 foreigners residing legally in the country, 44% of which
were nationals of the former African colonies.
Until the end of the nineties, the immigrant population in Portugal was composed
by people who had historical and cultural bonds with the country, with a wave of Brazilian
immigrants arriving during that decade.
By 1999 the number of legal foreign residents had increased to 190.896, of which
76% were people coming from Portuguese-speaking countries. This number of
immigrants corresponded to less than 2% of the overall population living in the country
(Baganha et al, 2009).
Chart 1 - Foreign Citizens regularly living in Portugal, by region (1974-2012)
Source: Malheiros et al, 2013
3
The most significant shift in the type of immigration flows arriving in Portugal
took place in the turn of the century, with the arrival of a group of people from the Eastern
European countries that were suffering the consequences of the collapse of the Soviet
Union. This sudden increase is represented in Chart 1 as we see a peak of immigrants
from Europe in 2000, which begins to stabilise after 2004.
These new flows of immigrants arrived in the country during a specific period,
mainly between 1998 and 2008, with a peak period until 2003 especially for Ukrainian
and Byelorussian citizens (Malheiros et al, 2013). According to Baganha et al (2009) the
fact that these migration flows were intense and very concentrated in a short time span
corresponding to a period of 2 to 3 years, mainly between 2000 and 2002, is one of the
most striking aspect of Eastern European migration in Portugal.
Chart 2 - Semester of Entry in Portugal
Source: Baganha et al, 2004a
Table 1 – Year of arrival of respondents and family members (%)
Indeed, the results of a survey applied by Baganha et al (2004a) to a sample of

some 735 Eastern European migrants provide a clear overview of the time of entry in
4
Portugal, showing that the most significant period is between the second half of the year
2000 and the first half of 2002.
The timing of the first inflows of Eastern European immigrants followed the
dismantlement of the Soviet Union but also the existence of a special regularisation period
for irregular immigrants in Portugal (open from January to November 2001), as well as
the entrance of the country in the Schengen space (Baganha et al, 2004a).
This particular migratory phenomenon in a country that had been traditionally a

source of emigration seems to be the result of a combination of several factors, which
include those mentioned above and also a lack of control regarding short-term visas issued
by some EU countries (in fact, many of the tourist visas used by immigrants to enter
Portugal had been issued by German consulates in their home countries, as referred
below) and the formation of organized immigration networks in Eastern European
countries (Baganha et al, 2009). This fact is highlighted by the Report on the Evolution
of the Migratory Phenomenon released in March 2002 by ACIME (in Baganha et al
2004a), which states that:
“In the case of Eastern Europe illegal migration operates in a massive form. In
the German consulates of Kushmou (Moldavia), Kiev (Ukraine) or Moscow
(Russia) thousands of citizens from these countries (…) request short term visas,
sometimes through travel agencies connected to human trafficking, and these are
largely granted. Speedily transported by bus or by some other fast mean of
transportation, they enter [the EU through] the German or Austrian borders and
then travel directly to Portugal. Once in Portugal they are integrated into informal
or clandestine labour networks, but remain under obligation to those that brought
them to us. Some of them are under the control of clandestine migration
networks.”
Table 2 – Documents of arrival in Portugal by region of origin
5
The results of surveys led by Baganha et al (2009) show that more than 90% of
respondents had arrived in Portugal with a short-stay visa, of which 66% had been issued
by a consulate from an EU country that was not Portugal. More than half of the
respondents declared to have entered the country with the help of a “travel agency” and
86% affirmed to have travelled by bus or mini-bus. When asked directly if they had faced
problems with mafia, 16% replied positively.
In 2001, 74.409 individuals from Eastern Europe were living in Portugal. Of

those, 71.831 were granted a residence permit, a number that increased to 96.122 in 2002
(Perista, 2004). The most considerable group of Eastern European immigrants in the late
nineties was from Ukraine, and those accounted for 45.233 residence permits out of a
total of 126.901 that were granted in that period, in the context of the extraordinary
legalisation of immigrants that took place in Portugal. Moldova was the second most
expressive source country, with some 7.1% of the total of permits granted, followed by
Romania, accounting for 5.9% (Baganha et al, 2009).
Chart 3 - Foreign Citizens granted residence permits (2001-2002)
Source: SEF MAI, 2002
According to the data of the Immigration and Borders Service – Serviço de

Estrangeiros e Fronteiras (SEF) – Ukraine topped the ranking of residence permits issued
in 2001 and 2002 in Portugal, as illustrated by Chart 1. Besides Ukraine, Moldova,
Romania and Russia also featured among the ten most representative nationalities in
terms of residence permits granted during that period. In 2001 Ukraine received 45.233
permits of residence, followed by Moldova and Romania with 8.984 and 7.461,
respectively, Russia with 5.022 and Bulgaria, much less significant, with 1.666. The
numbers of 2002, also shown in Chart 2 and in Table 2, indicate a descending trend of
immigrants arriving in the country from Eastern Europe, which continued to decrease in
the following years after the immigration peak and as the economic situation in Portugal
started to deteriorate.
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Table 3 - Residence Permits granted to Eastern European Nationals (2001-2002)
Country 2001 2002

Ukraine 45.233 16.523
Moldova 8.984 3.080
Romania 7.461 2.866
Russia 5.022 1.534
Bulgaria 1.666 1.091
Source: SEF MAI, 2002
The information in Chart 3 and Chart 4 shows that the immigrant communities
from Eastern Europe have become less significant in number between 2001 and 2007. In
2001, immigrants from Ukraine were the largest group of foreigners living in Portugal,
amounting to almost 40% of the overall foreign population. By 2007, Ukrainians were
less than 10% of foreigners living in Portugal, suggesting a trend of return to their country
of origin that was often expressed by Eastern European immigrants when asked about
intentions to remain in Portugal. Since Ukrainian immigrants made up for the largest
group of Eastern European immigrants, this reduction in number was more evident than
for other countries. Population from Moldova corresponded to 8% of the total in 2001
and has decreased to some 4% in 2007, while the Romanian community represented 7%
of the total in 2001 and around 5% in 2007.
Chart 4 – Percentage of foreign population with legal residence in Portugal (2001)
Source: Velez de Castro, 2008
7
Chart 5 – Percentage of foreign population with legal residence in Portugal (2007)
Source: Rego et al, 2010. Based on INE
Despite the continuous decrease in number of arrivals over the following years,
immigrants from Ukraine were still, in 2011, the 3rd largest group of immigrants in
Portugal, according to the Immigration Borders Service, with Romanian immigrants
being the 5th most represented nationality.
Table 4 - Most representative nationalities in Portugal (2011)
Source: Solonari, 2015. Based on INE data, 2011
8
Table 5 – Evolution of the main foreign nationalities in Portugal
Source: Padilla, 2012
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION
This change in the flow of migrants arriving in Portugal, with new waves of
immigrants coming from new geographical areas that had no historical relationships with
the country, was also reflected in the demographic characteristics of these groups, and in
the geographical distribution around the country (FFMS, 2017:39). While the African
communities used to be confined to the capital and its surrounding metropolitan area, the
new immigrants were dispersed throughout the entire territory of the country.
In fact, in 2002 the Lisbon district included 53.9% of the total number of
immigrants in the country, but this percentage comprehended only 18.8% of the total of
Ukrainian immigrants, 34.5% of Romanians, 27.9% of Moldovans and 18.1% of Russians
(Perista, 2004). At the same time, several districts from the country’s mainland such as
Portalegre, Évora, Beja, Castelo Branco, Santarém, Viseu, Guarda, Vila Real and
Bragança saw their immigrant populations more than double in a very short period of
time. The islands of Madeira and Azores also registered a significant rise in terms of
immigrants (Perista, 2004; Malheiros et al, 2013).
The map in Picture 1 shows the variation rate in terms of percentage of foreign
people living in the 18 Portuguese districts and the islands in a ten-year period, from 1991
to 2001. It is clear that the coastline of the country has experienced a very high variation
rate, with foreign population increasing intensely during that period. Nevertheless, the
variation rates are also high for most of the country’s districts, something that is explained
mainly by the arrival of Eastern European migrants, as we have seen that the traditional
immigrant communities in Portugal are established mainly in the Greater Lisbon area. In
the region of Évora alone, the immigrant population between 1996 and 2001 increased
by more than five times, largely due to the intake of Eastern European migrants, mainly
from Ukraine, Moldova, Romania, Russia and Bulgaria (Fonseca et al, 2004).
9
The typical populational gap between the coastal area and the interior is
maintained when it comes to foreign inhabitants, with a particular small portion of the
mainland territory showing the slightest variation rate, only matched by that of the islands.
Picture 1 - Variation rate (%) of Foreigners living in Portugal (1991-2001)
Source: Conselho Superior de Estatística, 2006
As shown in Table 4, based on foreign citizens holding valid work contracts in 2001,
nearly 38% of Eastern European immigrants were settled in the greater Lisbon area, as
opposed to nearly 80% of immigrants coming from former Portuguese African colonies.
In the case of Eastern Europe, a significant 20.2% of immigrants were based the northern
area of the country, and 23% in the southern area, including Alentejo and Algarve, which
shows a good coverage of most of the country and confirms the dispersion of this
immigrant population (Fonseca et al, 2004).
10
Table 6 – Foreign citizens holding valid contracts by area of origin and region of
settlement in Portugal (2001)
Source: Fonseca et al, 2004
The geographic distribution of these immigrants seems to match the kind of job
demands that became less increasingly concentrated in the capital city’s area. Although a
large part of this group was still working in the construction area, as well as domestic and
cleaning services, the group also had people working on the agricultural sector and in
some industry areas, mainly transformative industry, sometimes in sectors that had been
practically abandoned by national workers and that were not sought previously by
migrants either (Malheiros et al, 2013; Perista, 2004).
In Table 6 we can see the number of citizens from each of the five most
representative Eastern European countries spread across the 18 districts of Portugal and
the islands Madeira and Azores, in 2005. The numbers show a significant prevalence of
immigrants in Lisbon, Setúbal and Faro, matching the overall percentages in Table 5,
although these refer to the year 2011. Indeed, according to the table, the main incidence
in terms of geographic location for all four nationalities represented is in Lisbon and
Setúbal and in Algarve. In table 5 we can also see that Romanian citizens are those who
are more concentrated around Lisbon (55%), while Russians are those that seem to be
more distributed across the country.
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Table 7 - Eastern European Population geographic distribution (2001)
Source: Corrêa d’Almeida, 2004
Table 8 - Immigrants granted residence permits, by district (2005)
Source: Pereira, 2007
TYPES OF FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLDS
The sudden and unexpected influx of migrants from Eastern Europe in a country
that had not actively promoted any campaign to recruit them was mainly motivated, as
studies have consistently concluded by eased conditions to enter the country (Perista,
12
2004). This also justifies the arrival circumstances, according to which men would usually
come first to the country, on their own, to start working, and women would join them
later in a natural trend of family reunification. Another circumstance mentioned by some
authors is that of an existing parallel recruitment system led by illegal networks of labour
trafficking that was partly responsible for the arrival and increase of Eastern European
migrants in Portugal (Fonseca, 2004 in Malheiros et al, 2013).
A survey by Perista (2004) concluded that 17.5% of respondents chose to come

to Portugal because they had relatives in the country, but the number rises to 36% when
we isolate women respondents. In this case, it becomes clear that the relatives these
female immigrants had in the country were probably their partners or husbands, thus
evidencing a clear case of family reunification. The presence of friends or acquaintances
in the countries amounted to 26.5% of the answers, but the most mentioned reason for
coming to Portugal (28.9%) was the ease of access to legalisation (Perista, 2004). Another
reason indicated by other surveys points to the work opportunities as a preponderant
element for the choice of Portugal as destination (Malheiros et al, 2013: 87).
Regarding family households, the units composed by non-related individuals were

the most representative, although the incidence of such kind of household varied
according to the nationalities of the respondents (Perista, 2004). That type of structure
represented 44.8% of the households of nationals classified by the author as belonging to
“other countries” and also half of the Ukrainian immigrants’ households (51.9%),
whereas for Russians or Moldovans it had much less expression, representing around 30%
of the total (Perista, 2004).
Another demographic indicator analysed by Perista (2004) is that of large or

extended families, which used to be frequent among African immigrants, but much less
so for Eastern Europeans. The prevalence of this kind of household was of 11.8% for
Moldovans and 13% for immigrants listed as coming from “other countries”, while it was
virtually non-existent among Ukrainians, the largest group of immigrants.
DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS
Converging with the general data regarding the educational profile of Eastern
European immigrants, the sample of Perista’s study (2004) was composed of 36.3% of
people who had a higher education degree and 49.1% who had completed a technical of
professional degree, while only 10.4% of respondents had not completed higher or
technical education, thus way above the corresponding average for Portuguese citizens
(which was, in 2001, of 6% for higher education completion).
Nevertheless, these immigrants were not working as highly qualified migrants in

Portugal, since the vast majority worked in sectors that did not correspond to those of
their training or studies. The activity rates for Eastern European immigrants were
extremely high in the first years of the 21st century, in accordance with the usual patterns
of populations in the first stages of immigration. The results of the survey led by Perista
(2004) show a population with an overall activity rate of 98.2% among men and 88%
among women.
13
These high rates, although variable according to nationality, seem to be related to

the age cohorts of these immigrants, as most of them fall within the cohort corresponding
to active working age – around one third of respondents in the study of Perista (2004)
were aged 25 to 34 years, and slightly more than one third were between 35 and 44 years
old. This result coincides with the data collected by ACIDI, that shows some 70% of
immigrants from Eastern Europe with ages between 20 and 49 years old (Malheiros et al,
2013).
As shown by Malheiros et al (2013) in Table 7, the age range between 20 and 49

account for almost 70% of the immigrants from Eastern Europe. The presence of children
and elderly people is very limited, with a percentage of 4.2 for people up to 9 years old,
and 1% for people aged 60 or older. The data provided by Corrêa d’Almeida (2004),
which gives us an overview by nationality, shows that there is no significant variation in
terms of age structure among the four main countries of Eastern European immigrants,
except for a slightly higher number of children (0-14 years old).
Table 9 – Age groups (%) of respondents and family household members by region
14
Table 10 - Structure of Population (sex and age) in 2001
Source: Corrêa d’Almeida, 2004. Based on INE, 2001
The age cohorts of Eastern European immigrants are coherent with the main
motivations behind the decision to leave their origin countries, which are essentially
economic, thus matching the typical pattern of labour migration. As is consensually
agreed by all authors, this is a kind of labour immigration, as the numbers of ACIDI
clearly show: almost 72% of these immigrants left their countries for economic reasons
and in search for work opportunities, whereas 15.6% left to reunite with the family that
was already abroad (Malheiros et al, 2013; Rego et al, 2010). All the other motivations,
including political issues, play a very marginal role in the decision of these individuals to
leave their countries.
Given the character of labour migration, these immigrant communities are

composed by a larger number of men, with slight variations according to the countries of
origin and to the different years since the late nineties. Most data shows that there are
more men than women coming from Ukraine, Moldova and Romania, with Russia being
the exception. In fact, as seen in the table below, in 2012 the number of female immigrants
from Russia was higher than the number of men, and corresponded to 61% of the total of
Russian immigrants in Portugal (Estrela, 2013).
Table 11 - Eastern European population in Portugal (2012)
Source: Estrela, 2013
15
Table 12 - Active Immigrant Population by country of origin, 2001
Source: Corrêa d’Almeida, 2004.
16
ANALYSIS OF THE INTEGRATION IN THE HOST COUNTRY
It is commonly accepted that integration in the host country is of major importance

for the immigrant communities to thrive. Given the frequent language and cultural
barriers, the existence and actual functioning of immigrant associations is of utmost
importance, both to promote the acquisition of skills in terms of the host country’s
language, to inform immigrants about their rights and duties, and also to maintain the
connection with the original culture of immigrants.
The very concept of “integration” has been the object of detailed analysis by
researchers in the area of migration. According to Pires (2003 in Castro and Marques,
2008), it corresponds to the incorporation of individuals (in this case, the immigrants)
into new interaction frameworks as a result of social changes or movements (as in the
case of migration). Thus, it is important to understand how individuals develop strategies
and mobilise resources to adapt to the new, different contexts they have to embrace.
When asked about difficulties felt upon arriving in Portugal, the greatest obstacle
mentioned by 67.3% of immigrants was the language barrier, and the difficulty in finding
a job (45.7%). About 19% of respondents mentioned legalisation issues and 17.3% said
to have faced difficulties to find a place to live (Perista, 2004).
As regards the legalisation processes of these immigrants, it is worth mentioning

that a substantial proportion of Eastern European immigrants – more than 60% – arrived
in the country with tourist visas, guided by so-called “travel agencies” (often connected
to illegal migration networks) that would sell a package including the trip and the promise
of a job in Portugal, according to the conclusions of Malheiros et al (2013) and of Baganha
et al (2004a). The results of a survey applied by Fonseca et al (2004) to a sample of about
500 immigrants living in the southern area of the country seem to confirm this reality, as
70% of the respondents admitted having immigrated to Portugal illegally.
There is a recognised effort made by official institutions during the years

following the immigration peak in order to fight trafficking organisations and to promote
the integration of immigrant communities. This included an increase of partnerships
between structures of the central government, municipalities, interest groups such as trade
unions and several civil society organisations, which have also led to an official
recognition of the importance of immigrants’ associations in the integration processes,
given their mobilisation potential across a vast spectrum of people and regions
(Albuquerque, 2005; Pereira, 2007).
We have seen the development of an institutional framework aimed at integrating

this population in the Portuguese society, by approving legislation that broadened the
rights of immigrants, revealing the extension of immigration policies (Castro and
Marques, 2008). On the other hand, it is known that solidarity networks including friends
and relatives already in the host country usually play an important role in the process of
integration into the host society (Fonseca et al, 2004).
The overall impression when it comes to the reception and integration of Eastern
European immigrants in Portugal seems to be rather positive, with some hints of positive
17
differentiation of these immigrants when compared with other immigrant communities

(Castro and Marques, 2008), despite some ambiguities in the press coverage and public
opinion regarding Eastern European immigrants.
The chart below shows the perceptions of Portuguese citizens towards the three
main immigrant communities, regarding the facility of integration and attitudes towards
work. The Eastern European community is positioned in the upper spectrum, with a
positive perception in terms of integration and the most positive perception of all three
groups regarding attitudes towards work.
Chart 6 - Perceptions of integration regarding immigration in Portugal
Eastern
European
African
Facility of
Integratio
Brasilian n
Work
Source: Corrêa d’Almeida et al, 2004
Given the specific character of the Eastern European migratory flow, there is a
pattern that includes most of these immigrants, including a temporary situation as
irregular migrants – leading to precarious working conditions, with no contracts and low
salaries – and the poor living conditions for many in their first accommodation, often
shared with several people, which suggests a poor economic integration in an initial phase
(Castro and Marques, 2008).
Although numbers of discrimination felt by Eastern European immigrants in their

everyday lives are often not expressive, there are reports of minor conflicts and defensive
attitudes by colleagues in the work context. However, there are also several references
made by the host society to the good performance and professionalism of Eastern
European workers.
The more or less open reception by local communities seems to be related also
with the geographic location where immigrants settle. According to Corrêa d’Almeida et
al (2004), the region of Alentejo seems to be the territory with most reports of hostility
towards Ukrainian, Moldovan, Russian and Romanian immigrants. This can be explained
by the fact that local communities in the region may be traditionally more “closed”, and
also by a lack of a migratory history and the low economic dynamism, which may fuel
fears of immigrants stealing the few economic opportunities that exist.
18
The intra-ethnic dynamics among different communities from Eastern Europe

dos not seem to be very expressive, despite the proliferation of associations and the
existence of specific ethnic media for these communities. However, some initiatives like
churches or language schools, to teach the language from the country of origin to younger
generations, seem to have some potential and influence in generating dynamics of intra-
ethnic mobilisation (Corrêa d’Almeida et al, 2004).
Despite the rather positive integration of these immigrant communities in the

Portuguese society, and the absence of major evidence of xenophobia in the country, it is
acknowledged that the segregation of foreign communities persists, as stated by Corrêa
d’Almeida et al (2004): “not being political, nor juridical, it is mainly economic, being,
consequently, urbanistic, social and cultural”.
SOCIAL
As mentioned by Castro and Marques (2008), immigrants are “social agents”,

more than just mere economic agents contributing to the country’s production. This said,
it is important to understand, first and foremost, how were these immigrant communities
socially integrated after arriving in Portugal.
Nearly 30% of the immigrants interviewed by Fonseca et al (2004) declared that

they had not received any support upon arriving in Portugal, suggesting a difficult first
moment of integration into the host country, which was probably even more complicated
given the lack of knowledge of the country’s language.
Nevertheless, the governmental efforts to support these immigrants seem clear, as

the period of intense arrival of Eastern European immigrants in Portugal coincided with
the creation, in 2002, of an official entity responsible for dealing with migration issues,
initially called Alto-Comissariado para a Imigração e Minorias Étnicas – ACIME
(Albuquerque, 2005).
Conversely, a series of more formal and informal structures began to emerge

which provided help and support to newly-arrived immigrants, as well as to those already
established in the country. These structures and networks include the National Immigrant
Support Centres (Centros Nacionais de Apoio ao Imigrante – CNAI), churches (namely
the Catholic Church) and municipalities (Viana in Albuquerque, 2005).
The legislative framework also took into account the conditions for family
reunification, something that is known to be very important for the immigrants’
integration and perception of the host country as their own.
The Portuguese society is known to be moderate and welcoming, with no clear

manifestations of racism or anti-immigrant positions. When asked how they relate to
immigrants from Eastern Europe, 7.3% of Portuguese respondents mention they have a
friendship relationship with an immigrant from Eastern Europe, almost coincident with
6.9% who affirm they maintain a neighbourhood relationship with someone from the
19
same immigrant community. According to Corrêa d’Almeida et al (2004), these answers

seem to indicate an easier or, at least, more immediate integration of these immigrants in
the Portuguese society, when compared with other groups.
The work context is considered to be one of the first spheres of contact with the
host society, since it determines the structural position in the host society and thus the
access of exclusion of certain rights, as well as the level of resources that one may expect
to achieve. An important aspect cited by several immigrants in the interviews carried out
by different authors was the lack of correspondence between the jobs done in Portugal
and those that the people used to have in their home countries. The isolation that is the
result of some jobs (such as cleaning jobs) and that does not allow much interaction,
preventing the improvement of language skills, is another negative aspect pointed out.
In the survey led by Baganha et al (2004a), 63% of immigrant respondents

affirmed not having experienced prejudice in the context of their work. This number,
however, contrasts with the results obtained by Fonseca et al (2004) in the survey applied
in the region of Alentejo, where 37.8% of respondents affirmed to have been exposed to
discrimination by the employers and being treated worse than Portuguese workers
performing the same tasks.
The work context is, indeed, where there seems to be a greater hostility by the
Portuguese community towards Eastern European immigrants, since the higher
qualifications of those immigrants, and their work and organisational culture seem to be
seen as threats to the established performance rules (Castro and Marques, 2008).
The associative movement among Eastern European immigrants is significant,

gaining ground shortly after the first waves of immigrants have arrived in the country.
Unlike the associations created in the 70’s and 80’s to support the wave of African
immigrants, the social intervention of these associations is not marked by a character of
emergency, but rather focus on the promotion of the socio-economic development of the
groups that they represent (Albuquerque, 2008).
Although the language barrier was frequently referred as one of the main
difficulties faced upon arrival, after a few months in the country most immigrants had
already achieved at least some degree of proficiency in the language. In the survey applied
by Baganha et al (2004a: 36) only less than 9% of respondents declared that they were
unable to speak Portuguese at all within a few months of arriving in Portugal.
When asked about their overall experience in Portugal, 52% of the respondents to
the survey of Baganha et al (2004a) declared it to be positive or very positive, while 7%
considered it to be very negative. Again, this reveals a rather positive perception by this
group of immigrants, although it shows that nearly half of the people inquired did not
share this perception, which may indicate some difficulties of integration in the country.
These numbers also seem to coincide with the percentage of respondents (51%) who
planned to return to their home countries in the future (Baganha et al, 2004a).
Integration of immigrants’ children in the host society also seems to be positive,

with several cases of success in terms of performance at school. When analyzing the
performance of non-Portuguese students, Ukrainian, Romanian and Moldovan appear as
some of the most successful, together with students from Switzerland and Germany
20
(Dionísio et al, 2005). On the other hand, with several variables influencing the school
performance of immigrants’ children, there are also cases of early dropout among that
group of students (Castro and Marques, 2008).
Regarding access to health, many immigrants indicate they had to face several
logistical obstacles, while others refer the lack of preparation by medical staff to deal with
the difference, leading to cases of discrimination associated with shortage of resources
and to a perception of immigrants as potential threats in terms of “stealing” the existing
benefits.
Some immigrants refer issues regarding social protection, including the fact that
not all active people could have the same expectations in terms of pensions, since that
type of social protection for foreigners is regulated by international norms that did not
cover all nationalities.
Although there is no evidence of intentional refusal to interact with the host

society, the socialisation of most immigrants is conditioned by the fact that work absorbs
the majority of their time (Castro and Marques, 2008).
While there are no major differences among Eastern European nationalities when
it comes to integration in Portugal, a study by Solonari (2015), in which immigrants were
asked about their integration and adaptation, shows that Moldovans seem to consider their
adaptation to the country to be more difficult, when compared to Ukrainians. When asked
if they have adapted “well”, “fairly well” or “with difficulties”, 45.5% of Moldovans has
chosen the latter, contrasting with 23.5% of Ukrainians.
Chart 7 - Perception of Integration among immigrants from Ukraine and Moldova
Source: Solonari, 2015
Despite a generally positive perception of Eastern European immigrants among

the Portuguese nationals, surveys on the Portuguese perceptions concerning the
prevalence of criminality among immigrants indicated that Eastern Europeans used to be
21
associated with organised crime and mafia [52,4%], violence [43,7%] and prostitution
[38,7% (Corrêa d’Almeida, 2004).
When trying to explore a more in-depth dimension of social integration, such as

the active participation of immigrants in the political scene of the host country, we are
confronted with a lack of data that seems to indicate a general deficit in terms of political
participation of immigrants.
ECONOMIC
Immigration from Eastern European countries to Portugal is consensually referred

by authors as being the typical case of a labour migration, mainly motivated by economic
aims (despite the fact that some later waves of immigrants are motivated by family
reunification purposes). Sometimes entering the country under irregular circumstances,
many of these immigrants often ended up receiving rather low wages, despite the
qualifications obtained in their home countries and despite working, in many cases, more
than the average eight hours per day (Fonseca et al, 2004).
The economic integration in the country exists insofar as most immigrants are
incorporated into the labour force, therefore contributing to the country’s GDP. Other
than that, there is not much evidence of deep integration in terms of long-term investments
or other type of indicators. In fact, the most common housing option among Eastern
European immigrant is to rent – an option in line with the future plans of leaving the
country to return to their home countries or to emigrate to another destination – and the
transfer of remittances to the home country plays a very important role in immigrants’
management of their budget.
In the survey carried out by Fonseca et al (2004), 79% respondents admitted

sending money home on a regular basis. That money was, in most cases, aimed at
supporting the families’ daily expenses and paying for children education, whereas the
aims of “buying a house” or “accumulating savings” were less often indicated.
The numbers in the table below reflect the broader picture in terms of professional
situations of Eastern European immigrants in Portugal. There is a homogeneous trend
among all four countries, with the majority of their nationals working as qualified, semi-
qualified or non-qualified workers. Among Russian immigrants there is a significant
proportion of intellectual and scientific professionals, middle managers and senior
officials.
22
Table 12 - Distribution of Eastern European Immigrants by Socio-Economic

Groups (2001)
Source: Pereira, 2007, based on ACIME data, 2005
Although Eastern European immigrants work mainly in low qualified jobs when
arriving in Portugal, some authors (Ramos, 2003 in Pereira, 2007: 107) refer the trend
towards a positive evolution of these immigrants’ working situation and, consequently,
of their overall economic situation. Ramos (in Pereira, 2007) states that “after the work
in construction, after getting rid of smugglers, after learning the language country and
given their training situation, they are sought after in other sectors, such as the hospitality
industry, and even in highly qualified jobs, once they are able to have their diplomas
recognised” in Portugal. There are also cases of development of professional projects, in
many cases successful, to escape the professional downgrading that marked the
professional integration of many Eastern European immigrants upon arrival (Castro and
Marques, 2008).
Another element that points to the search for better conditions is the fact that this
group of immigrants tends to change house more than once after arriving, unlike other
immigrant communities that remain in the same house (sometimes supported by the
government) for a long time, once their economic situation has improved after settling in
the country.
CULTURAL
When analysing the cultural integration of Eastern European immigrants, the lack
of historic bonds between their original countries and Portugal is consensually referred
by all sources as a potential obstacle, as opposed to what is the case with immigrants from
former Portuguese colonies, who share the language, history and cultural traits. However,
23
according to Castro and Marques (2008), there are no major “contrast marks” in these
immigrant communities comparing to the host society, and those contrasting lines that
may exist are not structuring for the way of life of Eastern European immigrants.
The language barrier is also frequently cited by immigrants as one of the main
obstacles they must overcome when arriving in the country (Corrêa d’Almeida, 2004).
The communication difficulties that result from not speaking the language of the
destination country, as well as the fact that many of these immigrants come to reunite
with family or to join friends who already settled in the country, may justify a certain
degree of isolation from the culture of the arrival country.
It is acknowledged that immigrant associations play a major role in the integration

of their members in the host society, and in Portugal the immigrant associative movement
has accompanied the history of immigration in the country, varying according to the flows
of immigrants that arrive (Albuquerque, 2008 in Corrêa d’Almeida, 2004). Until 1990
there were very few associations, which began to emerge mainly during that decade.
The associations of Easter European immigrants started to appear from the year
2000 onwards, coinciding with the period of arrival of these immigrants in the country
(Pereira, 2007: 171). It was also in the same period that the Portuguese Parliament
approved the legal status of Immigrant Associations, (DL nº 115/99, of 3rd of August
regulated by Decree-Law nº 75/2000 of 9th of May) which until then was inexistent. This
recognition allowed the associations to receive “technical and financial support from the
state for the development of their activities, and to be granted broadcasting time in the
public services of radio and television” (Pereira, 2007).
The creation of associations is considered to be an inherent process to the maturing

of an immigrant community. According to Corrêa d’Almeida (2004) cultural associations
appear as a structural element and a platform for the immigrant community to integrate
in the socio-political context of the host society. The aims of associations may be diverse,
ranging from awareness-raising and promotion of rights, to actions of support in order to
improve the community’s life conditions or to prevent or fight racist attitudes.
In the study carried out by Pereira (2007), which inquired several immigrants’
associations, it was concluded that associations of Eastern European immigrants offered
more practical support to their associates in terms of contacts with landlords, the police
or the judicial system, when compared to similar associations created by Angolan and
Guinean immigrants (Pereira, 2007). Another conclusion was that those associations were
more often involved in intellectual events than their counterparts, something that seems
to be in line with the higher levels of education of Eastern European immigrants.
Overall, the associations of immigrants from Easter Europe seem to be more

active in the field of media, while also being more prone to self-define themselves as
cultural associations and immigrant associations, when compared with those of the
African communities.
In an analysis of who are the members participating in these associations, it is

clear that young people (aged 16 to 30) play a significant role, representing an important
number of associates (Pereira, 2007). Immigrants recently arrived in the country
correspond to almost half the members of Eastern European associations, in stark contrast
24
with the numbers of other immigrant associations, namely from Angola and Guinea-
Bissau. In the study carried out by Pereira (2007), the financial constraints faced by these
associations came up as an evident issue, as 6 out of 7 associations referred not having an
official office space. As far as budget is concerned, most organisations of Eastern
European immigrants declared to have a budget between 10.000 and 49.000 euros
(Pereira, 2007: 154).
Besides cultural associations, religion is another important dimension of Eastern

European immigrants’ interaction, with more than 70% of immigrants coming from
Ukraine, Russia and Moldova following the orthodox religion (Malheiros et al, 2013: 62).
Although in this case the religion is not shared with the most preponderant religion of the
host country (Catholicism), it does provide a platform for interaction and integration of
immigrants in their own community. In fact, the church is also mentioned by these
immigrants as the community place they attend the most (Salim, 2013:153). The major
flows of Eastern European immigrants to Portugal have led to the introduction in Portugal
of the Russian Orthodox Church, the Romanian Orthodox Church and the Ukrainian
Orthodox Church (Dionísio, 2007). Official Portuguese entities have realised the
importance of religious rituals and the role of religion in uniting peoples. The OCPM
(Obra Católica para as Migrações) highlights this situation by declaring that “for
President Jorge Sampaio to meet the Ukrainian it was necessary to go to a mass. Religious
celebrations are those that gather more people at the moment. As far as immigration is
concerned this is an aspect to take into account, since it is a plural space” (Dionísio, 2007).
A study promoted by the Observatory for Migrations and ACIDI (Salim, 2008 and
2013) showed the existence of some community media among the Eastern European
community in Portugal, highlighting the presence of the newspapers Slovo, Vremechko
and Maiak Portugalii. These are aimed at the Russian-speaking community, and were
created in order “to help those immigrants and render their lives in Portugal more
comfortable”. According to Kostantin Yakovlev, who was the director of the publication
at the time of the study “the aim of the newspaper is to help immigrants become more
integrated in Portuguese society” by offering “a source of useful information, providing
answers for juridical questions and practicalities of life in Portugal” (Salim, 2008: 55).
They prove especially useful for immigrants who are newly-arrived on the country and
do not know its language, thus using this kind of ethnic media to get relevant information
that they may need.
The analysis carried out on ethnic media also refers radio programmes and other
media outlets for the Romanian-speaking (Actualitatea Romaneasca and Diaspora) and
Ukrainian (Boletim da Associação dos Ucranianos em Portugal) communities that they
can access in Portugal. These elements work as a bridge between the host country and the
countries of origin, and promote cultural events as a means of preserving the cultural roots
of immigrant communities and promoting intercultural exchange (Salim, 2008: 56).
One of the aims of ethnic media, just like that of the cultural associations
previously mentioned, is to promote the integration of immigrants within the Portuguese
society, something that the immigrants also seem to perceive as necessary and valuable,
as they consider important to establish friendship relationships with Portuguese people,
as well as to know the functioning of the country in order to be more able to be integrated
(Solonari, 2015).
25
On a cultural level, official initiatives by the Portuguese authorities emanate

mainly from the High Commissioner for Immigration and Intercultural Dialogue (ACIDI)
since it is the body that is responsible for supporting the process of reception and
integration of immigrants. Being aware of the importance of learning the language for a
proper integration, ACIDI has promoted a program of Portuguese for foreigners, entitled
“Portuguese for All” (Programa Português para Todos), as part of a political strategy of
integration. Other aspects of cultural integration are related to the opportunities of training
and education for adult immigrants, as well as efforts to promote the recognition of their
qualifications obtained in the home countries (Estrela, 2013).
A specific characteristic of Eastern European immigrants is related to their habits

of cultural consumption and, in some cases, their cultural education. On this note, there
is an identified migratory movement of musicians from central and Eastern Europe to the
interior region of Portugal, where the labour market offers some opportunities. It is
recognized that these immigrants contribute to the dynamism of arts schools in the region,
especially with their skills, working capacity, discipline and organization. (Corrêa
d’Almeida et al, 2004).
As far as cultural consumption habits are concerned, some of the immigrants

interviewed for several studies indicate the lack of cultural offer as a negative aspect of
the place where they live, especially when living in smaller cities that do not offer regular
programs of theatre or music, for instance.
26
COUNTRY PROFILE SUMMARY
Although we tend to refer to Eastern European immigrants as a single, homogeneous

group, it is important to distinguish several sub-groups according to the countries of
origin, since the expression “Eastern European immigrants” includes citizens coming
from several countries of the former Soviet Union and ex-Yugoslavia, as well as Albania,
Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland and Romania (Perista, 2004).
Most data collected by different studies carried out by researchers and by official
entities tend to identify the three or four most expressive countries individually – Ukraine,
Moldova, Romania and Russia – while aggregating the other countries of origin under a
common label such as “other countries”.
We will thus follow the same line and highlight some of the peculiar aspects for the
immigrant population of each of these four countries, while considering that the numbers
pertaining to other countries of origin are marginal and not significant for our analysis.
1. UKRAINE
“The only thing I knew [about Portugal] was Fatima, because I’m
catholic […] I trusted because if she chose Portugal, it means they
are a good people.”
Natalia, Ukraine
One of the immigrants interviewed by Baganha et al (2009) affirmed that “Portugal

is a good country that offers many possibilities and opportunities (…) the Portuguese
people are polite, hospitable and always willing to help. Maybe I will decide to remain
permanently… but I still have strong feelings about Ukraine and a great hope that the
situation improves significantly so that I can go back home, without the risk of facing a
situation in which we have nothing”.
This statement somehow summarizes a common feeling among all Eastern European
immigrants, the dichotomy of a positive perception about Portugal as host country and a
hope to return to the home country.
Ukraine has been the sending country of the largest group of immigrants from Eastern
Europe at the beginning of the century. Jumping to the first place in the top of most
represented nationalities in Portugal, it is still, nowadays, in the top three.
In 2008, Ukraine was the 5th country not part of the European Union with the most
residents in the 27 member states (Estrela, 2013), which shows that Ukrainian nationals
have spread wide across the European continent since the beginning of the century.
27
In line with the data for most Eastern European countries, immigrants coming from
Ukraine present good levels of education, and have a background of good jobs back home,
which included doctors, pilots of the air force, officials and civil servants. It is also the
group of immigrants with the largest proportion of women having completed academic
education (Velez, 2008).
That is in contrast with the working situation, as Ukrainians are over-represented as

non-qualified workers (33.2%), with a particular incidence on women (44.6%)
(Malheiros et al, 2013). In fact, Ukrainians seem to be the group facing the most fragile
labour situations, despite being the largest community from Eastern Europe in Portugal.
Although Ukrainian immigrants have arrived from all points of Ukraine, some of
the authors of surveys point to a strong preponderance of five Ukrainian regions as
regions of origins of many migrants (Baganha et al 2009). These five regions were home
to 60% of the immigrants interviewed, and seem to match previous data that shows that
the western area of Ukraine is the one with a tradition of migration. Besides these regions,
the areas of Kyiv, Cherkasy and Donetsk account for almost 15% of the immigrants
inquired.
In Portugal, the Ukrainian community is dispersed throughout the country, as we

have previously seen. The majority of these immigrants belong to an age range between
25 and 64 years, which means that they correspond largely to the active working age and
also to the reproductive age (Estrela, 2013), also leading to a significant number of
children in the community.
The Association of Ukrainians of Portugal, one of the few immigrant associations

with a national scope, contributes actively to the promotion of the integration of their
members in the Portuguese society, by organising recreational activities that allow
immigrants to get to know the country and to interact with the local populations. These
activities include excursions to several places, as a privileged means to assimilate
knowledge about the Portuguese culture.
Natalia, an immigrant belonging to the board of the Association of Ukrainians of

Algarve, declares that “to get to know Portugal, I believe it is also an important role for
an association, we have done many excursions at the time to facilitate the integration into
the Portuguese community, to know the culture of the receiving country, and we continue
to organise excursions, we even have Portuguese with us now” (Lichtenberg, 2014).
Ukrainians were the largest group of Eastern European migrants that arrived in
Portugal at the beginning of the century, and became the group registering the highest
number of departures from the country, in an inverse movement that began in 2005 and
became particularly significant in the period between 2010 and 2012, according to data
by SEF (Estrela, 2013).
28
2. MOLDOVA
“It was easier to come to Portugal than to go to other countries,

because of the documents […] my brother-in-law was here so we
decided to stay here. In other countries, you don’t know anyone
and don’t speak the language, it is more difficult.”
Rozalya, from Moldova
Immigrants from Moldova are among the most representative in Portugal, and
share several characteristics with the sub-group of immigrants from Ukraine, but also
with other Eastern European immigrants.
In terms of professional integration, Moldovan immigrant men are mainly

integrated in the labour market as labourers, craftsmen and similar workers (35.9%),
machinery operators and assembly line workers (6.3%). The Moldovan community is
one of the those in which women have the greatest weight in terms of non-qualified
workers, as 43.5% of these are women (Malheiros et al, 2013: 123);
Moldovans seem to represent the largest number of so-called entrepreneurs among

Eastern European immigrants, as 11.4% of Moldovan immigrants are self-employed.
Ukraine, on the other hand, has only 6.2% of people working as self-employed (Malheiros
et al, 2013).
Moldovans with qualifications corresponding to 10th and 11th grade, many of

whom have come from a rural context in Moldova, work in factories and as mechanics.
These immigrants do not usually come with the family, reuniting at a later stage of the
migratory process (Velez, 2008).
When compared with immigrants coming from Ukraine or Russia, Moldovans are
often said to be less qualified, with less erudite cultural consumptions and less resource
to media from their countries of origin (Malheiros, 2013).
Another aspect related to Moldovan immigrants in Portugal is the fact that they
are the group rating the treatment received by the host society as the most negative, since
7 out of 10 persons inquired by Malheiros et al (2013) considered to have been
discriminated against at some point.
3. ROMANIA
“Now it’s more difficult to be here. There is less work, housing is

expensive. I hear it is already better there [in Romania].”
Sabina, from Romania, in Pinto, 2014
According to Fonseca et al (2004) in the period of 2001-2002 53,4% of Romanian

immigrants in Portugal with stay permit were working in the construction sector, 18% in
the services sector and some 9% in the manufacturing industry.
29
Unlike what happened with the immigrant community from Ukraine and other
countries, that began to diminish after a few years of intense arrivals, the Romanian
community has seen an increase after 2007 until 2011 (after the country became a
member-state of the European Union). According to the SEF data from 2014, Romania is
the EU country with the highest number of citizens living in Portugal, a number that
amounted to thirty-four thousand in 2013 and some thirty thousand in 2017. Despite this
relevant presence, there is few information regarding this community in particular, as it
is usually included in the larger label of Eastern European countries.
Velez (2008) describes the average profile of Romanian immigrants as people

with higher technical training (including several engineers), with an age range younger
than the average Eastern European immigrants, and with a very strong attachment to the
family, meaning that they are usually accompanied by family during the migratory
process.
Romanians also have the Latin common root of their mother tongue, which is the
same as Portuguese and may thus represent an advantage for this group of people to learn
the language of the host country more easily and become more quickly integrated.
4. RUSSIA
“Gostei mais da liberdade que há aqui e do povo.”
Elena, from Russia, in Ribeiro, 2014
The Russian community of immigrants is frequently referred to as a rather

particular group, one that registers higher numbers of people working in areas such as
services and sales (23.6%), but still with a significant percentage of non-qualified
workers, corresponding to 22.9%. When compared to other Eastern European
nationalities, Russians seem to be over-represented in the category of specialists in
intellectual and scientific jobs (10.8%), while 9.6% of Russian immigrants are included
in the group of machinery operators and assembly line workers (Malheiros et al, 2013).
These immigrants, who are part of a cultural cluster that is significantly

contrasting with the Portuguese society, benefit from a strong presence of elements from
their origin country and the offer of immaterial cultural goods connected to a formal
culture of elites and more formally trained individuals.
Russian immigrants, as well as Ukrainians, are over-represented in terms of

consumption associated with erudite culture (such as concerts, theatre, etc.), as well as
print media, both coming from the home country and produced in Portugal specifically
for the Russian-speaking community, as we have previously observed when analysing the
cultural integration of Eastern European immigrants (Malheiros, 2013).
Russians are also among the nationalities that consider to be less discriminated in
the Portuguese society.
30
Concluding Remarks
The flow of migrants from Eastern Europe to Portugal in the late nineties and the
beginning of the 21st century considered to be “one of the most paradigmatic cases of
“industry of migration” of the globalized world” (Baganha et al, 2004).
Is was marked by an intense flow of people, concentrated on a short period of

time, corresponding to mechanisms of legalization of migrants put in place by the
Portuguese authorities and taken advantage of by intermediaries and networks that
attracted Eastern European immigrants to come to the country with promises of work,
decent pay, legal status and an overall improvement of their living conditions.
According to Baganha et al, a large part of the Eastern European community that
entered the country between 2001 and 2003 had already returned to their home countries
by 2009, or emigrated to another destination country, something that is at least partly
explained by the worsening economic conditions in Portugal since 2004/2005, resulting
in less work in the construction sector and an overall stagnation or slight growth of the
Portuguese economy.
The statistical data provided by SEF corroborate this thesis: in 2004 there were
sixty-five thousand Ukrainians immigrants living in the country (90% of which were
men) and by 2007 that number had decreased to thirty-nine thousand (of which 62% were
men and 38% were women, showing a clear trend of family reunification). In 2017
Ukraine is the third most representative immigrant community in Portugal, with 34.490
people, which indicates a stabilisation trend. Romanians (30.429 in 2017) are currently
the 4th largest immigrant community in the country, while other Eastern European
countries no longer figure among the top ten most representative nationalities.
Results of several studies and researches carried out during the first decade of the
century, with both national and regional scopes, seem to provide consistent and coherent
results regarding the motivations behind the immigration to Portugal, the process of
arrival and settling down, the working context and conditions in the country, the salaries,
the familiar realities and the expectations of Eastern European immigrants.
Data becomes scarcer after the second half of the decade, as the migration waves
coming from Eastern Europe seem to decline abruptly (Fonseca et al, 2004), making it
harder to analyse the continuity and evolution of these immigrants in Portugal. The abrupt
reduction of immigrants from Eastern European countries after the peak in the first years
of the 21st century is attributed to “greater difficulties in obtaining permits” and “scarcer
employment opportunities” (Fonseca et al, 2004).
The economic and working conditions are similar for most Eastern European
immigrants regardless of their country of origin, with a very large proportion of
immigrants (84%) working in less qualified professional groups, despite their
qualifications from their origin counties (Castro and Marques, 2008).
The Eastern Europe communities are geographically dispersed throughout the

Portuguese territory, with effects of residential agglomeration less visible than in other
31
immigrant communities, despite the weight of social national support networks in

bringing family, friends and acquaintances to the country.
Most studies carried out indicate that Eastern European immigrants feel, overall,
welcome in Portugal and are happy with the treatment they receive from the host society.
The majority of immigrants inquired in several studies do not mention discrimination in
the workplace, despite some negative incidents pointed out involving Portuguese bosses
or colleagues (Baganha et al, 2003).
32
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Eastern Europe Immigation in Portugal - Catarina - Silva

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EASTERN EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION IN PORTUGAL - OVERVIEW

EASTERN EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION IN PORTUGAL ...................................................... 3

INDEX OF CHARTS, TABLES AND PICTURES

EASTERN EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION IN PORTUGAL

The historical trend of Portugal as a country of emigrants began to be reversed

Chart 1 - Foreign Citizens regularly living in Portugal, by region (1974-2012)

Source: Malheiros et al, 2013

Chart 2 - Semester of Entry in Portugal

Source: Baganha et al, 2004a

Table 1 – Year of arrival of respondents and family members (%)

Source: Malheiros et al, 2013

Indeed, the results of a survey applied by Baganha et al (2004a) to a sample of

This particular migratory phenomenon in a country that had been traditionally a

Table 2 – Documents of arrival in Portugal by region of origin

Source: Malheiros et al, 2013

In 2001, 74.409 individuals from Eastern Europe were living in Portugal. Of

Chart 3 - Foreign Citizens granted residence permits (2001-2002)

Source: SEF MAI, 2002

According to the data of the Immigration and Borders Service – Serviço de

Table 3 - Residence Permits granted to Eastern European Nationals (2001-2002)

Country 2001 2002

Chart 4 – Percentage of foreign population with legal residence in Portugal (2001)

Source: Velez de Castro, 2008

Chart 5 – Percentage of foreign population with legal residence in Portugal (2007)

Source: Rego et al, 2010. Based on INE

Table 4 - Most representative nationalities in Portugal (2011)

Source: Solonari, 2015. Based on INE data, 2011

Table 5 – Evolution of the main foreign nationalities in Portugal

Source: Padilla, 2012

Picture 1 - Variation rate (%) of Foreigners living in Portugal (1991-2001)

Source: Conselho Superior de Estatística, 2006

Source: Fonseca et al, 2004

Table 7 - Eastern European Population geographic distribution (2001)

Source: Corrêa d’Almeida, 2004

Table 8 - Immigrants granted residence permits, by district (2005)

Source: Pereira, 2007

TYPES OF FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLDS

A survey by Perista (2004) concluded that 17.5% of respondents chose to come

Regarding family households, the units composed by non-related individuals were

Another demographic indicator analysed by Perista (2004) is that of large or

Nevertheless, these immigrants were not working as highly qualified migrants in

These high rates, although variable according to nationality, seem to be related to

As shown by Malheiros et al (2013) in Table 7, the age range between 20 and 49

Source: Malheiros et al, 2013

Table 10 - Structure of Population (sex and age) in 2001

Source: Corrêa d’Almeida, 2004. Based on INE, 2001

Given the character of labour migration, these immigrant communities are

Table 11 - Eastern European population in Portugal (2012)

Source: Estrela, 2013

Table 12 - Active Immigrant Population by country of origin, 2001

Source: Corrêa d’Almeida, 2004.

ANALYSIS OF THE INTEGRATION IN THE HOST COUNTRY

It is commonly accepted that integration in the host country is of major importance

As regards the legalisation processes of these immigrants, it is worth mentioning

There is a recognised effort made by official institutions during the years

We have seen the development of an institutional framework aimed at integrating

differentiation of these immigrants when compared with other immigrant communities

Chart 6 - Perceptions of integration regarding immigration in Portugal

Source: Corrêa d’Almeida et al, 2004

Although numbers of discrimination felt by Eastern European immigrants in their

The intra-ethnic dynamics among different communities from Eastern Europe

Despite the rather positive integration of these immigrant communities in the

As mentioned by Castro and Marques (2008), immigrants are “social agents”,