Essay out-line practise

This thread has been introduced for essay out-line practise. Under this thread, we
will out-line the various topic include these topics which has been asked in CSS past
papers and tend to be beneficial.

I would like to broach this thread by out-lining the following topic :

Poverty
Outline

1.What is poverty
2.how poors are
3.Scenario of poverty
4.Poverty in pakistan
5.Causes of poverty
a. Population
b. Political influence
c. Inflation
d. Low saving and investment
e. adverse occurance (natural disasters)
f. Unproper distribution of wealth
g. Corruption and domination
h. Lacking of information technology
6. Conclusion

Essay Writing
Hello guys

I just gave my interview for CSS 2006 and i would like to share my experience of
preparing for Essay paper. It is for those who are aspiring to clear CSS.

I think essay writing is a very difficult task. It may not sound very difficult but trust
me, it is. In CSS, the only paper that you should fear is that of Essay.

I think the first and foremost important factor in essay writing is that of the topic
that you attempt. It's always better to know your strenghts and weaknesses before
going for a topic. Myself, being equipped with the statistics and an overall picture of
our economy attempted 'Foriegn Direct Investment in Pakistan' this year. I could
have opted for 'Global warming' because i had read an extensive article on the said
topic. But i didnt. Reason being, an article doesnt give you enough information to
write a three hour essay.

The point that i am trying to make is that, only go for that topic that you think you
have complete command over. An article or two for that matter arn't enough. My
brother, who also cleared CSS 2006, attempted 'At times you have to set aside your
principles'. Now this topic may seem too literary for some but he went for it and
cleared it. Why? because he is good at literary topics. I, myself, couldnt have written
more than two pages on this axiom, or whatever that is.

For those who find my suggestions a bit confusing and for those who don't know
their strenghts and weaknesses, i recommend that they should read the daily
Business page and weekly Business op-ed in dawn. This would arm them with
enough analytical overview of Pakistani economy that they shouldn't find the
economics related essays difficult. I think this is one of the safest bets to clear the
essay paper because every year we get an essay related topic. It may vary from
year to year but it, for sure, will be related to our economy.

Hand in hand, you should set aside an hour, every day, for Essay writing. An hour is
enough (that is, if you have at least six months left in your exams. If not, try
spending more time). Select any topic at random and start writing.
This brings us to the introduction. The introduction may vary from essay to essay. In
my introduction to FDI in Pak, i started off with the globalization, then onto free
movement of goods, services, people and capital and so on. Now this introduction
doesnt explain the crux of my essay. What it does is that, it slowly builds up the case
for FDI in Pak. I favor this method because you dont have to spend too much time
over your words and sentences.

The Intro, body and conclusion of your essay must be synchronized. That is, the first
must directly lead the reader to the second and then onto the third. Neither the intro
nor the conclusion has to be bombastic; the simpler the better.

I had many things to add to this post but i seem to have forgotten some.
I hope it is of some help

Good luck
Nosheen

Statistics are important. They give your essay an authoritative outlook, if u know
what i mean. But it doesnt mean you should memorize tables and tables of statistics.
For example, in my essay on 'FDI in Pak', i mentioned how much FDI we received
last year, how much are we expecting next year and stuff.

Yes, u should go for literary essays if you think you r good at it. Quotations are not
important. It's almost impossible to have a relevant quotation ready in support of
another. In literary essays, one has to be adept at presenting one's thoughts in a
beautiful manner. Give examples in support of your stand. Cover the pros and cons
and lead the reader to your conclusion in a logical manner.

Literary or quotational essays require a literary bent. Not every one is good at
attempting'em. If you have that orientation, i say, go for it.
Yes that does affect Essay, but to me the hierarchy of good points in essay is like
this.

1 Strong Conclusion And introduction

2 Relevance of the written material to the title
3 Strong Arguments and Ideas.
4 Coherence of ideas presented, interconnection of paragraphs
5 Scope, means you cover all related points
6 your arguments be supported by examples from history, daily life, Quotes, Ayyats,
Ahadees
7 The structure of Sentences (grammatical, and length wise)
8 properly used Vocabulary

The order given may change slightly and it is not so well defined.

Now about improving vocabulary. Same method told to every one. Read good
Magazines, books, articles (related to CSS studies), Now whichever word is new for
you, immediately check it in some good dictionary (either hard copy or soft one).
Reading news papers , articles, will not only improve your vocabulary but will help
you in many many ways, in current Affairs, Pak Affairs, In Essay writing, in English
paper, in Expansion Question.

You may also prepare Vocabulary from GRE lists but this may be difficult although
useful from English papers point of view.
__________________
"The only necessary thing for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing."
--Edmund Burke (1729-1797)
For Janzeb...if i m not mistaken u are the same one who appeared from quetta
centre... i had great time with you in psyclogical test and in the whole process...i
pray .. u would come out successful..

First i appreciate mr. janzeb for his wonderful and worthy suggestions regarding
writting an essay.....now i come to add some of points i think necessary for writing a
good essay and come out successful in the exam.... no doubt writing is an art that
requires some time no learning ..simply ur flow of mind works better and u get
through, conditioning but it with the knowlege... but yet simply ur opinion does work
through if logical and analytical it is .... in my case in my first attempt in 2005 i
attempted the essay... " strategies for poverty alleviation." and i passed it.. though
topic seems to be one that requires much analytical aaproach and one may be
equipped with the facts and figures of the economy ...( this may be the first thought
before one goes for making an effort to end up with good essay with such topic.)but i
attemptted it simply with my best approach towards topic with analysing policies of
Govt... and so on .. hardly any fact or figure that i mentioned to support the topic..
yet i could secure passing marks... .. as for the year 2006 i attempted the essay "
Nuclear proliferation: a great peril and a great hope" ..... and i appeared successful
too in this attempt( passed the attempt 2006 with the grace of God too)...i therefore
think what necessary is for writing an essay is logical flow of ur ideas, connectivity in
your parragraphs... your paragraph must appear as compact whole....and it must
lead to spontaneous ending /conclusion to your essay....
your conclusion must look natural when u end up ur essay..it may not happen what i
think .. that in the end u may give thought that how should i conclude my essay.... it
must be natural and with confirmity to your preceding parragraphs....
As for introduction...it is very important that your intro must be striking and catching
..it has to be moulded in a way that it may catch the eye of the reader.... there are
different methods to take a start.. you dont have to follow the hard and fast rule for
making an introduction.... it all depends upon topic and how u find it typical and
interesting at that time to take a beautiful start... ur introduction may start with
beautiful quotation...or u may start with telling background and slowily coming down
to main theme...(evaluation method.)or.. u may throw away in the begining some
interesting facts and figures related to topic... or u may take a start by
straightforwardly putting a startling questions to topic..... and so on.... remember
introduction is on which whole structure of the essay depends.. so there is no way
that u may deviate from the central theme of the essay otherwise u are sure to be
punished....
dear in my effort of attempting the essay in 2006... i started touching directly to the
topic.... for example .. i started with description tht how for the first time in history...
America threw the nuclear Bomb. on Heroshima nd nagasaki... and i dramatized
it ...and with sensalization of the effects of that bomb.... i created it in the
introduction leaving an impression that how dangerous Nuclear bomb.. is ... after my
intro what folllowed was brief description of nuclear proliferation and the conflict
between the two super powers... (i only touched the main events..)... and then in
rest of the essay i had only to write how it was peril and how it was hope... nd finally
that led to beautiful conclusion... i alternativley developed my paragraphs..one in the
support and other in against... making it argumentative style...

dear fellows... for exam like css ...there is no room for hasty work , be in your all
consciousness...after css is simply game of nerves.you have to make first and last
effort to pass it... so when you have paper in your hand ..never be in hurry and
excited if topics appear u simple or something that u might have grip over ... take
full time ...deciding which topic to go for ... then brain storm...and make outlines
(may be sometime of one topic or more than one.) then decide with which topic you
can do justice.......

In the end.. more important is how much u practise writting this what all is countable
..spare some time daily to write something whtsoever....

After all there is no way to escape an essay......

HINTS ON ESSAY-WRITING

AS WE KNOW THAT ESSAY WRITING IS MOST DIFFICULT TASK FOR CSS EXAM,AND
MOST OF ASPIRANTS TRAPPED IN THIS COMPLICATION SO AS TO I REVEAL SOME
KNOWLEGE WHICH I GET FROM A EFFICACIOUS BOOK FOR PREPARATION.THIS
HINTS MAY HELP BEGINNERS TO CLEAR THEIR CONCEPT ABOUT ESSAY WRITING

GENERAL PREPARATION-
One of the chief diffiult most of us feel is the lack of matter.we do not easily find
anything to say about a subject.this is natural,because our experience and general
reading are limited.but it may b remedied by reading,and by training the power of
observation.

READING
in order to write an essay the student must have something to write about and so he
must endeavour to store his mind with ideas by reading.BECON SAYS "reading
maketh a full man";that is a person who reads much and widely stores his mind with
a large variety of facts,thoughts,illustrations and general informations.if you want to
write good essays you must acquire love to reading...not simply reading stories for
amusement,but reading good books of historey, travel, biography and science.fill
your mind with fine thoughts and accurate information. by doing so you will become
"a full man" ,and "a full man" can always find plenty to say on most subjects.

OBSERVATION
observation contributes alot in our day to day knowledge.All knowledge does not
come from books.we may learn much from the life around us--what we see and hear
observe for ourselves.Keep eyes and ears open ,and learn from your own
experience.practical writing short descriptions of what you see in building,street
scenes,trees and flowers,hillsand valleys,the habit of animals and birds.dont b
content with reading other people`s description of such things but see them for
yourself.it is surprising what a lot may b learnt from personal observation.

CONVERSATION
books are written by men and women;and if we can learn from the books they
write ,we can learn also from the words they say,listen to the people`s conversation
get them to talk to u about the things they know,and discuss subjects that interest u
with your friends.in this way,also,you may learn much.
A writer reads,observe and gets people to talk and in these ways he is always
enriching his mind with ideas and knowlege ."we can take the example of journalists.
they exercise lots of things for accumulating information to complete their theme of
writing as like them we also have to persist for gather copious knowledge for writing
by discriminated ways"

DEFINING THE SUBJECT

It is very important that u should have a clear and accurate conception of the subject
of the essay before you attempt to write on it....what exactly it is and (equally
important)what it is not.some subjects are so simple that you can scarcely make a
mistake about them ..for example,"the influence of railway traveling on paksitani
social life."
Neither the subject is railway travelling nor it is the railway system of pakistan still
less the invention of the locomotive engine,and the history of railways.Yet some
students,carelessly reading the subject,might easily take up a large part of their
essay with such topics,you must come to the point at once and start away with the
real subjects,which in this case is the different ways in which the habit of travelling
by train is changing the social customs of the people of paksitan.it is therefore very
necessary that u should define the subject clearly in your own mind or you may
waste much time and paper in writing on more or less irrrelevant matters.

COLLECTING MATERIAL
when u have got the clear idea of yr subject,the next step will b to think of that what
can u say about it.some subject are so simple that a little reflection should supply u
with suffcient matterial for a short essay but,for others,special information will b
needed for which u may have to do some special reading,if u have to write about the
some historical subjects and extra knowledge seeking subject.u have to get hold of
some books and subject up.but in any case,do not attempt to write the essay before
u have given some time to thinking over what can say on the subject.the common
habit of beggining to write down the first thing that omes into one,s head,without
knowing what is to come next,is fatal to good essay-writing.
As u think over the subject,ideas,facts and illustrations will pass through yr mind.but
if u done catch them as they come,u may forget them just when u want them.so as
u catch birds and put them in a cage,(mean to say pick the idea and paste it on the
piece of paper),catch and cage these fleeting thoughts by jotting them down on a
piece of paper just as they come in to yr mind,without troubling yrself at this stage
about their order or suitablity,u can examine the birds thus caught at ur leisure later.
When u think u have colleted enough material of yr essay,or u cant think of any
more points,read over the notes u have jotted down to select points most suitable
for yr purpose (pick and choose more important and more efficacious point for yr
essay).u may find what they worth.u may find that some are mere repetitions of
others and others may b simply illustraions to b thought under main heads.this
process of selection will probably suggest to u in a general way the line of thought u
may follow in the essay.

LOGICAL ARRANGEMENT
Now should b ready to decide on the line of thought oss the essay i.e., the logical
order in which u can arrange the points u have selected.the necessity if thus
arranging yr thoughts according to some ordinary plan cant b too strongly insisted
upon.without it,the essay will probably b badly arranged,rambling,disproportioned
and full of reptitions and irrelevancies.

MAKING THE OUT LINE

Bearing yr subject definitely in yr mind and with yr purpose clearly before you,sketch
out a bare outline of the main heads, under which u will arrange yr various materials
in a natural,logical and convincing order.......from a brief introduction till an effetive
conclusion.

FALLING IN THE OUT LINE

Having thus mapped out the main points with which u are going to deal,arrange the
ideas you have collected each under its proper main head,rejecting all those not
really relevant to yr subject ot which simply repeat other thoughts and taking are
that each really belongs to the division in which u place it.
You will now have a full out line,which is to b a guide to u in writing the essay.but
this is not the essay,but only its well-articulated skeleton.u must now clothe the
skeleton with flesh,and most difficult of all breathe into it the breath of life,before u
all yr production an essay

NOTE: IT IS NOT THE COMPLETE MATTER I HAD TO CUT THE CONVERSATION

BECAUSE OF DEFICIENCY OF TIME.INSHALLAH I WILL CONTINUE THIS
CONVERSATION AS SOON AS POSSIBLE
__________________
Organize Your Essay for Greater Effect

A good essay is well-organized, clearly thought-out, and articulate. As with any

construction, say of a building or car, essays likewise require blueprints, plans that
allow the essayist to create a foundation that is unimpeachable. This essay will look
at the structure of a good essay and how to organize your thoughts for your essay in
a way that will allow you to articulate the ideas you are most passionate about.
The first thing to understand about a good essay is its structure. Most high school
students are often told that the standard essay structure is five paragraphs
beginning with an introductory paragraph, the body, and conclusion. That is only
partly correct. While most high school or college essays are generally limited to five
to ten pages, an essay can be as long as you need it to be in order to express or
argue your ideas. But one factor of an essay form that is standard throughout is the
introduction, body, and conclusion. Let's look at this form and the ways in which you
can clarify and strengthen each section of your essay.

First, there is the introduction. The introduction always begins with the first
paragraph of your essay. It is a way to tell your reader what the essay is about and
the manner in which you plan to argue your ideas. Generally, the introduction is
where you state the thesis of your essay (your argument or opinion on the topic) and
the topics you plan to bring up to argue your thesis. While the thesis and topics are
often found in the introduction, this is not always a given. For instance, the thesis
can be stated in the conclusion of your essay. And your topics don't necessarily have
to be stated explicitly or at all, though it is important that your body have a clearly
organized list of topics in which to argue your thesis. An introduction can be of any
length and can even take up two or more paragraphs, though, depending on the
subject, it is generally best to keep your introductions short and to the point.

Most likely essays for css-2011

1. Politics is the cause for National disintegration
2. Significance of International Trade
3. Education system its problems and remedies
4. Water Crisis in Pakistan its causes, effects and remedies
5. Poverty, corruption & illiteracy..Triad of Pakistani society
6. Every Freedom should have certain limitations.
7. Future of War on Terror & Af-Pak region
8. Balochistan is getting potential to be the next East Pakistan
9. Spreading Nuclear Technology is the biggest threat to the world
10.Islam is the sign of peace & Islamophobia is the pseudo-perception of true
extremists.
TOP TEN ESSAYS FOR 2011

1. Causes and Failures of Good Governance

2. Reforming Education System

3 . Status of Women in Islam (in perspective of Pakistani Society).

4. International Terrorism and Pakistan war on Terrorism.

5. Global Financial Crisis and its effects on Economic System of

Pakistan.

6. Corruption- The No.1 Problem.

7. Road map towards true Democratic System.

8. Nation and Press- go side by side

9. Water Crisis- A tug of war among Provinces

10. Nuclear Proliferation and World War-III

1. Failure of water managment or national disaster ."flood"
2.Global warming.
3.women empowerment
4.energy crisis
 5.poverty alleviation
6.war on terrorism
7. Future of media in pakistan
8. Socio-economic problems of pak.
9. Gender discrimination
10. Constitutional development in pakistan.

Media in Pakistan

"When complaints are freely heard, deeply considered, and speedily

reformed, then is the utmost bound of civil liberty attained, that wise men
look for."-- Milton

No power on this earth can block the truth as it is God who, being the truth Himself,
guards it. Nowhere in history could the truth ever be suppressed, it always revealed
itself in some other form and with dangerous consequences.

British philosopher John Stuart Mill underlined the need for free speech mainly for
three reasons. He believed that freedom to read or write is an important element to
expose and reveal the truth, to ensure self-development and self-fulfillment of
citizens and to help ensure participation of the citizens in a democracy.

The Pakistani media is an enthusiastic member of the new warrior clan of the 21st
century and despite belonging to war-torn country, is playing active role in keeping
with the demands of the modern times. By airing divergent views and engaging in
cross questioning on significant national and social issues the media reflects and
informs public opinion and practically shares the task of the parliament. Investigative
reporting and live discussions can undermine the spell of many a magicians.

This has facilitated public access to the hitherto unseen workings of the political and
bureaucratic set-up while simultaneously highlighting the injustices suffered by the
common man as a result of the shady practices of the elite.

After a significant role of media in restoring the judicial crisis, media has an
unprecedented ability to act as a catalyst in civil society efforts to strengthen
democratic polity.

The fundamental ingredient making democracy possible is the flow of information.

The media (plural of medium )electronic, print, cyber and internet ensures this flow
of information. If restricted, censored or hindered in any way the people will remain
ignorant, ignorant of events, ignorant of their rights, their duty to the State, their
needs and the role that they can play for the betterment of the society they live in
and the country as a whole.

Macaulay called the Press as Fourth Estate of the government, but the advent of
technology the media has gained new dimension, great strength and very sharp
transforming the present age into information explosion.

The media plays an extremely important role in transmitting the claims of social,
economic and political movements to the decision-makers and the public. A free
press and electronic media is an essential attribute today of a democratic polity
because only these sources of information can keep not only information flowing
freely but also help maintain a constant dialogue between the policy makers and the
masses.

How did TV Channels Emerged in Pakistan:

Surprisingly, the free electronic media in Pakistan was initiated by a dictator General
Musharraf, though he had his own interests to present himself as a democrat
President before the West.

Growth of Satellite system facilitated it technical side. President Musharraf to project

Enlightened Moderation and democratic image.

Multinationals’ advertisements provided huge income to make the business viable.

The peoples’ interest in watching their issues instead of traditional dramas and
movies.

The world after 9/11 and talk shows got the attention of the Pakistanis and the
Muslim world. Talented anchor persons became the voice of the people.

Less readership and more viewer ship due to busy life spread the culture of
watching.

Availability of TV sets due to China imports and cheap manufacturing in Pakistan.

New local government system in 2001 and 2002 the urgency to provide electronic
media at the grass-roots level.

Allowing media freedom was not a choice for Pakistan’s establishments. It was their
compulsion. During the Kargil conflict the Pakistani establishment had learnt the
bitter lesson that PTV commanded only a limited audience. People watched Zee News
and other Indian channels to get the other side of the story.

In this backdrop it was decided the Pakistan needed its own independent electronic
media channels.

Western Media and need for local Media: The Western Media Cover Iraq, or
Afghanistan, WMD. A.Q. Khan, London bombings, Pope’s remarks about Islam or
Islamabad agreement with tribal elders in South Waziristan, but with its own
comments and showing one as Hero and other as Villain. The world is in the grip of
War of Media.

Johann Galtung, a distinguished journalist, maintains that media projects violence

without analyzing its causes for unresolved issues portrays one side as’ ‘Evil’ and the
other as ‘Liberator.’ Kevin Doyle quotes the theory of ‘Propaganda Model’ and
explains that the modern Media promotes the division within the global village which
is enhancing insecurity.

The US controlled western media, is blaming Islam and Muslims as terrorists. If

some Muslims are terrorists, it does not prove over a billion Muslims are terrorists.
Former President CBS News, Richard Salient reveals,
“Our job is to give people not what they want, but we decide they ought to have.”

Miracles of Electronic Media:

Modern-day electronic media, on the other hand, has employed advanced technology
to wage a bloodless war in the form of investigative reporting and live debates.

The combined usage of auditory and visual sensory perceptions by the electronic
media can succeed in stimulating deep emotions and sensations.

Televised news is the most powerful medium today, especially in Pakistan where the
literacy rate is extremely low. Due to impact of TV channels, the people are more
informed. The electronic media, along with the print media, often criticize the
government for going against the spirit of the constitution, violating democratic
traditions and being unaccountable to the public at large for inflation,
unemployment, poverty, deterioration of the law and order situation and
highhandedness against opposition.

It can be used as a motivational force to bring consensus on vital issues like

education and health. The truth is that the significance of the media as a medium of
interconnectedness of human affairs cannot be undermined in an age of rapid
globalization.

It seems to have overtaken the press in forms of impact on the target population in
as much as it reproduces events and characters on the screen directly and promptly.
The advent of independent TV channels in the country substantially transformed our
culture and political discourse. Television is far more effective pervasive, intensive
and graphic than print media. Its impact on the public mind is substantially higher
than that of the print media. Live coverage on television not only provides us with
the most up-to-date information about events but also engages the viewer in a way
that print media cannot do the in the same way.

It is usually claimed that the job of the media is the dispassionate presentation of
facts. The fact is that the job of the media person is not to serve as a post office but
more importantly to educate the public through informed reporting so as to facilitate
as objective an opinion formation as possible. A free media that works
conscientiously can serve as the collective conscience at the national and
international level. This, however, is often easier said than done.

The reporter or journalist is after all human and endowed with biases and in some
cases prejudices and as with all power bases the media too is vulnerable to the
corruption of the absolute power. There will always be those in their ranks who can
be bought with cash or perks or promises of paradise. But then there will always be
those who are not purchasable because they know that their reporting can make or
break individuals, communities and nations -- a heavy burden indeed.

Positive Effects:

Political Analysis:

The skilled and bold personality of anchor person raises people’s voice and clearly
asks the real point of the crisis.
They analyze government actions, either in favor or against the masses and develop
the opinions of the experts.

Media is serving as true democratic notion of people’s participation. The general

peoples’ criticism, analysis, and comments are added. which also act as a catharsis.

The ruling feel shame while speaking bluff in live shows before the millions of the
citizens.

Media successfully informs the whole world against any injustice and shows world’
criticism which compel the government to change its autocratic orders.

Economic Debate

Shows government’s projects internationally to get foreign investment by projecting

the benefits of the enterprise.

Advertising to maintain competition among various companies which facilitates the

public. Like, mobile phones and their lowering prices.

It represents new business trends going in the world and offering the new
opportunities for the investors.

Performance of stock exchange keeps update the investors.

Spreads technical education to learn the working of the machinery.

Social Awareness:

Bring the world at doorstep with its various trends, colors and life styles.

Changes moods and behavior of people from conservative to liberal.

Bold topics through dramas and talk shows to purify the society from superstitions,
evils and fake stories.

New household styles to upgrade the living standards.

Guides the youth for new opportunities and to compete with the world in all fields of
life.

Creates civic sense.

Religion Clarifications:

Authentic information by the competent scholars instead of narrow minded and

ignorant clerics who have changed the world into hell.

Solutions of answers of publics’ questions which remain unheared and unexplained.

Highlights religious events like Mohram, Eid, Mairaj and the holy ramazan.

Sectarian harmony is minimized by putting forward the views of competent and

enlightened Ulamas.

Negative Effects:

Political gimmick:

Blackmailing by the media persons to get personal gains as now practically, media is
not answerable before any institution.

Sensationalism of news to get cheap popularity.

To show one as Evil and other as Liberator by continuously repeating the comments
or visuals.

Social Evils:

Vulgarity due to inflow of foreign culture. The English and Indian channels are
affecting the moral of the youth.

Time wastage due to constant watching the dramas.

More materialism by diminishing simplicity.

Generation gap is increasing on account of fast approach towards life.

Religious impressions:

Weakening religious impressions due to foreign culture and time wastage.

Challenges to Media:

· The violence stricken areas like FATA, Balochistan, the journalists are terribly
vulnerable. In 2008, almost 12 journalists were killed and 6 in 2009. It has curbed
the free flow of information.

· Pakistan is facing conflict of ideologies between conservative and secular

approaches. Therefore media is cautious in debating on such sensitive issues

· The government indirectly restricts media by withholding advertisements.

· Media monopoly by big groups is also obstructing the expansion of smaller channels

· PAMERA have frequently threatened to cancel the license. Also other government
agencies pressurize.

· The political issues are so debated that other social, religious and psycholoigical
aspects are not properly addressed.

. Though the media as an institution enjoys enormous power and influence, media
organizations are not charity houses: they operate as businesses and have
commercial interests. There is a natural tendency to indulge in corruption and
malpractice when an institution enjoys absolute power, particularly in the absence of
a strong system of accountability
The Government verses Media

Our country is rapidly drifting towards destruction due to the ever-increasing

corruption and poor governance.

Since independence, corruption and mismanagement have become common norms.

Now media has to work hard to sweep the dirt. As a result, the government
considers it as humiliation and defeat. The anchors like Kamran khan, Dr Shahid
Masood, Hamid Mir, luqman Mubasher, Talat Hussain etc. have successfully criticized
missing people, steel mills case, Kerry Lugar bill, NRO, rental projectors,
victimization by members of the assemblies and the inside stories of DEALS with
each other.

This government has no ability or a morally upright resource to take cognisance of it;
our attorney-general has resigned due to corruption charges, the minister for
parliamentary affairs has been named in a corruption case involving tens of million
rupees and it is needless to mention the conduct of our ex-chief justice Abdul
Hameed Dogar.

The banning of Meray Mutabiq is unacceptable to 170 million Pakistanis who believe
in the freedom of speech. This is an attack on free speech and the media by the
current regime which must be resisted. Dr Shahid Masood has been bringing the
facts before the nation. He is a professional journalist and must be allowed to
continue his show.

PEMRA and Freedom of Media

The Authority is responsible for facilitating and regulating the establishment and
operation of all broadcast media and distribution services in Pakistan. The mandate
of PEMRA is ensure accountability, transparency and good governance by
optimization the free flow of information. But the ex-President Mushraf issued orders’
“To seize broadcast equipment or seal the premises.” When journalist refused to be
overawed by indirect threats, a draconian law in the form of the Pemra
(Amendment) Ordinance, 2007, was promulgated. This law is on its face contrary to
Article 19 to the Constitution of Pakistan, 1973, which guarantees freedom of
speech, expression and the press…. To raise the fine of violations tenfold and if
required to suspend the lincense.”

Sensationalism in the Media:

What is sensationalism? Dog bites Man. This is old news. We already know the
outcome. Man bites Dog. This is sensationalism: it immediately stirs the listener’s
mind and is the cause for great hype.
The dramatic background music, images of clashes between security officials and
civilians, and riots all form a part of sensationalism, enticing the viewer to turn on
the television set. Whatever the truth, does not matter, television is selling, making
money and that is the true motive.
On the other hand the growing trend in broadcast media for attracting anchors on
heavy remunerations, anchors who possess skills of creating sensationalism and who
spice news with hypothesis, is an example of how media channels are departing from
objectivity and balanced reporting.
Furthermore, the frequent switching of anchors from one channel to another mainly
for economic gains in utter disregard of the basic ethos of the journalistic profession
also supports the argument that broadcast media in Pakistan is headed for over-
commercialization.

These channels sometimes most of the time have been guilty of over-doing things
with their moment-by-moment commentary. Give them some time (a decade at
least!), they’ll mature over time.

Also they would just cut anybody, a politician would be there talking and they will cut
him in the middle saying buhat buhat shukriya app ka

During the Lal masjid episode she even once said to DG ISPR app qaum ko koi
pegham dena chahin ge. he said, BB main yahan apni duty de raha hoon, qaum ko
pegham dene nahin aya.

The claim of Sub se pehley has started a mad race.

The media has realized its power and ability to penetrate an innocent mind and they
are exercising it so savagely.

The private channels are owned by big investors with a purpose to enhance business.
They have to afford massive expenses, so, competition to excel others makes them
irresponsible. In order to attract more view ship and resultantly more commercials-
they even sometimes forget the damage caused to national interest.

A bold and blunt anchor person undermines the set standards. The petty events are
heightened. Tiny is made mighty and vice versa-on the grounds of personal grudges
or at the behest of the owners.

Moreover still, the mood of the public is not as mature as in the strong democracies
due to lack of education and weak sociopolitical and cultural norms.

Causes of Controlled Media:

The imperial heritage has been hallmark about politics. In Pakistan, not only the
dictators but also the civilians rulers took unconstitutional steps, covered their own
corruption along with their associates. Internal corruption of judiciary all were only
possible with a curbed media.

Narrow minded religious parties once the blue eyed boys of the military restricted
media freedom.

Media has been the fear of every general after taking over the government.

The illiterate masses have been exerting zero pressure on the policy makers.

The reason for different views are the investors. If a party or institution invests in
the media, they want to see their own views reflected. The views reflected are not
necessarily of the public, nor of the employees, rather, the views of those who pay
wages to these employees, in turn shaping not only their view, but also the public.

Corporate barons who own a large chunk of the Pakistani Media obeyed the official
orders to get monetary benefits.
Pakistan has failed to spawn a free and fair political culture attuned to the
expectations of its people. Journalists have been intimated and humiliated by the
denizens of power and their agents. The vigilantes of the political parties, too-
especially the religion-oriented ones-also contribute generously to making the lives
of journalists miserable. Everyone wants the journalists to obey their orders.

Suggestions:

The media as an institution and fourth estate is accountable to the public and
responsible for its actions. Media practitioners should stop thinking they are above
the law. Let the media introduce an internal scheme of checks and balances.
Undoubtedly, this is an uphill task.
Accountability of the media is not possible under the disputed regulatory regime.
Media organizations and civil society should jointly constitute a commission for this
task. The recent coming together of several leading TV channels to frame rules for
terrorism coverage is a step in the right direction. This move may help purge the
elements abusing the power of the media in violation of the public mandate.

The aim of media activism should be to strengthen the weak and vulnerable
segments of society. It is they who need our support, activism is not merely
reporting but it involves deep passion and research.

While covering a big story, especially in the war zones, the human sides of a conflict
are often ignored by the general media. Here media activism can play its true role in
reminding the world of the miseries and sufferings of the ignored segments of
society.

In the same context the NRO has made even the highest office of the country
questionable. In such an environment it is the honest and straight-forwarded media
which can make some difference by acting as a pressure group and the recent action
of the government amounts to treason.

First and foremost, media must help in stabilizing the national institutions and
national socio-economic, political and administrative structure by pointing out the
flow and appreciating any rod work done by the Government or State institutions
and organizations in private sector. Serving the country honestly and sincerely must
be projected.

The need to strengthen our socio-cultural and ideological foundations was never so
great as it is today. There is cultural invasion from the West and Indian TV channels
and Cable TV networks. Our values are being attacked and are in danger. Media
must build our confidence and faith in our values.

We as viewer should mend ourselves, so that we may not be carried away with the
media hype. We should know when t o stop viewing the repeated hysterics.

Media going through a turbulent transition, with a new found liberties. It is hoped
they will settle to a saner posture in due course.

It must create a pride in our glorious past, our culture and our way of living. Pakistan
is the seventh atomic power in the world and the only Muslim country, which has
achieved this status. This is a matter of great pride and prestige. We have mat
beautiful normative and social value structure, which needs to be preserved,
promoted and strengthened.

Media must help sustain confidence in our national institutions such as parliament,
armed forces and our social structure. Erosion of such confidence in our institutional
set-up can be dangerous. All problems and issues such as relating to functioning of
our institutional framework have to be explained effectively to the people so that
they develop a positive opinion and attitude.

At present, we are living in a world, which is moving too fast. And in the ensuing din
and noise masses must be helped by the mass media to see things clearly so that
they are not misled.

The prime objective of media must be national stability in all its dimensions. A social
and political climate needs to be created in which people could engage-themselves in
positive and healthy activities and could contribute to the overall national
development.

The feelings of despondency, frustration and deviant tendencies need to be

neutralized. Only an effective media, can do this.

This also places far greater responsibility on the shoulders of those running its
affairs. The nature of their functions is such that all those involved in the process
including reporters, analysts, anchors, editorial staff and the management are
required to make difficult choice every day. It is essential for their credibility that
they remain visibly impartial, evenhanded and demand from the passions of the
moment.

A system of journalistic accountability, both internal and external, is in place on the

news side, which leads to more responsible reporting and editing.

The sudden boom in the media has led to severe shortages of trained manpower, so
that people can be appointed to positions that require more journalistic experience
than they really have.

The print and broadcast media must make every effort to ensure that their coverage
is factual, balanced and informed. Live pictures must be responsibly broadcast.

Conclusion:

To summarize, media can help stabilize and strengthen the country by playing
educational and informative role and by imparting knowledge to the masses as
knowledge is power and only a well-informed society can develop a positive approach
towards fife.

The objective of media freedom can be realized only when public trust and
confidence reposed in the media is respected and protected by the media itself by
acting as a true watchdog, keeping an eye on the government on behalf of the
public.

“Freedom of conscience, of education, of speech, of assembly, is among the very

fundamentals of democracy and all of them would be nullified if freedom of the press
be successfully challenged,” maintained US president Roosevelt.
This is an era of satellite televisions, internet connectivity, and mobile telephony. US
constitution categorically forbids: “Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom
of speech or of press.”

Dee Hock

Leader presumes follower. Follower presumes choice. One who is coerced to the
purposes, objectives, or preferences of another is not a follower in any true sense of
the word, but an object of manipulation. Nor is the relationship materially altered if
both parties accept dominance and coercion. True leading and following presume
perpetual liberty of both leader and follower to sever the relationship and pursue
another path. A true leader cannot be bound to lead. A true follower cannot be
bound to follow. The moment they are bound, they are no longer leader or follower.
The terms leader and follower imply the freedom and independent judgment of both.
If the behavior of either is compelled, whether by force, economic necessity, or
contractual arrangement, the relationship is altered to one of superior/subordinate,
management/employee, master/servant, or owner/slave. All such relationships are
materially different than leader-follower.
Induced behavior is the essence of leader-follower. Compelled behavior is the
essence of all the others. Where behavior is compelled, there lies tyranny, however
benign. Mere behavior is induced, there lies leadership, however powerful.
Leadership does not imply constructive, ethical, open conduct. It is entirely possible
to induce destructive, malign, devious behavior and to do so by corrupt means.
Therefore, a clear, meaningful purpose and compelling ethical principles evoked from
all participants should be the essence of every relationship, and every institution.
A compelling question is how to ensure that those who lead are constructive, ethical,
open, and honest. The answer is to follow those who will behave in that manner. It
comes down to both the individual and collective sense of where and how people
choose to be led. In a very real sense, followers lead by choosing where to be led.
Where a community will be led is inseparable from the conscious, shared values and
beliefs of the individuals of which it is composed.
True leaders are those who epitomize the general sense of the community — who
symbolize, legitimize, and strengthen behavior in accordance with the sense of the
community — who enable its conscious, shared values and beliefs to emerge,
expand, and be transmitted from generation to generation-who enable that which is
trying to happen to come into being. The true leader’s behavior is induced by the
behavior of every individual who chooses where they will be led.
The important thing to remember is that true leadership and induced behavior can
be constructive or destructive, but have an inherent tendency to good, while tyranny
and compelled behavior have an inherent tendency to evil.
Over the years, I have frequently had long, unstructured discussions with hundreds
of groups of people at every level in diverse organizations about any subject of
concern to them. The conversations most often gravitate to management; either
aspirations to it, dissatisfaction with it, or confusion about it. To avoid ambiguity, I
ask each person to describe the single most important responsibility of any manager.
The incredibly diverse responses always have one thing in common. All are
downward looking. Management inevitably has to do with exercise of authority —
with selecting employees, motivating them, training them, appraising them,
organizing them, directing them, controlling them. That perception is mistaken.
The first and paramount responsibility of anyone who purports to manage is to
manage self, one’s own integrity, character, ethics, knowledge, wisdom,
temperament, words, and acts. It is a complex, never-ending, incredibly difficult, oft-
shunned task. Management of self is something at which we spend little time and
rarely excel precisely because it is so much more difficult than prescribing and
controlling the behavior of others. Without management of self, no one is fit for
authority, no matter how much they acquire. The more authority they acquire the
more dangerous they become. It is the management of self that should have half of
our time and the best of our ability. And when we do, the ethical, moral, and spiritual
elements of managing self are inescapable.
Asked to identify the second responsibility of any manager, again people produce a
bewildering variety of opinions, again downward-looking. Another mistake. The
second responsibility is to manage those who have authority over us: bosses,
supervisors, directors, regulators, ad infinitum. In an organized world, there are
always people with authority over us. Without their consent and support, how can we
follow conviction, exercise judgment, use creative ability, achieve constructive
results, or create conditions by which others can do the same? Managing superiors is
essential. Devoting a quarter of our time and ability to that effort is not too much.
Asked for the third responsibility, people become a bit uneasy and uncertain. Yet,
their thoughts remain on subordinates. Mistaken again. The third responsibility is to
manage one’s peers — those over whom we have no authority and who have no
authority over us — associates, competitors, suppliers, customers — the entire
environment, if you will. Without their support, respect, and confidence, little or
nothing can be accomplished. Peers can make a small heaven or hell of our life. Is it
not wise to devote at least a fifth of our time, energy, and ingenuity to managing
peers?
Asked for the fourth responsibility, people have difficulty coming up with an answer,
for they are now troubled by thinking downward. However, if one has attended to
self, superiors, and peers, there is little else left. The fourth responsibility is to
manage those over whom we have authority. The common response is that all one’s
time will be consumed managing self, superiors, and peers. There will be no time to
manage subordinates. Exactly! One need only select decent people, introduce them
to the concept, induce them to practice it, and enjoy the process. If those over
whom we have authority properly manage themselves, manage us, manage their
peers, and replicate the process with those they employ, what is there to do but see
they are properly recognized, rewarded, and stay out of their way? It is not making
better people of others that management is about. It’s about making a better person
of self. Income, power, and titles have nothing to do with that.
The obvious question then always erupts. How do you manage superiors-bosses,
regulators, associates, customers? The answer is equally obvious. You cannot. But
can you understand them? Can you persuade them? Can you motivate them? Can
you disturb them, influence them, forgive them? Can you set them an example?
Eventually the proper word will emerge. Can you lead them?
Of course you can, provided only that you have properly led yourself. There are no
rules and regulations so rigorous, no organization so hierarchal, no bosses so
abusive that they can prevent us from behaving this way. No individual and no
organization can prevent such use of our energy, ability, and ingenuity. They may
make it more difficult, but they can’t prevent it. The real power is ours, not theirs.
There is an immense difficulty in this perception of things. Failure is constant and
certain. If one’s conduct, intelligence, and effort are deficient, as at times they
inevitably must be, it is a failure of the first magnitude. If one fails to gain the
confidence, consent, and support of superiors, it is a failure of the second
magnitude. If one is subverted by peers, dominated by competitors, or hamstrung
by mindless regulators, it is a failure of the third magnitude. If those over whom we
have authority are not induced to understand, accept, and practice the concept, it is
a failure of the fourth magnitude. One must look to self for every failure.
At first, it seems an impossible burden to bear. Upon reflection, it is neither to be
dreaded nor feared. It is no burden at all. Success, while it may provide
encouragement, build confidence, and be joyful indeed, often teaches an insidious
lesson-to have too high an opinion of self. It is from failure that amazing growth and
grace so often come, provided only that one can recognize it, admit it, learn from it,
rise above it, and try again. There is no reason to be discouraged by shortcomings.
True leadership presumes a standard quite beyond human perfectibility, and that is
quite all right, for joy and satisfaction are in the pursuit of an objective, not in its
realization. The only question of importance is whether one constantly rises in the
scale.

TERRORISM AND POLICY OPTIONS FOR PAKISTAN

Introduction
Definitions of Terrorism

a. The dictionary of International Relations.

b. The American Heritage Dictionary. "
c. League of Nations Convention (1937).
d. United Nations.

3. Root Causes of Terrorism

a. Political Oppression / Injustice.
b. Religious Intolerance.
c. Divine Revelation.
d. Resistance to Military Occupation.
e. Economic Deprivation.
f. Regional Disparities.
g. Foreign Support.

Objectives of Terrorism
a. To publicize the cause by means of wide and immediate publicity that would follow
the terrorist act through media.
b. To win short term concessions such as release of fellow terrorists from jail,
payment of ransom or change in government policies.
c. Assassinations to avenge the death of fellow terrorists.
d. Employ terrorism as a catalyst to arouse fierce repression by the authorities with a
view to militarizing a political situation, leading to alienation of masses from the
government.
e. To sow and further inter communal hatred and conflict.
f. To eliminate declared enemies of the terrorist group.
g. To punish a fellow member for infringement of discipline or an act of betrayal.
h. Use acts of violence and intimidation to achieve a desired social, political, or
religious outcome.
j. Coercion.
k. Intimidation.
l. Provocation.
m. Insurgency Support.
Terrorism—A Threat to Security of Pakistan
a. Threats to the National Security of Pakistan.

Internal Threats to the Security of Pakistan

(1) Extremism.
(2) Weaponization.
(3) Islamization Inside Pakistan.
(4) Social Diversity in Pakistani Society.
(5) Sectarianism.
(6) Apathy of Past Governments.
b. External Threats to the State of Pakistan.
(1) Rogue State.
(2) Afghan Jihad
(3) Taliban Regime in Afghanistan.
(4) Freedom Struggle in Kashmir.
(5) 9/11 Incident.
Efforts Made to Combat Terrorism in Pakistan
a. Pakistan’s Efforts at International Level.
(1) Building of New Partnership with the US
(2) Revising Relations with Europe
(3) Cooperation with UN.
(4) Anti-Terrorism Conventions.
(5) Extradition Treaties.
(6) Cooperation with Coalition Partners in Afghanistan.
(7) Pak-Saudi Cooperation Against Terrorism.
(8) Pak-UK.
(9). Pak- China.
(10). Pak-Afghan Cooperation.
(11). Pakistan and Others Countries.
(12) Pakistan and SAARC
c. Response at National Level.
(1) Arrests.
(2) Anti-Terrorism Act.
(3) Anti-Terrorism Courts. terrorism.
(4) Disarming the Civil Society.
(5) Police Reforms
(6) Crisis Management Cells.
(7) Proscription of Militant Organizations.
(8) Religious Parties.
(9) Women Rights.
(10) Religious Schools.
(11) Troops Deployment.
d. Combating Terrorism at Army Level.
(1) Anti-dacoit Operations/Protection Duties.
(2) Counter-Insurgency Operations.
8. 9/11 and Military Operations.
Military Operations
9. Strategy.
a. Sealing of Borders.
b. FATA.
c. Waziristan

d. Balochestan.
11. Effects Achieved by Military Operations
a. Terrorist network has been broken.
b. Decrease in infiltration from Afghanistan.
c. All tribes on board less few dissidents/individuals.
d. Presence of army has provided strength to the fence sitters and locals
e. At present situation in FATA is stable
f. Situation in Baluchistan is stable now..
12. Situation After the Army Operation.
(1) They are operating now in smaller loosely net groups.
(2) Avoid presenting fixed targets/resistance.
(3) Focus on hit and run tactics. They are using standoff weapons with the aim of
striking at vulnerable areas of the military.
(4) Intermittent flow of funds/logistics continue.
Recommendations to Address the Spread of Terrorism at UN Level53
Policy Options
(1) To strengthen coordination and cooperation with States
(2) To pursue and reinforce development and social inclusion agendas at every level
as goals in themselves

persnalization of political parties

`pakistan an islamic democretic country________political structure of
pakistan____back ground of our plitical structure______islamic and british
roul______pakistani culture______corruption________nature of our minds ____our
style of thinking________low standards of thinking_____immature ideas and
policies___wadera shahi________jageer dara system_____ beorucracy____every
one wants to be the king, not a servant of the nation_____every one wants to be the
richest in a single night_______our political party system___ structure of our
political parties________dictator ship of political parties__________leaders of our
political parties are not elected, they are selected___________political parties or
political families_____our political leaders think only for theirselves not for the
nation_______every one wants to be more powerful than others___we all are
personal, not commen_____lower qualified political leaders_________jis ki lathi us
ki bhains______the role of our media______desire to gain power for
ever________Its a kind of personalization.
__________________

Introduction: Defining Terrorism

Terrorism is not a phenomenon unique to the modern era. Viewed from a historical
perspective, there are numerous examples of terrorist acts.1 Modern terrorism
arguably began in the 1960s, with 1968 marking the beginning of international
terrorist incidents. In the 1990s, secular terrorists were overwhelmingly replaced by
religious nationalists attacking foreign citizens and the agents and symbols of
secularism in their own country and, increasingly, taking their campaigns of violence
abroad. 'Terrorism today is complex and fluid, with reduced emphasis on a
formalised group structure typical of terrorist insurgents in the past. Individual
terrorists are now more security-conscious, better funded and more resourceful than
in the past. Equally problematic for governments are that they are also less
predictable and less tied to one group.' 2

Proposed Definitions of Terrorism

It would be relevant at this point to come up with some definitions of terrorism in
order to comprehend the term better. Michael Walzer proposes three typologies of
terrorism. Terrorism as a national liberation or revolutionary movement is the
intentional killing of innocent people, so as to spread fear and chaos through the
entire population in order to pressurise its political leaders. Secondly, there is state
terrorism, commonly used by authoritarian and totalitarian governments against
their own people, so as to make any form of opposition impossible (most importantly
political opposition). And, finally, there is war terrorism: the conscious effort by a
particular country to kill civilians/non-combatants in such large numbers that the
opposing country's government is forced to surrender (of which Hiroshima seems to
be the classic case).3 What is common in all three typologies is that civilians/non-
combatants are being targeted; they are instrumental in order to achieve a certain
end. However, it seems that 'militant 'jihad'', the subject of this study, does not fit
into any of these typologies so we will have to analyse more definitions.

According to Wilkinson, terrorism is a form or mode of violence. He defines violence

as the illegitimate use, or threatened use, of coercion resulting in, or intending to
result in the death or injury, restraint or intimidation of persons or the destruction or
seizure of property.4 Wilkinson argues that it is precisely because terrorists by
definition follow a systematic policy of terror (threatened and actual use of violence)
that their actions are analogous to crimes.5

At another level, most American definitions of terrorism feature some elements of

three inter-related factors (the terrorists' motives, identity and methods). Identifying
motives, identities and methods is a good place to start analysing terrorism. Of
course, it is not something that is very easily accomplished because modern-day
terrorists cannot be so easily classified. Their motives, identities and methods are
complex and hence any simplistic definition will not suffice.

The academic definition of terrorism proposed by the United Nations Office on Drugs
and Crime (UNODC) though verbose does include some of the elements:

'Terrorism is an anxiety-inspiring method of repeated violent action, employed by

(semi) clandestine individual, group or state actors, for idiosyncratic, criminal or
political reasons, whereby - in contrast to assassination - the direct targets of
violence are not the main targets. The immediate human victims of violence are
generally chosen randomly (targets of opportunity) or selectively (representative or
symbolic targets) from a target population, and serve as message generators. Threat
and violence-based communication processes between terrorist (organisation),
(imperiled) victims, and main targets are used to manipulate the main target
(audience(s)), turning it into a target of terror, a target of demands, or a target of
attention, depending on whether intimidation, coercion, or propaganda is primarily
sought" (Schmidt, 1988).6

Problems of Definition

Despite the contemporary relevance of the phenomenon of terrorism, like many

other political terms, it is a widely contested one. The use of the term 'terrorism' is
interspersed with statements like 'One man's terrorist is another man's freedom
fighter.' Some experts on terrorism are doubtful as to whether terrorism can be
defined at all. As Walter Laqueur opines: 'Even if there were an objective, value-free
definition of terrorism, covering all its important aspects and features, it would still
be rejected by some for ideological reasons […].'7

The problem of not having a widely agreed-upon definition is illustrated by how the
UN Member States still have no agreed-upon definition. It is even acknowledged by
the UN that terminology consensus is essential for a complete international
convention on terrorism, which some countries propose as a better alternative to the
current 12 conventions and protocols. This lack of agreement has been a major
obstacle to meaningful international countermeasures.8 This can be seen by a look
at many of the anti-terrorism measures taken since the terrorist attacks of
September 11, 2001, where governments have used unclear and often overbroad
definitions of terrorism. Paul Hoffman argues that such vague classifications run the
risk of including non-violent, expressive activity into the sphere of terrorism and can
be the basis for repressive regimes attacking political opponents, or indulging in
other manipulative uses under the guise of conducting antiterrorism campaigns.
Many anti-terrorist laws violate the principle of legality and provide a basis for
governments to label political opponents or human rights defenders as 'terrorists'. In
addition, it can subject them to exceptional security measures that would not be
tolerated in other contexts.9

At another level, there are scholars who argue that the persistent disputes over
definition often become devices, not of an honest exertion to arrive at the truth, or
of an effort to protect the rights of the innocent, but strategies to manipulate
terrorist violence for strategic or political advantage. For example, Gill says that in
the wake of the September 11 attacks in America, there were repeated public
demands for evidence and for clarifications on what constituted 'terrorism', including
by those sympathetic to the terrorist cause.10

One would disagree with such an argument. An attempt to find a definition might be
critical as the means through which the understanding of terrorism is increased. Of
course an attempt to find a definition will entail the search for evidence (contrary to
Gill's argument) and one must guard against biases and prejudices. An increased
understanding of terrorism will most likely generate better and more effective ways
of dealing with it. Defining terrorism allows terrorists to be defined (or not),
justifying (or not) any action that is being taken against them.11 It is also because
of problems of definition that Gill contends that a continual moral ambivalence has
persisted over the years regarding the character of 'acts of terror': 'For some
terrorism is a manifestation of psychopathology; for others it is a symptom of social
discontent, oppression and injustice; for others, it is their religious obligation and still
for others it is a crime not only against humanity but also on civilised society
itself.'12 Such ambiguity must be surmounted and it is keeping this in perspective
that this study attempts to make out a detailed analysis of the term.

The most important aspect of this study's approach towards terrorism is that it
locates its moral significance in the object of attack, i.e., terrorism is given its
distinctive moral character by the fact that it uses violence against those who should
not have force used against them. Using the idiom of the 'just war' theory, it justifies
the use of force against non-combatants.13

Morality and Terrorism

Explaining the motives and causes of terrorism is as difficult as defining terrorism is.
Two potential explanations, the materialist explanation and the 'root causes theory'
are broadly similar. The materialist explanation for terrorism attributes terrorism to
injustice, poverty, and the existing widespread global inequalities. The 'root causes
theory' suggests that terrorism is directly caused by certain social and economic
conditions of deprivation, poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, legitimate political
grievances, historical wrongs etc. and that no counter-terrorism initiative has any
possibility of success unless the root grievances are addressed.14

Walzer is more persuasive than the materialistic explanation or the 'root causes'
theory, when he argues that a combined cultural-religious-political definition for
terrorism is needed. For Walzer, the materialist explanation is unconvincing because
it doesn't explain why terrorism hasn't emerged in places like Latin America or
Africa.15 Similarly, according to Showitz, there is no substantive root cause of
terrorism. He argues that to concentrate on such factors such as poverty, illiteracy
and disenfranchisement is to fail to explain why all groups with grievances and
disabilities have never resorted to terrorism.16 One would agree with Showitz and
Walzer that the materialist explanation and the 'root causes theory' are too
simplistic. This sudy would argue that this is largely so because they overlook the
'moral' aspect of understanding terrorism.

Terrorist activities like militant 'jihad' of the form carried out by al-Qaeda raise a
wide range of moral questions because they are carried out with the assumption that
the killing of innocent people is justified. The moral fact explanations put forward by
western/secular philosophers and commentators are many and multi-fold. They can
be classified into two sorts: moral facts that refute and condemn terrorism of all
sorts; and moral facts that justify (or at least, explain terrorism).

Examples of moral fact arguments against terrorism could be:

• A conflicting and higher moral demand (for perpetrators of terrorism), is essentially

a demand of conscience to obey the law and abstain from violence.17

• A hypothetical social contract exists between the state and the individual,
therefore, there is an obligation to obey the law and abstain from violence. 18

• 'This is the ramifying evil of terrorism: not just the killing of innocent people but
also the intrusion of fear into everyday life, the violation of private purposes, the
insecurity of public spaces, the endless coerciveness of precaution.' 19 This quote
illustrates an approach that shows that the ends of terrorism can never justify the
means that are employed and this is one of the most common approaches towards
terrorism.

Examples of moral fact arguments that explain terrorism thus are:

• 'Here is how it works for Americans: we fought the Gulf War, we station troops on
the sacred soil of Saudi Arabia, we blockade and bomb Iraq, we support Israel - what
do we expect? Of course, the September 11 attacks were wrong; they ought to be
condemned; but - a very big 'but' - after all, we deserved it; we had it coming.' 20
This is the sort of argument where the victims internalise the blame for what is
happening. That is to say, that there is some sort of a 'moral equivalence' perceived
between the injustices carried out by Islamic terrorists and the injustices carried out
by western military forces and state policies.

• The problem of justice - the first and main problem of all moral and political
philosophy - as an attempt to explain terrorist activities (referred to earlier in this
paper as the 'root causes theory').21 Consequences of deprivation may be separated
into two categories - first there are those that have to do with economic and social
life. There is no doubt that huge disparities in wealth and incomes exist. The second
set of deprivations is political in kind and has to do with certain freedoms and the
lack of them. It is here that one finds demands for national self-determination and
demands of peoples to lands to which they have rights.22 Kashmir, Chechnya and
Palestine are all areas where terrorism is the way of dealing with political
deprivation.

Understanding 'Jihad': A Moral Duty

'Jihad' is Arabic word which means 'exerting utmost effort' or 'to strive'. It is
interesting that 'jihad' is as ambivalent a term as 'terrorism' is. No single doctrine on
'jihad' is universally accepted. The word connotes a wide range of meanings, from an
inward spiritual struggle to attain perfect faith to an outward material struggle.
However, though the precise meaning of the term might be contested, its importance
in the practise of Islam is not. The importance of 'jihad' is based on the Quran's
command to struggle in the path of God and in the example of the Prophet
Muhammad (pbuh) and his early companions. It is considered one of the
fundamentals of Muslim belief and practise though it is a concept with numerous
meanings, used and potentially abused throughout Islamic history.23

Martyrs who sacrifice their lives to establish Islamic ideals or to defend those ideals
hold a special place in Islam. Under Islam, individuals who die in the way of Allah are
distinguished from others in life after death in several ways: this act renders them
free of sin; they bypass purgatory and proceed to one of the highest locations in
Heaven near the Throne of God; as a result of their purity they are buried in the
clothes in which they died and do not need to be bathed before burial.24 The Quran
states:

'Were you to be killed or to die in the way of God, forgiveness and mercy from God
are far better than what they amass.' (3:157)

'Never think that those who are killed in the way of God are dead. They are alive
with their Lord, well provided for.' (3:169)25

Historical Background

Traditional Islamic jurisprudence saw 'jihad' as an obligation in a world divided into

the land of Islam (dar al-Islam) and the land of conflict (dar al-Harb).26 One school
of thought, the Shafii, posited a third category, the land of treaty (dar al-Sulh), or a
territory that had concluded a truce with a Muslim government.27 There is also a
distinction between 'offensive' and 'defensive 'jihad''.28 Alternatively, there is
another interpretation that classifies 'jihad' into the 'greater 'jihad'' (which is the
individual non-violent striving to live a good Muslim life, following God's will) and the
'lesser jihad' (which comprises violent struggle stated to be for Islam).

For John Esposito, the life and experience of the early Islamic community gave the
example for the spread and defence of Islam through hijra (emigration to avoid
persecution of the followers of the religion) and 'jihad'. When Muhammad and his
companions suffered unrelenting abuse in Mecca, they emigrated to Yathrib, later
named Medina. There the Muslims could struggle ('jihad') to spread and defend
God's word and rule as they had now set up and strengthened the community at
Medina. Esposito argues this pattern of hijra and 'jihad' in crises, together with the
concept of the Ummah (the worldwide Islamic community), which stresses a pan-
Islamic unity, has guided Muslims throughout the ages, including the use of these
concepts in the ideologies of Osama bin Laden and many terrorists today.29

After the death of the Prophet, Islam was riven by deep divisions and conflict
revolving around leadership and authority. This subsequently resulted in the division
of the Islamic community into two major and often competing sects, - Sunni and
Shii.30 An important aspect of the nature of Islam is that though there might be
differences between different sects within the religion, they share a common faith
based on the Quran and Sunnah, or the life of Muhammad (pbuh). They comprise
the Ummah. Consciousness of the Ummah has been reinforced in the past few
decades by the proliferation of media coverage of world events.31

So, therefore, both the Sunnis and Shiites (despite their differences and conflicts)
have the same overall conception of 'jihad' as a struggle in the path of God and both
distinguish between the 'greater 'jihad' (the personal spiritual struggle) and the
'lesser 'jihad' (warfare). 'Jihad' is viewed by both sects as a religious duty
compulsory on individuals and the Islamic community to defend themselves and their
faith, to prevent invasion or guarantee the freedom to spread the message of
Islam.32

Meaning of the Term 'Jihad'

The previous section has attempted to demonstrate that multiple meanings of 'jihad'
exist. It is something that is accepted as one of the central duties of a Muslim, but it
is not clear what this central duty comprises of in precise details. There is no single
doctrine of 'jihad' that has always and everywhere existed or been universally
accepted. It is rather the outcome of different individuals and authorities interpreting
and applying the principles of the Quran, the Sunnah and the experiences of the
early Islamic community in specific historical and political contexts.33 It was from
the late twentieth century that the word 'jihad' started being used increasingly by
resistance, liberation, and terrorist movements alike to legitimate their cause and
motivate their followers.34

These diverse understandings of 'jihad' make judging and evaluating a 'jihad' a

difficult task as it seems to be a matter of perspective. However, one would agree
with Esposito that leaving the matter at that would be a serious mistake. Looking at
what Islamic history, law and tradition have to say about 'jihad' becomes critical in
both trying to comprehend the logic and motivations of a terrorist, and also in
creating better relations between Islam and the West by enhancing understanding
and dialogue.35

In order to understand the verses from the Quran that refer to war, it is important to
keep in mind that there are two basic sources of Islamic belief: the Quran, (the
revealed word of God) and the Hadith, (which comprise the sayings or actions of
Prophet Muhammad). In addition, three factors are necessary for analysing the
verses in the Quran; firstly, the textual context of the verse within the Quran,
secondly, the historical context of the verse at the time of revelation, and thirdly, the
manner in which the Prophet Muhammad implemented the verse.36 Though a
detailed analysis of each verse is beyond the scope of this paper, it is generally
agreed that they can be streamlined into two contradictory interpretations; a militant
interpretation and a non-militant interpretation.
Non-militant Understanding of the Nature of 'Jihad'

It may be argued that, according to the non-militant understanding, the grounds for
a legitimate war under Islamic belief are:

• War carried out in self defence.

• War carried out when other nations have attacked an Islamic state.
• War carried out on another state if it is oppressing its own Muslims.

However, such a legitimate war does not mean that any violent or indiscriminate
action is permissible; there are clear guidelines according to which war must be
conducted:

• In a disciplined manner.

• Without injuring non-combatants.

• With the minimum necessary force.

• Without anger.

• With humane conduct towards prisoners of war.37

The Quran ordains

'Fight in the way of Allah against those who fight against you, but begin not
hostilities. Lo! Allah loveth not aggressors.' (Al-Baqarah: 190)

Abu Bakr (the First Caliph) gave the following rules to an army he was sending to
battle:

'Do not commit treachery or deviate from the right path.

You must not mutilate dead bodies.
Neither kill a child, nor a woman, nor an aged man.
Bring no harm to the trees, nor burn them with fire, especially those which are
fruitful.
Slay not any of the enemy's flock, save for your food.
You are likely to pass by people who have devoted their lives to monastic services;
leave them alone.'

The non-militant understanding is that various verses in the Quran relate the
conditions for the legitimacy of 'jihad' as war in self-defence. Such conditions could
be when an opposing side attempts to attack; or that it creates obstacles for
spreading the message of Islam (which must be removed). Another condition for the
legitimacy of 'jihad' would be people subject to the oppression and tyranny of a
group from amongst themselves.38

Militant Understanding of the Nature of 'Jihad'

The militant interpretation of the term 'jihad' comes from the Quranic verses known
as the 'sword verses'. These are quoted selectively to legitimate unconditional
warfare against Mushrikeen (those who ascribed divinity to aught beside God) and
were used by earlier jurists to justify the expansion of Islam in certain periods of
wars. The argument, developed during the period of the early Caliphs, at a time
when the Ulema enjoyed royal patronage was that the 'sword verses' abrogated the
early Quranic verses that limited 'jihad' to a defensive war. The referred to verses
were also partially quoted, as for instance,thus

'When the sacred months have passed, slay the idolaters wherever you find them,
and take them, and confine them, and lie in wait for them at every place of ambush'
(9:5)

Muhammad Asad translates verse (9:5) thus:

'And so, when the sacred months are over, slay those who ascribed divinity to aught
beside God wherever you may come upon them, and taken them captive and besiege
them, and lie in wait for them in every conceivable place. Yet if they repent, and
take to prayer and render the purifying dues, let them go their way, for behold, God
is much-forgiving, a dispenser of grace.'

But, as Muhammad Asad has commented, to arrive at a full understanding of the

import of this verse, equally important are verses 9:4 and 9:6 that precede and
follow verse 9:5:

'But excepted shall be - from among those who ascribe divinity to aught beside God -
[people] with whom you [O believers] have made a covenant and who, thereafter,
have in no wise failed to fulfil their obligations towards you, and neither have aided
anyone against you: observe, then, your covenant with them until the end of the
term agreed with them. Verily, God loves those who are conscious of Him' [Verse
9:4]

'And if any of those who ascribe divinity to aught beside God seeks thy protection,
grant him protection, so that he might [be able to] hear the word of God [from
thee]; and thereupon convey him to a place where he can feel secure: this because
they [may be] people who [sin only because they] they do not know [the truth.]'
[Verse 9:6]

The following verse demonstrates a similar problem in terms of a militant

understanding:

'Fight those who believe not in God nor the Last Day, nor hold that forbidden which
hath been forbidden by God and his Apostle, nor hold the religion of truth (even if
they are) of the People of the Book, until they pay the tax with willing submission
and feel themselves subdued.'(Verse 9:29) 39

Again it is important to note the interpretation of commentators like Muhammad

Asad who states that such verses have to be balanced in conjunction with other
fundamental Quranic ordinances, such as 'There shall be no coercion in matters of
faith' (2:256) - war is permissible only in self-defence: 'and if they desist, then all
hostility shall cease' (2:193). In this context, it is necessary also to see verses
(60:8-9), which state as follows:

'as for such [of the unbelievers] as do not fight against you on account of [your]
faith, and neither drive you forth from your homelands, God does not forbid you to
show them kindness and to behave towards them with full equity: for verily, God
loves those who act equitably.' [Verse 60:8]

'God only forbids you to turn in friendship towards such as fight against you because
of [your] faith, and drive your forth from your homelands, or aid [others] in driving
you forth: and as for those [from among you] it is they, who are truly
wrongdoers!'[Verse 60:9]

Modern-day 'Jihad'

Muslims have a legacy of traditions that call upon their societies to reform in every
age. This is based upon the history of successful Muslim rule and expansion from the
time of the Prophet till the period of European colonialism that reversed this
pattern.40 Esposito argues that after this decline, it was the modern Islamic
movements that became the driving force behind the resurgence of Islam. The
powerful symbolism and revolutionary meaning of 'jihad' dominated Muslim politics
in recent decades to an extent never seen before.

John Esposito sees the Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood and Pakistan's Jamaat-i-Islami as
the two pioneer Islamist movements that spread to Sudan, Jordan and the Gulf,
Bangladesh, India and Kashmir and inspired a proliferation of similar movements
across the world. The following Islamic experiments in Egypt, Palestine, Algeria and
Central Asia have illustrated the different manifestations of political Islam and the
diverse understandings of 'jihad'. However the aim of all of these movements,
regardless of whether they are peaceful or violent, share a common commitment to
an Islamic revolution, a 'jihad' or struggle to implement an Islamic order or
government (so as to transform Muslim societies).41 However, most of these
movements and their formation, development, strategy and tactics have reflected
the diverse political, economic and social environments out of which they arose.42
The majority of these Muslim reform organisations have worked within their societies
but a radicalised militant minority has adopted violent 'jihad' to seize power or attack
Muslim governments or Western countries.43

Many of these violent radicals justify their violence using historic memories of the
Crusades and European colonialism, the creation of Israel, and American neo-
colonialism. This is compounded by current events that further ignite feelings of
injustice: the second Palestinian Intifada, the presence of American troops in the
Gulf, the devastating impact of sanctions on Iraqi children, and 'jihad' of resistance
and liberation in Kashmir and Chechnya. These are considered to be outrages not
just among terrorist groups but also in the broader Muslim world.44

The militant minorities are distinct in that they operate globally. It was during the
Afghan 'Jihad' against the Soviet occupation of the country in 1979, when scores of
Muslims went to Afghanistan to be part of the 'jihad' against oppression of Muslims.
The experience and success of that 'jihad' created a new, more global 'jihad'
sentiment and solidarity which later brought Muslims from all over the world to
participate in 'jihad' in Bosnia, Chechnya, Kosovo, Kashmir and Central Asia.45
'Jihad' today has thus become the evocative symbol and rallying cry for mobilization
in wars of resistance and liberation as well as in global terrorism.46 It is a powerful
defining concept for ideologues seeking, in times of crises, to use their traditions to
return power, peace and social justice to their communities.47

Understanding Osama bin Laden's 'Jihad'

Al-Qaeda is a radical tendency within a broader Islamic movement known as the
Salafi movement. Salafis argue that only by returning to the example of the Prophet
and his companions can Muslims achieve salvation. Therefore, the label 'Salafi' is
used to signify 'correct' religious adherence and moral legitimacy, implying that
alternative understandings are corrupt deviations from the straight path of Islam.48

Esposito sees Al-Qaeda as a radical fringe of a broad based Islamic 'jihad' that began
in the late twentieth century as an Islamic revivalist movement.49 Osama bin Laden
and Al-Qaeda's declaration of war against America would bring together many
elements from Islamic history (militant 'jihad', eighteenth century revivalists, Wahabi
Islam and its condemnation of Western alliances with autocratic Muslim leaders).
What is different this time around is firstly, the greatly enhanced power that
globalisation affords to terrorist groups which is the ability to harness religion and
technology to strike anywhere, anytime, any place.50 Secondly, now the term 'jihad'
has become inclusive; resistance and liberation struggles and militant 'jihad', 'holy'
and 'unholy' wars are all declared to be 'jihad'. Thirdly, 'jihad' is now not waged only
against unjust rulers in the Muslim world, or foreign invaders, but also against a
broad spectrum of civilians.51

However, this paper will merely focus on Al-Qaeda and Osama bin Laden. Osama bin
Laden should be understood as a product of the religious heritage and political
climate in Saudi Arabia (an Islamic State with a rigid, puritanical, Wahabi brand of
Islam), the militant 'jihad' ideology of Egypt's Syed Qutb, stimulated by the
devastating Arab defeat in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.52 Various excerpts from
Osama bin Laden's interviews are referred to by this study in order to understand his
motivations and rationale better.

In an interview with a Pakistani journalist, Hamid Mir, Osama bin Laden said 'to kill
Americans - civilians and military - is the individual duty of every Muslim who can do
it any country in which it is possible to do it.'53

Referring to the Muslim sense of historic oppression, occupation and injustice at the
hands of the West, bin Laden said,

'What the United States tastes today is a very small thing compared to what we have
tasted for tens of years. Our nation has been tasting humiliation and contempt for
more than eighty years.'54

He paints a world in which Islam and Muslims are under siege:

'America and its allies are massacring us in Palestine, Chechnya, Kashmir and Iraq.
The Muslims have a right to attack America in reprisal …The September 11 attacks
were not targeted at women and children. The real targets were America's icons of
military and economic power.'55

He claims that Al-Qaeda is carrying out a 'jihad' in the defence of Islam and against
an unjust political world order:

'We are carrying out the mission of the prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him).
The mission is to spread the word of God, not to indulge in massacring people. We
ourselves are the targets of killings, destruction and atrocities. We are only
defending ourselves. This is defensive 'jihad'. We want to defend people and our
land. This is why we say, if we don't get security, the Americans too, would not get
security. This is the simple formula that even an American child can understand, live
and let live.56

In bin Laden's views, charges of terrorism are false because what might seem to be
terrorist activities, are necessary and justified as the modern world is one within
which the forces of evil, oppression and injustice attack the forces of good.57 He
distinguishes between 'commendable' and 'reprehensible' terrorism. To terrify the
innocent is unjust; however, terrorising oppressors is necessary:

'There is no doubt that every state and every civilisation and culture has to resort to
terrorism under certain circumstances for the purpose of abolishing tyranny and
corruption … the terrorism we practice is of the commendable kind for it is directed
at the tyrants, the traitors who commit acts of treason against their own countries
and their own faith and their own prophet and their own nation. Terrorising those
and punishing them are necessary measures to straighten things and make them
right.'58

It is often argued by such militant actors like Osama bin Laden that terrorism is the
only option open to them, when faced with the superior military and economic power
of the 'West'. They further believe that terrorism is fully justified. However, it is
important to note that there is a huge debate among Muslims on this matter. Other
Muslims further argue that it is wrong, inhumane and nothing in Islam would allow it
(as violence must be proportional and only the necessary amount of force must be
used to repel the army, that innocent civilians must not be targeted and that 'jihad'
must be declared by the ruler or head of state). It is a contentious issue and for that
reason this study contends that terrorism must not only be dealt with by force alone,
but also by an intellectual dialogue. If the presumed authority behind the sort of
'jihad' witnessed today is Islam and the Quran then this authority will be the most
effective challenger to such notions of terrorism as are being justified as legitimate
militant 'jihad'.

The justifications made by Al-Qaeda's for its violent attacks on civilians can be
summarised into three main arguments. First, the United States is waging a war
against Islam and therefore, violence is a defensive 'jihad' that is incumbent upon all
Muslims. Second, Muslim proponents of a non-violent response to the United States
(or the Crusader-Zionist alliance) are corrupt, ignorant and/or hypocritical, and,
therefore, are not credible religious mediators. Third, there is no unconditional
prohibition against killing civilians in Islam and civilians can be purposely targeted
under certain conditions (which exist in the present day).59

Is Militant 'Jihad' a Just War?

What the above statements by Osama bin Laden have illustrated is that he believes
his actions to be morally justifiable. Killing innocent civilians is defensible in the light
of religion and for a larger cause, that it is a 'just war'. The terms 'war' and 'jihad'
are also used interchangeably in militant declarations. However, it remains to be
determined whether militant 'jihad' is actually a 'war', and more importantly,
whether it is a 'just war'. A requirement of 'just war' theory is that one party is
believed to be morally culpable, while the other intends to rectify a wrong. The just
party is therefore not constrained to accept some constraints on its mode of
conducting war, and it has the right to destroy any person who can bear arms
against it.60 The contemporary version of the 'just war' is that only self-defence
justifies retaliation, a doctrine that is accepted in the UN Charter.61 In such a case,
would terrorist activities, in self-defence be justifiable? In order to answer this
question, it is useful to compare 'jihad' with 'war' and to determine whether they are
the same.

Mark Burgess claims that terrorists usually describe themselves as fighters or

soldiers in a cause, though they are compelled by circumstances to use differing
strategies, tactics, and methods from better-equipped national armies.62 He argues
that an analogy with 'war' is a misinformed one as 'war' is regulated by a series of
laws (in theory if not always in fact) that prohibit certain weapons and tactics as well
as attacks on certain categories of targets (like non-combatants) and placing limits
on the treatment of prisoners. The terrorist usually operates outside laws (as are
codified in the Geneva Conventions) by targeting non-combatants, operating in
civilian clothes, and often taking (mistreating or killing) hostages.63 For Burgess, it
is these reasons that make terrorism very different from war.

According to Wilkinson, a fundamental premise of the laws of war is that states are
entitled to employ war as a rational instrument of policy to serve limited and clearly
defined ends. It is, therefore, in the perceived interests of all governments to uphold
some basic humanitarian restraints on the conduct of war in order to ensure the
fabric and functioning of society is not irreparably damaged between the states at
war with each other.64 However, where terrorism is concerned, or more specifically
where 'jihad' of the Al-Qaeda variety is concerned, he argues that:

• The goals and aims of this sort of terrorism are neither limited nor clearly defined.

• The very nature of this 'jihad' is that humanitarian restraints are not possible to
maintain (the very aim is to target civilians).

• This type of terrorism lacks a territorial jurisdiction or a juridical framework as it is

trans-national in nature.

By shifting the criteria for culpability from actions to motives, a fundamental principle
of traditional international law, and one for almost all existing domestic legal systems
too, has been overturned. Rapoport claims that the 'just war' doctrine that was
initially devised for states cannot be coherently utilised or applied when one party is
not the state.65 Therefore, it can be argued that militant 'jihad' cannot be defended
under the guise of a 'just war'.

The Framework of Human Rights

'Terrorism' and militant 'jihad' brings forward an abundance of discourse related to

morality and human rights. It is argued that the taking of innocent life is immoral
and wrong. This study will attempt to argue that forming a consensus on this basic
principle of human rights can lead to a consensus in dealing with militant 'jihad'
exemplified by Al-Qaeda. A basic principle delineated in the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (UDHR), issued by the UN General Assembly in 1948, states:

'The right to life, liberty and security of person; the right to freedom of thought,
speech, and communication of information and ideas; freedom of assembly and
religion; the right to government through free elections; the right to free movement
within the state and free exit from it; the right to asylum in another state; the right
to nationality; freedom from arbitrary arrest and interference with the privacy of
home and family; and the prohibition of slavery and torture.'66
Defining human rights from an Islamic perspective is a bit more problematic. The
reason for this is that there is no exact equivalent for the English terms, 'human
rights' in the traditional Islamic lexicon. A literal Arabic translation of human rights
would be the frequently used Arabic term, al-Haquq al-Insaniyya for the modern
term (human rights). For example, if we consider the word 'right' (Haqq), we find an
array of concepts in Islam, which cover the range of rights mentioned in the UDHR.
For example, regarding the 'right to life', Islam clearly and unequivocally guarantees
that right. The Quran states, 'Take not life which Allah made sacred otherwise than
in the course of justice' (6:151). Similarly, in the context of discussing the
consequences of the first murder in human history, "For that reason [Cain murdering
Abel], we ordained for the Children of Israel that whoever kills a human being for
other than murder, or spreading corruption on Earth, it is as if he has killed all of
humanity. And whoever saves a life, it is as if he has saved all of humanity" (Quran
5:32). Muhammad Asad's translation of the same verse is: Because of this did We
ordain unto the children of Israel that if anyone slays a human being - unless it be
[in punishment] for murder or for spreading corruption on earth - it shall be as
though he had slain all mankind; whereas, if anyone saves a life, it shall be as
though he had saved the lives of all mankind.'(5:32)

However, despite this apparent convergence in Islamic and Western discourse over
the importance of human life, the proponents of militant 'jihad' claim that its
legitimacy in taking innocent lives through terrorist activities derives from Islam. This
might be so because of the problems of multiplicity of interpretations, relating to
examples like the 'sword verses'. However when these 'sword verses' are seen in a
holistic manner, that is, in conjunction with the other verses in the Quran that stress
the sanctity of human life, as well as no coercion in matters of religion (i.e. freedom
of religion), such militant interpretations seem false.

There are numerous underlying similarities between Islamic and secular approaches
to the 'right to life'.67 Condemning militant 'jihad' using the secular idiom of human
rights might not reach out to the entire Muslim community. However, an extensive
dialogue between the religious and the secular mainstreams that come to an
agreement on the sanctity of human life will be most effective in initiating a
consensus. This means a switch from aggressive and antagonistic approaches to
each other which will not be an easy or quick thing to do but which is the only option
for the long-term solution aiming for reconciliation between what are seen currently
as the forces militant Islam and the secular West.

Conclusion

'Terrorism' and militant 'jihad' are widely contested terms and phenomena. They
raise numerous moral questions over which the international community is divided in
its opinions on. The Muslims who defend militant 'jihad' as their religious duty, on
investigation, fall into the category of extremist, fringe groups, which exist in other
faiths and ideologies as well. However, the vast majority of mainstream Muslims
speak with one voice on the sanctity of human life, as underscored by Quranic
injunctions. The way that the 'jihad' of Al-Qaeda organisation, and similar groups,
operate by attacking unsuspecting, innocent civilians in the pursuit of a 'bigger'
cause, falls outside the pale of Quranic injunctions that stresses the sanctity of
human life. It is a challenge both to extremist interpretations of anti-Islam forces
embedded within the 'secular' West to read the actual message of the Quran in order
to understand what Islam stands for, as well as for the Muslim world to allow the
mainstream tolerant Islam to reassert its moral authority on what interpretations
truly reflect the spirit of Islam.

Introduction
2. What is Terrorism

3. Causes of Terrorism

• a. Poverty
• b. Injustice and Venality
• c. Improper Government Setups
• d. Red Tapism
• e. Soaring Unemployment
• f. Lack of Education

4. Factors Boosting Terrorism

• a. Anti-Terrorism Campaigns
• b. Drone Attacks
• c. Negligence of Government
• d. Assistance from NATO and its Allies

5. Impact Of Terrorism On Pakistan’s Economy

• a. Decline in Foreign Investments

• b. Internal Displaced People (IDP)
• c. Increase in Unemployment
• d. Stock exchange Suffered Decline
• e. Rise in Smuggling

6. Remedies

• a. Employment Opportunities
• b. Sheer Accountability
• c. Prompt Justice
• d. Negotiations Forum
• e. Proper Government Setup

7. Conclusion

---------------

Terrorism is a curse. Since the start of Anti-terror campaigns, an overall sense of

uncertainty has prevailed in the country and it is at its peak in NWFP and FATA. It
has conmtributed to capital decline in economic activities by making foreign investors
jittery.

It has emerged in different countries for different reasons to accomplish, but he

cases behind their inception were identical such as poverty, unemployment,
injustice, corruption etc But still the questions arises that What are the factors
responsible for boosting terrorism? What are the impacts of terrorism on Pakistan’s
economy? And What remedies should be opted to axe the roots of terrorism?, that is
what varies from country to country.

Pakistan have to take effective steps to expunge the terrorism by ensuring justice,
promoting education, rising employment opportunities and development of channel
of communication. It has become necessary for Pakistan to take prompt actions and
adopt strategies to save the future of Pakistan.

Quaid-e-Azam said, “ Pakistan is came into being to remain forever”

What is Terrorism?

Terrorism is a art of demanding at own prescribed rules from the any government or
authority. However, it is believed that so far not any single definition is came into
light through majority consensus. A person fighting for independence carries two
labels for same actions such as He/she is a freedom fighter or a liberator and a
terrorist, at a same time for different people.

Islam is not a origin of terrorism, it is mere a propaganda by the western media. If

we look back into the history, we found from 1941-1948, 249 terrorist acts are
recorded which are committed by Jewish Organization notably “Stunt Gangs”
followed by Ignor and Hegna. Similarly, In Germany – “Badar Hof Gang”, In Italy –
“Red Brigade”, and in Pakistan – “Al-Qaeda” and “Tehrek-i-Taliban”.

Terrorism emerges in different regions of the world and used as atool by some
elements to get accepted their demands. It is necessary to understand the causes
behind terrorism in Pakistan to search panacea for it.

Causes Of Terrorism

Pakistan as a developing countries faced serious problems since its inception and
some of them sow their dragon teeth in the soil of Pakistan to give birth to terrorism,
such as;

Growing poverty affects the whole nation to cause terrorism. Population of Pakistan
is 168.23 million by 2009, out of this 35-50% of population lives below the poverty
line. In rural areas people do not have to eat two times a day that encourages them
to adopt illicit alternatives to meet their basic needs.

Corruption and injustice started rising since 1947 and did not stop, still rising above
the maturity. Pakistan stays at 42nd position in the worlds providing justice and
establishing sound departments. Injustice irks the society in scores to go for
alternatives. On the other hand, Organization like Tehrik-i-Taliban (TTP) and Al-
Qaeda offered prompt justice by imposing their written Islamic Shariah gained
popularity and become cause of supporting terrorists.
Ineffective and Improper government institutes in FATA and NWFP fuel the fire to
grab the nation under its lap. It is a same repeated mistake done by the government
which became cause of separation of East Pakistan.

Government’s lengthy procedure and acts of receiving bribe delayed justice and
government benefits to deliver to the masses in NWFP and FATA. According to the
National Accounting Database Regulatory Authority (NADRA) more than 0.8 millions
IDP’s were not having their Computerized National Identity Cards (CNIC) during
registration process in IDP’s camps. It becomes cause of lacking trust in the
government and Taliban emerges as a well wishers to gain the support of masses.

Unemployment and ineffective quota system does not meet both ends. Lack of
employment encouraged Kalashinkov culture in affected areas and people divert
their support from government to Taliban.

The major factor behind terrorism in Pakistan is declining standard of education and
its implementation. Due to improper setup in rural areas, students were not
benefited with education. In Pakistan there are only 51 universities mostly erected in
urban areas. In NWFP and FATA there was no proper setup of primary education to
develop base of education and negate the evil thinking of act of terrorism. Teachers
were not paid due to corruption in departments and further education standard
deteriorated. Government proved to fail by keeping balance between Islamic
teachings and state education. Due to the presence of few elements in government
or authorizes motivated the madressah without evaluation that becomes road
towards terrorism.

Former president, Pervaiz Musharraf inked in his book “The line of fire” that,” The
period of Zia and Soviet invasion in Afghanistan was the inception of Taliban in
Pakistan”.

Pakistan has given a birth to a threat for herself and it I left at large in past to
strengthen its roots. Pakistan has to realize the factors which are motivating it and
have to take prompt actions to uproot the terrorism from Pakistan.

Factors Boosting Terrorism

After launching operations, “Rah-i-Rast” and “Rah-i-Nijad” in Swat and Waziristan

respectively, the circle of the targettings areas of terrorism enlarged and lap over
every city of Pakistan. In Pakistan 850 lives are lost which includes civilians, army
and police officers. Suicide bombings and terrorists attacks become daily news
breaking of the media. According to ISPR, in 2009 approximately 433 soilders are
martyred and more than 8000 terrorists are put to death. But this will not end the
terrorism, every death of individual terrorists affects three persons of his family to
take revenge in the dress of terrorists. It is a zombie infection and have to tackle
with care.
Drone attacks not only hurts the feelings of Pakistan’s society but also Amnesty
International and United Nations are condemning these acts against terrorism.

According to Pakistan analyst, Zahid Hamid, He said,” Drone attacks are not more
than other affected people to challenge, touch me if you can”.

It is noted that drone eliminated Taliban leaders like Baituallah Mehsud bit it also
become cause of civilian casulities in Khudsan air strike and similar miss appropriate
attacks in different cities.

Furthermore, Government turned deaf ear to the hue and cry of affected people and
never ponder to pay their loyalties, implement strategies, development of projects,
build schools and provide employment to win their heart and soul. Due to
government negligence and inception of Taliban since soviet invasion, Talibanism
concept south its roots in FATA and NWFP. In addition, conspiracy behind 9/11
potrait Al-Qaeda as a Anti-America and its allies and tremendous change in foreign
policy of Pakistan after 9/11 emerge Pakistan as a important ally of war against
terrorism that becomes cause of terrorism in Pakistan to destabilize American ally by
Al-Qaeda and its allies “Tehrik-i-Taliban”.

Impact of Terrorism On Pakistan’s Economy

Terrorism has greatly affected the foreign investment in Pakistan. Foreign

investment is decline to $ 910.20 Million from $1.4 Billion in Fy 08-09. Dye to decline
in investment poverty and unemployment rises. Poverty have reached to 41.4%
from 37.5% in 2008-09. Due to unstoppable terrorism acts in Pakistan world bank
has blocked two lending key loans of worth $820 Million till the conditions ameliorate
to the paradigm.

Similarly, Terrorism increases the expensive of the forces to meet their needs to
fight against terrorism. Pakistan has received total disbursement of $11,998 Million
from US under Coalition Support Fund (CSF), out of this amount $3,129 Million were
economic related aid and security related aid amounted to $8,869 Million.

In addition, risk of the investors and more troops in Afghanistan deployment by US

rise the rish of investors to invest in Pakistan that cause serious downfall of deposits
of banking sector that shows deposits fell from Rs.3.77 Trillion to Rs3.17 trillion on
September 2009.

In 2002, Karachi stock exchange (KSE) was awarded “The best performing stock
market of the world for the year 2002”. Similarly, On December 2007, KSE closed at
index of 14,127 points with capitalization of Rs.4.57 trillion. But after war declared
by government within Pakistan dropped its index to 4,675 points with a market
capitalization of Rs.1.58 trillion, a loss of over 65% from its capitalization in 2007.

Furthermore, terrorism also promoted smuggling in Pakistan, due to porous border

between Pakistan and Afghanistan smuggling becomes the source of culprits and
expedients for terrorists to wash their hands from it to meet their financial needs.
According to US-Pak business council report (2009), Pakistan is prime victim of
Afghanistan’s instability and due to which Pakistan economy has so far suffered
directly or indirectly huge loss of $35 Billion.

It becomes necessary for the Pakistan to bottle the gene, before it becomes bigger
tin size to unable to fit in it. Pakistan has to take remedies to put to end the loss that
may hurt Pakistan severe.

Remedies

Pakistan has to adopt the following remedies, such as;

First, Increase in unemployment in FATA and NWFP to provide opportunity to meet

their basic needs. Current government of Pakistan have to fulfill the promise of
Z.A.Bhutto of providing food,shelter and cloth to every citizen of Pakistan to swing
the pendulum of hate to patriotism.

Second, Sheer accountability should be adopted to nip the corruption in the bud and
update aude-memoire to trace embezzlement and irregularities at the spot.

Third, Justice should be equal for every citizen of Pakistan. Proper judiciary along
with jirga should be developed in such regions to provide justice at every level from
ever mode of selection.

Fourth, Negotiations forum should be permanently established for direct negotiation

between people and government unlikely rely on written documents like in Sara
Rogha talks with FATA tribes in 2005.

Fifth, Government should established different departments or institutions in that

regions to provde them jobs opportunities, easy access to lodge their hue and cry
and prompt deliverance of aid, school standard meetings with national paradigm,
hospitals with every facilities and social clubs should be developed to build goodwill
and trust between people and government.

Conclusion

Terrorism is a great hurdle in our economic prosperity, political stability, geo-

strategic sustainability and energy security. Development activities are halt due to
affected areas such as NWFP and FATA. Rise of terrorism is self-generated threat of
Pakistan due to its weak policies, corruption and political instability.

Pakistan has to delink every source that strengthen terrorism aim to destabilize and
crippled the economy of Pakistan. Pakistan has already faced huge decline in
investments, foreign exchange, trade and privatization. Terrorism has bound
Pakistan to have pledges of aid from donor agencies and countries like US, UK, China
etc even by having enormous resources to stand in the category of developed
nations.

Pakistan has to uproot the plant of terrorism before this plant of causalities,
bombings, and hatred sought its enough roots to become a tree of hell (Zaqum).

Regards,
Facts About Pakistan
Pakistan, officially Islāmic Republic of Pakistan Urdu Islām-ī Jamhūrīya-ePākistān
country in South Asia. It is bounded to the west by Iran, to the north by Afghanistan,
to the northeast by China, to the east and southeast by India, and to the south by
the Arabian Sea. It hasan area (excluding the Pakistani-held part of Jammu and
Kashmir) of 307,374 square miles (796,095 square kilometres). The capital is
Islāmābād.

Pakistan was brought into being at the time of the Partition of British India in 1947 in
order to create a separate homeland for India's Muslims in response to the demands
of Islāmic nationalists, demands that were articulated by the All India Muslim League
under the leadership of Mohammed Ali Jinnah. From independence in 1947 until
1971, Pakistan (both de facto and in law) consisted of two regions—West Pakistan, in
the Indus River basin, and East Pakistan, located more than 1,000 miles (1,600
kilometres) away in theGanges River delta. In response to grave internal political
problems, however, an independent state of Bangladesh was proclaimed in East
Pakistan in 1971.
Since 1947 the territory of Jammu and Kashmir, along the western Himalayas, has
been disputed between Pakistan and India, with each holding sectors. The two
countries have gone to war over the territory three times, in 1948–49, 1965, and
1971.

The people

Ethnic composition

Race as such plays little part in defining regional or group identity in Pakistan, and
no ideal racial type is accepted by all Pakistanis. The population is a complex mixture
of indigenous peoples, many racialtypes having been introduced by successive waves
of migrations from the northwest, as well as by internal migrationsacross the
subcontinent of India. Aryans, Persians, Greeks, Pathans (Pashtuns), and Mughals
came from the northwest and spread across the Indo-Gangetic Plain, while the Arabs
conquered Sindh. All left their mark on the population and culture of the land. During
the long period of Muslim rule, immigrants from the Middle East were brought in and
installed as members of the ruling oligarchy. It became prestigious to claim descent
from them, and many members of the landed gentry and of upper-class families are
either actually or putatively descended from such immigrants. In 1947, when
Pakistan and India became independent, there was another massive migration, of a
different character, when millions of Muslim refugees were uprooted from different
parts of India and settled in Pakistan; an equal number of Hindus were uprootedfrom
Pakistan and driven across to India. This development further complicated the racial
mixture of the population of the various regions of Pakistan.

By the early 1990s Pakistan's population was divided into five ethnic groups, defined
broadly. The Punjabis constitute the majority, with more than 55 percent of the
population; the Sindhis account for another 20 percent, the Pathans and the
mujahirs for about 10 percent each, and the Balochs for about 5 percent. There are
subgroups within each of these five categories. The Arains, Rajputs, and Jats—all
Punjabis—regard themselves as ethnically distinct. Some groups overlap the five
categories: for instance, there are Punjabi Pathans as well as Hazarvi Pathans. Some
smaller groups, such as the Brohis in Sindh and the Seraikis in Punjab, are also
ethnically distinct

Pakistan
The economy

Pakistan operates a mixed economy in which the state-owned enterprises (including

industrial corporations, trading houses, banks, insurance companies, institutions of
higher learning, medical schools and hospitals, and transport companies) account for
nearly half of the gross national product (GNP). Inaddition, the state, with the help of
an intricate system of industrial licensing and trade regulations, controls new private
investments. The state also has at its disposal labour, health, and tax laws to
oversee the functioning of the private sector. The balance between the public and
private sectors ofthe economy was altered in favour of the former in 1972–74 as a
result of a series of nationalization measures. Until then, and unlike most other
developing countries, Pakistan had regarded the private sector as the leading sector
of the economy.
The economy, which was primarily agricultural at the time of independence, is now
considerably diversified. Agriculture, although still the largest sector, now contributes
less than one-fourth of the GNP, while manufacturing provides almost one-fifth. In
terms of the structure of its economy, Pakistan resembles the middle-income
countries of East and Southeast Asia more than the poor nations of the Indian
subcontinent. Economic performance compares favourably with that of many other
developing countries; the GNP has increased at an average rate of more than 5
percent a year since independence. At the same time, there has been a relentless
increase in population, so that, despite a real growth in the economy, output per
capita has risen slowly. By1990 Pakistan's economy was four times as large as it was
at the time of independence in 1947, its population was three and a half times as
large, and its per capita income was twice as large. In general, although the GNP per
capita is relatively low, Pakistan does not have a high incidence of absolute poverty
(the level below which a minimally adequate diet andother essential requirements
are not affordable); the proportion of the population living in absolute poverty is
considerably smaller than in other South Asian countries. The relative prosperity of
the industrialized regions around Karāchi and Lahore contrasts sharply with the
poverty of the Punjab's bārānī areas, the semiarid Balochistān, and the North-West
Frontier Province.

One of the paradoxes of Pakistan's economic situation is that, in spite of a healthy

increase in its GNP and in spite of its success in alleviating the worst forms of
poverty, it has continued to experience a very low level of social development. The
social status of Pakistani women is particularly low. The country has a high rate of
infant mortality, losing before they reach one year of age more than 100 children out
of every 1,000 born; its maternal mortality rate, at 6 per 1,000 live births, is among
the highest in the world; the rate of literacy, with only one of every seven women
able to read and write, is very low compared to that ofother developing countries.

A system of medium-term planning was introduced in 1958 with the belated

publication of the first five-year plan (1955–60). In the following decades a series of
five-year plans were formulated, but these met with varying degrees of success.

During the 1980s a movement toward an “Islāmic economy” was announced by the
Pakistani government. This movementinvolved the purging of economic practices
outlawed by Muslim theology, such as riba (interest), and the mandatory
reinstatement of the zakat (an annual tax on several types of personal financial
assets that is used to provide aid for the poor) and the ushr (the zakat on land),
which had not been universally adhered to but remained central tenets of Islāmic
law. General Zia had promised further Islāmization of the economy, but he died
before these steps could be taken. Under Benazir Bhutto, his successor, the
Islāmization movement slowed, although the government was obliged to keep on the
books most of the legislation enacted during the Zia period.

Taxation accounts for more than three-quarters of government revenue, and

government expenditures exceed revenues by a large amount. Income tax rates
have been comparatively high, but the tax base has been so small that individual
and corporate income tax revenues have remained substantially less than excise,
sales, and other indirect taxes. The government has been able to maintain heavy
expenditure on development and defense because of the inflow of foreign aid and the
remittances sent by Pakistanis working abroad. In the 1970s and '80s external
capital inflows were equivalent to as much as one-tenth of the GNP and financed well
over half of the total domestic investment. In allowing this dependence on foreign
capital to persist, however, the country has accumulated an enormous foreign debt,
the financing of which has been a major problem.

The trade union movement dates to the late 19th century, but, because Pakistan's
industrial sector (inherited at independence) was so small, organized labour as a
proportionof total employment is still in a minority. This has not prevented it from
becoming an important political force. Before the 1971 civil war, there were well over
1,000 registered unions, most of them organized within individual establishments.
Countrywide unions based on a common craft or industry were very few. Most of the
unions were situated in the urban centres and were affiliated to one of three national
labour confederations. After the civil war and the emergence of Bangladesh, the
number of unions declined to a few hundred, affiliated to one umbrella organization,
the Pakistan National Federation of Trade Unions. Because of the high rates of
unemployment, employers remained in a strong position, and many of them were
able to bypass working agreements and laws. Only the unions in the bigger
industries (e.g., cotton textiles) had the necessary coherence to fight back. Labour
laws introduced in1972 met some of the demands (job security, social welfare,
pensions) of organized labour but also sought to control political activity by industrial
workers. Labour union activity was severely constrained by the military government
of 1977–88 but was revived by the administration of Benazir Bhutto.

Pakistan
Mineral resources

The exploration of Pakistan's mineral wealth is far from complete, but more than 20
different types of minerals have been located. Coal mining is oneof the country's
oldest industries. The quality of the coal is poor, and the mines workbelow capacity
because of the lack of demand. Iron ore deposits are also mostly of poor quality. The
most extensive known reserves are situated in the Kālābāgh region in western
Punjab. Other low-grade ore reserves have been found in Hazāra in the North-West
Frontier Province. Small reserves of high-grade iron ore have been identified in
Chitrāl and in the Chilghāzi area (located in northwestern Balochistān), also in the
North-West Frontier Province. Deposits of copper ore, equaling or surpassing the
reserves of iron ore, have been located, but most sites remain unexploited. There
are enormous reserves of easily exploited limestone that form the basis of a growing
cement industry, the largest component of the manufacturing sector. Other minerals
that are exploited include chromite (mostly for export), barite (a white, yellow, or
colourless mineral resembling marble), celestite (strontiumsulfate), antimony,
aragonite (a mineral resembling calcite [calcium carbonate]), gypsum, rock salt, and
marble. Radioactive minerals have been found in southwestern Punjab.

Pakistan also has small quantities of oil and some very large natural gas fields. The
first oil discovery was made in 1915. Pakistan intensified the search for oil and
natural gas in the 1980s and was rewarded with the discovery of a number of new oil
fields in the Potwar Plateau region and in Sindh. The oilfields near Badīn, in Sindh,
are particularly promising. Oil fulfills a substantial portion of Pakistan's energy
requirements,and the search for new and richer fields has continued. The largest
natural gas deposits are at Sūi (on the border between Balochistān and the Punjab),
discovered in 1953. A smaller field, at Māri, in the northeast of Sindh province, was
found in 1957. A number of smaller natural gas fields were discovered in the 1980s.
A network of gas pipelines links the fields with the main consumption areas: Karāchi,
Lahore, Multān, Faisalābād (Lyallpur), and Islāmābād.
Biological resources

The variety of climates and soils has given rise to a wide diversity in biological
resources. As Balochistān is mostly desert, only in the small areas of intensive
cultivation do cropsand orchards thrive. In Sindh and Punjab, where the annual
rainfall is also low, most of the vegetation is basically xerophilous, except for the
riverine forests along the Indus and its tributaries. Parts of the coastal region have
mangrove forests. Regular rain and snow in the Himalayan foothills of the north have
given them a variety of vegetation and animal life ranging from the Mediterranean to
the Alpine types. Thereis a fishing industry centred in Karāchi, and part of the
lobsterand other shellfish catch is exported.

Hydroelectric and other power resources

Although energy production has grown faster than the economy as a whole, it has
not kept pace with demand, and as a result there are shortages of fuel and electric
power. Great progress, however, has been made in the development of the
hydroelectric potential of Pakistan's rivers. A giant hydroelectric plant is in operation
at the Mangla Dam on the Jhelum River in Azad Kashmir (the part of the disputed
states of Jammu and Kashmir under Pakistan's control). Another such source is the
giant Tarbela Dam on the Indus River.

The generation, transmission, and distribution of power is the responsibility of the

Pakistani Water and Power Development Authority (WAPDA), a public-sector
corporation. WAPDA lost its monopoly over generation after Pakistan signed an
agreement in 1989 with a consortium of foreign firms to produce power from giant
oil-fired plants to be located at Hub, near Karāchi. The majority of Pakistan's energy
requirements are now fulfilled by oil, mostly imported, and by natural gas. Nuclear
power provides a very small percentage of the total energy used; it is supplied
primarily to Karāchi. In 1989 Pakistan concluded agreements with China and France
to set up additional nuclear power-generating plants. These reactors are to be
located inland on the Indus River to serve the rapidly increasing demand of Punjab.

Pakistan
Agriculture, forestry, and fishing

Agriculture, forestry, and fishing provide employment for at least one-half of the
official labour force and a livelihood for an even larger proportion of thepopulation.
Land-reform programs implemented in 1959, 1972, and 1977 began todeal with the
problems of large-scale, often absentee ownership of land and the excessive
fragmentation of small holdings by introducing maximum and minimum area limits.
The commercialization of agriculture has also resulted in fairly large-scale transfers
of land, concentrating its ownership among middle-class farmers.

The attention given to the agricultural sector in development plans has brought
about some radical changes in centuries-old farming techniques. The construction of
tube wells for irrigation and salinity control, the use of chemical fertilizers and
scientifically selected seeds, and the gradual introduction of farm machinery have all
contributed to the notable increase in productivity. Early on, one of the prime
objectives of agricultural development programs was self-sufficiency in wheat, which
Pakistan achieved in the early 1970s.

Pakistan experienced a “green revolution” during the late 1960s. In this period wheat
production increased dramatically, leaving a surplus over domestic consumption that
was partly shipped to East Pakistan (Bangladesh) and partly exported. Cotton
production also rose. Yields remain low by international standards, but increasing
amounts are processed locally; in addition, much of Pakistan's edible oil is produced
from cottonseed. Rice is the second major food staple and one of the country's
important export crops. By the end of the 1980s, Pakistan had become the third
largest exporter of rice in the world, after the United States and Thailand. Large
domestic sugar subsidies have been the maincause for the increase in sugarcane
production.

Animal husbandry provides important domestic and export products. Apart from the
supply of meat and dairy products for local consumption, it includes production of
wool for the carpet industry and for export and of hides and skins for the leather
industry. The contribution of forestry to national income remains negligible, but that
of fisheries has risen.

Pakistan
Industry

Mining and quarrying account for a small percentage of gross domestic product and
of total employment. Manufacturing, however, accounts for a healthyproportion. The
beginning of the main industrialization effort dates to the cessation of trade between
India and Pakistan in 1949 soon after the two countries gained independence.
Initially it was based on the processing of domestic agricultural raw materials for the
home market and for export. This led to the setting up of cotton textile mills—a
development that now accounts for a large part of the total employment in industry.
Woolen textiles, sugar, paper, tobacco, and leather industries also provide many jobs
for the industrial labour force.

The growing trade deficit in the mid-1950s compelled the government to cut down
on imports, which encouraged the establishment of a number of import-substitution
industries. At first these industries produced mainly consumer goods, but gradually
they came to produce intermediate goods and a range of capital goods, including
chemicals, fertilizers, and light engineering products. Nevertheless, Pakistan still has
to import a large proportion of the capital equipment and raw materials required by
industry. In the 1970s and early 1980s Pakistan set up an integrated iron and steel
mill at Pipri, near Karāchi, with the financial and technical assistance of the Soviet
Union. A new port, Port Qāsim (officially Port Muhammad Bin Qāsim), was built to
bring iron ore and coal forthe mill.

Initially Karāchi was the centre of Pakistan's industrialization effort, but in the late
1960s and early 1970s Lahore and the cities around it began to industrialize rapidly.
Karāchi's ethnic problems in the late 1980s and early 1990s accelerated this process,
and Punjab increasingly became Karāchi's competitor in industrial output.

Pakistan
Finance
Pakistan has a fairly well-developed system of financial services. The State Bank of
Pakistan has overall control over the banking sector,which consists of a number of
commercial banks and specialist credit institutions. The State Bank acts as banker to
the central and provincial governments and administers official monetary and credit
policies, including exchange controls. It has sole currency-issuing rights and has
custody of the country's gold and foreign-exchange reserves. Pakistan has a number
of commercial banks, called scheduled banks, which are subject to strict State Bank
requirements as to paid-up capital and reserves. They account for the bulk of total
deposits, collected through a network of branch offices. A few specialist financial
institutions provide medium- and long-term credit for industrial, agricultural, and
housing purposes and include thePakistan Industrial Credit and Investment
Corporation, the Industrial Development Bank of Pakistan, the Agricultural
Development Bank of Pakistan, and the House Building Finance Corporation. A new
financial institution, the National Development Finance Corporation, was set up in the
1970s tofinance industries managed by the state. The Karāchi and Lahore stock
exchanges deal in stocks and shares of registered companies. The Investment
Corporation of Pakistan and the National Investment Trust have helped to channel
domestic savings into the capital market. As part of the return to an “Islāmic
economy,” interest-free banking andfinancing practices have been instituted.

Pakistan
Trade

Although there has been a trend toward increasing exports, overall trade has
remained heavily in deficit. Overthe years, important changes have taken place in
the composition of foreign trade. In particular, while the proportion of total exports
from primary commodities, including raw cotton, has fallen, the share of
manufactures has greatly increased. But the bulk of the manufactured products
coming into the export trade consists of cotton goods, so thatPakistan remains as
dependent as ever on its leading cash crop.The other manufactures exported come
mostly from industries based on agriculture, such as leather and leather goods and
carpets. The shift toward manufactured agricultural exports, which have a higher
added-value content than primary commodities, has been encouraged by the
government. The trade deficits and shortages of foreign exchange have made it
necessary for thegovernment to restrict imports and to provide financial incentives to
promote export trade.

Pakistan
Transportation

The dominant role of rail as the principal long-distance carrier has been displaced by
the bus and truck. A program of deregulation of the road transport industry was
undertaken in 1970; it encouraged the entry of a largenumber of independent
operators into the sector. Motor trucks and tractor-drawn trailers are also displacing
the traditional bullock cart for local transport of produce to markets.

The main arterial road, which runs from Karāchi to Peshāwar via Lahore and
Rāwalpindi, is 1,080 miles (1,740 kilometres) long. The main rail route runs more
than 1,000 miles north from Karāchi to Peshāwar, via Lahore and Rāwalpindi.
Another main line branches northwestward from Sukkur to Quetta.

In the early 1990s the limitations of the transportation system emerged as a major
constraint on the modernization of the economy, prompting the government to
undertake large-scale investments in the highway sector. Private entrepreneurs were
also invited to participate on the basis of a “build-operate-transfer” (BOT) approach,
which has becomepopular in developing countries. (In the BOT system, private
entrepreneurs build and operate infrastructure facilities such as ports, highways, and
power plants and then recover their costs by charging tariffs from the users. Once
the investors have recovered their outlay, the facility created is transferred to the
government.)

Pakistan International Airlines (PIA), established in 1954, is the sole carrier of

internal air traffic. PIA also runs international flights to Europe, the Middle East,
Africa, and East Asia, as well as to neighbouring Afghanistan. The principal airports
are at Karāchi, Lahore, Rāwalpindi, Quetta, and Peshāwar. Karāchi and Port Qāsim
are the principal ports;in addition, a number of small harbours along the Makran
Coast handle the small boats that ply between Pakistan and the Persian Gulf states.

Pakistan
Administration and social conditions

Government

The political system of Pakistan has undergone several far-reaching changes since
independence. In 1971 its turbulent politics culminated in the secession of its eastern
region (having more than 54 percent of the total population at that time), which
established itself as the independent state of Bangladesh. In the aftermath that
event, Pakistan (now reduced to what was previously West Pakistan) faced a number
of political and economic problems and uncertainties about its future.

Several conflicts have left their mark on the politics of Pakistan. The first of these,
initially obscured by the paraphernalia of a parliamentary form of government but
later made manifest by overt seizure of power by men at the head of the military
and bureaucratic establishment, was a continuing struggle between political
leadership and a military-bureaucratic oligarchy for supremacy and authority in the
state; ideologically, this struggle was expressed as a struggle for democracy. The
military-bureaucratic oligarchy triumphed for a while and set up three military
administrations, in 1958–69, 1969–71, and 1977–88.

A second and quite distinct conflict was a struggle between regional groups. Because
it was directed against centralized authority, it merged with the democratic struggle.
But its express aims were to secure greater regional representation in the
bureaucratic and military establishment, especially in the higher echelons, and to
achieve effective decentralizationof powers within a federal governmental structure
by emphasizing regional autonomy. This struggle manifested itself first in the civil
war between East and West Pakistan in 1971–72. It also brought to a virtual
standstill the working of the first civilian government after the 1977–88 military
administration.

A third conflict concerned the allocation of economic resources and burdens and the
distribution of a greater shareof the benefits of development among the more
deprived regions and strata of the population. This resulted in a number of violent
confrontations between the less-privileged segments of society and the state. Some
of these confrontations, such as those in 1969 and 1977, led to the fallof
constitutional governments and the imposition of martial law.

A fourth conflict was between the landed interests that had dominated Pakistan's
political and economic life for much of the country's history and the new urban
interests that began to assert themselves in the late 1980s and the 1990s. One
manifestation of this was the struggle between Punjab and the federal government in
the late 1980s. Under the Islāmic Democratic Alliance, the Punjab government
continued to represent the interests of the landed aristocracy, while the government
of Benazir Bhutto, with a more liberal bent and a wider support base, espoused the
economic and social interests of urban groups and nonpropertied classes. The two
governments often clashed in the late 1980s, creating serious economic
management problems.

The constitutional framework

The task of framing a constitution was entrusted in 1947 to a Constituent Assembly

that was also to function as the interim legislature under the 1935 Government of
India Act, which was to be the interim constitution. Pakistan's first constitutionwas
enacted by the Constituent Assembly in 1956. It followedthe form of the 1935 act,
allowing the president far-reaching powers to suspend federal and provincial
parliamentary government. It also included the “parity formula,” by which
representation in the National Assembly for East and West Pakistan would be decided
on a parity, rather than population, basis. (A major factor in the political crisis of
1970–71 was abandonment of the “parity formula” and adoption of representation by
population, giving East Pakistan an absolute majority in the National Assembly.)

In 1958 the constitution was abrogated and martial law was instituted. A new
constitution, promulgated in 1962, provided for the election of the president and
national and provincial assemblies by an electoral college composed of members of
local councils. Although a federal form of government was retained, the assemblies
had little power, which was, in effect, centralized through the authority of governors
acting under the president. In April 1973 Pakistan's third constitution was adopted by
the National Assembly; it was suspended in 1977. In March 1981 a Provisional
Constitutional Order was promulgated, providing aframework for government under
martial law. Four years latera process was initiated for reinstating the constitution of
1973. By October 1985 a newly elected National Assembly had passed an amended
constitution, giving extraordinary powers to the president, including the authority to
appoint any member of the National Assembly as prime minister. Withthe end of
military rule in 1988 and following elections to the National Assembly held in
November of that year, the new president used these powers to appoint a prime
minister to form a civilian government under the amended 1973 constitution.

The amended constitution provides for a president as head of state and a prime
minister as head of government; both mustbe Muslims. The president is elected for a
term of five years bythe National Assembly, the Senate, and the four provincial
assemblies. The prime minister is elected by the National Assembly. The president
acts on the advice of the prime minister.

The National Assembly has 237 seats. Of these, 217 are filled by direct popular
election; 207 are for Muslim candidates and 10 for non-Muslims. The remaining 20
seats are reserved for women who are chosen by the elected members. Members of
the National Assembly serve five-year terms. The Senate has 87 members who are
chosen by the provincial assemblies for six-year terms. One-third of the senators
relinquish their seats every two years.

Political parties

The role of Islām in the political and cultural unification of Pakistan has been
controversial. Some factions have argued that Islāmic ideology is the only cement
that can bind together its culturally diverse peoples. Opposing factions have argued
that the insistence on Islāmic ideology, in opposition to regional demands expressed
in secular and cultural idiom, has alienated regional groups and eroded national
unity.

The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) was formed in 1968 by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, working
with a number of socialists who wanted Pakistan to disregard the idiom of religion in
politics infavour of a program of rapid modernization of the country and the
introduction of a socialist economy. The PPP emergedas the majority party in West
Pakistan in the elections of 1970and was invited to form a government after the
collapse of the second military administration in 1972. The PPP was suppressed
under the military government of 1977–88 but returned to power in 1988.

In 1962 the Muslim League, which had spearheaded the Pakistan movement under
Mohammed Ali Jinnah, splintered into two parts, the Pakistan Muslim League and the
Council Muslim League. In the elections of 1970 it almost disappearedas a political
party, but it was resurrected in 1985 and became the most important component of
the Islāmic Democratic Alliance, which took over Punjab's administration in 1988.
The Islāmic Assembly, founded in 1941, commands a great deal of support among
the urban lower-middle classes. Two other religious parties, the Assembly of Islāmic
Clergy and the Assembly of Pakistani Clergy, have strong centres of support, the
former in Karāchi and the latter in the rural areas of the North-West Frontier
Province. Ethnic interests are served by organizations such as the Muhajir National
Movement in Karāchi and Hyderābād, the Sindhi National Front in Sindh, and the
Balochistān Students Union in Balochistān.

Local government and administration

Pakistan's four provinces are divided into divisions, districts, and tahsils
(subdistricts), which are run by a hierarchy of administrators, such as the divisional
commissioner, the deputy commissioner (in the district), and the subdivisional
magistrate, subdivisional officer, or tahsildar, at the tahsil level. The key level is that
of the district, where the deputy commissioner, although in charge of all branches of
government, shares power with the elected chairman of the district council. In
addition to the provinces, Pakistan has 11 federally administered tribal areas, which
are overseen by agents responsible to the federal government; the Islāmābād
Capital Territory; and a number of tribal areas that are administered by the
provincial governments.

Justice

There is a formal division between the judiciary and the executive branches of
government. The judiciary consists of the Supreme Court, the provincial high courts,
and (under their jurisdiction and supervision) district courts that hear civil cases and
sessions courts that hear criminal cases. There is also a magistracy that deals with
cases brought by the police. The district magistrate (who, as deputy
commissioner,also controls the police) hears appeals from magistrates under him;
appeals may go from him to the sessions judge. The Supreme Court is a court of
record. It has original, appellate, and advisory jurisdictions and is the highest court
in the land. At the time of independence, Pakistan inherited legal codes and acts that
have remained in force, subject to amendment.

The judicial system also began a reorientation to Islāmic tenets and values designed
to make legal redress inexpensiveand accessible to all persons. A complete code of
Islāmic laws was instituted, and the Federal Shariat Court, a court of Islāmic law
(Sharīʿah), was set up in the 1980s.

Pakistan
Education

Pakistan's literacy rate is substantially lower than that of many developing nations;
only about a fourth of all adults are literate. A significant percentage of those who
are literate, however, have not had any formal education. Educational levels for
women are much lower than those for men. The share of females in educational
levels progressivelydiminishes above the primary school level.

Education in Pakistan is not compulsory. Since independence Pakistan has increased

the number of primary and secondary schools, and the number of students enrolled
has risen dramatically. Teacher training has been promoted by the government and
by international agencies. Higher education is available at vocational schools,
technical schools, and colleges throughout the country. The oldest university is the
University of the Punjab, established in 1882,and the largest universities are Allama
Iqbal Open University in Islāmābād, the University of Peshāwar, and the University of
Karāchi. Universities established during the 20th century include the University of
Azad Jammu and Kashmir (1980), the North-West Frontier Province Agricultural
University in Peshāwar (1981), the International Islāmic University in Islāmābād
(1980), the Aga Khan University in Karāchi (1983), and the Lahore University for
Management Sciences (1986). Most university classes are taught in Urdu or English.

Education suffered a major setback in the 1970s as a result ofthe nationalization of

private schools and colleges. The reversal of this policy in the 1980s led to a
proliferation of private institutions, particularly in the large cities. In the 1980s the
government also began to focus on the Islāmization of the curriculum and the
increased use of Urdu as the medium of instruction. The more Westernized segments
of the population prefer to send their children to private schools, which continue to
offer Western-style education and instruction in English. A number of private schools
offer college entrance examinations administered by educational agencies in the
United States and the United Kingdom, and many graduates of these schools are
educated abroad. The division of the educational system into a private, Westernized
section and a state-run Islāmized section has thus caused social tensions and
exacerbated the problem of “brain drain,” the emigration to the West of many of the
better-educated members of the population.

Pakistan
Islāmic Republic of Pakistan

Mohammed Ali Jinnah died in September 1948, only 13 months after independence.
The leaders of the new Pakistan were mainly lawyers with a strong commitment to
parliamentary government. They had supported Jinnah in his struggle against the
Congress not so much because they desired an Islāmic state but because they had
come to regard the Congress as synonymous with Hindu domination. They had
various degrees of personal commitment to Islām. To some it represented an ethic
that might (or might not) be the basis of personal behaviour within a modern,
democratic state. To others it represented a tradition, the framework within which
their forefathers had ruled India. But there were also groups that subscribed to Islām
as a total way of life, and these people were said to wish to establish Pakistan as a
theocracy (a term they repudiated).The members of the old Constituent Assembly,
elected at the end of 1945, assembled at Karāchi, the new capital.

Liaquat Ali Khan, Jinnah's lieutenant, inherited the task of drafting a constitution.
Himself a moderate (he had entered politics via a landlord party), he subscribed to
the parliamentary, democratic, secular state. But he was conscious that he
possessed no local or regional power base. He was a muhajir (“refugee”) from the
United Provinces, the Indian heartland, whereas most of his colleagues and potential
rivals drew support from their own people in Punjab or Bengal. Liaquat Ali Khan
therefore deemed it necessary to gain the support of the religious spokesmen (the
mullahs or, more properly, the ʿulamāʾ). He issued a resolution on the aims and
objectives of the constitution, which began, “Sovereignty over the entire universe
belongs to Allāh Almighty alone” and went on to emphasize Islāmic values. Hindu
members of the old Constituent Assembly protested; Islāmic states had traditionally
distinguished between the Muslims, as full citizens, and dhimmīs, nonbelievers who
were denied certain rights and saddled with certain additional obligations.

Political decline

Liaquat Ali Khan fell to an assassin's bullet in October 1951. Into his place as prime
minister stepped Khwājah Nazimuddin, the leading member of the family of the
nawāb of Dacca. He was a Bengali aristocrat and a man of extreme personal piety.
Nazimuddin had followed Jinnah as governor-general under the interim constitution.
He was succeeded as governor-general by Ghulam Mohammad, a Punjabi, so that
the twin pillars of power represented the two main regional power bases in West
Pakistan and East Pakistan.

With Nazimuddin in office, militant Muslims, led by the Ahrars,a puritanical political
group, called for the purification of national life. In 1953 they demanded that the
Aḥmadīyah sect be outlawed from the Islāmic community. Nazimuddin temporized,
and rioting and arson enveloped Lahore and other Punjabi towns. The secretary of
defense, Colonel Iskander Mirza, pressed the Cabinet into sanctioning martial law in
Lahore, and order was restored. Ghulam Mohammad decided that Nazimuddin must
go, although he had the support of the Constituent Assembly. The dismissal was
effected, and Mohammad Ali Bogra became prime minister.

In March 1954 a general election was held in East Bengal (East Pakistan) to choose a
new provincial legislature. The contest was between the official Muslim League and a
“UnitedFront” of parties from the extreme right (orthodox religious) to extreme left
(quasi-Marxist). The Muslim League lost in a landslide. At the head of the victorious
opposition stood two politicians who had previously kept one foot in the Muslim
League and the other in the camp of the Congress and regional politics; these were
the aged Fazl ul-Haq, with his Workers and Peasants Party, and Hussein Shaheed
Suhrawardy, with a new party, the Awami League. This result was a dramatic
demonstration of the gulf between West and East Pakistan.

The Constituent Assembly reflected the new political mood of Pakistan by attempting
to curb the powers of the governor-general, Ghulam Mohammad, who retaliated by
proclaiming the dissolution of that body. His action was validated by the Supreme
Court, with the rider that a new assembly must be convened. This was produced by
a system of indirect election. The ministry of Mohammad Ali Bogra was completely
reorganized, and three newcomers were introduced as strongmen from outside
politics: these were Major General Iskander Mirza, as minister of the interior, General
Mohammad Ayub Khan, commander in chief, as minister of national defense, and
Chaudhri Mohammad Ali, a senior civil servant, as minister of finance. Mohammad Ali
Bogra had little support in the new assembly, and he was replaced by Chaudhri
Mohammad Ali.

Ghulam Mohammad, whose health had broken down, was replaced as governor-
general in August 1955 by Iskander Mirza. Mirza had no regional power base and
little in common with any of the politicians. He insisted that his fellow administrator
Chaudhri Mohammad Ali remain prime minister, and the Chaudhri was able to
succeed in one objective over which his three predecessors had failed: he induced
the politicians to agree to a constitution (February 1956). To create a better balance
between the West and Eastwings, the provinces and parts of West Pakistan were
amalgamated into one administrative unit.

The constitution of 1956 embodied the Islāmic provisions of the “aims and
objectives” resolution of 1949 and declared Pakistan to be an Islāmic republic. The
national parliament was to comprise one house of 300 members, equally
representing East and West. Ten seats were reserved for women. The prime minister
and Cabinet were to govern according to the will of the parliament, with the
president exercising only reserve powers.

Khan Sahib, a former premier of the North-West Frontier Province, was invited by
the Muslim League to become the chief minister of the new “one unit” of West
Pakistan. Soon after taking office, Khan Sahib was faced with a revolt against his
leadership in the Muslim League, but he adroitly turned the tables by forming a new
group, the Republican Party, out of dissident Muslim League assemblymen. In the
National Assembly also, members adopted the Republican ticket, and Prime Minister
Chaudhri Mohammad Ali found himself withouta majority. He resigned in September
1956.

Iskander Mirza, then president, was compelled to accept an Awami League

government headed by Suhrawardy but dependent on Republican support to retain
office. For a time the combination worked, but the flimsy consensus of Pakistani
politics soon began to dissolve into factionalism, regionalism, and sectarianism. Khan
Sahib found his hold over the West Pakistan legislature slipping, and he asked the
president to suspend the constitution. The East Pakistan legislature voted
unanimously for autonomy in all matters except foreign affairs, defense, and
currency. The country was to hold its first complete general election in 1958, but a
dispute over the basis of the constituencies led to Suhrawardy's resignation. His
successors proved ineffective, and the legislative process came to a halt.

Military government

President Mirza had made no secret of his dissatisfaction with the working of
parliamentary democracy in Pakistan. On October 7, 1958, a presidential
proclamation announced thatthe political parties were abolished, the constitution
abrogated, and the country placed under martial law, with Mohammad Ayub Khan as
chief martial-law administrator. Mirza announced that the martial-law period would
be brief and that a new constitution would be drafted. On October 27 he swore in his
new Cabinet.

General Ayub became prime minister, and three lieutenant generals were named to
the Cabinet. The eight civilian members included businessmen and lawyers, one
being a young newcomer, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. On the evening of October 27 the new
military ministers called on the president, with contingents of armed soldiers, and
informed him that he was to resign. After a short interval, Mirza was exiled to
London. A proclamation issued by Ayub announced his assumption of the presidency.

Martial law lasted 44 months. During that time a number of army officers took over
vital civil-service posts. A number of politicians were excluded from public life under
the Electoral Bodies (Disqualification) Order, or EBDO. A similar purge took place
among civil servants.

Ayub sought to create political institutions that would express Islāmic ideals and
foster national development. He initiated a plan for “basic democracies,” directly
elected by the people, as local units of development. Elections took placein January
1960. The Basic Democrats, as they became known, were at once asked to endorse
Ayub's presidency and to give him a mandate to frame a constitution. Of the 80,000
Basic Democrats, 75,283 affirmed their support for Mirza in a referendum in
February 1960. A constitutional commission was asked to advise on a suitable form
of government. Ayub accepted some of its proposals and substituted some of his
own, aiming, he said, for “a blending of democracy with discipline.” In the early days
of Ayub's regime there were notable reform measures, such as the Muslim Family
Laws Ordinance of 1961, restricting polygamy, but later the president found it
necessary to make concessions to Muslims in order to bolster his regime.

One feature of the Ayub regime was the quickening pace of economic growth. During
the initial phase of independence, the growth rate was less than three percent per
annum and scarcely moved ahead of the rate of population growth. During the mid-
1950s even this rate declined, but from 1960 to 1965 the rate advanced to more
than six percent per annum. Development was particularly vigorous in the
manufacturing sector.

There was considerable imbalance between East and West; during the 1950s East
Pakistan was becoming poorer in per capita terms every year, whereas the West was
achieving positive growth. A continuing grievance was the contribution made by East
Pakistan to foreign exchange by the export of jute and tea, from which it was felt the
West reaped more advantage; the West was also the major beneficiary of foreign
aid.

The outstanding example of favoured treatment for the West was the great Indus
basin scheme for hydroelectric development. Pakistan skillfully negotiated for
assistance from the World Bank, the United States, and other friends. In addition to
economic aid, Pakistan also received a great deal of military aid from the United
States.

Warfare with India over Kashmir in 1965 had more far-reaching effects on Pakistan
than on India. Ayub received a new mandate in January when he won decisively
against a spirited challenge from Fatima Jinnah, the sister of Mohammed Ali Jinnah.
In the early days of his presidency, Ayub had moved freely among the rural people,
talking to them face-to-face. After the war, he withdrew behind a curtain of
dictatorship, becoming a remote figure in a bulletproof limousine. Bhutto, the chief
exponent of struggle against India, was relieved of office in 1966. Mujibur Rahman
(Sheikh Mujib), who had inherited the leadership of the Awami League, the major
force in East Pakistan, was arrested and accused of conspiring with India.

Ayub's autocratic position was suddenly challenged in the autumn of 1968; an

unsuccessful attempt on his life was followed by the arrest of Bhutto and other
opposition leaders. Ayub summoned a conference of opposition leaders and withdrew
the state of emergency under which Pakistan had been governed since 1965, but
these concessions failed to conciliate the opposition, and in February 1969 Ayub
announced that he would not contest the presidential election due in 1970. Protests
and strikes flared everywhere, being especially militant in Bengal. At length, on
March 25, 1969, Ayub resigned, handing over responsibility for governing to the
commander in chief, General Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan. Once again the country
was placed under martial law. Yahya assumed the title of president as well as chief
martial-law administrator. He made it clear that his aim was an early general
election, which took place in December 1970.

Civil war

The success of the Awami League in East Pakistan surprised even its friends. Sheikh
Mujib emerged with a majority at his command among the membership of the new
assembly (167of the 300 total). But what upset all predictions was the victory in
West Pakistan of Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP), which won particularly
heavily in Punjab and gained a clear majority (83) of the representation from the
West. Yahya's plan provided that when the new assembly met it must produce a
constitution within 100 days. Mujib, however,stood out for complete independence
for East Pakistan, except for foreign policy, though the East wanted to make its own
aid, trade, and defense agreements. Bhutto rejected these terms and refused to
bring his party to Dacca to participate in the assembly. On March 1, 1971, President
Yahya announced that the National Assembly would be suspended indefinitely.
Sheikh Mujib replied by ordering a boycott and general strike throughout East
Pakistan. Bowing to the inevitable, Yahya proceeded to Dacca in mid-March to
negotiate a compromise that would concede the substance of Mujib's demands while
retaining tenuous ties that might still preserve the name of Pakistan. But
compromise proved impossible. President Yahya denounced Mujib and his men as
traitors and launched a drive to “reoccupy” the East with West Pakistan troops.

Warfare between government troops and supporters of the Awami League broke out
in the East in March. Sheikh Mujib and many of his colleagues were arrested, while
others escaped to India, proclaiming East Pakistan an independent state under the
name Bangladesh (“Bengal Land”). As fighting continued, the number of refugees
crossing the border into India grew into the millions. In December 1971 India
successfully invaded East Pakistan. The establishment of a Bangladesh government
with Mujib as prime minister followed in January 1972.

Bhutto's regime

Accepting responsibility for the defeat and breakup of Pakistan, President Yahya
resigned on December 20, 1971, and Bhutto became the undisputed leader of former
West Pakistan. Bhutto's declared policy of Islāmic socialism broughtfew tangible
changes, but his populism was undeniably successful. He became increasingly
autocratic, however, suppressing criticism, jailing opponents, and using militant
methods against the restive Pathans and Balochis. A new constitution was adopted
on April 10, 1973, and Bhutto became prime minister.

In January 1977 Bhutto announced that elections would be held within two months,
unfolding a national charter of peasant reform. Nine opposition parties hastily
patched together the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) and launched a demand for
the Islāmic way of life in Pakistan. The campaign was marked by violence, with
opposition candidates complaining of brutal discrimination. The results were a
sweeping victory for Bhutto's PPP, although they were denounced as fraudulent by
the PNA. Mounting protest soon brought chaos to Karāchi and other major cities,
where Bhutto was compelled to call out the army and proclaim martial law. He tried
to buy peace by offering concessions to the PNA leaders (most of whom were under
arrest), but they would accept nothing short of a new election.

Zia ul-Haq's regime

To avoid total chaos, the chief of staff of the army, General Mohammad Zia ul-Haq,
took over as chief administrator of martial law on July 5, 1977. His early efforts to
create an acceptable political alternative had only limited success. He announced
that elections would be held in 90 days, but it wasclear that Bhutto was the only
politician of mass appeal. In early September Bhutto was arrested and charged with
attempted murder; on March 18, 1978, he was sentenced to death, and, after
Supreme Court review, he was hanged on April 4, 1979.

Zia's efforts to create an acceptable political alternative had only limited success.
Thirteen months after taking over the martial-law administration, he announced the
formation of a civilian Cabinet of administrators, technocrats, and some political
leaders drawn from the Muslim League and the religious parties. The PNA was now
split, with most elements forming an opposition that demanded early elections,
withdrawal of the army from Balochistān, and the introduction of a full Islāmic code
of laws. A zealous Muslim, Zia had already imposed Islāmic criminal punishments
such as flogging and maiming (these were formally enacted as law in February
1979), but he declined to meet the full oppositiondemand. On September 16, 1978,
he was proclaimed president of Pakistan.

Pakistan became a “frontline state” in the Cold War when the Soviet Union occupied
neighbouring Afghanistan in December 1979. A guerrilla war began between Afghan
mujahideen (freedom fighters) and the Soviet forces, and millions of Afghan refugees
fled into Pakistan. The mujahideenused a number of refugee camps and other areas
inside Pakistan as bases for their activities. The conflict was further internationalized
when the United States channeled massive arms supplies to the mujahideen via
Pakistan. This program included renewed U.S. aid to Pakistan of $4.2 billion for the
years 1987 to 1992.

Another external pressure was the Islāmic revolution in Iran. Partly in response, Zia
extended his own Islāmization program. In addition to Islāmic criminal laws, this
included interest-free banking and other measures in keeping with traditional Islāmic
economic practice. A national referendum was held in December 1984 on the
Islāmization measures, coupled with an endorsement of Zia's presidency for an
additional five years; some 62 percent of those eligible were declared to have voted,
with 98 percent of the voters in favour of both propositions. The opposition disputed
this result, however, claiming that only 10 to 15 percent of the electorate had
participated.

In February 1985 elections for the national and provincial assemblies were held.
Political parties were not allowed to participate, but there was a high turnout, despite
a boycott by the opposition. Zia chose as prime minister Muhammad Khan Junejo, a
Sindhi politician who had previously served in Zia's Cabinet. Martial law was lifted in
December 1985. In January 1986 Junejo announced the revival of the Pakistan
Muslim League. Soon afterward, Benazir Bhutto, the daughterof Zulfikar Ali Bhutto,
returned from abroad to re-form the PPP.She received an enthusiastic welcome, but
her attempts to arouse popular protest met with little success.

In late 1986 Karāchi, Quetta, and Hyderābād were rocked by riots between the
muhajir majority and Pathans, originally from the North-West Frontier Province and
Afghanistan. Ethnic violence continued through the early 1990s and spread to
involve other ethnic groups and other cities in Sindh province.

In May 1988 Zia dissolved the national and provincial assemblies and dismissed the
Junejo government, alleging that it was corrupt, weak, and inept. He announced that
elections would be held within 90 days, but they were later postponed to November.
In June a caretaker government wasset up, with Zia acting as head of government.

The administration of Benazir Bhutto

On August 17, 1988, Zia was killed in an airplane crash, together with his leading
generals and the U.S. ambassador to Pakistan. Suspicion rested on Soviet agents,
but nothing was proved. The chairman of the Senate, Ghulam Ishaq Khan,a long-
standing Zia supporter, took over as acting president. He subsequently announced
that elections would be held in November as planned.

When the election results were counted, the PPP, led by Benazir Bhutto, had won 93
seats; the Islāmic Democratic Alliance, claiming the mantle of Zia, won 54 seats; and
the remaining 58 seats were won by independents and candidates from minor
parties. Support for Bhutto in the key province of Punjab, with 60 percent of the
population, was weak, and in subsequent provincial elections the Islāmic Democratic
Alliance held this key province. PPP candidates became chief ministers of Sindh and
the North-West Frontier Province. Bhutto had a mandate, but it was incomplete. In
subsequent negotiations conducted by Ishaq Khan, who was elected president in
December 1988, she had to make concessions in important areas of policy. Thus,
Pakistan's commitment to the Afghan mujahideen continued, and the army retained
its premier place in the system. (Pakistan's armed forces numbered over half a
million people in the late 1980s; some 480,000 of these were in the army.) In
December 1988 Benazir Bhutto became the first woman to lead a modern Islāmic
state.

Given office without real power, Benazir Bhutto responded by projecting her image
on the national and international stage without attempting to make fundamental
changes at home. Distrusted by the president and the military, she was ousted 20
months later. She was succeeded in November 1990 by a Punjabi industrialist,
Mohammed Nawaz Sharif. However, relations between Sharif and Khan were also
tense. Khan dismissed Sharif as prime minister in April 1993, accusing him of
mismanagement, corruption, and a “reign of terror.” Khan dissolved the National
Assembly and promised new elections for July, but the Supreme Court overturned his
actions and reinstated Sharif and his government in May. The bitter power struggle
reached a deadlock in July, forcing both Sharif and Khan to resign, reportedly
because of pressure from the army chief of staff, General Abdul Waheed. An interim
government took over, and elections were scheduled for the fall. In October the PPP
won a majority of seats in the National Assembly, and Benazir Bhutto again became
prime minister.

The Bhutto government's three-year rule was marked by steadily deteriorating

economic conditions and growing ethnic and religious violence, particularly in
southern Sindh where clashes between muhajirs and Pathans grew into pitched
battles that left thousands dead. Violence by Islāmic extremist groups directed
against the nation's small Christiancommunity and the heterodox Aḥmadīyah sect
continued to rise throughout the country, and in 1995 the government foiled a coup
by fundamentalist military officers opposed to the idea of a woman ruling the
country.

Bhutto's 1996 crackdown on violence, however, came just as allegations began to

surface of financial mismanagement andcorruption by her and her family. President
Farooq Ahmed Leghari dismissed Bhutto's government in November, and in 1997
elections, Pakistanis returned Sharif to office. The new prime minister quashed the
president's power to dismiss elected governments and, likewise, abolished the
Council for Defense and National Security, thereby earning the resentment of the
military.

Sharif's inability to cope with the nation's worsening economyand accusations that he
had engaged in corruption far in excess of that alleged of Bhutto alienated many
among Pakistan's political elite, especially members of the military who saw the
government's failed economic policies as a threat to national security. The prime
minister's willingness to respond to India's testing of five nuclear weapons in May
1998—within weeks Pakistan had detonated its own nuclear devices—failed to bring
the military to his side, and in October1999 the army chief of staff, General Pervez
Musharraf, suspended the constitution and arrested Sharif on charges oftreason.

The military government faced numerous obstacles at the beginning of the 21st
century. In addition to ongoing factional violence, a faltering economy, and high
rates of crime, the country was increasingly troubled by Islāmic extremism both at
home and abroad. Pakistan's alleged support for Islāmic insurgents in the disputed
Kashmir region frequently strained relations with India and placed the two nuclear
powers on the verge of serious armed conflict. Yet, in late 2001 the Musharraf
government cooperated with U.S. forces attempting to uproot Islāmic extremists in
Afghanistan, which led to acts of violence by Pakistani supporters of that country's
ruling Taliban regime—a group Pakistan had theretofore supported. Although the
rapid collapse of the Taliban had the fortuitous effect of encouraging Afghan refugees
to return home, the fighting in Afghanistan threatened to spill over into Pakistan, and
Musharraf's regime was faced with the possibility that it might be toppled by
extremists, who claimed numerous supporters in the government, military, and
intelligence services. Nonetheless, most Pakistanis seemed to acquiesce to rule by
the military because of the stability it provided, andin May 2002 voters in a national
referendum granted Musharraf five additional years of rule.