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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME
The accepted view of church architecture in Rome during the early Mid
that delineated by Richard Krautheimer in a few hugely influentia
highly cyclical picture which he has presented consists of a series of di
Firstly, there is the Constantinian phase, during which the Christi
established as an architectural type, with colonnaded naves, single ap
form of transept; spolia elements are used disparately, since an ordered
still seen as something inherently pagan. In the subsequent 'Sistine Rena
the fifth century, classicism is reborn in a fully Christian context: homo
are selected, the orders are respected, and figurative decorative com
used, together with monumental inscriptions. The period from the late
seventh centuries is termed Byzantine: smaller, more elaborate chu
favoured, often with galleried aisles and multiple apses; fresco, mosaic a
decoration, and even the modulus of construction, are said to be s
'eastern'. The late seventh and early eighth centuries are seen as an
dark age, seldom discussed except as a background to the next pha
olingian Renaissance. Here, early Christian, and specifically Constant
are revived; we are urged to apprehend a clear contrast between bo
building-activity of the preceding age and the richness of activity of the
cycle, and between the 'Roman', 'western' character of the Carolingian a
and the 'Greek', 'eastern' character of the Byzantine phase. The
Renaissance of architecture in Rome dies away after the pontificate
855). The buildings of the tenth century are so rarely considered that t
even form an accepted second 'dark age'. Religious architecture in the ci
once again in the twelfth century.
But this picture, convenient though it may be as a form of descriptiv
is in urgent need of revision. Even when Krautheimer drew up his s
original 'Carolingian Revival' article (1942), he was quite selective wit
examples he produced to illustrate his rigid categories. His 'T-type basili
used as a benchmark for the Constantinian, Roman model, is really only
in Rome itself by Saint Peter's: the numerous conflicting examples of c
church types in fourth-century Rome bear little or no relation to this m
therefore omitted from the argument (1942: 2). Furthermore, those arc
characteristics which Krautheimer termed foreign or near eastern and
supposedly eliminated by the Carolingian Renaissance - triple apse
177
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1 78 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 1 79
LIBER PONTIFICALA
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1 80 ROBERT CO ATES-STEPHENS
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 181
SANT'EUPLO, ad 642-9
This church was first mentioned in the Liber Pontificalis biography of Pope Theodore:
( fecit et oratorium beato Euplo martyris foris porta beati Pauli apostoli quern etiam ornavi?
(LXXXV, 5). When Hadrian I restored the portico running to San Paolo fuori le
Mura he included work on Sant'Euplo, by now termed 'ecclesia' {Liber Pontificalis
XCVII, 74). It is mentioned again in a property document from Sant'Alessio in 1 145
as a border of a rented plot: 'aprimo later e est murus civitatis et meta [that is, the pyramid
of Cestius], a secundo latere est via publica et ecclesia sancii Eupli (Monaci, 1904: 384). Its
position has therefore been placed at the entrance to the portico, almost contiguous
with the Porta Ostiensis (Armellini, 1942: 1,147). The disappearance of Sant'Euplo
from the sources coincides with the first references to San Salvatore de Porta, which
stood in just this location until its destruction in 1849. As Duchesne noted (1886: I,
334, n. 12), it seems likely that San Salvatore represented a rebuilding of the older
church, but to what extent it is impossible to say. Achille Pinelli's 1834 watercolour
of San Salvatore shows a very small structure with a simple stucco fafade; brickwork
visible beneath the plaster to either side of the central door may be late medieval
(Fig- I)-4
4 Armellini (1942: 1,147) and Huelsen (1927: 250) gave no evidence for their belief that
Sant'Euplo and San Salvatore were entirely different churches. Panciroli (1600: 750) and Martinello
(1653: 301) related an ancient tradition which saw San Salvatore as the (miraculous) conversion of a
Roman house of Plautilla, who offered her veil to Saint Paul as a blindfold at his execution.
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1 82 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 183
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1 84 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
The 'basilica quae appellatur sancii Georg? in the text known as 'Istae vero ecclesiae intus Romae habentur'
is certainly our San Giorgio; however, this reference has now been proved to be later than 755, rather
than earlier than 650, as was previously believed (Geertman, 1975: 158-63).
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 185
6 Paul the Deacon VI, 5. For the plague in Rome, see, Liber Pontificalis LXXXI, 16.
Castelli has given the clearest reconstruction, but dated the earlier basilica to the fifth/sixth
centuries on the basis of surviving sculpture apparently of that period, and a mistaken dating of the
'Istae vero ecclesiae' text (see note 5; 1994-5: 126, 155-6, figs 29-30, 35-7).
As is usual with such material, there is little agreement on dating. Melucco Vaccaro found none
of the pre-ninth-century sculpture to be later than the fifth century (1974: 63); Muñoz assigned various
plutei to the fifth/sixth centuries (1926: 33, fig. 30-2); Giannettini and Venanzi dated two schematic
ionic capitals to the seventh century (1967: 72, fig. 20). These capitals, and Muñoz's plutei fragments,
bear no resemblance to well-dated work of the sixth or the eighth and ninth centuries in Rome, and for
this reason might well belong to the 'dark age' of the seventh century. Regarding the important
question of the attribution of movable architectural sculpture, it seems to me that if there is a reasonable
amount of material in a building (that is, more than one or two pieces) which is clearly older than the
building, as well as independent evidence for an earlier structure of similar type on the site, it would be
logical to assign the sculpture to that earlier phase. Otherwise we must assume that, when the new
structure was erected, (a) all the original sculptural elements had disappeared, and that (b) additional
material, from the same era as the older structure, was obtained from a different place - a solution
which requires too many coincidences to be sustained. The question is usually complicated, however, by
uncertain dating of both the sculpture and the buildings (as, to a certain extent, here at San Giorgio -
see note 7, above)! This subject will be re-encountered below, in the discussion of the churches of the
tenth century.
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186 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 187
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188 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 189
Fig. 4. Plan of Santa Maura (a) and the adjacent basilica (b). (From
Fig. 5. The exterior of the apse and the end wall of Santa Maura.
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190 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
Chronica Majora I, 330-1. Gregorovius (1894, II, 427) gave the alternative version of the so-
called Matthew of Westminster: ' Fecit - ecclesiam in hon. b. virg. Mariae\
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 191
Fig. 7. Drawing of Santa Maria in Aquiro (left) and San Trifone (righ
of Rome (1577). (From Frutaz, 1962: tav. 251)
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1 92 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 193
Fig. 8. Plan of Santi Sergio e Bacco, Saint Peter's. (From FUR, tav. 13, after Alpharani)
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1 94 ROBERT CO ATES-STEPHENS
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 195
SANT'EUSEBIO, ad 741-52
Until very recently, the accepted account of Sant'Eusebio was Krautheimer's survey
of the 1930s: that the fifth-century titulus remained nothing but a humble house-
church until its rebuilding as a basilica in the twelfth or thirteenth century (CBCR I,
210-16). Recently, Fusciello (1993) has proposed that the enlargement took place
during the eighth century, under either Zacharias or Hadrian I. The plan of a three-
aisled basilica measuring c. 30 m by 19.0 m has been reconstructed from the presence
of characteristic eighth- or ninth-century masonry in various key points (Fig. 10).
The Liber Pontificalis tells us of two apparently large-scale restorations by the
afore-mentioned popes. After the original structure collapsed, Zacharias, 'cum tota sua
decertans virtute prudenterque elaborans, sicut antiquitius fuit, rursus quod ceciderat reparavit
atque optime restauravi? (Liber Pontificalis XCIII, 27). Only twenty years later Hadrian
I carried out further repairs: 'basilicam sancii Eusebii undique renovans restauravi? (Liber
Pontificalis XCVII, 74). In the language of the Liber Pontificalis, both interventions
would represent substantial building work, although the more generic character of
Hadrian's campaign is less striking. And in fact, the great effort which Zacharias is said
to have expended during his contribution would hardly be commensurate with the
reconstruction of a tiny house-church (shown by Krautheimer to have been centred
around two rooms, each about 6.0 m square - CBCR I, 215). In the absence of more
complete evidence, we might therefore assign the construction of the first basilica of
Sant'Eusebio to Zacharias's pontificate. The great scale of the undertaking could well
have meant that the building was only completed under Hadrian I.
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196 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
typical of well-dated buildings from 755-855 and, secondly, the monastery chronicle
of the neighbouring Santa Maria in Campo Marzio. Here it is recounted that Greek
nuns fleeing the iconoclast persecutions in Constantinople under Constantine V
arrived in Rome in 750, carrying with them the relics of Saint Gregory Nazianzenus.
They were granted lands in the Campus Martius by Zacharias, and built two
oratories, one at the Temple of Minerva, the other that which survives today as San
Gregorio Nazianzeno (Martinetto, 1653: 188). Panciroli, writing slightly earlier,
used the same monastery chronicle (a manuscript of Iacinto de Nobili, a contem-
porary - Panciroli, 1600: 483). The belief that the monastery contained the relics of
Saint Gregory must go back much further than 1505, the date of a lost (but copied)
inscription which records their discovery during works at the convent (Boccardi
Storoni, 1987: 103).
The church of San Gregorio was virtually rediscovered during restorations in
the 1940s (Montenovesi, 1949; 1950), but the eighth-century date of its fabric was
not recognized for another 40 years, when it passed into the hands of the Camera dei
Deputati and underwent a more thorough restoration. During these later works much
of the early medieval masonry was covered in modern plaster (Borsi et ai, 1987).
The church is a single-naved, apsed structure, 16.3 m long and 7.0 m wide
(Fig. 11). The right-hand wall is built on top of, and partially extends, a wall formed
of irregularly-sized opus quadratum tufa blocks, clearly of Republican date. The raising
and lengthening of this tufa wall is executed in a mixture of spolia brickwork laid
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 197
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1 98 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 199
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200 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
12 The reference in the eighth itinerary of the Einsiedeln List - 'Sancii Cosmae et Damiani Palatiu
Neronis Aeclesia Sancii Petri Ad Vincula Arcus Tit? - almost certainly refers to San Pietro in Vinco
despite Valentini and Zucchetti's claim to the contrary (VZ II, 195). Bruzio's manuscript has nev
been published, and I have been unable to consult the original; whether he gives any evidence for h
claim is unclear.
De Rossi proposed that Paul's church reused a frescoed apse of the Basilica of Maxentius (1867:
70) , while Boni opted for the vaulted hall opposite the Temple of Romulus (1899: 267) . Neither answers
the question of the church's 'disappearance', nor are their ideas backed up with any firm evidence.
As with Gregory Ill's repairs to the roof of Sant Andrea at the Vatican and Hadrian I's repairs
at San Marco, San Tiburzio, Santa Prisca and Saint Peter's (Liber Pontificalis XCII, 11; XCVII, 49, 50,
51, 74).
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 201
Such was the extent of new church building in the period 640-772. Befor
to summarize our findings, we should note some exclusions from the abov
The four mile limit from Rome which I have set for the buildings under
tion meant that the following rural churches have been ignored: Sant
15 The masks are still in place in the apses of Santi Nereo e Achilleo and San Martin
other examples are displayed inside Santa Prassede and Santi Quattro Coronati. Opinion
to which of the soffits are Roman and which are early medieval copies (Zito, 1967: 7
Vaccaro, 1974: 207-8). Those from San Silvestro are certainly Roman, probably originat
adjacent Temple of the Sun (Kahler, 1937; Moneti, 1990 (for the precise location of the
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202 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 203
17 For example, Theodore's San Sebastiano, John VIFs Santa Maria, and Gregory Ill's and
Paul Ps oratories at Saint Peter's, all attested by the Liber Pontificalis. The rebuilding of a late domus as
the oratory of the monastery of San Saba is also dated to the mid-seventh century on textual grounds
(CBCRIV, 51ff.).
Apart from the unidentified and generally undated institutions of Leo Ill's donation list (Liber
Pontificalis XCVIII, 71-81), these include: San Cesareo de Appia (two rebuilt halls of a Roman villa
whose opus vittatum walls and frescos must be considerably later than 400 ad, but earlier than the upper,
late medieval church - Matthiae, 1955); an oratory built into the Basilica Julia, perhaps Santa Maria
de Foro (latest description and bibliography in Maetzke, 1991: 80-4); Bartoli's 'oratory of San
Giovanni in Campus', perhaps built into the ruins of the Basilica Emilia in the eighth century (1912:
762ff.); an oratory discovered on the Oppian in Via del Colosseo, dated by Lanciani to the seventh
century (1872: 73); remains of an eighth-century oratory beneath San Lorenzo in Fonte (CBCR II,
155-8); and possible oratories at the three new xenodochia of Stephen II, none of which survive in any
form today (Liber Pontificalis XCIV, 4; Davis, 1992: 54, nn. 6-7).
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204 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
As has been noted above, the study of early medieval architecture in Rome always
tails off at the same point that the Liber Pontificalis ceases. Like our first dark age, the
period now under discussion is very weak in terms of surviving buildings, which is
obviously another cause of its lack of study. Indeed, there is no detailed bibliography
for any church built in the city between Leo IV's Santa Maria Nova (c. 847) and
Paschal IPs San Clemente (1128).
My treatment of the churches of this period differs from that of the first dark
age. The larger number of buildings, coupled with the more exiguous evidence -
both physical and textual - means that what follows forms more of an overview of
church architecture in the tenth century than an exhaustive, building-by-building
survey. Also, lacking a reasonably consistent text such as the Liber Pontificalis, it is
very difficult to distinguish between 'new-built' and 'restored or converted' struc-
tures. I will discuss the subject in four subheadings: new-built churches which survive
in something approximating their original form; new-built churches which do not
survive; churches converted from ancient structures; and older churches which
underwent substantial repair-work.
Most of the evidence for the new construction of these churches comes from
property documents; often, we have little more to go on than an 'earliest reference to' a
certain building. In cases where the building may have disappeared, or been altered
radically, we may rely upon drawings by the Renaissance cartographers - but here,
obviously, only where the drawing pre-dates the earliest reconstruction phase.
Santa Maria in Aventino is the only surviving church of the group of monaste
endowed or founded under the impetus of Alberic II in the mid-tenth cen
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 205
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206 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
San Sebastiano al Palatino is the church of the monastery founded shortly bef
by the doctor Peter (Ferrari, 1957: 220ff.). The complex is situated wit
precinct of Elagabalus's Temple of Sol Invictus, with the church standing on
of the pronaos, that is on the temple steps where, according to the fifth-cen
Passio, Saint Sebastian was sentenced to death (Gigli, 1975: 7, 21). Luigi Ar
reconstruction of the church in 1630 involved the destruction of the ruinous front and
side walls, whose frescos, copied by Antonio Eclissi, showed Peter presenting his
church to Saint Sebastian (Gigli, 1975: fig. 15a and ff.; our Fig. 15). The structure
which Peter holds appears in the background of many other scenes. The appearance
of this church suggests that the seventeenth-century building, with the exception of
its domed tribune, preserves the original plan of a single-naved apsed hall, measuring
around 22 m by 9.0 m. The church depicted in the frescos was lit by an oculus above
the central door and five small arched windows high up in each side (six are shown in
some scenes) . A brief description of San Sebastiano, made just before Arrigucci's
works by Antonio Riccioli, states that the side walls were built of brick and the
facade was adorned with four columns, two of marble and two of porphyry (Uccelli,
1876:81).
Fig. 15. Fresco copied by A. Eclissi from San Sebastiano al Palatino, showing Peter presenting a model
of the church to Saint Sebastian. (Cod. Vat. lat. 9071: 243)
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 207
San Tommaso in Formis formed part of the monastery of the same name, k
the time of the Descriptio Lateranensis (c. 1073, in its earliest version) as one of the
important in the city (VZ III, 362). Most commentators suggest a foundat
early in the eleventh century, and we might imagine it as earlier still on the ba
masonry type (Armellini, 1942: 615; Ferrari, 1957: 331; Pavolini (1993:
noted a document of 1050 which refers to an 'abbas S. Thomaé* who could on
our monastery) . Most of the monastery complex, including a thirteenth-cen
cloister, was destroyed in 1925 when the Istituto Sperimentale per la Nutrizione del
was built. The entrance facade of the monastery, including a mosaic signed b
famous Cosmati, Iacobus, survives within the piers of the Aqua Claudia.
The church remains intact. It is a single-naved, apsed structure measurin
by 10.0 m externally (Fig. 16). With the exception of the fa9ade, a stucco cre
1663, all the external walls are oispolia brick. The courses undulate slightly a
bricks themselves are of heterogeneous size giving a modulus of c. 0.33 m. The
holes are more or less regularly spaced and framed with fragments of brick.
the height of the window-arches, sporadic rows of tufelli appear. Each side w
originally pierced by five, high, small, brick-arched windows; most were repl
the three large rectangular windows opened in each side during the 1663 res
under Alexander VII. The last original window on the right side and the
window on each side have been blocked with regular spolia brickwork. The f
in fact divided into an upper and lower zone: the upper includes a triangular
motif executed in brick, the lower a fragment of a gypsum transenna. T
corbelling is formed of three courses of bricks, supported on narrow, undec
marble corbels. The roof is sustained by six trusses. The masonry from the
the tops of the square windows upwards is of a very different type, formed
heterogeneous mix of rounded tufelli and brick fragments, and presumably
from the time of the last replacement of the roof trusses, probably during t
campaign. This latter phase is all that is visible inside the church. The w
entirely covered in plaster and the ceiling is formed by a suspended vau
pavement is modern. There is no trace of a crypt.
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208 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
It is interesting to compare this type of brickwork with that which was usual in
the late eighth- and ninth-century buildings in Rome. The brick courses of San
Tommaso tend to undulate, but not as noticeably as those of the earlier period. The
modulus here is also notably greater, due to the laying of thicker mortar beds. At the
same time there is not at San Tommaso the homogeneous selection of brick spolia and
regularity of coursing common to churches built in the city after 1100 (Avagnina,
Garibaldi and Salterini, 1976-7. San Tommaso finds a stronger parallel in the brick
phases at San Lorenzo in Dámaso, recently dated to the pontificate of John XIX,
1024-33 (Pentiricci, 1997)). The brick filling of San Tommaso's windows seems
more typical of the later period, and the contemporary brick 'caprice' finds a parallel
in those of the gatehouse of San Clemente, built around 1 125 (Barclay Lloyd, 1989:
122). The windows at San Tommaso have similar broad proportions to those of the
early Middle Ages. In short, in its masonry type, San Tommaso in Formis forms
something of a 'missing link' between the well-documented churches of the ninth and
the twelfth centuries, and such a dating is also entirely plausible on the basis of the
documentary evidence.
Santa Maria Domine Rose was also known as Santa Maria in Castro Aureo after its
location in a fortified zone which grew up near the Crypta Balbi in the ninth or tenth
century (Manacorda, Marazzi and Zanini, 1994: 638ff.). It was founded by four
aristocrats at the time of Pope John VIII (872-82), who are named in a much later
bull of Celestine III as Gratian, Gregory, Rosa and Imilla; shortly after, during
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 209
Krautheimer has outlined the well-known phases of this ancient church, dat
construction of the first actual basilica to the pontificate of Leo IX, in 1049
III, 72-81). He ignored a sixteenth-century copy of a manuscript once
Maria's archive, which states that the first church was built above the unde
diaconia by the secundicerius Theophylact and his wife Theodora during the
Sergius III (904-11): 'et accedentes ad summum pontifican de edificanda ecclesia
habuerunt, quam edificaverunt, casalibus et possessionibus dotaverunt, cruce, calcibus etpa
multis ornaverunt. Sanctus vero Sergius papa ipsam consecravit, et in altari posuit c
beati martiris Agapiti et multorum sanctorum reliquias' (Fedele, 1912: 1,061-2)
believed the text to derive from an original of the twelfth century, and accep
claim in broad terms (1912: 1,060, n. 3). However, due to a seventeenth-
report of the discovery and destruction of a fresco from the underground o
said to represent the erection of the upper church, he imagined the interve
have concerned only the subterranean building, on the basis that the f
would have reflected works carried out in the building in which it was
(1912: 1,065, n. 1).
The evidence for assigning the first upper church to 1049 comes f
inscription discovered under the main altar when the present structure was
in 1491, which recorded the deposition of relics (including those of Saint Ag
by Leo IX. Cavazzi reasoned that this had to represent the consecration, and
the new building, of the church (Cavazzi, 1908: 81). The only remains of the
phase are the foundations, formed from huge reused tufa blocks (Sjoquist, 1
76, fig. 23). Krautheimer himself highlighted the fact that this is a techniqu
commonly tied to the ninth than the eleventh century (CBCR III, 80). Furth
we know from the Liber Pontificalis that the original diaconia oratory was a
underground by the ninth century, and was damaged by flood waters in 844
and 860 (CIV, 22; CVI, 23; CVII, 15). A rebuilding at a higher level w
therefore have been more likely at the time of Sergius III, rather than 200 yea
If we are to accept Fedele's (perhaps twelfth-century) text, we should pr
explicit statement that Theophylact and Theodora built the upper church ('p
timus edificare sibi ecclesiam supra oratorium" - Fedele, 1912: 1,061), to the
seventeenth-century description of a vanished fresco suggesting that th
church was meant. The first upper church had a reversed orientation with r
to that of the present structure, with its apse bordering the Via del Corso (CB
75). If we assume that the surviving foundations represent its external w
ground space would have covered an area not less than 21 m by 15.0 m (C
80, fig. 72).
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2 1 0 ROBERT CO ATES-STEPHENS
San Pietro in Horrea, Santa Maria in Monasterio, San Ciríaco in Via Lata,
San Cosimato
19 Apart from two pages in NSA, the only record of the excavations is a folder of correspondence
between the director of the Congregazione di Carità di Roma and representatives of the Ministero della
Istruzione Pubblica, now in the Archivio Centrale dello Stato, II versamento, 2 serie, busta 402.
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 2 1 1
Fig. 17. San Cosimato: plan showing the position of the demolished, m
'A') and the new church of Sixtus IV (marked 'Chiesa?). (Rome, Archivio
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2 1 2 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
Monks fleeing the sack of Farfa in 898 settled in Rome, and by 998 posses
complex oicellae and three churches within the precinct of the Baths of Nero-Se
'duas aecclesias sanctae Mariae et sancii benedicti, quae sunt aedificatae in thermis alexand
cum . . . oratorio salvatoris" (Lori Sanfilippo, 1980: 14; Regesto di Farfa III, 137
document cited concerns a dispute with the priests of Sant'Eustachio ove
ownership of the churches, during which the abbot, Hugo, swears that they h
been the property of Farfa for 40 years. Until 1011, the Crescentii family wer
proprietors of San Benedetto and San Salvatore: in that year Stefania and
husband Orso donated their share in the buildings to the monastery {Regesto di
IV, 47-8). Nothing is known of the original form of Santa Maria, which occ
the site of the present San Luigi dei Francesi. It was destroyed at the time of
IV, and so does not appear in any of the later Renaissance plans of Rome (Huels
1927: 327); as the most important of Farfa's possessions in the city we may at
assume that it was the largest of the three churches. San Benedetto was rebuilt
early seventeenth century as the Oratory of the Notaries, perhaps at a site sligh
the north in the modern Corso del Rinascimento (Fiore Cavaliere, 1978: 13
The original building appears in the 1551 plan of Bufalini and in Magi's 1625 bi
eye view as a small, single-naved hall (Fig. 18).
San Salvatore in Thermis survived, enclosed within the Palazzo Madama, un
the early years of this century, when it was demolished during works to enlarg
seat of the Italian Senate. L. Morganti produced a plan and brief description of
building just before its destruction, in 1907 (Fiore Cavaliere, 1978: 142-4; Fi
From these documents we learn that the original oratory was a single-naved, a
hall measuring around 8.0 m by 5.0 m. At an indeterminate date, the oratory w
doubled in width and two small square chapels were added in front, one on eac
of the central entrance, which opened onto the modern Via del Salvatore
masonry is not described, but two photographs taken of the fresco-covered in
walls of the church would appear to show traces of Roman brickwork and one
filled-in with opus vittatum (Fiore Cavaliere, 1978: figs 22-3). During the build
destruction, the brick pavement which sustained the suspensurae of the Ba
Severus was discovered, 5.0 m beneath the floor of the church (Gatti, 1907
From Ghini's plan of the Baths, it would seem that the original oratory o
Salvatore was inserted within the upper part of one of the Roman halls, and the
probably reused standing remains of its structure (Ghini, 1988: fig. 3).
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 213
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2 1 4 ROBERT CO ATES-STEPHENS
San Bartolomeo all'Isola was built by the emperor Otto III in 977 on lan
belonged to the monastery of Sant'Alessio (Hamilton, 1965: 294). The
survives today as a baroque remodelling of an apparently late mediev
(Avagnina, Garibaldi and Salterini, 1976-7: 181ff.). The surviving mar
alabaster spolia columns and bases, however, may be from the emperor
foundation. The present crypt is generally believed to be a survival of Otto
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 215
Situated near the river in the northern Campus Martius, the church was built by
judge Crescentius in 1006 on his own land (Huls, 1976: 336-7). Demolished in
it appears in various drawings by Renaissance cartographers. Strozzi depicted it
standard, late medieval building with three aisles, a narthex and a campani
other views show a single-naved hall (Fig. 7; Frutaz, 1962: tav. 159, 167-8,
248). Ugonio confirmed the latter view, and added that the church contain
sunken confessio for the saint's relics (1588: 32).
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216 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
20 Muñoz's claim, followed by many scholars (Lafontaine, 1959: 12; Trimarchi, 1978: 654;
Melucco Vaccaro, 1974: 225; Adam, 1994: 38), that the temple had already been converted to a church
by Stephen's time, rests on the unexplained assertion that the first inscription is later than the second,
and untrustworthy. Evidence from other sources would appear to confirm the first inscription's
veracity: the church is not known from any text prior to the time of John VIII (not even the Einsiedeln
List, which contains two itineraries which passed right by it - Adam, 1994: 37); prior to the fresco-
painting, the building had been adapted for use as a two-storey secular structure (testified by beam-
holes, covered by the paintings - Adam, 1994: 37); and Stephen's surviving frescos represent the
earliest post-classical decoration (Lafontaine, 1959: 13). Marchetti-Longhi (1926: 102) believed that
the second inscription alone was enough to assign the conversion, as well as the frescos, to Stephen.
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 2 1 7
San Basilio
21 The facing of the upper part of the inside of the cella walls in spolia brick and the reb
the arch over the central doorway in travertine are both later than the original Republican co
phase (Adam, 1994: 25, 29), but there is no evidence that they belong to the ninth-century
(as Lissi Caronna and Priuli (1977: 314-16)). They may represent a later, Roman restorat
22 Hamilton, 1961: 10-11. San Basilio was bordered by two plots of land owned by
Hamilton suggested that the site, in the Forum of Augustus, was donated to the monastery by
himself. The idea that San Basilio was founded in the ninth century, perhaps by Greek mon
the Arab invasion of Sicily, is based solely on reused sculpture found at the site, broadly datab
period (Ricci, 1926-7: 6). The later ninth century was in fact a period of monastic decline
(Hamilton, 1962: 39).
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2 1 8 ROBERT CO ATES-STEPHENS
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 219
SUBSTANTIAL REPAIR-WORK
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220 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
23 Such work would include: Stephen V's reconstruction of Santi Apostoli (Liber Pontific
14), Anastasius Ill's restoration of Sant' Adriano (Mancini, 1966: 207), John XIFs creation
to San Tommaso in the south end of the portico of the Lateran basilica (CBCR V, 1), and
of columns to Sant'Eustachio by Alberic's widow Stefania in 991 (this, however, may have
a more substantial rebuilding campaign - CBCR I, 217-18).
The deesis composition of the current apse mosaic, even it a nineteenth-century copy,
derives from Sergius's restoration (Giordani, 1994: 297).
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 221
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222 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
OVERALL CONCLUSIONS
640-772
TOTAL 15 18 17
SURVIVING 3 12 3
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 223
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224 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
The Liber Pontificalis is the obvious point of departure for any survey of buil
medieval Rome. Considering this, it is surprising that a straightforward study h
made of the language of the text's building expressions.28 Here I propose t
buildings which can be well-dated by sources other than the Liber Pontifi
consider which expression is given for their construction or conversion in the Lib
This should then enable us to visualize better what such expressions meant when
or no evidence from any source other than the Liber Pontificalis. These 'other sou
inscriptions, texts and archaeological data. Obviously, our best results will
where there is a substantial amount of non-Liber Pontificalis information, pre
more than one of these sources.
Before giving the individual examples, I should state that the characteristic masonry of
late eighth-/early ninth-century buildings will here be considered as an independent
archaeological dating tool, to be used in this survey as a 'non-Liber Pontificalis' source.
Although it has often been dated precisely by this text, the masonry can in fact also be shown
to belong to this period using other means. It can be shown to be contemporary with in situ
inscriptions and mosaics of Leo III, Paschal I and Gregory IV at the churches of Santi Nereo
e Achilleo, Santa Cecilia, Santa Prassede, Santa Maria in Domnica and San Marco.29 It also
There are many scattered references to the interpretation of the terms in various studies of
individual monuments. The most cogent comments are those of Krautheimer, which will be considered
below. Geertman has given a summary of the terms used in the 'First version' of the Liber Pontificalis of
535 (1975: 184-9 lì.
29 The marble inscription of Paschal I at the San Zeno chapel of Santa Prassede, in particular, i
bonded into the building's masonry.
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 225
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226 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 227
TABLE 2 [Continued)
San Martino ai Monti Inscriptions of Sergius II and Leo IV; * renovans construxerat
(844-7) masonry / a fundamentis perfecit
Santa Maria Nova Masonry * a fundamentis
(847-55) construxerat
Leonine Walls Inscriptions; Frankish capitulary; * constructa est
(847-55) masonry
Aurelianic Walls Masonry + renovare curavit/
(847 -55 ) restauran praecepit
Cencelle walls Inscription of Leo IV; masonry * fundare et construere
(847-55)
Santa Maria in Cosmedin Masonry * fecit
Papal Palace
(858-67)
San Giovanni in Laterano John the Deacon; inscriptions of +
(904-11) Sergius III
Acknowledgements
This article was written in Rome with the financial support of a Study Abroad Studentship provided by
the Leverhulme Trust. My thanks are due to the Trust, and especially to the Secretary of the Research
Awards Advisory Committee, Jean Cater. I would also like to thank each of the following for their help
in sharing the results of their own research, in providing access to monuments, and in giving advice on
the texts: Franco Astolfi, Luigia Attilia, Gillian Clark, Lanfranco Cordischi, Lucos Cozza, Ugo
Falesiedi, Maria Pia Malvezzi, Laura Morgante, Giorgio Orioli, Antonella Parisi, Pier Luigi Porzio,
Riccardo Santangeli Valenzani, and Bryan Ward-Perkins.
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228 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
Abbreviations
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DARK AGE ARCHITECTURE IN ROME 23 1
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232 ROBERT COATES-STEPHENS
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