Professional Documents
Culture Documents
SUPPLEMENTARY ARTICLES
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgments
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General Introduction
PART I: SELF
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Bibliographical Sources
The outline, for the most part, was established by the list of
topics assigned to the class, those topics helping to formulate the
sections of this Reader. Some alterations, however, have been
necessary. The first section “ Overview and Historical Perspective" was
not a part of the original list of topics, but It has been added here
to provide background and direction for the project. The subject of
"Other" In section three was originally separate from the subject of
"Self" and was divided Into two parts, those of "personal universe" and
"non-personal universe." The Introduction to Section Three ("Self and
Other") notes that distinction. The discussion of emlc and etjc In
that same Introduction will help explain why these two categories were
not used. (Emlc and t k k are further explained In the Introduction to
Section Nine on "Study.") One of the original topics was
"Intercategory Relationship." This has not been used as a section of
the Reader. It has, however, been Included as part of the Introduction
to Section One. Certainly, further research Is needed In this area.
Selection
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helpful to me as I ventured through my quest to understand worldview.
Secondly, certain sources expressed concepts that were at variance to
other sources. If not In contradiction to them. Such a variety, at
times, seemed appropriate for. the topic being pursued. At other times
a third factor seemed proper, specifically that some sources wére
complementary, expressing similar views. In any case, the final
selection was mine and mine alone, and was a difficult task. It almost
goes without saying that every reader who reaches Into the variety of
sources Indicated by the bibliography will find material that will seem
more useful or more appropriate than those I have selected. It also
goes without saying that such an opinion will probably be Justifiable,
since every reader Is at a different point In his or her journey
through this field.
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SECTION ONE
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(1) worldview as a matter of perception; (2) self as the percelver; and
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DefinítIons
Worldview Schizophrenia
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Categories have been a 0art of this discussion from the outset with
a repeated reference to Self and Other. Because of the nature of
worldview It Is possible that these two are the only categories that
are totally universal In scope (cf. Kearney 1982:120). There are,
however, other categories that are probably universal, and that appear
to be the result of the Interaction between the two major categories.
Classification
Self
Other
Space
Time
Causal Ity
Values
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Classification
Self
Other
Space
Time
Causal 1ty
Values
The diagram Is Intended to Indicate that each category not only can,
but does relate to each of the others. In any given system, however,
the relationships between certain of the categories may be more
frequent and/or more significant than those between others.
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Self as related to . . .
Other as related to . . .
Space as related to . . .
SUMMARY '
Classification
Self
Other
Space
Time
Causal Ity
Values
These categories are thus the subjects of the sections In this Reader.
1
12
The chapter entitled "World View Theory and Study" by Kearney has
been Included here for two reasons, the first of which is his excellent
historical survey. As few others have done, Kearney has traced the
roots of this mode) with clarity, thus also providing a helpful
literature review. The second contribution Kearney makes is his
discussion of universal categories, most of which parallel those In
this Reader.
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Chapter One
by Robert Redfteld
INTRODUCTION
14
Turning from that part of the universal world view which attends
primarily to the human to that part which Is distinguished. If not
completely,at least partly, from the human, we find ourselves looking
at that which In the language appropriate to the world views we know
best Is often Identified by the two words “ God" and “nature." The
separation of God from nature and of these two together from man Is, I
venture to assert, made In some degree and In some sense In every world
view; on the other hand, the kinds and degrees of separations made of
these things from one another differ very widely among the societies
known to history and ethnology; and I suppose that It Is In
understanding and defining the ways In which these distinctions are
made that we shall come to some ordered comprehension of the range of
variety of world views and of the types of world view. I think that In
every society people look out at some things which are Just things,
being neither wholly human nor wholly of the qualities we call divine,
or spiritual: they are nature not much Identified with the qualities
that characterize human beings nor with those which characterize God.
In working with the ordinary domestic tools, for example, I should
suppose that every people recognizes a part of Its world view In which
things are seen as not the same as either people or divinities,
“spirits." On the other hand, the kind of separation of man. God. and
nature which characterizes much of the world view of Hestern man in
historic times Is.I think, by no means universal. And there Is. I
shall suggest later, something to be said on this point as to the world
views of the primitive peoples.
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FOOTNOTES
I . Benedict, Ruth
1934 Patterns of Culture. Boston and New York: Houghton
Mifflin Co.
2. Northrop, F. S. C.
1934 The Meeting of East and West, New York: Macmillan Co.
6. Holmberg, Alten
1936 Nomads of the Long Bow. Smithsonian Institution,
Institute of Anthropology, No. 10.
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7. Mead. Margaret
1940 "The Mountain Arapesh, II: Supernaturalism,"
Anthropological Papers (American Museum of'Natural
History). XXXVII, Ho. 3. 319-451.
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8. Ibid.. p\ 357.
9. Jacobsen, Thorktld
1946 "Mesopotamia," In The Intellectual Adventure o f Ancient
Man, by H. and H. Á. Frankfort et al. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
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Chapter Two
by Charles H. Kraft
INTRODUCTION
A large number of similar examples fill the pages of such books as The
SI lent Language and The Hidden Dimension by E. T. Hall and Body
Language by J. Fast.
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CULTURAL VALIDITY
26
When one turns to the weaknesses of our culture, the myth of our
cultural superiority falls to pieces. For example, we have poured so
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HORLDVIEH
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FOOTNOIES
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Chapter Three
by Michael Kearney
INTRODUCTION
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GENERAL STUDIES
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then current world view theorists tended to see It as for the most part
consciously expressable by reflective Informants, as largely equivalent
to cosmology, and as tending to fade Into values (cf Dundes 27). He
then suggested, following Hallowell (44), that a formulation of world
view should express the Implicit conception of the natural and social
universe which exists at a subconscious cognitive level such that
Informants are not normally able tó articulate It. Parallel to this
shifting of world view into the unconscious Is the search for units of
analysis. This concern begins most explicitly with Redfleld (92,93),
who suggested that any world view must contain notions about the self,
the other (as opposed to self and containing a human and nonhuman
distinction, each with further divisions), time, space, the natural and
supernatural, and the sacred and profane fcf Hendelson (75) regarding
Redfleld's concept of world vlewj. Bouldlng (10), In constructing a
cybernetic model of Images and behavior, and Hallowell (43), In a
number of papers on OJIbwa world view, arrived at a similar list of
categories or Images. And Kluckholn & Strodtbeck (57), In building a
model of vaJue-orlentatlons, selected a set of existential categories
comparable to those of Redfleld and Bouldlng: temporal, activity,
relational, man-nature, and human nature. Jones (52) proposes a set of
world view dimensions for classification and analysis (see below),
while Dundes (26) shows how operational units can be taken from "folk
Ideas." In developing a model of world view that would be both
cross-culturally open-ended and yet serve as a scheme for
cross-cultural comparison. I (55) was led willy-nilly to select a
minimal tet of universal cognitive categories which could be taken as
necessary dimensions of any functional human world view. The route to
this selection was mainly via Kant, Durkhelm, and Piaget; they are:
self, other, relationship, classification, space, time, and causality.
The advantage of such units is that In their presumed universality they
are the skeleton of a cross-culturally applicable model.
Jones (52) presents a model of torld view which grew out of his
participation In a conference on world view sponsored by the
Henner-Gren Foundation in 1968. Jones likens his model to a Cartesian
coordinate system which defines "belief space." the coordinates— he
calls them dimensions, in Independent parallel usage to my
terminology— consist of linear, bipolar continua arrayed between
contrasting wide-range vectors, e.g. SlmplIclty/Complexity.
Statlc/Oynamlc, Soft Focus/Sharp Focus, etc. These wide-range vectors
are In effect deep structure and synonymous with world view.
Narrow-range vectors are more superficial and event-specific and
synonymous with "beliefs." The essence of a world view thus "Is a set
of very wide-range vectors In...belief space" (52, p. 83). These
wide-range vectors are "attitudes" (which have emotion and feeling
associated with them) and It would therefore seem consistent to refer
to them as existing In attitude space.
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SPECIFIC CATEGORIES
Discussed below are-a number of recent works that deal with the
various world view categories that I have Isolated as necessary and
universal dimensions of world view (see above).
Classification
I
Here Werner goes beyond the traditional ethnosemantic approach
to lexicons by showing the limitations of taxonomic (genus-species)
definitions, which must be supplemented with propositions which link
terms according to other relationships. "For example, the taxonomic
definitions of the Ptolemaic a Planet is and the Copernlcan a Planet is
do not mention the centrality of earth or sun respectively" (107, p.
168). For an illustraton of such nontaxonomlc linkages of entities
(words) In folk definitions which reveal what Werner calls "atomic"
propositions of world view (read cosmology) see Casagrande & Hale
(16). Their lexical linkages Include, In addition to class Inclusion
(taxonomic), such types as spatial, attributive, grading, and
contingency.
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Causal Ity
•
While reference to concepts of causal Ity per se are almost
nonexistent In world view literature, there Is often reference to
native notions of "power" (T. C. Blackburn 7, DeAngulo 22). Nelson
(78) describes concepts of power In a Hexlcan village that are shaped
by social structure; living In a hierarchical society, villagers see
power as an arbitrary force associated with position rather than
accomplishment. Being near the bottom of the social hierarchy, the
self Is consequently seen a$*Inadequate and Incapable of changing the
world. By far the best extant scheme for the cross-cultural
examination of variations In concepts of causality Is provided In
Piaget's (84) 17 types of causal relations. One may question the
cross-cultural validity of the ontogenetic sequence In which Piaget
orders these 17 types, while at the same time making use of the list to
Identify causal principles Inherent In various areas of native
thought. A second hook by Piaget (88) sums up recent work on the
development of causal thinking in children and Is relevant to
cross-cultural study In that It addresses the problem of the
development of causal concepts In the history of science. Compared
with Piaget's earlier work In genetic epistemology, this recent one
typifies a far greater concern with cosmology and with what I have been
referring to as loglco-structural Integration of world view categories.
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Although the underlying thought processes (not specified) are not
necessarily different than those of presdentlfIc peoples, the Impress
of this Instrumental rationality does result In a more controlled
environment, and must therefore also reflect to at least a greater
degree that empirical environment which they are controlling. In other
words, scientific man In order to work his machines should "have come
to embrace a similar logic to that which machines (Including social
’machines') Incorporate, and by which his life Is In so many ways
regulated" (109, p. x111). This Implies that those areas of thought
not susceptible to empirical verification, e.g. some religious
assumptions, are least affected. HI Ison suggests that a measure of
rationality Is the internal consistency of such superempirlcal
assumptions and the consistency of these assumptions with general
secular and scientific assumptions of the particular society.
Obviously the problem of how to Judge which assumptions are consistent
and Inconsistent is the basic Issue; In other words, what Is
rationality? Hllson does not tell us. He does, however, argue for a
relativistic view of rationality which Is more technological than
socially determined.
Jarvle (50) argues that both cargo cult fantasies and their
corresponding actions are rational because they are goal directed, and
thus he opposes both Firth's opinion that they are not and Mair's
opinion that religion tn general Is not rational. He further suggests
that anthropologists of the Frazerlan rationalist movement have falsely
labeled native fantasies as Irrational becausé the anthropologists have
compared native techniques with Western science when they are
Incomparable. Only the explanatory theories of natives and Westerners
can be compared, but the the social anthropologist's slogan “study the
ritual, not the belief" has deterred them from doing this. Native
technology so compared with Western science is thus deemed Irrational
as Is also the thinking assumed to lie behind it. But as Jarvle points
out, the natives explain their technology (and magic) magico-
religiously and It Is.rational In these--lts own— terms. The core of
Jarvle's argument here (I have not mentioned them all) is to show that
in its own context native thought Is rational (viz Internally
consistent), and he Is therefore arguing that rationalism, as he
defines It, Is universal.
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time and other basic categories are suggestive of new approaches In the
anthropological analysis of cultural categories and cosmological
systems." But succsssful utilization of Plagetlan approaches In world
view study will depend on adapting them to cross-cultural research.
Piaget (87) himself has recently spoken to the need for comparative
studies to test the presumed universality of the mental functions and
their stages and rates of development that he has identified. For
reviews of extant cross-cultural Plagetlan research see Carlson (15)
and Dasen (21).
CONCLUSION
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APPENDIX
Literature Cited
1. Aaronson, 13. S.
197) Behavior and the placenames of time. See
Ref. 114, 405-36
2. Acheson, J . M.
1972 Limited good or limited goods? Response to
economic cooperation In a Tarascan Pueblo. Am.
Anthropol. 74:1152-69
3. Acheson, J. M.
1974. Reply to George Foster. Am. Anthropol. 76:
57-62
4. Beattie, J. H. M.
1970. On understanding ritual. See Ref. 108,
240-68
5. Bennett. J. H.
1966. Further remarks on Foster's "Image of Limited
Good." Am. Anthropol. 68:206-10
6. Bernstein, B. B.
1971. Class. Codes and Control, Volume I;
Theoretical Studies Towards a Sociology of Lanquage.
London: Routledge & Kegan Paul
7. Blackburn, T. C.
1975. December's Child: A Cultural Analysis of
Chumash Oral Traditions. Berkeley: Univ. California
Press, In press
8. Blackburn, T. R.
1971. Sensuous-In tellectual complementar 1ty
In science. Science 172:1003-7
9. Bogen, J. E
1969. The other side of the brain, I, II, III,
Bull. Los Anqeles Neurol.. Soc. 34:3
10. Bouldlng, -K. E.
1965. The Imaqe, Ann Arbor: Univ. Mtchlqan Press
II. Bouldlng, K . E.
1973. "Forward." See Ref. 25, vll-xl
12. Bricker, V. R.
1966. El hombre, la carga y el camino: Antlguous
conceptos mayas sobre tiempo y espacio y el sistema
zinacanteco de cargas. In Los Zlnacantecos. ed. E.
Z. Vogt. Mexico: Inst. Nac. Indigenista
13. Bronowskl, J.
1966. The logic of the mind. Am. Sel. 54(1):1— 14
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44. Hallowel, A. I.
I960. OJIbwa ontology, behavior, and world view.
In Culture In History, ed. S. Diamond. New
York: Columbia University Press
45. Hoebe I, E. A.
I960. The Cheyennes: Indians of the Great Plains.
New York: Holt. Rinehart & Hlnston
46. Hollis, M.
1970. The limits of Irrationality. See Ref. 108:214-20
47. Ibid. Reason and ritual, 221-39
48. Horton, R.
1970. African traditional thought and Western science.
See Ref. 108, 131-71
49. Inhelder, B.
1969. Some aspects of Piaget's genetic appraoch to
cognition. In Piaget and knowledge, ed. II. G.
Furth. Englewood CÍIffs, N. J.: Prentice Hall
50. Jarvle, I. C.
¡970. Explaining cargo cults. See Ref. 108:50-61
51. Jarvle, I. C.. Agassi, J.
¡970. The problem of the rationality of magic. See Ref.
172-93
52. Jones, H. T.
1972. Horld views: Their nature and their function.
Curr. Anthropol. 13:79-91
53. Kearney, M.
1969. An exception to the "Image of Limited Good."
Am. Anthropol. 71:888-90
54. Kearney. M
1972 The Hinds of Ixtepe.11: Horld View and Society
In a Zapotee Town. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Hlnston
55. Kearney, M
1976 Horld View. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Hlnston
In press
56. Kearney, M
1976. A world view explanation of the evil eye In
Mexico. In The Evil Eye, ed. C. Maloney, New York:
Columbia Unlv. Press. In press
57. Kluckholn, , Strodtbeck, F. I.,
1961. Variations In Value O r ientations. Evanston, III.:
Row, Peterson
58. Kuhn, I. S.
1970. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Unlv.
Chicago Press. Rev. ed.
59. Leaf. M J.
1973. Review of Rational Itv by B. Wilson (See Ref.
108). Am. Anthropol. 75:393-95
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61
60. Leon-Portllia, M.
1973. Time and Reality In the Thought of the Maya, Boston:
Beacon Press
61. Levine, 0. N.
1968. Cultural Integration. Int. Encycl. Soc. Scl.
7:372-79
62. Lukes, S.
1970. Some problems about rationality. See Ref. 108,
194-213
63. Lurla, A. K.
1971. Towards the problem of the historical nature
of psychological processes. Int. J. Psychol. 6:259-72
64. Lynch, K.
1960. The Image of the City, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press
65. Lynch, K.
1972. What Time Is this Place? Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press
66. MacIntyre, A.
1970. Is understanding religion compatible with believing?
See Ref. 108, 62-77
67. Ibid. The Idea of a social science. 112-30
68. Maltz, D. N.
1968. Primitive timereckoning as a symbolic system
Cornell J. Soc. Relat. 3(2):85-lll
69. Mann, H., Siegler, M . , Osmond, H.
, 1971. The psychotypológy of time. See Ref. 114, 142-78
70. Maquet, J.
1974. Isomorphism and symbolism as "explanations" In the
analysis of myths. In The Unconscious In Culture,-
ed. I. Rossi. New York: Dutton
71. Marsh, J. F. Jr.
1971. Are There Two kinds of Thinking? Final Report on the
Thought Race and Opportunity Project Contract
No. PEP' BOO 5135, to the Office of Economic
Opportunity, Research and Evaluation, Executive .
Office of the President, Washington, D.C. 20506
72. Maxwell, R. J.
1971. Anthropological perspectives on time. See Ref. 114,
36-72 '
73. Mays, W.
1953. An elementary Introduction to Piaget's logic
See Ref. 85, Ix-xvl
74. Mbit!, J. S.
1969. African Religions and Philosophy. New York:
Praeger
75. Mendel son, E. M.
1968. World view. Int. Encycl. Soc. Scl. 16:576-79
76. Meyerhoff, H.
1968. Time In Literature. Berkeley: Unlv. Calif. Press
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77. Needham, R.
1972. Belief, Language, and Experience. Oxford: Blackwell
78. Nelson, C.
1971. The Halting village: Social Change In Rural Mexico.
Boston: Little, Brown
79. Ohnukl-Tlerney, E.
1968. A Northwest Coast Sakhalin Ainu World View. PhD
thesis. Unlv. Wisconsin, Madison, 425 pp.
80. Ohnukl-Tlerney, E.
1969. Concepts of time among the Ainu of the Northwest
coast of Sakhalin. Am. Anthropoi. 71:488-92
81. Ibid 1972. Spatial concepts of the Ainu of the northwest coast
of southern Sakhalin. 74:426-57
82. Ong. W. J.
1967. The Presence of the World. New Haven: Yale
Univer. Press
83. Ong. H. J.
1969. World as view and world as event. Am. Anthropoi.
71:634-47
84. Piaget, J.
1930. The Child's Conception of Physical Causality.
Transí, from French by M. Gabaln. London: Routledge I
Kegan Paul
85. Piaget, J.
1953. Logic and Psychology. Manchester Unlv. Press
86 . Piaget, J.
1968. Judgement and Reasoning In the Child, Transí.
from French by M. Warden, New York: Humanities Press
87. Piaget, J.
1973. The necessity and significance of comparative
research In genetic psychology. In The Child and
Real Itv. 143-61, New York: Grossman
88 . Piaget, J.
1974. Understanding Causality, Transí, from French by
D. Miles and M. Miles. New York: Norton
89. PIttendrlgh, C. S.
1971. On temporal organization In living systems. See Ref.
114, 179-218
90. Priestly, J. B.
1964. Man and Time New York: Dell
91. Redfleld, R.
1941. The Folk Culture of Yucatan. Unlv. Chicago
Press
92. Redfleld, R.
1952. The primitive world view. Proc. Am. Phil. Soc.
96:30-36 .
93. Redfield, R.
1953. The Primitive World and Its Transformations.
Ithaca: Cornell Unlv. Press
63
94. Smedslund, J. ^
1969. Meanings, Implications and unlversals: Towards
a psychology of man. Scand. J. Psychol. 10:1-15
95. Sokal, R. R.
1974. Classification: Purposes, principles, progress,
prospects. Science 185:1115-23
96. Sorokin, P. A.
1937-41.Socia l and Cultural Dynamics. New York:
Am. Book Co. 4 vols.
97. Sturtevant, W. C.
1964. Studies In ethnosclence. In Transcultural Studies In
Coqnltlon, ed. A. K. Romney. R. G. D'Ándrade.
Am.Anthropol.. spec. publ. 66. No. 3. Part 2:99-131
98. Tax, S.
1941. World view and social relations In Guatemala.
Am. Anthropol. 43: 27-42
99. Turner, T.
1973. Review of J. Piaget's Genetic Eplstemoloqy and
le StructuralIsme. Am. Anthropol. 75:351-7
100. Villa Rojas . A.
1973. The concepts of space and time among the
contemporary Maya. Appendix to Ref. 60, 113-59
101 . Wallace, A. F. C.
1968. Cognitive theory. Int. Encycl. Soc. Scl. 2:536-39
102. Wason, P. C ., Johnson-Lalrd, P. N.
1972. Psychology of Reasonlnq Structure and Content.
London: Bates ford
103. Watson, 0. M.
1972. Symbolic and Expressive Uses of Space: An
Introduction to Proxemlc Behavior. Readlnq. Mass.:
Addlson-Wesley, Module 20
104. Wax, R ., Wax, M.
1962. The magical world view J. Scl. Study Religion
1:179-88
105. Heldman, II. H.
1969 Cultural’ values, concept of self, and projection:
The Burmese case. In Mental Health Research
In Asia and the Pacific, ed. H. Caudill, Tsung-YI Lin.
Honolulu: East-West Center Press
106. Werner, 0.
1969. The basic assumptions of ethnosclence. Semiótica
I :329-38
107. Herner, 0.
1970. Cultural knowledge, language, and world view.
In Cognition: A Multiple View, ed. P. L. Garvin, New
York: Spartan
108. Wilson. B. R.. Ed.
1970 RationalIty. New York: Harper & Row
109. Ibid. A sociologist's Introduction, vil-xvll
64
110. Winch, P.
1958. The Idea of a Social Science. London: Rout Iedge &
Kegan Paul
111. Winch, P. # .
1970. The Idea of a social science. See Ref. 108,'
1-17. Abridged from book of same title (See Ref. 110)
112. Winch. P.
1970. Understanding a primitive society. See Ref.108,
78-111
113. Yaker, H. M.
1971. Time In the biblical and Greek worlds. See
Ref. 114, 15-35
114. Yaker, H. M . , Osmond, H., Cheek, F., Eds.
1971. The Future of Time: Han's Temporal Environment. New
York: Doubteday 1
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Chapter Four
by J. Robert Cl Inton
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* I have been frustrated with the nature of the worldview course and
feel I have many loose ends that need to be Integrated.
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The models described In this section are models which are moving
from the PROPOSITIONAL stage to the SYSTEMATIC stage. They are
attempts to explore the kinds of dynamic relationships that can
Integrate the various Isolated -propos11Ions.
analysis
This Is a layered model, that Is, each level Is dependent upon and
Is an outworking of the previous level. The deep level consists of the
philosophies of reality and the processes which flow from and measure
the reality. The assumption level consists of the assumptions of
existence and the normative assumptions which are allowed by the
processes of the deep level. The surface level consists of the
structured systems organized In the culture which tend to represent and
enforce the existential and normative assumptions.
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* EPISTEMOLOGY
-Ideal Ism
-naive realism
-critical realism
* ANALOGY
-organic or vi talIsttc
-mechanical or mechanistic
-statlc/changlng
* SCALE
Level 2 Includes the PROCESS factors which flow from and measure
the allowable realities of level 1. PROCESS factors Include:
*
* CATEGORIZATION
-sets/fuzzy sets
-IntrInslc/extrInslc sets
-Scales:
. Interval
. ordinal
. nominal
. ratio
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people
society
universe
4 ontology
* causality
It appears from the placement of the levels that level 4 flows from
level 3. However, In my own mind levels 3 and 4 should actually both
be adjacent to level 2 as the assumptions which are normative
assumptions are also prescribed by the deep level processes and flow
from them. Hlebert suggests categories which are Indicative of the
normative assumptions reflecting values and allegiances. His NORMATIVE
ASSUMPTIONS reflecting VALUES/ALLEGIANCES Include:
* Ideal person
* good wor1d
* ultimate destiny
* limited good
4 purlty/pollutlon
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5. CHANGE AT WORLDVIEW LEVEL MUST TAKE PLACE AT DEEP LEVEL AND FLOW
(layered fashion) OUTWARD UNTIL THEY RAMIFY ALL THE WAY TO SURFACE
LEVEL INVOLVING EXPLICIT BELIEF AND VALUE SYSTEMS.
This does not mean that change does not take place at surface level
In Isolation from FOUNDATION factors nor that such changes can't ramify
backward to change the reality generic factors. It does mean that when
we speak about baste change at worldview level we are talking about
changing perception factors which will ayer Into other factors.
* Change the name of the SCALE domain of the FOUNDATION level to some
other label. To me this label Is confused too easily with the
scale generic factor under the TAXONOMIES, DOMAINS AND SYSTEMS
domain.
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EXPLICIT
1 ASSUMPTIONS SYSTEMS
1 PROCESSES
FOUNDATIONS
1 A. STATE A. BELIEF
(existential SYSTEMS
assumptions)
•EPISTEMOLOGY 1 ‘
CATEGORIZATIONS
-Ideal 1sm I •SELF specify
Instl- 1
--real Ism •OTHER tutlons
and/or 1
. naive . -SETS •RELATIONSHIP structures
. critical . fuzzy •CLASSIFICATION
-other . Intrinsic •SPACE
. extrinsic •TIME
•ANALOGY •CAUSALITY
-organic or -SCALES
vitalIstlc . Interval B. VALUES B. VALUE
-mechanical or ' . ordinal (normative SYSTEMS
mechanistic ■ . nominal assumptions)
-statlc/changtng . ratio specify In-
-vlew/event design taxonomy stltutlons
I -GRIDS for this and/or
•SCOPE 1 (Include ethos structures
-this worldly -REFERENCE concepts as
. empirical POINTS wel1 as defini
. transempirlcal tive concepts)
-other worldly -LINKAGES
C. ALLEGIANCES C.ALLEGIANCE
1 (normative SYSTEMS
assumptions)
I specify In-
design taxon- stltutlons
omy for this and/or
I (include ethos structures
concepts If
1 they fit)
* Design an entire new logically related taxonomy both for VALUES and
ALLEGIANCES.
Horldvlew Categories
76
Values Evaluating
Priorities - Focus Prioritizing
Preferred Motivations
Motives
Interpretations Interpreting
Assumptions Assuming
Presuppositions
Themes
( I
I.
SELF
77
This approach was not discussed In class to any extent so that I am
extrapolating (hopefully "reading back" and not "reading Into") when I
try to Interpret this model.
The terms for this model were never defined In class. There seem
to be some overlap In definitions between Kraft's and Hlebert's
models. I will try to Include definitions for Kraft's terminology In
the glossary.
■
ü
78
i
79
81
INFLUENCING
CATEGORY
ft
O
8 §
55
8
HOW SEEN IN
i
o
OTHER
CATEGORIES
SPACE
TIME
CAUSALITY
PERSON/GROUP
RELATIONSHIP
CLASSIFICATION
82
I
* Affect Is Included In this model In the concepts of,
- commlttlng/pledglng allegiance
- evaluating
- prioritizing
- motivating
- Interpreting
- assuming
HORLPVIEH ASPECT M 0 11 E L _
Hlebert's Kraft's
Integration best weaker
‘perception ‘boundary
grids interaction
‘boundary ‘core
Interaction themes
focus on H.V. as per H.V. as set
H.V. Definition ception proc. of core themes
basic unit assumption core theme
01 splay most complte show some
possibilities ramification ramification
nets flow frm posslbltes
model
affect/ more cogn. better
cognltlve some affect balance of 2
analytic ‘best poss. ‘not clear
technique to develop prbly more
‘need spec, descrptve
work deep ‘intuitive
level at core
w.v. of grp group group
or Individual
change oriented some
toward
practical/ both both
theoretical
83
Displays
Static
Dynamic
The basic model I will use for worldview change (i.e. worldviews In
conflict) will be a spherical model formed from a rotation of the basic
model. I will use worldview tension (worldview dissonance concept)
matrices as discovery techniques for multiple boundary analysis of the
various worldviews. The sphere models can be thought o f a s elastic
with give and take on the part of both worldviews or as atomic In which
worldview aspects of the sphere Interlace all the way from explicit
systems level to deep level.
Modified Model
/
85
ANALOGY CATEGORI
ZATION RELIGIOUS
WORLD C. ALLE- 8. VALUE
SCALE GIANCES SYSTEMS TECHNOLOGI-
CAL
•
EDUCATIONAL
• AESTHETIC
C. ALLEGIANCE etc.
SYSTEMS
• Where H and K are entries In the model slot indicating that the
term Is associated with Hlebert's model or Kraft's model.
(
88
i
91
value systems (II) - a domain category under the explicit systems level
of analysis; which describes the Infrastructure of value assumptions
In the cultures Institutions, behavior patterns, forms, traits,
complexes, etc.
vajues (11) - the domain In the assumption level of analysis dealing with
normative assumptions; Sub-domains Include categories reflecting
the culture's concepts of what ought to be.
view analogy (II) - a generic factor In the foundations level of analysis
CLASSIFICATION
94
INTRODUCTION TO CLASSIFICATION
Such examples Illustrate varied usages, but also point to the fact
of differential classification. Classification applies to everything
in one's worldview. Flora,-fauna, kinship, colors, activities, and the
spirit world are just some of the areas that are classified. The
classification process Involves all of the Other In one's life, and
95
Mow and why are things classified as they are? To answer that
question, two related topics are addressed first: worldview and
language. Mow do these two relate to each other, as well as to the
process of classification?
The determinism advocated by Saplr and his followers has been, and
will continue to be, critiqued, especially by those who opt for
language as descriptive. The discussion of which comes first, language
or worldview, however. Is fruitless. Regardless of which position one
chooses, he must realistically recognize the validity of the other.
Language Is. in varying degrees, both determinative and descriptive In
Its relationship to worldview.
PresupposItIons
Oeep
level
SUMMARY
There Is little question that the way people classify the elements
of their world makes a difference. The process of classifying Is
universal, but the classifications themself are distinctive to the
people In question. Perhaps the classifications are distinctive
because the uses of language are distinctive to each group, or perhaps
language usages result from distinctive classifications. In either *
case, language Is a tool through which one generation transmits a
worldview to the next. Classification Is thus a process that Involves
both the surface level of language and the deeper level of worldview,
and begins with the basic .recognltlon that a Self Is distinctive to
Other.
— Edward Saplr
i
(
( ( (
101
102
( i
(
í ( (
105
106
your mind on It, earnestly, hoping.' Thought power Is the force behind
ceremonies, prayer sticks, ritual smoking, etc. The prayer pipe Is
regarded as an aid to "concentrating" (so said my Informant). Its
name, na'twanpl, means 'Instrument of preparing.'
( (
108
f
< (
( c (
109
be Joined with form before there can be real existence. In Hopt there
seems to be nothing corresponding to It; there are no formless
extensional Items; existence may or may not have form, but what It also
has. with or without form. Is Intensity and duration, these being
nonextenslonal and at bottom the same.
FOOTNOTES
Chapter Six
CLASSIFICATION
Beyond Its value for the topic at hand, the essay also
deals with the Investigative procedures that were followed
to ascertain the general domains to which various objects
belong. For that reason, I have Included only the first part of
the article under "classification." The remainder Is Included
In the section on "study." (See Chapter 37).
INTRODUCTION
114
115
After this phase of the Inquiry was complete, Kellemu went over
the entire set of results very carefully with Yakpalo Doy, John Gay's
Kpelle Informant. Between them they found many more examples of each
class, so that the lowest level on the chart was as complete as
possible. They did not change the organization of classes at this
stage, but maintained the basic structure elicited by the elders.
( <
116
117
TABLE J
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I
Chapter Seven
by Dorothy Lee
INTRODUCTION
DIVERSITY OF CODIFICATION
( <
120
When I used the four words for this object, we all knew what
reality was referred to; we knew the meaning of the word. We could
visualize the object In my hand, and the words all delimited It In the
same way; for example, none of them Implied that It was a continuation
of my fist. But thé student of ethnography often has to deal with
words which punctuate reality Into different phraslngs from the ones
with which he Is familiar. Let us take, for Instance, the words for
"brother" and "sister." We go to the Islands of Ontong Java to study
the kinship system. We ask our Informant what he calls his sister and
he says aye; he calls his brother kalnga. So we equate aye with
"sister" and kalnga with "brother." By way of checking our Information
we ask the sister what she calls her brother; It turns out that for
her, aye Is “ brother," not "sister" as we were led to expect; and that
It Is her sister whom she calls kalnga. The same reality, the same
actual kinship Is present there as with us; but we have chosen a
different aspect for naming. We are prepared to account for this; we
say that both cultures name according to what we would call a certain
type of blood relationship; but whereas we make reference to absolute
sex, they refer to relative sex. Further Inquiry, however, discloses
that In this, alas, we are wrong. Because In our own culture we name
relatives according to formal definition and biologic relationship, we
have thought that this formulation represents reality; and we have
tried to understand the Ontong Javanese relationship terms according to
these distinctions which, we believe, are given In nature. But the
Ontong Javanese classifies relatives according to a different aspect of
reality, differently punctuated. And because of this, he applies
kalnga as well‘ to a wife's sister and a husband's brother; to a man's
brother's wife and a woman's sister's husband, as well as to a number
of other Individuals. Neither sex nor blood relationship, then, can be
basic to this term. The Ontong Javanese name according to their
everyday behavior and experience, not according to formal definition.
A man shares the ordinary details of his living with his brothers and
their wives for a large part of the year; he sleeps In the same large
room, he eats with them, he Jokes and works around the house with them;
the rest of the year he spends with his wife's sisters and their
husbands, in the same easy companionship. All these Individuals are
kalnga to one another. The aye, on the other hand, names a behavior of
great strain and propriety; It Is based originally upon the relative
sex of siblings, yes, but It does not signify biologic fact. It names
a social relationship, a behavior, an emotional tone. Aye can never
spend their adult life together, except on rare and temporary
occasions. They can never be under the same roof alone together,
cannot chat at ease together, cannot refer even distantly to sex In the
presence of each other, not even to one's sweetheart or spouse; more
than that, everyone else must be circumspect when the aye someone of
the group Is present. The aye relationship also carries special
obligations toward a female aye and her children, Kalrnja means a
( ( (
( ( (
121
( (
124
But all Trobrland activity does not contain value; and when It
does not. It assumes lineality, and Is utterly despicable. For
example, the pattern of sexual Intercourse Includes the giving of a
gift from the boy to the girl; but If a boy gives a gift so as to win
the girl's favor, he Is despised. Again, the kula pattern Includes the
eventual reception of a gift from the original recipient; the pattern
Is such that It keeps the acts physically and temporally completely
disparate. In spite of this, however, some men are accused of giving
gifts as an Inducement to their kula partner to give them a specially
good kula gift. Such men are labeled with the vile phrase: he
barters. But this means that, unvalued and despised, lineal behavior
does not exist. In fact, there are villages In the Interior whose
Inhabitants live mainly by bartering manufactured articles for yams.
The Inhabitants of Omarakana, about whom Malinowski's work and this
study are mainly concerned, will barter with them, but consider them
pariahs.
( ( (
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125
which has been ordained of old and is forever. Its meaning does not
lie In an ltem-to-ltem relationship, but In fitness. In the repetition
of an established unit.
CONCLUSION
( <
SECTION THREE
130
This section (and thus this Introduction) Is divided Into the two
parts: (I) Self, and (II) Other. We -treat these topics as one section
because there Is no neat way to consider each by itself. To discuss
the one necessitates a discussion of the other. The two are, however,
conceptually separable and mutually exclusive. And it Is this fact
that occasions the very distinctiveness of each. Whatever bears the
label "Self" would need no such label If no "Other" or "Not Self" was
perceived.
I. Self
The conception of the locus of Self can affect one's behavior. Two
Illustrations are appropriate. Throughout the history of the church,
there has appeared a strong Identity of Self as totally exclusive of
the physical, driving men to abuse the body In order to benefit the
true Self or soul. Physical abuse has also been a part of non-
Chrlstlan belief systems. In the Nembl area of Papua New Guinea, grief
Is traditionally displayed by the amputation of a finger (or fingers).
This act demonstrates to the departed spirit a desire to suffer the
loss of a part of one's Self just as the departed spirit has lost a
part of Self by no longer Inhabiting Its body. In both Illustrations,
Self Is described as nonphysical, but Is, In fact, seen as at least
partially located In the physical.
II. Other
( < (
132
I (
( ( (
133
134
SUMMARY
Self and Other are two categories that are clearly distinguishable,
yet neither can be considered In the absence of the other. Self Is the
axis around which the Other of one's worldview revolves. It Is In fact
this centrality of, or focus on, the Self as the point from which
reality is viewed that makes worldview theory tick. While Self can be
defined partly In terms of Its locus, no definition Is possible apart
from the relationship of Self and Other.
I. SELF
II. OTHER
All of the chapters that discuss Other have been chosen because of
their contribution to our understanding of the nonwestern Other.
Chapter Eight
by A. Irving Hallowel1
)
140
( I
which abstract term for such phenomena do not exist. It also has been
found that too rigid a priori definitions and concepts, consciously or
unconsciously modeled after those of our own Intellectual tradition,
may even lead to a denial that comparable phenomena exist In other
cultures, only because the phenomena observed fall to meet all the
requirements of the definitions and concepts employed by the observer.
In any case, we must not expect to find concepts of the self among
nonliterate peoples clearly articulated for us. To a certain extent it
is necessary to approach the whole subject naively, to pursue It
obliquely from different angles, to attack the conceptual core of the
problem In terms of Its pragmatic Implications and In the full light of
related concepts in a single cultural matrix. We already know from
available data, for Instance, that such concepts as reincarnation,
metamorphosis, and the notion that under certain circumstances the
"soul" may leave the body, must be relevant to variations in the
self-image which different peoples have. But we know much less about
the way In which such concepts become psychologically significant for
the Individual in relation to his motivations, goals, and life
adjustment.
( ( (
144
recall neither implies volition nor any capacity to organize the memory
Images of past events In any temporal schema. Even If we should grant
animals below man a very high capacity for recall, without some
symbolically based and culturally derived means, It would be Impossible
to organize what Is recalled In relation to a temporal schema,'on the
one hand, and a self-image, on the other. Consequently, In order for a
sense of self-continuity to become a functionally significant factor In
self-awareness, the human Individual must be temporally oriented as
well as self-oriented. If we wish to postulate a sense of self
continuity as a generic human trait, a culturally constituted temporal
orientation must be assumed as a necessary condition. This seems to be
a reasonable hypothesis In view of the fact that self-ldentlfIcatlon
would have no functional value In the operation of a human social order
If, at the same time, It was not given a temporal dimension. Who I am,
both to myself and others, would have no stability. It would make It
Impossible to assume that patterns of Interpersonal relations could
operate In terms of a continuing personnel. From this standpoint, I
believe It can be deduced that psycholpathologlcal phenomena that
affect the maintenance of personal Identity and continuity must of
necessity be considered abnormal in any society. For In order to play
my designated roles I not only have to be aware of who I am today,, but
be able to relate my past actions to both past and future behavior. If
I am unable to do this there Is no way I can assume moral responsi
bility for my conduct. I am not quite the same person today as I was
yesterday If the continuity of my experience Is constricted through the
Impairment of memory or, as In the case of some Individuals with
"muí tiple" personalities, different sets of memory Images become
functional as a "new" personality manifests Itself. Fugue states. In
some Instances, are unconsciously motivated devices for breaking the
sense of self-continuity, for disconnecting the self from past actions
felt to be morally reprehensible.
1
( r
145
146
told me that I was the first human being you had seen. Hhere,
then, did you buy all of these articles I see?" To this he
replied, "Have you never heard people talking about pagltcIgan
(sacrifices)? These articles were given to us. That Is how
we got them." Then he took me Into another room and told me
to look around. I saw the meat of all kinds of animals—
moose, caribou, deer, ducks. I thought to myself, this man
must be a wonderful hunter, If he has been able to store up
all this meat. I thought it very strange that this man had
never met any other Indians In all his travels. Of course, I
did not know that I was dreaming. Everything was the same as
I had seen It with my eyes open. When I was ready to go I
got up and shook hands with the man. He said, "Anytime that
you wish to see me, this Is the place where you will find me."
He did not offer to open the door for me so I knew that I had
to try and do this myself. I threw all the power of my mind
Into opening It and the rock lifted up. Then I woke up and
knew that It was a dream. It was one of the first I ever had.
(The narrator added that later he discovered a rocky eminence
on one of the brances of the Berens River that corresponded
exactly to the place he had visited In his dream.)
( ) (
(
148
f
1
r
149
150
( (
152
( 1 (
r
153
154
( (
156
births and "had already burnt herself with him three times, and had to
burn with him four times more." The Brahman's family were surprised to
hear this and said there must be some mistake, particularly In view of
the difference In caste. The old woman had no difficulty In explaining
this. She said that In her last birth, at which time she resided In
Benares with the Brahman, she had by mistake given a holy man who
applied for charity salt Instead of sugar In his food. He told her
that. In consequence, "she should, In the next birth, be separated from
her husband, and be of Inferior caste, but that. If she did her duty
well in that state, she should be reunited to him In the following
birth." The Brahman's family would not, however, accede to her
request. Among other things, the widow insisted that "if she were not
alowed to burn herself, the other should not be allowed to takp her
place." Hhat happened was this. Despite of the old woman's claims and
denied her plea, she carried out her Intentions nonetheless. She stole
a handful of ashes from the pyre of her "former" husband and prevailed
upon her present husband and her mother to prepare the pyre upon which
she Immolated herself.
This had all happened twenty years before the youngest brother
of the Brahman told the story to Sleeman. The latter requested his
frank opinion. It turned out that, partly In view of prophecy the old
woman made at the pyre and other circumstances, the family of her
"former" husband were, In the end, absolutely convinced that her claim
was true. They defrayed all her funeral expense and the rites were
carried out In accordance with her "real" social status. They also
built her a tomb which Sleeman later visited. He found that everyone
In her village and all the people In the town where her "former"
husband had lived were thoroughly convinced of her claims.
157
ISB
CONCLUSION
by Dorothy Lee
The definition of the self In our own culture rests on our law
of contradiction. The self cannot be both self and not self, both self
(
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160
and other; the self excludes the other. Hlntu philosophy In general
has no law of contradiction. Hhere we have mutually exclusive
duallstic categories, the Hlntu have categories which are Inclusive,
but not mutally so; that Is, object A will be included in object B, but
not vice versa. Out of this context, 8 can be distinguished or
emphasized through various linguistic devices. For example. In Hlntu
thought, man Is Included In nature; natural law, timeless order. Is
basic and true. Irrespective of man. However, Independent Judgment,
private experience and free will are not thereby excluded, but function
transiently within the framework of natural law; man actualizes and
gives temporality and concreteness to the natural order upon which he
Impinges — through act of will and personal Intent.
There are words which deal with the self alone. I do not
Include among them the nl_: I, since this Is completely dependent for
Its meaning on the conception of the self held by the speaker who Is
using It. There are. however, verbs dealing with being or activities
and other experiences of the self. For example, we have Hmejda:
all-I. This clearly refers to the self. But what does tutuhum
Tímtcada: mother all (tea)-X. or sukuyum 11intcada: mean, in our
terms: my mother Is III, or my dog is III; but the Hlntu Is not
referring to a distinct, related other, but rather to an other In which
he Is Involved. Actually, this phrasing Is used only when speaking of
Intimates; It Is also possible— but I do not know how common — to say In
so many words: my mother alls.
( 1 (
Our own linguistic usage through the years, reveals a conception
of an Increasingly assertive, active and even aggressive self, as well
as of an Increasingly delimited self. In Chaucer's English, we find
the reflection of a way of thinking where events happened to the self
much more often than our own usage Implies. In Chaucer we find: "It
reweth nre,' 'thus dreamed me,' ’
mellkes" and 'hlmlikode'; but we say
now: I rue, I dream, I like.
There are two other suffixes, which also Imply a certain degree
of otherness In which the Individual participates coordlnately, or In
which he Is otherwise Involved. The suffix ma represents thinking
which runs counter to our own, and was very difficult for me to
understand. For a long time I considered It a causative; ba, for
example, I translated as to eat, and bama as to feed, to cause to eat;
peru means to swaHow and peruma: to fish w lth bait;, taqlq means to
hurt and Ugigmabjjite means she made me hurt (I feel). This was all
clearly causative. However, the weight of the accumulated obscure
exceptions finally overpowered my rule. For example, I found phrases
such as the following:
I
164
The Hlntu conception of the self then differs from our own In
that It contains the total person and the activities of all its
( t (
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165
In other ways, also, we find that with the Wlntu the universe Is
not centered In the self, as It Is with us. Take, for example, the
term which we use for the Individual about whom we are going to speak:
ego: I. If the anthropologist wants to make a kinship chart, he
starts with ego. If I conjugate, I start with I run, and having
started with It, I naturally call It the first person; and rightly so,
since, In present day English, the third person with Its -s suffix Is
derivative. In Wlntu, on the other hand, the third person Is primary,
and the first Is derived. The third person may be represented by the
simple stem of experience; or. If a suffix Is used, this occurs In the
simple stem. The first person Is formed derivatively, through
suffixatlon of -da to the simple stem or to the suffix.
From-llawk' s-scratch-gap
DownhlIl-northward-before-you-go
Oh. look-back-at-me
The sleeping place which you and I hollowed out will remain
forever.
They went to the east side of the house, they went around to
the east side, and after that they went up the hill to the
north, following him running. They went northward at a run
ning pace over the north flat, wishing to see the man who had
gone down the hill northward (the word for wish also means to
try). And the man was not there lay his tracks going forward.
And they ran. they went at a running pace, they went rapidly.
And at the south-slope-climb, when they came In full view of
.the north, they looked northward but they did not see him.
The Hlntu use of left and right, as compared with ours, shows
again the difference In orientation. When we go for a walk, the hi U s
are to our right, the river to our left; when we return, the hills
change and the river, while we remain the same, since we are the pivot,
the focus. Now the hills have pivoted to the left of me. This has
been English practice for many years, since at least the fourteenth
century. To the Hlntu, the terms left and right refer to Inextricable
aspects of Ills body, and are very rarely used. I think that only once
the term left occurs In my te.xts, referring to a left-handed mythical
hero; I cannot remember any occurrence of the term for the right. Hhen
the Hlntu goes up the river, the hills are to the west, the river to
the east; and a mosquito bites him on the west arm. Hhen he returns,
the hills are still to the west, but, when he scratches his mosquito
bite, he scratches his east arm. The geography has remained unchanged,
and the self has had to be reoriented In relation to It.
( (
168
story which she called, 'my story.' The first three quarters of this,
approximately, are occupied with the lives of her grandfather, her
uncle and her mother before her birth; finally, she reaches the point
where she was 'that which was Id my mother's womb,' and from then on
she speaks of herself, also.
4
Chapter Ten
by Jacob A. Loewen
Linguistic Idioms * 1
From the abundance of -vaihoc 'Innermost' based Idioms in the
Lengua language we can conclude that it definitely Is the seat of the .
emotions. The following Is a list of expressions' that proceed from
and involve man's Innermost (In each pair the idiomatic English
translation Is followed by a literal translation of the Lengua
expression): to love, the Innermost dissolves; to hate, the Innermost
does not dissolve; to be happy, the Innermost spreads out; to think or
thank, the Innermost mentions___
But we must here Immediately point out that the Lengua term
'Innermost' also carries a much more physiological connotation than the
metaphorical usage of English "heart." This contrast can be
demonstrated In connection with the Lengua expression 'changing or
exchanging one's Innermost’when used to translate the Christian
concept of conversion.
"Because the missionary was telling them that God wanted them to
do this."
( 1 (
172
Like the soul, the Innermost can leave the body of the person.
Informants were able to list at least four common reasons: (1) to
accompany the soul when the latter wanders about during dreams or
visions; (2) when It is stolen, or lost, either together wltfi or
separately from the soul; (3) if a person is suddenly and violently
frightened; and (4) at death, when It ceases to exist entirely, or
rather Is absorbed together with the rest of man's Inner being Into the
soul of the dead. This overlap with the soul of the dead will be
treated more specifically under the discussion of lnnermost-1Inked
property. The fourth cause for separation of the Innermost from the
body, of course, was permanent. Loss or stealing can involve absences
extending up to several weeks In length. During dreams, visions, etc.,
it will be separated for only shorter periods, while In the case of
fright It will be absent only momentarily.
When a person finally dies, his living soul, (together with the
other Inner aspects of man's existence) Is transformed Into his soul of
the dead. This soul of the dead Is one of the greatest sources of fear
for Lengua Indians....
173
Just how the Innermost developed and was nurtured Informants did
not seem to be able to answer. The Chulupt, who have a very similar
outlook explain that man's Innermost develops through breast feeding
and attention (love and Instruction) from the mother. We can thus
suggest that breast feeding builds the soul; and mother's attention,
love and Instruction nurture the Innermost. In both cultures fathers
have very little responsibility beyond the taboos at birth.
Be comInq Human
When a child was eight days old It underwent the first of a
series of festivals. This celebration Involved the piercing of the
child's earlobe with a cactus thorn. This marked Its entrance Into the
human race. From now on it was considered to have both an Innermost
and a soul. To kill a child after the piercing of the earlobe was.
considered murder. Once the child's earlobe had been pierced it was
also accorded the respect Of a complete person. Mothers tried as much
as possible to do what the "person" wanted. Out of respect for the
innermost of her child a mother would not force it to take medicine
when it resisted. She’ would try to persuade the child but If It would
not accede, she would not use force. The missionary's threat. "If you
don't give the child medicine It will die," would be met by a shrug and
possibly the slowly spoken words, "But he/she wants to die." This
certainly does not mean a lack of maternal concern for the child, for
mothers have been known to plead In tears with their children, but they
would not resort to force.
Growing Up
To encourage the developing Innermost (self-consciousness) both
boys and girls become the object of a second festival somewhere between
eight and ten years of age. This festival follows the first adult deed
of the youngster, such as the first killing of game or the performing
of a difficult errand all by one's self. At this time the whole
community recognizes the emerging personality and the chief gives the
child a pep-talk to continue In this way, for then he or she will
become a person of great worth and respect.
174
Simply stated the Lengua Ideal holds that the good person will
have a stable Innermost and he will excercise great respect for the
Innermosts of his fellows. He will not talk or act when his own
Innermost Is "wavy" (unsettled). Negatively stated, he will avoid
those things In speech and action that will disturb his neighbor's
Innermost. Positively stated, he will say or do those things that will
pacify it or keep It calm.
I went to the poisoned sheep and found that the tiger had
been there. So I followed his tracks. Not too far away
In'the bush In a little clearing I found the tiger lying
down. Since one never knows If there Is a deceased shaman's
soul living In the tiger, one must always speak to him before
killing. So I said, "Father Tiger, you have become bad, very
bad. You kill sheep. You kill calves. If you only killed
to eat. we would not be angry, we know that you too get hun
gry. But you have become bad, you kill many more animals
than you eat. You have become a killer. So I must now kill
you.
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176
TRUTH OR LIES?
"Poljh."
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177
Oeeply relieved the manager walked toward his tiouse. About half
an hour later an older man came to tell him confidentially that the
cattle had broken out and that they had all strayed from the pasture.
The administrator contradicted him saying that he had Just finished
sending an Indian to check and this man had reported that nothing of
the kind had happened. Then the old man gently Insisted, "But the man
you sent to look, now sends me to tell you that the cows are all
gone." Angrily the administrator retorted, "But why did he lie to me
before?" Then the old man answered, "When he came back you were so
excited that he was afraid you would 'blow a gasket* or something. He
was hoplnq your Innermost would be able to take It now. That's why he
sent me.
Gossip
Gossip appeared to be by far the most common source of hurt.
Interestingly enough Christianity has helped Increase both the
Incidence of gossip and the potential for hurt. The former resulted
from the catalogue of specific sins that the missionary work has
Introduced. These now serve as a ready yardstick to measure
short-coming and provide "gossip material" on the behavior of one's
fellow. The potential for hurt was Increased through the downgrading
of spirit fear. Formerly fear was the most powerful emotion. It drove
people to stick together closely. This was $een most clearly In their
village layout. When a village was subject to excessive fear, people
always built their houses In a^drcle, house against house, and then at
night they huddled around the common fire trying to draw courage In
togetherness. As the settlers raised doubts about the validity of
these spirit fears, and faith In the gospel brought about certain
release from former fears, the hurts of the Innermost began to climb In
the value hierarchy. Paralleling the weakening of fear was the
disintegration of clan togetherness. More and more Lengua were
beginning to live with their employers. This Introduced social
distance, personal Insecurity, and Interpersonal rivalry. So that one
must conclude that the culture change has greatly fortified both
Incidence and degree of hurt to the Innermost.
Embarrassment
As a source of hurt, embarrassment could of course be closely
related with gossip, but It also goes beyond. Take the young man who
was observed by a missionary when he left the sleeping quarters of a
girl to whom he was not married. He was Immediately deeply embarrassed
and though no word was spoken the young man Immediately left the
community for a number of months.
“
Are you leaving?"
"Yes, I am leaving?"
¡79
"No, you are not responsible. I am leaving now and I will never
return." With this the Indian began walking resolutely down the trail.
The missionary walked after him and pleaded for the reason.
Suddenly the Indian stopped and said, "It Is of no concern for you.
When I came from your house I surprised another man with my wife. This
man Is a shaman. I am now leaving. I will not return..,."
Disapproval of Behavior
Ritualized disapproval of behavior could also be linked to
embarrassment, but It generally Involves the “ confession" of wrong
behavior (not one’ s own) at some public gathering. Missionaries have
found this aspect of Lengua culture somewhat objectionable. Either
during an evening gathering around the fire, or at a scheduled public
meeting, a person will begin to confess the shortcomings of his child,
marriage partner, or relatives. While this certainly Is not Ideal, by
our standards. It seems to be an accepted pattern of overt confronta
tion for the Lengua. Because of the mutual respect for the Innermost,
parents and children, husband and wife, and relatives seldom air their
differences In a face to face encounter. If a problem Is brought Into
the open, It Is almost always In a public setting. But we need to
point out that In such a public airing, the audience serves both as
witnesses and as checks against violent manifestations. If
"confessions”are made. It Is generally done without any overt display
of emotion.... However, because It goes against their theological
grain the missionaries are generally discouraging It.
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180
man who had been the Initiator In this Illicit affair left, because of
the public disapproval of his deed. Then the wife was overcome by
embarrassment and she left, finally the Innocent husband who had
"confessed" this offense also felt guilty over his lack of control over
his Innermost as revealed In the public confession he had made and so
he also left.
PI sregard of Person
The fourth major source of hurt could actually Include all the
others already discussed. It Is here used In a more specific sense of
the Indian-white relationship, especially as employees and employers.
Should a wife and mother want to hurt her husband, she could do
so by mistreating their.chiIdren. Husbands will be deeply hurt by
wives who do not respect the personalities of their children. Such
husbands will generally leave the community. This Is one mechanism
women can use to drive away unwanted husbands....
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We had not been In the Chaco very long. There were several
Lengua families working for us. They lived on our yard.
Once an old woman died at our place. She had Just purchased
a large cast-iron pot. It was brand new. When they buried
• her all her other property was burled with her. Her dogs
were shot and burned. Onlythis new pot stayed out. Somehow
It seemed too new to bury. It lay there for about three
years. One day a new Indian family came to work for us. The
man liked that pot, but was told Its history. After many
days of looking at It from a distance, this man finally went
and picked It up to look at i^ closely. Immediately l¿
screamed and ran to the bush, straight Into the nearest
prickly.cactus plant. He roiled himself against the cactus
thorns until the blood flowed. Then he ran to the next
cactus...and the next. Finally he came running toward the
house at full speed, but already In the garden he fell down,
screamed very loud and then passed out. The family members
rushed up and began walling. They said, 'He has lost his
soul.' They walled for a long time. When the man finally
came to he told us, 'As soon as I lifted the pot, the soul of
the dead owner appeared to me and was going to kill me.' He
had rolled In the cactus to get the soul of the dead caught
on the thorns, but he had not been successful. Finally run
ning toward the house his fear was so great that he had lost
his soul, but luckily It had escaped the avenging soul of the
dead. 'Now I will never even look at that pot again.'1
182
his need of a horse to visit all the Indian villages, but added that he
would like to acquire It like a good Lengua. Since he did not know
how, he wanted the Informant to teach him how to do It In the Lengua
way.
"First," the Indian said, "You must look until you find a horse
your Innermost wants. Then you go to the owner and talk with him about
the horse and frequently look at It. Then the owner will see that your
Innermost Is attaching Itself to his horse. If you also say three
times that you would like to have that horse, the owner will give It to
you."
"One does not talk about price. The owner Just gives the horse,
but this Is 'non-thank' giving. That means once the former owner's
Innermost has found Its equilibrium after the loss of his horse, he
will visit you. He will see what good things you have. If you have
sheep, he may say. 'Those are nice sheep, I'd like three of them.'
Then you would give them to him."
"As long as the horse lives, he may come and get things from
you."
In a way one can say that this type of property concept and
exchange system serves as a damper on "material progress." Asked why
he did not buy four bars of soap In a package because there was a
savings, the Indian replied, "It does not help for me to buy more soap
183
than I am using now. Visitors come; they see the extra soap. They
Keep looking at It until their Innermost gets linked to It and so one
has to give them a cake.”
One missionary reported that a woman died the day after she
collected her pay for work In the cotton harvest. She had earned a
30-yard bolt of good quality cotton. She received the cloth on Friday
morning and Friday night she suddenly died. Twice the missionary
picked the bolt of cloth out of the grave and gave It to the people,
but each time they threw It back Into the grave. Hhen he picked It up
for the third time, a relative took the bolt and threw It at the
missionary's feet. Finally the missionary himself threw It Into the
grave and It was burled. Fear of revenge by the soul of the dead
appears to be the motive In the great aversion to touch the private
property of others. Of couse, the soul of the dead Is even feared In
Itself. To this fact the burning of the village, the shaving of the
widow's head, and the painting with charcoal of all close relatives
render eloquent testimony.
As the reader will already have noticed, there are a good number
of Lengua beliefs concerning the Innermsot that show rather striking
similarity to some very fundamental Christian Ideals. In fact one must
almost conclude that the very central thrust of Lengua Innermost Ideals
stands In harmony with the highest New Testament Ideals on Christian
character and godly living. For this reason these similarities do not
only have the value of points of contact for the Introduction of
Christian teaching, but they actually provide both foundation and
support for behavior "worthy of sons of God” taught In the gospels and
the epistles. This Is not the place for a detailed discussion of
similarities, but It may be instructive to conclude with a few of the
most obvious parallels.
(2) The Lengua Ideals of the mature Innermost and Its respect
for the “self" of others lines up with Jesus' dictum that "to love
one's neighbor as oneself" Is equal to the greatest of commandments
(Luke 10:27). It parallels Paul's Instructions about avoiding behavior
which will harm the faith of a brother (I Corinthians 8-9). In Its
application to self control, especially In one's speech, the Lengua
emphasis Is reminiscent of the book of James and Its teachings on the
control of the tongue (James 3).
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FOOTNOTES
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OTHER
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Chapter Eleven
by Paul G. Hlebert
INTRODUCTION.
To satisfy her and stop the plague the village would have to
perforin the water buffalo sacrifice. The village elders went around to
each household In the village to raise money to purchase the buffalo.
When they came to the Christian homes, the Christians refused to give
them anything, saying that It was against their religious beliefs. The
leaders were angry, pointing out that the goddess would not be
satisfied until every household gave something as a token offering—
even one paisa or penny would do. When the Christians refused, the
elders forbade them to draw water from the village wells and the
merchants refused to sell them food.
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188
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189
been with someone sick and what had they eaten. For the same reason
they charged low fees and gave no guarantees. People had to pay for
the medicines before receiving them. (It should not surprise us that
Western doctors were often equated at the beginning with the quacks.)
FIGURE 1
190
AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
Above this level are beings and forces that cannot be directly
perceived but are thought to exist on this earth. These Include
spirits, ghosts, ancestors, demons, and earthly gods and goddesses who
live In trees, rivers, hills and villages. These live not In some
other world or time, but are Inhabitants with humans and animals of
this world and time. In medieval Europe these Included trolls, pixies;
191
FIGURE 2
AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK FOR T IIE
ANALYSIS OF RELIGIOUS SYSTEMS
H IG H REI IC IO N H IG H RE L IC IO N f O T H E R WORLDLY
BASE D O N COSMIC BASED O N COSMIC Sect cnUlict and eterna
BEINGS FORCES: occurring in tom e ocher
kiimcl worlds an d In oth e r limes.
face
IJN SIE N OR d em om Brahm an and karma
SUPERNA IIJR A L cprrict o l ocher wocldi Im pel to n al coamic forcea
Beyond irninediaic ten te
e sp érte m e Altóte natural
caplanancm Knowledge of
Ihit b a ted on uifcrcnce or
EOl K OR 1 OW MAGIC AND
e a p e ric n c o REI It.IO N A STRO IO GY
local g odt and g o d d e ttei mana
ancciloca an d ghoua astrological forcci
•per ill charm s, a m u len and
d em o m an d c td ip n iu magical ricri
c«il eye. evil longue
•
gnomes, brownies and fairies who were believed to be real. This level
also includes supernatural forces such as mana, planetary Influences.-
evil eyes, and the powers of magic, sorcery and witchcraft.
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192
In the first or "organic" analogy, the elements being examined
are thought to be alive In some sense of the term, to undergo processes
similar to human life, and to relate to each other In ways that are
analogous to Interpersonal relationships. For example. In seeking to
describe human civilizations, Spengler and Toynbee speak of them as
living things. Civilizations are born, they mature and they die.
Similarly, traditional religionists see many diseases as caused by evil
spirits that are alive, that may be angered, and that can be placated
through supplication or the offering of a sacrifice. Christians see,
their relationship to God In organic terms. God Is a person and humans
relate to him In ways analogous to human relationships.
In the second or “
mechanical" analogy things are thought to be
Inanimate parts of greater mechanical systems. They are controlled by
Impersonal forces or by Impersonal laws of nature. .For example.
Western sciences see the world as made up of lifeless matter that
Interacts on the basis of forces. Gravity pulls a rock down to the
earth not because the earth and rock wish to meet— neither earth nor
rock have any thought in the matter. In Western science even living
beings are often seen as being caught up In a world ultimately made up
of Impersonal forces. Just as we have no choice about what happens to
us when we fall out of a tree, so It Is often thought we have no
control over the forces In early childhood that are believed to make us
what1 we are today.
193
, The reasons for my uneasiness with the biblical and Indian world
views should now be clear. I had excluded the middle level of
supernatual but thls-worldly beings and forces from my own world view.
As a scientist I had been trained to deal with the empirical world In
naturalistic terms. As a theologian, I was taught to answer ultimate
questions In thelstlc terms. For me the middle zone did not really
exist. Unlike Indian villagers, I had given little thought to spirits
of this world, to local ancestors and ghosts, or to the souls of
animals. For me these belonged to the realm of fairies, trolls and
other mythical beings. Consequently I had no answers to the questions
they raised (see figure 3 below).
FIGURE 3
' A WESTERN TWO-TIERED VIEW OF REALITY
faith
miracles
RELIGION other worldly problems
sacred
(EXCLUDED MIDDLE)
How did this two-tier world view emerge In the West? Belief In
the middle level began to die In the 17th and 18th centuries with the
growing acceptance of a Platonic dualism (Bufford 1981:30), and with
It, of a science based on materialistic naturalism. The result was the
secularization of science and the mystification of religion. Science
dealt with the empirical world using mechanistic analogies, leaving
religion to handle other-worldly matters, often In terms of organic
analogies. Science was based on the certitudes of sense experience,
experimentation and proof. Religion was left with faith In visions,
dreams and Inner feelings. Science sought order In natural laws.
Religion was brought In to deal with miracles and exceptions to the
natural order, but these decreased as scientific knowledge expanded.
What are the questions of the middle level that Westerners find
so hard to answer, and how do they differ from questions raised by
science and religion? Science as a system of explanation, whether folk
or modern, answers questions about the nature of the world that Is
directly experienced. All people have social theories about how to
raise children and organize social activities. All have Ideas about
the natural world and how to control It for their own benefits.
What are the questions of the middle level? Here one finds the
questions of the uncertainty of the future, the crisis of present life
and the unknowns of the past. Despite knowledge that seeds once
planted will grow and bear fruit, that travel down this river on a boat
will bring one tp the neighboring village, the future Is not totally
predictable. Accidents, misfortunes, interventions of other persons
and other unknown events- can frustrate human planning.
And there are questions one must answer about the past: why did
my child die In the prime of life, or who stole the gold hidden In the
house? Here again transemplrlcal explanations often provide an answer
when empirical ones fall.
FIGURE 4
A HOLISTIC THEOLOGY
m TRUTH
COSMIC HISTORY <- ENCOUNTER -> OTHER RELIGIONS
The ultimate story of the origin,
and destiny of the self, society
and universe.
i I POWER
HUMANHISTORY <-------- ----- ENCOUNTER -> ANIMISTIC SPIRITISM
The uncertalnlties of tlié future;
the crises of the present; and
the unexplainable events of the
past. The meaning of human
experiences.
I EMPIRICAL
NATURALHISTORY <------------- ENCOUNTER SECULARISM
Nature and order of humans and
their social relationships, and
of the natural world.
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196
Platonic dualism of the West, and takes seriously body and soul. On
the hghest level this Includes a theology of God In cosmic history: In
the creation, redemption, purpose and destiny of all things. Only as
human history Is placed within a cosmic framework
does It take on meaning, and only when history has meaning does human
biography become meaningful.
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197
"The village would have acknowledged the power of our God had he
healed the child," Yellayya said, "but they knew In the end she would
have to die. When they saw In the funeral our hope of resurrection and
reunion in heaven, they saw an even greater victory, over death Itself,
and they have begun to ask about the Christian way."
References Cited
Berger. Peter, et al
1974 The Homeless Hind: Modernization and Consciousness New
York: Vintage Books
Bufford, Roger K.
1981 The Human Reflex: Behavioral Psychology In Biblical
Perspective San Francisco: Harper and Row
Newbigln, Less11e
1966 Honest Religion for Secular Man Philadelphia: Westminster
• Press
1
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Chapter Twelve
by James P. Spradley
Religion: A Definition
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200
Ultimate Problems.
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201
The Supernatural.
For many educated people In our own society, religion and the
supernatural tend to be treated In a highly Intellectual and rational
manner. But In most societies, religion Is neither an abstract
cultural system nor a highly rationalistic one. It involves people
performing rituals, fearing ghosts and ancestors, praying for help In
the time of crisis, and explaining unanticipated events. Religion is a
personal and often very emotional area of cultural experience. As we
discuss the concepts that anthropologists have developed for describing
and understanding religion, we shall do so In the context of two
extended cases. In this way we hope to show how religions In widely
different cultural settings are used by people to cope with the
ultimate problems faced by.all human beings.
202
Bazugba hurried after the lad, and the sight that met his eyes
was most distressing. Nabanl, hts favorite wife, the most cheerful,
helpful, and hardworking person In the compound, lay doubled up in
pain. He felt her body, and, as he feared, it was hot with fever. At
his touch, Nabanl recognized his presence and managed to tell him about
the sudden attack of pain In her stomach, arms, legs, and head. "I am
dead," she moaned. "I am surely dead."
Misfortune In Chicago
well to the front door handle. With tears In her eyes Mary Jean
muttered, "Damn these people around here!" and ran upstairs.
Mary Jean and her husband had grown up In the small rural town
of Ham Lake, Indiana. They had dated each other through high school
and married 2 days after graduation. Although he had asked everyone.
Bob had not been able to find work In Ham Lake and, like so many other
young people from the town and surrounding farms, he and Mary Jean
decided to look for a better life In Chicago.
As she walked back Into her apartment house, Mrs. Roberts, the
neighbor who had alerted her about the damaged car, stopped her in the
hall and suggested she drop by for a cup of coffee. She accepted
gladly, and entered Mrs. Roberts clean. Immaculately tidy but simply
furnished apartment. As Mary sat In the kitchen, she expressed her
despair over the car and life In the city. Listening patiently, Mrs.
Roberts asked her If she ever wondered why things like this happened.
"Have you ever noticed," she said, "that crime Is getting out of hand
all over the country? Perhaps It Is part of a greater plan?"
Mary Jean asked her what she meant, and Mrs. Roberts replied,
saying that God Jehovah had made this world and the people in It. but
he had not made evil. It was the devil and hts agents who were
responsible fór trouble, and lately, the devil had been more active.
That Is why the crime rate was soaring all over the country. Mary Jean
wondered about this explanation She and Bob had been brought up In a
fundamentalist church In Ham Lake, and she knew that the devil could
possess people.
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204
Mrs. Roberts went Into her bedroom and came back with a small
book entitled The Truth That Leads to Eternal Life. "This book Is
published by the Jehovah's Witnesses," she said. "If you read It, It
will open your eyes about a. Tot of things that are going on in the
world these days." When Mary left the apartment, she carried the book
with her and decided to read it.
SUPERNATURAL PONER
f
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205
As Mary Jean read the Bible help and spent additional hours
talking with Mrs. Roberts in Bible study, she was Impressed by the
Bible explanation for the origin of troubles on earth. The answer
given there Involved a conflict for power among the many supernatural
beings. Including Jehovah God himself. The struggle over power came
about almost at the very beginning. Jehovah had created Adam, and from
Adam he made Eve and placed them In a paradise, the garden of Eden.
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206
There they lived according to His wishes In a state of perfection. But
Jehovah had created Adam, and from Adam he made Eve and placed them in
a paradise, the garden of Eden. There they lived according to His
wishes In a state of perfection. But Jehovah had also created many
angels and had given them free will. One of these. Satan, exercised
his free will and decided to be disobedient, challenging Jehovah, and
she and Adam deviated from God's perfect knowledge.
Prayer
It was with such testimony In mind that Mary Jean and Mrs.
Roberts frequently prayed to Jehovah God. Not that prayer would help
at once, for Witnesses were not usually blessed with Immediate
results. But prayer, along with righteous living, demonstrated to
Jehovah and Jesus that people were leading their lives according to
God's original plan. And righteous living would lead any year now to
everlasting life In a paradise on earth. For the world as It Is now
would soon come to an end, destroyed by Jehovah within a generation of
Jesus' return to heaven. Those who deviated from righteous living, who
were not part of Jehovah’ s flock, would be swallowed up in the
holacaust along with Satan and his demons. Only some chosen ones who
would live In God's heavenly kingdom, and other members of Jehovah's
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208
Sacrifice
Ml tchcraft
( J ( (
( (
Many might think that the Azande must live In constant fear of
witches. Actually Bazugba would be anxious without his knowledge of
witches and their activities. Ml th such knowledge he can identify and
treat troubles. Once witchcraft Is discovered or, even If It is only
suspected, he may attempt to hide Its victim, for witchcraft cannot see
well. Host Azande, Including Bazugba, carry on ritual by hiding In the
bush because of this threat, and they are vague about where they will
be and whether or not they Intend to visit another village or attend a
feast. They may also counter witchcraft by the use of magic.
Magic
Macjlc refers to strategies that people use to control
supernatural power. Magicians have clear ends In mind when they
perform magic, and they use a set of well-defined procedures to control
and manipulate supernatural force to gain that end. In his classic
work. The Golden Bough, Sir James Frazier divided magic Into two types.
Imitative and contagious.'* Imitative magic consists of formulas
that Imitate the ends sought by the magician. For example, the Bhlls
of Ratakote, India perform a magical ritual to cure some kinds of
stomach disorders. If a person has abdominal pain and other
difficulties such as diarrhea, the cause Is often attributed to a
misplaced gola, a ball-1 Ike lump that normally resides In the abdomen
Just above the navel. Troubles occur when the ball becomes misplaced.
If a curer decides that the gola Is causing the difficulty, he will
Initiate a ritual designed to bring It back In place. He takes a knife
and draws a circle on the ground, places a dot at the center, and draws
seven spokes from center to clrcumferene to make spokes. Then, with an
assistant placing a hand on the patient's stomach to act as a conductor
for the force, the curer puts the tip of the knife at the center of the
wheel diagram and Intones^a powerful saying. The saying unlocks
Impersonal supenatural power, and this In turn works to pull the
patient's gola back Into place. The diagram with its centered dot
Imitates the proper location of the gola and with the Infusion of
power, pulls the ball back Into Its proper position.
Sorcery
Sorcery refers to the malevolent practice of magic. Sorcerers
use medicines and spells to control supernatural force for evil ends.
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210
Medicine of vengence are you here? Seek out the killer. May
misfortune come upon him, thunder roar, seize him, and kill
him. May a snake bite him so that he will die. May death
come upon him from ulcers. ' May he die If he drink water.
May every kind of sickness trouble him. May every kind of
trouble fall upon him. If he eat cooked foods may he die.
When he stands in the center of the net, hunting animals, may
his friend spear him by mistake.'1
Divine Revelation
From that point on, the world has been a place of strife,
famine, earthquakes, floods, pestilence, and crime. The Devil, cast
out of heaven by Jesus In 1914, would trouble earth for one full
generation. Then, she claimed, the Bible foretold that God would put
an end to "this system of things" at Armageddon. Bible prophecy also
Indicated that Jehovah God would create a new earthly paradise, as we
have seen, one free of wicked humans and demons, one In which people
would learn rIgheousness, one where "The earth will certainly be filled
with the knowledge of Jehovah as the waters are covering the very
sea."'*
Spirit Possession
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212
Re IIglous Specialists
Shamans
Priests
213
But the servants are not the only priests In the congregation;
everyone Is trained to preach and minister to people. Perhaps the most
distinctive and time-consuming activity, one that best communicates to
God one's righteous devotion to His perfect knowledge, Is the door-to-
door ministry, or "publishing," as Witnesses often refer to It.
Jehovah God did not mean for his flock to be led by special ministers.
Instead all righteous people are to be ministers of God's perfect
knowledge. That Is why the congregation has no pastor, but simply
members who serve the others In an organizational capacity. And that
Is also why every adult Witness Is expected to carry God's word from
door to door, preaching a sermon to any who will listen.
"Good morning," she said. "My name Is Mrs. Roberts, and this is Mrs.
Getz. We were In your neighborhood this morning and thought you might
be Interested In what the Bible tells us about the times we live In."
Almost before the last words were out of her mouth, the door slammed In
Mrs. Roberts' face. Mary Jean looked at her and. addressing the door
as though It could hear, quietly exclaimed, "And have a nice day!"
Mrs. Roberts smiled at Mary Jean and told her that people often shut
their doors like that, but others would listen, and occasionally
someone would show real Interest. In the latter Instance Mary Jean and
Mrs. Roberts would note down the need to make a .return visit, or "call
back." As they worked their way down the street, one man took a copy
of "Is Time Running Out For Mankind?" from them, several people
politely said they were not Interested, and one woman Invited them In
for a cup of coffee.
As Mary Jean published from door to door, and as she and Bob
came to know the other members of the East Congregation, her sense of
confidence In herself and the purpose of her life was restored. To be
sure, there was crime and unpleasantness In her neighborhood, but these
were good signs. Indications of the coming of a new world.- Just as .
Bazugba took appropriate actions of a religious nature to restore his
wife to health, so did she behave In a way designed to free her from
this unpleasant world.
SUMMARY
FOOTNOTES
2. . Ibid.. 1957, p. 9.
12. See James George Frazer, The Golden Bough: A Study In Magic and
RelIglon, 12 volumes, 3rd edition, revised and enlarged, London:
Macmillan. 1911-1915, Vol. I, pp. 52-219.
2)6
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Chapter Thirteen
by Marguerite G. Kraft
A saying you hear among the Kamwe Is "Why are you making
yourself so Important? Do you think you are guinea corn?" This
reflects the Idea that guinea corn Is of supreme Importance because It
Is the symbol of life (Takwale 1967). When western foreigners first
began to live In Kainweland, some Kamwe considered them supernatural
beings since they did not eat guinea corn dally. They thought that a
human being could not live without It. In this chapter we are dealing
with the significance of guinea corn to the Kamwe.
The Kamwe have the saying the guinea corn keeps people alive,
"Ha wsl ke mbe nkwa.“ Mush made out of guinea corn flour Is the staple
food eaten twice a day. Before eating, the household head takes a
small portion of the food and throws it to the wind to recognize the
supernatural. Each family must have a sufficient supply of guinea
corn. The head of the household Is responsible for providing it,
storing It. and portioning It out as needed by the family. It is
considered necessary that every Kamwe man see to It that enough guinea
corn Is grown for his family. The man who buys guinea corn is thought
of as lazy, an embarrassment to the society. The whole family works
together on the farm and considers it a privilege to cultivate the land
and grow this all-important crop.
The Kamwe attitude toward guinea corn Is much like that of the
Navajo toward their corn. Redfteld (1947:304) Illustrates the
personifying of foodstuffs from W. W. Hill's research on the Navajo.
Corn Is like a child lost and starving. Thus, when you see some on the
path you pick It up. It is holler than a human being, the cornfield Is
a holy place, and agriculture Is a holy occupation. The Kamwe feel
much the same. They say that guinea corn Is like a baby, one doesn't
play around with It but gives It special care. When guinea corn is
seen on the path, one must kneel down and get some Iqst the guinea corn
thinks you have ignored It. In the past no one would steal guinea corn
because If he did, guinea corn would get angry with him.
A certain red grass and a certain type of guinea corn are tied to a
cornstalk and placed In the area. Workers must take off their shoes
when approaching the threshing place. A gourd with guinea corn flour,
water, and herbs In It Is placed at the threshing floor when one Is
working there. No whistling Is allowed In the guinea corn field and
certain songs must not be sung. No talking Is allowed when putting
grain In or taking It out of the granary. All of these taboos teach
children the significance of guinea corn In their lives. The household
head Is the only one who can speak from the granary and even he cannot
shout— showing his respect for the guinea corn. If a cock should crow
from on top of the granary, It results In his sudden death and chicken
stew for he has usurped the place of the man of the house.
RITUAL USE
Ilouseltojd Ceremony
Each household has a special pot. me 1ye . located near the hut of
the household head. This Is where he performs the ceremony, da me Iye.
and makes requests of God for the well-being of his family. These
cermonles are only for those Inside the compound, mbelyl hanke.
Married daughters or outsiders are not allowed to be present. The
occasions for which this ceremony Is performed are to save a life In
220
case of Illness, to help a barren woman bear a child, for good luck in
marriage, and for good health for the family. The diviner, when
consulted, Instructs the household head In what kind of sacrifice to
make. It may be a blood sacrifice or tya (sweet drink) sacrifice, or
simply a bean soup and mush sacrifice. In case of a ceremony at the
pot for planting or harvesting, the household head decides what kind of
sacrifice to make.
Community Ceremony
The elder of each family sees that the sacrifice Is ready and
makes It at the prescribed spot, often where paths cross. In the case
of a blood sacrifice, when the animal Is killed, blood Is sprinkled on
the sacred place. Sometimes some of the entrails are left also. Then
after the animal Is cooked, a small amount of guinea corn mush and
soup/gravy is put at the place of sacrifice. Before the food Is eaten
In a ritual meal, a little is served to each person ceremonially be the
elder. Beer Is also prepared and a small amount put at the place of
sacrifice before It Is drunk ceremonially by the men. For ceremonial
beer drinking, a guest or an outsider serves the men In order, from the
oldest down to the youngest. The sareka ceremony Is either to appease
the spirits causing the trouble, or to beg God to help and bless In the
peoples' work. Prayer Is always Involved.
Burial rites are very Important because they assure the deceased
of a good place In the spirit world and also provide a means for the
living to be assured that the spirit of the deceased will not harm
them. A sweet (non-fermented) drink, tya, Is made from germinating the
dry shoots of guinea corn, then cooking them. [Note: This Is a drink
that women and children drink (at other times) Instead of the fermented
beer. Sometimes this sweet drink Is used for sacrifice at the special
pot In the home. It used to be made mainly at the time of marriage or
death.] A week or so after the death of a person of ten years or
older, this drink must be used for the libation ceremony, shlkekule.
This libation ceremony Is essential so that the spirit of the dead can
move into the world of the spirits. Then again, after the period of
mourning, shlkekule Is performed.
SUMMARY
The guinea corn Is thus not merely essential as food for the
body, but It Is associated with numerous ritual performances. The
guinea corn myth Indicates Its divine origin. It serves as the fruit
of the earth by whichthe Kamwe draw on supernatural power In rites of
passage and all kinds of ritual bearing on the maintenance and
restoration of peace, unity, reconciliation and the overall harmony and
cohesion of the social unit. It operates functionally to bring the
re<H social behavior more Into line with the accepted social Ideal. As
God gave guinea corn and man cultivates It, what better cooperative
component could there be for indicating the oneness of the supernatural
and the human? Thus, the guinea corn complex Is a symbolic focus of
the restoration and maintenance of harmony and homogeneity for the
ethnic unit. It Is a focus of Kamwe worldview. As It has been
discussed in this chapter, It can be summarized In the following
diagram In the figure on the following page.
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G u in e a C o m C o « p le x
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SECTION FOUR
SPACE
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224
INTRODUCTION TO SPACE
The pages that follow contain three lines of Inquiry. The first Is
a look at some of the many factors that contribute to and/or reflect
people's definitions of space. These factors may Involve the way space
Is used as well as the language related to space. The second part of
this Introduction fixes the definition of space in a broad way as an
arena In which the relationship of Self and Other Is acted out. The
last topic looks briefly at the Idea of Space as Other.
(1) The role of space In the Identity of Self, both Individual and
corporate
(2) Territoriality and Interpersonal space
(3) Space and the non-physical world
(4) Space as a non-personal Other
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229
In the days of ancient Israel, however, such was not the case. The
Biblical references to Ba-al point to a belief system In which a whole
spectrum of dlettes were believed to reside In certain areas. One or
more of the dlettes (Ba-al) belonged to the valley, others to the
mountain, the river's mouth, or the next valley. Other belief systems
maintain that their god Is partial to a particular direction, thus
rituals and prayers, etc., are relative to that direction. Certain
locations, areas of the sky, and kinds of geographic settings (and
more) become the places with which the non-physical world of spiritual
beings or powers are Identified.
SPACE AS OTHÉR
SUMMARY
230
SPACE SPEAKS
by Edward T. Hall
delimit than the first but Is Just as real. He call this the
“organisms' territory." The act of laying claim to and defending a
territory Is termed territoriality. It Is territoriality with which
this chapter Is most concerned. In man, It becomes highly elaborated,
as well as being very greatly differentiated from culture to culture.
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only is It natural, but most American women have very strong feelings
about their kitchens. Even a mother can’ t come In and wash the dishes
In her daughter's kitchen without annoying her. The kitchen Is the
place where 'who will dominate' Is settled. All women know this, and
some can even talk about It. Daughters who can’ t keep control of their
kitchen will be forever under the thumb of any woman who can move into
this area--- " Father's shop Is, of course, another sacred territory
and best kept that way. The same applies to his study. If he has one.
I
As one travels abroad and examines the ways In which space Is
handled, startling variations are discovered— differences which we
react to vigorously. Since none of us Is taught to look at space as
Isolated from other associations, feeling cued by the handling of space
are often attributed to something else. In growing up* people learn
literally thousands of spatial cues, all of which have their own
meaning In their own context. These cues "release" responses already
established In much the same way as Pavlov's bells started his dogs
salivating. Just how accurate a spatial memory Is has never been
completely tested. There are Indications, however, that It Is
exceedingly persistent.
What gets overlooked Is that the response Is there In toto and has
been there all along. There Is no point In well-meaning people feeling
guilty because they get angry when a foreigner presents them with a
spatial cue that releases anger or aggression. The main thing Is to
know what Is happening and try to find out which cue was responsible.
The next step Is to discover. If possible, whether the person really
Intended to release this particular feeling or whether he Intended to
engender a different reaction.
234
the opening, there were five arms and hands reaching over my shoulder
waving money." Or he may hear the following "It's as much as your
life Is worth to ride the streetcars. They're worse than our subways.
What’s more, these people don't seem to mind It at all." Some of this
stems from the fact that, as Americans we have a pattern which
discourages touching, except In moments of intimacy. When we ride on a
streetcar or crowded elevator we will "hold ourselves In," having been
taught from early childhood to avoid bodily contact with strangers.
Abroad, It's confusing when conflicting feelings are being released at
the same time. Our sense are bombarded by a strange language,
different smells, and gestures, as well as a host of signs and symbols.
However, the fact that those who have been In a foreign country
for some time talk about these things provides the newcomer with
advance warning. Getting over a spatial accent Is just as important,
sometimes more so, than eliminating a spoken one. Advice to the
newcomer might be: Watch where people stand, and don't back up. You
will feel funny doing it, but It's amazing how much difference it makes
In people's attitudes toward you.
on. An American child requires between six and seven years before he
has begun to master the basic concepts of place. Our culture provides
for a great variety of places. Including different classes of places.
The miracle Is that children eventually are able to sort out and
pin down the different space terms from the meager cues provided by
others. Try telling a five-year-old the difference between where you
live In the suburbs and the town where your wife goes to shop. It will
be a frustrating task, since the child, at that age, only comprehends
where .he lives. His room, his house, his place at the table are the
places that are learned early.
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237
Whorf also notes the fact that It is Impossible for the Hop! to
add a possessive pronoun to the word for room and that in the Hopl
scheme of things a room In the strict sense of the word is not a noun
and does not act like a noun.
238
The French, by contrast, do not make way for each other In the
unspoken, taken-for-granted way that we do. They do not divide up the
space with a new colleague. -Instead they may grudgingly give him a
small desk In a dark corner looking toward the wall___ In French
offices the key figure Is the man In the middle, who has his fingers on
everything so that all runs smoothly. There is a centralized control.
239
The French educational system runs from the middle, so that all
students all over France take the same class at the same time.
In the country we will say, "Go out of town ten miles west on
Highway 66 until you get to the first paved road turning north. Turn
right on that road and go seven miles. It's the second farm on your
left. You can't miss It."
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241
242
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Chapter Fifteen
by Marguerite Kraft
The Kamwe see themselves as the people of the mountain and the
mountain area Is where they feel secure. Living on the plains In
safety was made possible by colonial government control. Previous to
that the people lived In the mountains and began ‘to farm some on the
plains near to the mountain. However, In the early days, and even
today, one found terraced farming on the mountain sides.
PROTECTION
245
an exogamous group often sharing the same water supply and depending on
each other for protection. The size of the group Is very Important
since they must provide their own défense. The number of fighters Is
crucial In bow and arrow warfare. To fall to have children Is a
serious matter for the homogeneous group one represents because the
number of fighters makes a significant difference In strength In
battle. Thus the power of a lineage Is directly related to Its
numerical size.
When the Fulanl came In to conquer with horses, the mountain was
refuge for the Kamwe and tlie mountain prevented their being overtaken.
It provided an advantage for locating the approach of the attackers and
also In fighting off the opponent. During the reign of Haman Yajl, a
powerful post World War I Fulanl ruler, many Kamwe were caught and
either made slaves or killed. At this time especially, the caves In
the mountains were used for hiding In safety.
TRADITION
246
Each homogeneous lineage group had Its own burial grounds, nkwa
mekule, which were located on their mountains. Even today when many
kamwe live on the plains, many burial grounds are on the mountains.
The corpse may have to be carried nine or ten miles to the clan burial
grounds on the ancestral mountain. The ancestral mountain veryclearly
speaks of history, tradition and the ancestors. It Is the original
homeland of the lineage group and It Is where the individual Is placed
In death before entering the spirit world.
It seems that the kamwe also feel that the mountain Is a place that
is closer to God. God Is envisioned as a God of the sky and It Is only
natural that the mountain Is the closest place to God's place. In the
Scriptures, the mountain Is significant and meaningful also, t.e.,
Moses receiving the stone tablets from God, Elijah and his
confrontation with the prophets of Baal, the crucifixion, the
ascension, etc. In kamwe land when there Is a drought the whole
community feasts and a sacrifice is made, then the young people and
adults go up the mountain to dance. The tradesmen musicians beat the
drums and play other Instruments, too. The people feel that they are
attracting God's attention to their need and also pleasing Him.
There are three words for “ come" when referring to an area within
calling distance: 1) sha meaning come down, used if coming from the
mountainside toward the speaker; 2) sate meaning come up, used If
coming toward the speaker and from the opposite direction from the
mountain; 3) shaIyI meaning-come over, used when parallel to the
speaker and the mountain. The comparable words for go are: I) Ja— go
down; 2) dzate— go up; 3) .1a 1y I— go over. This means that when calling
to a person “Come here." the term used (one of the three) depends on
where the person Is In relation to the speaker and the mountain.
Another set of words for come and go are used If the distance Is
far from the speaker. These Include: I) sekwa meaning come far down,
used when referring to coming from a place on the mountainside; 2) seme
meaning come up far, used when coming from the opposite direction from*
the mountain; 3) shllye-meaning come over from far used when parallel
to the speaker and the mountain. The comparable words for go are: I)
dzegwa— go down far; 2) dzeme— go up far; 3) .111 ye— go over far.
Shllye and .111 ye are now used more often for come/go Into or out of
(across a border). There Is one more rather general term used for
coming Inside, or coming from the farm or bush. Into the village:
shlka. The comparable term for go Is .11ge.
To Illustrate the use of these, If one wanted to say “Inside the hut"
It could be said in various ways depending on the location of the hut
In relation to the speaker and the mountain— me mpya “In the hut up
far", kwa mpya “In the hut down far", late mpya "In the hut close by
and up", pelye mpya "In the hut which Is outside, far, calyl mpya “In
the hut which Is horizontal to the mountain and close by", la mpya "In
the hut close by and down from the mountain".
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one goes ufi_to Futu, etc. The preceding diagrams show the orientation
to the mountain as is reflected In the terms of go (appearing In
capital letters), the terms for come (In small letters), and the
locational prepositions (underlined and followed by...). The
hyphenated circle represents an area around the speaker close— perhaps
wi thin cal Ilng distance.
SUMMARY
Chapter Sixteen
by A. Irving Hallowel I
Directional Orientation
south. Indeed, the Saulteaux equivalents for north, south, east, and
west are place names In a very real sense, rather than abstract terms
for direction. They are far, distant, it Is true, but In myths at •
least, people have been there. They define the periphery of the
Saulteaux world, being the "farthest" places, although not different
except In generality of direction, from places In the Immediate
environment. Such a connotation exists In Western civilization side by
side with the highly abstract one expressed In terms of angles and
their measurement used In science. We say, "lie lives In the West," or
"The South grows cotton." The terms "Occident" and "Orient" are also
used as nouns denoting places or regions. The latter arose at a period
when, like the Saulteaux, the people employing them thought that the
earth was flat.
I do not mean to Imply that the Saulteaux terms are never used
abstractly. But the degree to which this occurs is a function of the
social situation. Abstraction Is at Its highest level when directional
terms are employed In finding one's way about or in constructing a
ceremonial pavilion. This may happen similarly with direction toward
any place: a place, x, may be defined as “ on the way to" y.
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Travel
254
equipped wth the excellent maps that are available. To the Indians
they would have no anticipatory signs to guide them; they would not
know what to expect.
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255.
by differentiating between trees that grew near the water and those
that did not. adjusting his course accordingly.
Fear of Disorientation
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Cosmic Space
There Is the Land of the Dead, for Instance, far to the south.
There Is a road which leads directly to It which deceased souls follow,
and a few Individuals are known to have visited the Land of the Dead
and afterwards retur.ned to their homes. They have given accounts of
their Jouney and of what they saw there. I remember that my
Interpreter once told an old Indian that I came from the south and that
the United States lay In that direction. The old man simply laughed In
a wise way and made no comment.
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have seen it indicated on the maps of the world, that the western
hemisphere is surrounded by water.
258
INTRODUCTION
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260
Chamulas believe that the earth Is laced with caves and tunnels
which eventually reach the edges of the earth. These limestone caves
and passages are also believed to provide channels for the drainage of
the highlands. Chamulas also believe that the earthlords, who live In
the mountain caves, provide all forms of precipitation, Including
accompanying clouds, lightning, and thunder. These beliefs are
supported by the fact that the Central Chiapas Highlands are In fact a
karst-type limestone area In which internal drainage Is extremely
Important. Only earthlords, snakes (which are the familiars and
alternate forms of the earthlords), and demons Inhabit the Internal
cave networks of the earth. Hence, all are associated with dampness,
darkness, and lowness.
261
brilliance of the sun's head are so great that they penetrate the two
Inferior layers of the sky. Thus, It Is only the reflection of the
sun's face and head which we perceive on earth.
FIGURE I
The Sun-Chrlst emerging from the Eastern
horizon, original by Harlan Lopez Calixto.
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264
V
265
The very words for time and space are related to heat, for the
sun symbolizes the source of earthly heat as he does nearly afT other
aspects of cosmological order. Days, fiesta Intervals, seasons, and
years are all measured by Increasing and decreasing cycles of heat.
The opposite of order is symbolized by the cold darkness In which the
demons, Jews, and monkeys lived before the forced ascension of the sun
Into the sky. The life cycle Is also conceived as a cycle of
Increasing heat from a cold beginning___
266
FIGURE 2
Space In a Chamula house.
A lte rn a te
FEMALE
C ± j± _ T l o c a t io n of
h o u seh o ld sh rin e
MALE
S ittin g , S ittin g ,
e a tin g , • e a tin g ,
and s to ra g e t * and sto ra g e
space space
o
^ H earth
O t
Most freq u en t
l o c a tio n o f ,
household
s h rin e .
L e ft R ight
F ro n t Door |
Í
E a s t, a lth o u g h house
may n o t a c t u a l l y fa c e e a s t )
Most ritual substances also have the quality of heat, actual and
metaphoric. Tobacco, rum, Incense, candles, and fireworks generate or
emit heat. Furthermore, the raw materials for them are believed to be
of lowland, tropical origin which Is certainly true for the most part.
Resin for Incense, beef tallow and wax for candles, the Ingredients for
gunpowder, sugarcane for rum. and tobacco for ciragettes do In fact
come from, or at least, through, the lowlands. This tropical origin Is
Interesting, for It Illustrates a paradox in Chamula thinking about
the world. Although the highlands are closer than the lowlands to the
sun In a vertical sense, the climate of the highlands Is actually much
colder than that of the lowlands. It may be that the ambiguous quality
of the lowlands (physically hot yet socially distant) makes them a
logical source for some sacred symbols and substances.
267
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268 i
permanent positions of all female saints and all major male saints in
the Chamula church. The female saints reside on the left side (south)
of the church, from the point of view of the patron saint San Juan, who
stands above the altar In the center of the east end of the church.
While there are no female saints on the "male (north) side," there are
a few unimportant male saints on the "female (south) side___ " These
ideal positions may be seen as microcosmlc representations of the
categories of Chamula cosmology and cosmogony. North was on the sun's
right hand when he rose into the heavens In the east. Just as the north
Is on San Juan's and Christ's right hand in the Chamula church. What
more logical place could there be for the male Images___
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269
FIGURE 6
A relationship of some expressions of the Junior-senior
principle to orientation of "conceptual East."
© © © © ©
Begin al
A RITUAL TABLE 'conceptual
East**
© © ' © © © •
B. Junior senior order in seating at ritual meals
(senior thaniilall officials remaní closest to
"conceptua! East")
Household
cross shrine
functions as
**conccpiual
East"
270
TIME
272
INTRODUCTION TO TIME
This study begins with the proposal that all human beings are
oriented to time In one way'or another. One society may operate with a
particular construct of time by which they account for even small
measurements of time. Predominantly this Is found In western societies
that value an accountability for hours, minutes, seconds, or even
hundredths of a second depending on the setting or circumstances.
Other societies may live with a far less rigid construction of time In
which accountability or even measurement may not be an Issue. In both
cases there Is a kind of temporal orientation.
Kearney adds:
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Hlebert lists two patterns of time reckoning that are also related
to time measurement. The first Is “ historical time." He explains that
"this Is calculated by placing events In an historical framework and
measuring the duration of time between them" (Hlebert 1976:413).
Examples Include the reign of a king, droughts, battles, storms,
marriages, treaties, ceremonies, and feasts. The second pattern he
borrows from Gluckman, calling it "structural time." This Is "the time
It normally takes to complete a given social cycle" (Ibid). Perhaps
these could serve as the broad categories under which a variety of
methods for measuring time could be grouped.
IMAGES OF TIME
274
DOMINANT ORIENTATIONS
SUMMARY
As noted above, not everyone measures time, but everyone does have
a perception of time. That perception may be often. If dot always,
linked to a particular Imagery. Imagery may be either linear or
oscillating In form, and always Is oriented to Self as the point of
reference. For exist (If not all) societies there will be a
particularly dominant orientation to time which focuses (by means of
Imagery In some cases) on certain time frames as more Important than
others. Past, present, and future are examples of such time frames.
Hall's Introductory chapter for his book The SI lent Language serves
well as a lead chapter for this section of the Reader. The fact that
conceptions of time are Important Is ably demonstrated by a host of
Illustrations from a variety of worldviews.
276
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Chapter Eighteen
by Edward T. Hall
American Time
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Even within the very borders of the United States there are
people who handle time In a way which Is almost Incomprehensible to
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282
those who have not made a major effort to understand it. The Pueblo
Indians, for example, who live in the Southwest, have a sense of time ’
which is at complete variance with the dock-bound habits of the
ordinary American citizen. For the Pueblos events begin when the time
Is ripe and no sooner.
•Time does not heal on Truk! Past events stack up, placing an
ever-increasing burden on the Trukese and weighing heavily on the
present. They are. In fact, treated as though they had Just occurred.
This was borne out by something which happened shortly after the
American occupation of the atoll at the end of World War II.
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rea) to them, but people who are away are very much away, and any
Interaction with them Is unthinkable.
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going somewhere else, knowing full well that the person who had been
given the message couldn't possibly deliver It. One girl was left
stranded on a street corner, and no one seemed to be concerned about
It. One of my Informants explained that he himself had had many
similar experiences. Once he had made eleven appointments to meet a
friend. Each time one of them failed to show up. The twelfth time
they swore they would both be there, that nothing would Interfere. The
friend failed to arrive. After watting for forty-five minutes my
informant phoned his friend and found him still at home. The following
conversation Is an approximation of what took place:
"Is that you, Abdul?" "Yes." "Why aren't you here? I thought
we were to meet for sure." "Oh, but It was raining," said Abdul with a
sort of whining Intonation that Is very common In Parsl.
by Henri M. Yaker
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288 .
the Greek language and Greek Idiom Into the Hebrew language, without
any real transformation of the Me 1tanschauung of either Greek or Hebrew
thought. The Greek world, however, did not become a simple reduction
of all things to a spatial sensorlum, nor did the biblical world become
a reduction to a time sensorTum. The former tried to locate time In
the order of things. In the “receptacle" <I]maeus, 52D). The latter
tried to locate things in the "world of space moving through time, from
the beginning to the end of days" (Heschel, 1951, 97).
The Hebrew use of the term chronos was quite different, although
It also referred to measured clock time. Lacking periodicity and
kinematic motion In Its derivation, chronos for the Hebrews still
measured the hours of the day. The "sundial of Ahaz" receded ten steps
as a sign that King Hezeklah would recover from an Illness (Is. 38:8;
II Kgs. 20:11). The cultic-calendar cycle of "New Moons and Sabbaths"
Is prominent In the Old Testament (Amos 8:5; Hos. 2:13; II Kings 4:23;
Ps. 81:3; Is. 1:13), derivative of thq Babylonian cult and calendar.
Things In the chronos. however, perished In time. The' Septuaglnt (LXX)
used the term chronos for thirteen Hebrew words. Space was not
abolished, as chronos was used for several categories of things, but
these were thlnqs-ln time. The Greeks used chronos as a parameter or
secondary concept which was finally eliminated from the study of space
and the universe— the planets projected their. “Images" on the
receptacle In constant recurrence. The Hebrews used chronos as a
primary term. Time alone described the length of Hezeklah's life and
all his deeds; his confrontation with Isaiah In the fuller's field was
In history (Is. 36:2). Hezeklah rejoiced that things would be good for
his day and his lifetime (Is. 38).
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‘
The term 'alon Is rendered In late neo-Platonic thought as
"timeless eternity" (Inge, 1918, I, 17off.), but this Is not a clear
meaning in early Greek thought and Is not its meaning for New Testament
Greek. The Hebrew equivalent for ‘ alon Is 'olam, meaning "perpetuity"*
or unto the "remotest of time," or perhaps for a "very, very long
time." The New Testament generally uses 'alon In the Semltlsm "Into
the ages forever and ever." The authors of the New Testament may speak
Greek but they think Hebralcally and they perceive the world by the
Semitic mind. No lexicographical analysis can ever render ‘ alon or
'olam Into eternity. Perpetuity Is perceptually and conceptually
different from an eternal universe.
290
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hamassoth). the unified feast becoming the memorial remembrance of the
historical Exodus (Morgenstern, 1917, 275-93). These calendar shifts
ultimately created a separation of the agricultural cycle of nature
from the theme of historical remembrance. Although all of the biblical
documents Insist that the cosmic Baal cult represented a defection of
Israel's original worship from the beginning, due to the overpowering
Influence of northern Semitic powers, the argument Is spurious. It
makes little difference whether one Idealizes the "good old days" that
actually never were, or whether they really ever existed. The decisive
fact Is that In the final end the biblical world saw the forces of
nature as secondary to the determination of history by Its past events.
The precise usage of the term "Day of the Lord" Iri the Old
Testament thus refers to a prophetic event In time. This day is
eventually'recessed to a far distant future In the apocalyptic. Two
styles of language, the prophetic and the apocalyptical language, are
used, but anthropologically they are bound to a secularized calendar.
(The New Testament will add a third semantic usage.) The real link in
any case for the Day of the Lord Is Its constant association with the
past remembrance of the Exodus theme (Is. 27:3; Jer. 11:5, 7; 16:14;
32:20; 18:17). The relationship Is a dialectic one, the present hour
seen as a tension between remembering the Exodus and waiting upon the
future. The Exodus and the Day of the Lord form a tension, out of
which grows the "revelation" of the present time (Buber, 1948).
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It has been the distinct thesis of this paper that the Bible
articulated a view of time which demanded affirmation and realization
of the possibilities of life through time rat'her than by cultic
destruction of time In favor of eternity. There can be no eternity In
the Bible! To achieve this process, time was conceived as linear,
something which proceeded In linear advance. Each day of life was one
day closer to Its fulfillment, and one day further from Its creation.
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by Paul 8ohannan
INTRODUCTION
I.
All the TIv words which might be translated "time" can be better
and more accurately translated Into English another way. There are
several adverbs and adjectives expressing longhand short duration: for
example, the word cha means "far" and Is used of space, of time, and of
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TIv are much less specific about time during the night. The
time between dusk and about 10 o'clock Is called "sitting together"
(teman jmoníjo). After that follows "the middle of the night" (He la to
tugh). which overlaps with the “time of the first sleep" (]cjn | mnya
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mom); "the time of the second sleep" (acln a mnya ahar) Is about 3 A.M.
or a bit later. The pre-dawn breeze <k11shI) gives Its name to the
period just before dawn.
Months can be counted and referred to by the Tlv word uwer which
applies both to the moon and to the period between one new moon and the
next. "The moon comes out" (uwel u due) means both the time between
the new moon and full moon, and also the new moon Itself. However, If
Tlv point to the sky with the words, "When the moon comes out here"
(uwel u duwe hen), they are referring to the date of the lunar month
when the moon will be In that position at dusk. "The dark of the moon"
(uwel u Mne) Is a time of quiet nights; people are most likely to catch
cold or to be bewitched at this time of month, Tlv say.
Both the wet and dry seasons are subdivided for purposes of
reference. In April, during the cyclones which precede the return of
the rains, there Is a period of varying length which Tlv call "stripes
of dry and wet season" (karegh u nyom, karegh u fam). The comparable
period which precedes the dry season Is called the same thing, with the
order reversed (stripes of wet and dry season). These seasons also
have other names: that before the wet season Is sometimes called "the
heat of the body" (Icen Iyologh) while that before the dry season is
sometimes called "the approach (lit. enlightening) of the dry season"
(wanger nyom)....
Though seasons are not sharply defined, each does have its
climatological peculiarity. Iswagher, for example, is a time of cloudy
and turbulent skies, but there Is little rain. So long as this sort of
302
Most Tlv markets are held every five days. These markets are
named for their founder or for the present-day market master (tor
kasoa) or for the name of the lineage in whose territory they are
located, or sometimes for streams or hills nearby. Many markets have
two, or even three, names. These markets, in turn, give their names to
the days on which they are held.- Tlv have no names for the days of the
five-day cycle other than the names of particular markets. Since each
market is held every five days, the day names form a repeating series
of five. People generally refer to the days by the names of those
markets which are nearest to their homes, and therefore most
frequented. A day name will, of course, be understood in many adjacent
303
/ S. Ute
E. MbaDuku Iyon
Market Locations
Tlv not only make .appointments and time references within the
terms of these cycles, they count them as well. "I have been here
three markets" means that the local market has been held three times
since the speaker's arrival— from eleven to fifteen days.
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Sunday. In the northwest, where there are very few markets, the days
of the seven-day week are often called by the names of processes In the
brewing week, the "day for drinking" (jyange j vlhln) generally being
Sunday. The "day for drinking" may, however, change with every new
batch of beer.
Suns, moons, and dry seasons— days, months, and years— as well
as markets and weeks: In each case reference Is to a recurrent natural
or social phenomenon which can be counted. That this Is a matter of
counting Is of special Importance.
Although there are various named periods during the day, and
various named seasons during the year, there Is no word which means a
subdivision of a day, and there Is no word for "season." There is no
notion of periods of the day which can be counted: nothing of which
you can say that there are four or five between dawn and dusk.
Likewise, It is Impossible to say that there are four or five "seasons"
or "sub-seasons" during the wet season, for there is no generalized
thing In the Tlv Idea which can be counted.
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(kwagh) are loosely organized when their members are about twenty years
old. Tlv tell the Investigator that all the members of an age-set were
born in the same year. The ordinary European Interpretation of this
statement (at least. It was mine) Is that an age-set Is formed every
year. However, when by careful study one determines that in point of
fact a new age-set is formed about every three years, and points this
fact out to Tlv, adding that If a new one were formed every year there
would be more, of them, most Tlv will say that you are quite right:
nevertheless, they were born In the same year as all the other men of
their age-set. The statement must be Interpreted equivocally,
referring to the nature of the relationship between age-mates, not as
referring directly to time. Tlv do not make a correlation "one
age-set: one year" just because everyone in the same age-set was "born
In the same year." The two statements have reference to different
aspects of the social life. So far as I am aware, Tiv do not use
age-sets for purposes of time correlation or time reference as some
societies in East Africa are said to do.
Ill
Tlv say that since they Increase with the passage of time (and
since every Tlv has a right of sufficient farmland In the territory of
his minimal agnatic segment) the amount of territory which they occupy
also Increases.
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The Important point here Is that Tlv, by and large, do not even
correlate events over a period of time beyond a generation or two.
There Is only a dim "long dgo" (nglse) which can be Increased by saying
"long long ago" (nglse nglse)— the more times you say the word, the
longer ago or further removed It was. "Long ago" was filled with
events and with people, but they are— from the standpoint of time
reference— of much the same quality as the events which It Is assumed
will take place In future (sha hemen . literally "In front").
Tlv have not elicited the time element implicit In their lineage
and political structure any more than they have elicited "time" from
the course of a human life, the recurrence of the phases of the moon or
of five-day markets. Time Is Implicit In Tlv thought and speech, but
it Is not a category of It.
IV
I
FOOTNOTE
Chapter Twenty-one
IMAGES OF TIME
by Michael Kearney
Images of Time
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314
not at all concerned with the dates and order of events In the history
of their religion and myths, -such as the year In which Odysseus slew
the Cyclops, or Romulus and Remus were born. [Re the history of Images
of lineal time In Western civilization see Teulmin and Goodfleld
(1965), and Colllngwood (1946).]
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318
time Is money and every second counts. Time for them seems to assume
an almost concrete reality and Is a matrix in which their activities
are structured. In contrast to this, some peoples who do not live
according to clock time lack an explicit category of time. The Nuer
are pastorallsts who live In the Sudan. Speaking of their
time-reckoning Evans-Pr1tchard points out that the Nuer have no
expression In their language equivalent to our word time, and they
cannot, as we can, speak of time passing, being wasted, saved, and so
forth.
CAUSALITY
320
INTRODUCTION TO CAUSALIIY
CAUSALITY OFFINED
If someone asks why Illness occurs, the response, may It Issue from
the perspective of western germ theory or from a inore trans-emplrlcal
approach, will explain the sickness as a result of something else. The
antecedent may, for example, be seen as an act of magic Implemented by
a person. On the other hand, if germs are given as an explanation,
Illness Is seen as a phenomenon over which control is sought by
appealing to the laws of nature.
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For that reason, westerners also assume that a_N people perceive
causality. Dorothy Lee, as her chapter In this section Indicates, has
studied the Trobrianders and concluded that they do not conceive of
causality. Such a conclusion Is not only hard for westerners to
understand, but In fact must be rejected by westerners If they are to
hold to their scientific mode of analysis.
CATEGORIZATION OF CAUSES
322
of 'causes belong to the earlier, and thus the more "primitive" stages;
others, to the more developed stages.
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A Taxonomy of Causes
TAXONOMY OF CAUSES
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Personal Non-Personal
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SUMMARY
326
CONCERNING THE CHAPTERS THAT FOLLOW
by Lud e n Levy-Bruhl
PRIMITIVE MENTALITY
"The view-point of the native African mind," says Nassau, "In all
unusual occurrences. Is that of witchcraft. Hlthout looking for an
explanation In what civilization would call natural causes, his thought
turns at once to the supernatural. Indeed, the supernatural Is so
constant a factor In his life that to him It furnishes explanation of
events as prompt and reasonable as our reference to the recognized
forces of N a t u r e . J o h n Philip, the missionary, speaking of
"Bechuana superstitions," says: "Everything In a state of Ignorance"
(l.e. before the Instruction given by the missionaries) “ which Is not
known and which Is Involved In mystery" (that which cannot be accounted
for merely by perception), “Is the object of superstitious veneration-
where second causes are unknown and Invisible agency is substituted In
their places.“*
The mentality of the natives of the Solomon Isles suggests the same
reflection to Thurnwalk. “In considering any matter, they never go
beyond simply registering the facts. The profound causal connection
Is. In theory, entirely lacking. The non-comprehension of the
connection between phenomena Is the source of their fears and of their
superstitions."*
329
. II
From among the many examples that occur to us, let us take one of
the most familiar ones. In all uncivilized races everywhere, death
requires to be explained by other than natural causes. It has
frequently been remarked that when they see a man die, it would seem as
If It might be the very first time such a thing had happened, and that
they could never before have been witnesses of such an occurrence. "Is
It possible," says the European to himself, "that these people do not
know that everybody must die sooner or later?" But the primitive has
never considered things In this light. In his eyes, the causes which
inevitably bring about the death of a man In a certain (fairly
definite) number of years— causes such as failure of the bodily organs,
senile decay, diminution of functioning power— are not necessarily
connected with death. Does he not see decrepit old men still alive?
If, therefore, at a given moment death supervenes, It must be because a
mystic force has come Into play. Moreover, senile weakness Itself,
like any other malady, Is not due to what we call natural causes; it,
too, must be explained by the agency of a mystic force. In short, if
the primitive pays no attention to the causes of death. It Is because
he knows already how death Is brought about, and since he knows why It
happens, how it occurs matters very little. Here we have a kind of a
priori reasoning upon which experience has no hold.
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Neither the body of the sick man, nor his corpse after death, bears
the slightest trace of the incision, but the Australian aborigine does
not consider that any reason for doubting that It took place. What
other proof of It than death Itself Is necessary? Would death have
Occurred If someone had not taken away the fat from the kidneys?
Moreover, this belief does not Involve any Idea of a physiological role
attributed to the fat; It Is simply a questlon'of a mystic act brought
Into operation by the mere presence of the organ which Is Its agent.
Spencer and Gillen say, too: “ All ailments of every kind, from the
simplest to the most serious, are without exception attributed to the
malign Influence of an enemy In either human or spirit shape.'"
“Death by accident," says llowltt, ''they can Imagine, although the
results of what we should call accident they mostly attribute to the
effects of some evil magic. They are well acquainted with death by
violence; but even In this they believe, as among the tribes about
Maryborough (Queensland), that a warrior who happens to be speared In
one of the ceremonial fights has lost his skill In warding off or
evading a spear through the evil magic of someone belonging to his own
tribe. But I doubt If anywhere In Australia, the aborigines. In their
pristine condition, conceived the possibility of death merely from
disease. "If a man Is killed In battle or dies In consequence of a
wound, he Is supposed to have been 'charmed.'""1 “ Although the
Narrinyerl are so often exposed to the bite of poisonous snakes, they
have no remedy for an accident of this kind. Their superstition
Induces them to believe that It Is the result of being bewitched.'""
that It might fall and crush the unwary, temporarily blinding a person
to cause him to fall over a precipice, or some other expedient equally
fatal. In the case of death from disease, It was supposed that
. witchcraft had been practised, and the victim poisoned___“"
Ill
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age or of disease and a violent death. They are not so "unreasoning"
(to borrow Bentley's expression) as not to notice that In the one case
the sufferer dies more or less gradually, surrounded by his own folks;
while in the other he perishes suddenly, devoured by a lion, for
Instance, or struck down by an enemy spear. This difference, however,
is of no Interest to them; for from their point of view neither the
Illness, on the one hand, nor the wild beast or spear on the other. Is
the actual cause of death; these are merely the agents of the occult
power which willed the death and which might equally well have chosen
any other Instrument to bring It about. Therefore, every death Is an
accidental one— even death from Illness. Or to put It more precisely,
no death Is, since to the primitive mind nothing ever happens by
accident, properly speaking. What appears accidental to us Europeans
Is. In reality, always the manifestation of a mystic power which makes
itself felt in this way by the individual or by the social group.
In New Guinea, when hunting one day, a man was wounded by one of
his comrades' spears. "His friends came and asked him who it was that
had bewitched him, for there Is no room for 'accidents' In the Papuan
scheme of things... They ail pestered him to tell them the name of the
man who had thrown the spell upon him, for they were sure that the
spear wound was not enough to cause death; and they had quite made up
their minds that he was going to die and kept telling him so....
Although he was conscious almost to the last, he had made no answer to
the questions of his friends nor told who had bewitched him; and now
their anger was diverted to the people of Oreresan and the man who had
thrown the spear."1* Thus, they laid the blame on this man only as a
last resort; and In default of ascertaining the cause of death, they
used him as a makeshift, as It were. If the wounded man had given the
least indication respecting the perpetrator of the witchcraft, the man
who had Injured him would have remained Immune from punishment; he
would be regarded merely as the agent of the wizard and as little
responsible for the Injury as the spear Itself.
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On the other hand, the slight nature of the wound does not prevent
them from declaring It to be^ mortal. What actually kills the wounded
man Is not the destruction of the tissues by the spear but witchcraft;
he dies because he has been condemned or, as the Australian natives
say, "doomed." There we have a life-like presentment of the
preconception which makes the very Idea of accident Inconceivable to
the primitive mind---
In both these cases the rank of the victim demands that his death
shall be avenged, and anyhow there Is a very strong presumption in
favour of the Idea of witchcraft. Why should the chief's gun have
missed fire? Assuredly a malevolent Influence must have been exerted
upon it. In the same way, too, the wounded elephant would not have
killed the other chief If someone had not "delivered him over." The
greater the misfortune and the more exalted the person subjected to It,
the more inadmissible Is the possibility of an accident___ "A man
enters a village, puts down his gun which goes off and kills a person.
The gun is claimed by the friends of the deceased. It Is worth several
slaves, and the owner may be as anxious to redeem it as he would have
been to redeem his brother. When there Is no gun to pledge, the
homicide is put In a slave-stick and retained just as In murder. Some
native authorities take a more lenient view of homicide. Instead of
seizing the party or his gun, they pronounce him quite blameless and go
to the sorcerer to discover the bewitcher who has been the real cause
of the death. They hold that it Is this being that must bear the whole
of the responsibility..-..
"A short time ago. chief Kanlme of the Ovambt tribe (German-Nest
Africa) was having an ox prepared for work. Just as they were about to
pierce its nostrils, the animal tossed Its horns and put out a native's
eye. They said at once that the man who had lost his eye had been
bewitched. They consulted the wizard; and as he had to discover who
had woven the spell, he indicated one of kanlme's servants as the
guilty party. Nhen condemned to death, this man ran away; but kanlme
pursued him on horseback, overtook him, and killed him."12
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• "I was at Ambrlzette." says Montelro, "when three Cabinda women had
been to the river with their pots for water; all three were filling
them from the stream together when the middle one was snapped up by an
alligator and Instantly carried away under the surface of the water
and, of course, drowned. The relatives of the poor woman at once
accused the other two of bewitching her and causing jthe alligator to
take her out of their midst! When I remonstrated with them and
attempted to show them the utter absurdity of the charge, their answer
was: 'Why did not the alligator take one of the end ones then and not
the one In the middle?1 And out of this Idea It was Impossible to move
them, and the poor women were both obliged to take casca" (l.e. ordeal
poison). “I never heard the result, but most likely one or both were
either killed or passed Into slavery."1*
Montelro does not realize that to the native mind what has occurred
cannot be accidental. First of all, alligators would not have attacked
these women of their own accord. Therefore, someone must have Incited
this one to do it. Then, too, it knew exactly which woman to drag
under the water. She was "delivered over" to him. The only thing to
find out was who had done It--- But the fact speaks for Itself. The
alligator did not touch the women on each side; he' took the middle one;
therefore, the two others must have delivered her over. The ordeal
they had to undergo was not so much for the purpose of clearing up a
doubt which scarcely exists, as of revealing the actual origin of the
witchcraft within them and exerting upon It a mystic Influence which
would henceforward render It Incapable of injuring others.1’....
IV
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but a kind of palisade Is erected, and the water Is drawn up to the top
of the very precipitous bank by means of vessels hung on to long bamboo
poles."2* The same method Is pursued on the upper Shire on the
Quanza River.2* But this Is an exceptional case. As a rule, the
native do not hesitate to approach the river banks or even to bathe in
the neighbourhood of the crocodiles. Moreover, this feeling Is shared
by a certain number of Europeans. Bosman had already written:. "The
whole time I have been here, I have never heard of a crocodile
devouring either man or beast___ There are a terrible number of these
animals In all the rivers of the country---- I would not ventureInto
the water, although I have never heard of any accident of this
kind."10 During a two years' stay In the Cameroons, Von Hagen knew
of only three cases In which men had been attacked by crocodiles;
although the natives bathe and swim In the river, and during the dry
season they splash about In the lagoons.11 The same belief obtains
on the west coast of Africa. "It Is said that In the river Gallenhas
(between Sherbro and Cape Mount) where alligators are In great
abundance, there was not an Instance on record of any person beinghurt
by them, although the natives were much In the river until a few years
ago when a slave ship blew up opposite Its entrance."12
On the upper Zambesi "it Is said that there are doctors who give
crocodile-medicine. If anybody steals the cattle of one of these
medicine-men. the doctor goes to the river. When he gets there he
says: 'Crocodile come here; go and catch the man who has killed my
cattle' The crocodile understands. When morning comes the doctor
hears that a crocodile has killed someone in the river. He says: 'It
was the robber.'"15
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when anyone has been carried off by a crocodile, the first thing to do
is to find the mu log I who despatched'the monster; and there Is always a
guilty person to be found. His fate Is quickly decided."40 Among
the Bangala, “no crocodile would have done It unless it had been
Instructed to do It by a molokl (witch) or unless the molokl had gone
Into the animal and made It commit the outrage.''41 Thus the
missionary considers the two hypotheses separately; while to the native
mind. In a way that Is incomprehensible to us, they are but one.
Here Is the story of a native from his own lips: "Perhaps when the
sun Is overhead to-day, you may be drinking palm wine with a man,
unconscious that he Is possessed of an evil spirit; In the evening you1
hear the cry of 'Nkolei__Nkole!* (crocodile), and you know that one of
these monsters, lurking In the muddy waters near the river bank, has
grabbed a poor victim who had come to fill a water jar. At night you
are awakened from your sleep by the alarmed cackling In your hen-house,
and you will find that your stock of poultry has been sadly decreased
by a visit from a muntula (bush cat). Now...the man with whom you
drank palm wine, the crocodile who snatched an unwary villager from the
river bank, and the stealthy little robber of your hens are one and the
same Individual, possessed of an evil spirit."41 Participation is
very clearly suggested here. To the native It is quite enough that he
feels It to be real, he does not ask himself how It comes to pass.
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FOOTNOTES
1. Jamieson, Hugh
Letters from Victorian Pioneers, p. 247.
2. Roth, Dr. W. E.
1907 "Superstition, Magic, and Medicine,"
North Queensland Ethnology, Bulletin 5, nr. 121
p. 30.
6. Nassau, Rev. R. H.
1904' Fetishism irv West Africa, p. 277
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7. Philip, Rev. John
1828 Researches In'South Africa, ti. pp. 116-17
8. Thurnwald, R.
"Im Bismarck Archlpel und auf den Salomo Inseln,"
Zentschrlft fur Ethnoloqle. xlii, p. 145
9. Bentley, Rev. W. H.
1900 Pioneering on the Congo . it. p. 247
13. Latcham, R. E.
"Ethnology of the Auracanos," Journal of the
Anthropological Institute (henceforward referred to as
J.A.I.), xxxlx, p. '364
14. Mackenzie, J.
1871 Ten Years North of Orange River, pp. 390-1
17. Wldenmann, A.
1889 "Ole Kl1imandscharo-Bevolkerung," In Petermann's
Mlttellungen Erganzungsheft. 129, p. 40
18. Cf. Les Fonctlons Mentales dans les Socletes Inferteures. pp. 314-28
21. Hard. H.
1890 Five Years with the Congo, p. 43
29. Montelro. J. J.
Angola and the River Congo. II. p. 123
30. posman, H.
Voyage de Guiñee. 14 lettre, pp. 250-1
38. Murray, J. H. P.
1912 Papua, pp. 128-9
39. Murray, J. H. P.
Papua, pp. 237-8
42. Testu, G. Le
Notes sur les coutumes Bapounou dans la Conscription
de la Nyanga. pp. 196-7
43. Glave, E. J.
1893 Six Years of Adventure In Congo Land, p. 92
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Chapter Twenty-three
by Robin Horton
346
I. The quest for explanatory theory is basically the quest for unity
underlying apparent diversity; for simplIci ty underlying apparent
complexity; for order underlying apparent disorder; for regularity
underlying apparent anomaly.
t Rule statements Is neither the ’Is* of Identity nor the 'Is' of class-
membership. Rather, It stands for unity-tn-dualIty uniquely
characteristic of the relation between the world of common sense and
the world of theory.
What has all this got to do with the gods and spirits of
traditional African religious thinking? Not very much. It may appear
at first glance. Indeed, some modern writers deny that traditional
religious thinking Is in any serious sense theoretical thinking. In
support of their denial they contrast the simplicity, regularity, and
elegance of the theoretical schemas of the sciences with the unruly
complexity and caprice of the world of gods and spirits. 1
But this antithesis does not really accord with modern field-work
data. It Is true that. In a very superficial sense. African
cosmologies tend towards proliferation. From the point of view of
sheer number, the spirits of some cosmologies are virtually countless.
But In this superficial sense we can point to the same tendency In
Western cosmology, which for every common-sense unitary object gives us
a myrald molecules. If. however, we recognize that the aim of theory
Is the demonstration of a limited number of kinds of entity or process
underlying the diversity of experience, then the picture becomes very
different. Indeed, one of the lessons of such recent studies of
African cosmologies as Middleton's Lughara Re IIglon, Llenhardt's
Divinity and Experience. Fortes’ s Oedipus and Job, and my own articles
on Kalahari, Is precisely that the gods of a given culture do form a
scheme which interprets the vast diversity of everyday experience In
terms of the action of a relatively few kinds of forces___
The same body of modern work gives the lie to the old stereotype of
the gods as capricious and Irregular In their behaviour. For It shows
that each category of beings has Its appointed functions In relation to
the world of observable happenings. The gods may sometimes appear
capricious to the unreflectlve ordinary man. But for the religious
expert charged with the diagnosis of spiritual agencies at work behind
observed events, a basic modicum of regularity In their behaviour is
the major premiss on which his work depends. Like atoms, molecules,
and waves, then, the gods serve to Introduce unity Into diversity,
simplicity Into complexity, order Into disorder, regularity Into
anomaly.
I
Once we have grasped that this Is their intellectual function, many
of the puzzles formerly posed by 'mystical thinking' disappear. Take
the exasperated, wondering puzzlements of Levy-Bruhl over his
'primitive mentality'. How could primitives believe that a visible,
tangible object was at once Its solid self and the manifestation of an
Immaterial being? How could a man literally see a spirit In a stone?
These puzzles, raised so vividly by Levy-Bruhl, have never been
satisfactorily solved by anthropologists 'Mystical thinking' has
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Once again, we may ask what relevance all this has to traditional
African thinking. And once again the stock answer may be 'precious
little'. For a widely current view of such thinking still asserts that
it is more Interested in the supernatural causes of things than It Is
In their natural causes. This Is a misinterpretation. Perhaps the
best way to get rid of It is to consider the commonest case of the
search for causes in traditional Africa— the diagnosis of disease.
Through the length and breadth of the African continent, sick or
afflicted people go to consult diviners as to the causes of their
troubles. Usually, the answer they receive Involves a god or other
spiritual agency, and the remedy prescribed Involves the propitiation
or calling-off of this being. But this is very seldom the whole
story. For the diviner who diagnoses the intervention of a spiritual
agency is also expected to give some acceptable account of what moved
the agfency in question to Intervene. And this account very commonly
Involves reference to some event In the world of visible, tangible
happenings. Thus If a diviner diagnoses the action of witchcraft
influence or lethal medicine spirits, It Is usual for him to add
something about the human hatreds. Jealousies, and misdeeds, that have
brought such agencies into play. Or, If he diagnoses the wrath of an
ancestor, It Is usual for him to point to the human breach of kinship
morality which has called down this wrath.
350
After reflecting on these things the modern doctor may well take
some of these traditional causal notions seriously enough to put them
to the test. If the difficulties of testing can be overcome, and If
the notions pass the test, he will end up by taking them over Into his
own body of beliefs. At the same time, however, he will be likely to
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This Is fair enough; for although, as I have shown, the gods and
spirits do perform an important theoretical job In pointing to certain
Interesting forms of causal connexion, they are probably not very
useful as the basis of a wider view of the world. Nevertheless, there
do seem to be a few cases In which the theoretical framework of which
they are the basis may have something to contribute to the theoretical
framework of modern medicine. To take an example, there are several
points at which Western psycho-analytic theory, with Its apparatus of
personalized mental entitles, resembles traditional West African
religious theory. More specifically, as I have suggested elsewhere,1
there are striking resemblances between psycho-analytic ideas about the
Individual mind as a congeries of warring entitles, and West African
Ideas, about the body as a meeting place of multipie souls. In both
systems of belief, one personal entity is Identified with the stream of
consciousness, whilst the others operate as an 'unconscious’, sometimes
co-operating with consciousness and sometimes at war with It. Now the
more flexible psycho-analysts have long suspected that Freud's
allocation of particular desires and fears to particular agencies of
the mind may well be appropriate to certain cultures only. Thus his
allocation of a great load of sexual desires and fears to the
unconscious may well have been appropriate to the Viennese sub-culture
he so largely dealt with, but It may not be appropriate to many other
cultures. A study of West African soul theories, and of their
allocation of particular desires and emotions to particular agencies of
the mind, may well help the psycho-analyst to reformulate his theories
in terms more appropriate to the local scene.
From what has been said In this section. It should be d ear that
one commonly accepted way of contrasting traditional religious thought
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354
European thought Is that, while theories come and theories go, the
world of common sense remains very little changed.
One reason for this Is perhaps that all theories take their
departure from the world of things and people, and ultimately return us
to it. In this context, to say that a good theory 'reduces' something
to something else Is misleading. Ideally, a process of deduction from
the premisses of a theory should lead us back to statements which
portray the common-sense world In its full richness. In so far as this
richness Is not restored, by so much does theory fall. Another reason
for the persistence of the world of common sense Is probably that,
within the limits discussed in the last section, common-sense thinking
is handier and more economical than theoretical thinking. It Is only
when one needs to transcend the limited causal vision of common sense
that one resorts to theory.
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and the one God loses much of Its aura of mystery. Indeed there turns
out to be nothing peculiarly religious or 'mystical' about It. For It
Is essentially the same as the relation between the homogeneous atoms
and planetary systems of fundamental particles In the thinking of a
chemist. It Is a by-product of certain very general features of the
way theories are used in explanation.
358
In their society, breaks them down Into three aspects by a simple but
typical operation of abstraction and analysts.
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362
the total scheme. This Is true, for example, of such attributes of the
heroes as having left no human descendants, having disappeared Instead
of undergoing death and burial, and having come from outside the
community. All these serve effectively to define the heroes as forces
quite separate from the ancestors with their kinship Involvements.
Lack of descendants does this In an obvious way. Disappearance rather
than death and'burial performs the same function, especially when, as
In Kalahari, lack of burial Is almost synonymous with lack of kin. And
arrival from outside the community again makes It clear that they
cannot be placed In any lineage or kinship context. These attributes,
In short, are Integral to the definition of the heroes as forces
contrasted with and potentially opposed to the ancestors. Again, the
water-spirits are said to be 'like men, and also like pythons'; and
here too the paradoxical characterization Is essential to defining
their place In the triangle. The python Is regarded as the most
powerful of all the animals in the creeks, and Is often said to be
their father. But Its power is seen as something very different from
that of human beings— something 'fearful* and 'astonishing'. The
combination of human and python elements In the characterization of the
water-people fits the latter perfectly for their own place in the
triangle— as forces of the extra-social contrasted with and potentially
opposed to both heroes and ancestors.
One thing that may well continue to bother the reader is my playing
down of the difference between non-personal and personal theory. For
while I have provided what seems to me an adequate explanation of this
difference, I have treated It as a surface difference concealing an
underlying similarity of Intellectual process. I must confess that I
have'used brevity of treatment here as a device to play down the gulf
between the two kinds of theory. But I think this Is amply justifiable
In reaction to the more usual state of affairs, In which the difference
Is allowed to dominate all other features of the situation. Even
familiarity with theoretical thinking In their won culture cannot help
anthropologists who are dominated by this difference. For once so
blinded, they can only see traditional religious thought as wholly
other. With the bridge from their own thought-patterns to those of
traditional Africa blocked. It Is little wonder they can make no
further headway.
The aim of my exposition has been to reopen this bridge. The point
I have sought to make Is that the difference between non-personal and
personalized theories Is more than anything else a difference In the
idiom of the explanatory quest. Grasping this point Is an essential
preliminary to realizing how far the various established dichotomies
used In this field are simply obstacles to understanding. Once It Is
grasped, a whole series of seemingly bizarre and senseless features of
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All this Is not to deny that science has progressed greatly through
working In a non-personal theoretical Idiom. Indeed, as one who has
hankerings after behaviourism, I am Inclined to believe that It Is this
idiom, and this Idiom only, which will eventually lead to the triumph
of science In the sphere of human affairs. What I am saying, however,
is that this Is more a reflection of the nature of reality than a clue
to the essence of scientific method. For the progressive acquisition
of knowledge, man needs both the right kind of theories and the right
attitudes to them. But it is only the latter which we call science.
Indeed, as we shall see, any attempt to define science In terms of a
particular kind of theory runs contrary to Its very essence. Now, at
last, I hope It will be evident why, In comparing African traditional
thought with Western scientific thought. I have chosen to start with a
review of continuities rather than with a statement of crucial
differences. For although this order of procedure carries the risk of
one’ s being understood to mean that traditional thought Is a kind of
science, It also carries the advantage of having the path clear of red
herrings when one comes to tackle the question of differences.
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And again:
And yet Azande do not see that their oracles tell them
nothing! Their blindness is not due to stupidity, for they
display great ingenuity In explaining away the failure and
inequalities of the poison oracle and experimental keenness
in testing It. It is due rather to the fact that their
intellectual Ingenuity and experimental keenness are condi
tioned by patterns of ritual behaviour and mystical belief.
Within the limits set by these patterns, they show great
Intelligence, but It cannot operate beyond these limits. Or,
to put it in another way; they reason excellently in the idiom
of their beliefs, but they cannot reason outside, or against
their beliefs because they have no other Idiom In which to
express their thoughts.
366
Footnotes
2. Horton, Robin
1961 'Destiny and the Unconscious In West Africa,' Africa.
XXXI, 2. pp. 110-16
3. Evans-Pritchard, E. E.
1965 Theories of Primitive Religion, Oxford, p. 88
4. Evans-Pritchard, E. E.
1956 Nuer Rei igion, Godfrey Lienhardt, Divinity and Experience
The Religion of the Dinka, London, 1961
12. Evans-Prt.tchard, E. E.
1936 Witchcraft, O racles and Haqlc among the Azande.
Oxford, p. 194
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Chapter Twenty-four
by Dorothy Lee
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All the attributes would have been tautological, since the concept
of taytu contains them all. In fact. If one of these were absent, "the
object would not have been a taytu. Such a tuber, if It Is not at the
proper harvesting ripeness. Is not a taytu. If It Is unripe, It Is a
bwanawa; If overripe. It Is not a spent taytu but a yowana. When the
spent tuber, the yowana,- sends its shoots underground, as we would put
It, It Is not a yowana with shoots, but a s111sata. An object can not
change an'attrlbute and retain Its identity.
from the one acted upon, by order of precedence, and we cannot avoid
making the distinction. The Trobrlander, on the other hand, merely
expresses act and participants; "t-wo-ye tau““It-beat-man“means
either that the man Is beating someone or that someone Is beating the
man. Such a phrase usually refers either to a known situation, which
needs no elucidation, or Is told within a context which makes Its
meaning clear. If, however, the Trobrlander for some reason feels that
he must specify, he can do so; but he does not do so as a matter of
course, as we do, since his language does not predispose or constrain
him to do so.
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A man gardens yams wi.th the expenditure of much care and effort,
with physical and magical skills, putting In long, hot hours of work.
He gardens as many plots as he is capable of— not as many as his
neighbors, or as many as he "needs." About half of these he sets aside
as the urigubu plots. These he harvests with pride, exhibiting
beautiful heaps of taytu. Then he sends this harvest, by festively
arrayed youths and maidens, not to his yam house, but to the hamlet of
his sister's husband. In this man's garden the taytu are heaped again,
and It Is this man now who exhibits them with pride as the gift.
Finally, his yam house is put In order, and magic Is performed In it.
Ideally, the magic makes the taytu rot uneaten In the yam house; It
fills the owners with nausea at the thought of eating the taytu; it
gives them. Instead, an urge to go to the bush and eat what grows
there. This keeps the taytu free of purpose; ideally, they are not
food....
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Both the good and the true are defined by place in pattern. Taytu
figure as gifts upon different occasions, between different
Individuals. In each case the gift Is named and valued differently.
When Taytu are given to a friend at the launching of a canoe, they
follow a different procedure, and are kablgodoya; when they are a
harvest gift to a specialist, they are a karibudaboda. Taytu, then,
are urlgubu, kablgodoya, karibudaboda, according to their place In
different patterns; and each gift derives different being, and
different value In accordance to the pattern In which'It has place. I
should explain here that in each case the taytu remain taytu though
they participate In different situations; it Is the gift which is
different according to its place in a different pattern.
This conception of being and value gave the early pearl traders
much trouble. They found out soon that money or the things they
offered were no Inducement to work. They noticed, however, that the
Trobrianders set great store by certain large blades made of stone. At
first, they had these Imitated carelessly, but found that the natives
did not want them; then they had them made of slate in Europe, but
these also were rejected by the Trobrianders. Finally they had the
native stone quarried and sent to Parisian craftsmen; but these
beautiful blades also were rejected. These things, of course, could
375
not be valued, since they were not truly Trobrland, had not been made
"as ordained of old"; but more than that, they could not be an
Inducement, and could have no meaning, since they were external to the
pattern. When the Trobrlanders were finally persuaded to dive for pay.
It was only the natives of those villages which had always dived for
oysters who were persuaded; those of the other costal villages, where
diving had not been ordained of old, would not dive. And the natives
of the appropriate villages did so grudgingly. To the disgust of the
pearl traders, they would leave their diving and go off fishing for the
day. as soon as a number of baskets of yams made their appearance on
the beach, even though the traders offered them twenty times as many
yarns. The natives would work for extraneous Inducement as long as
there was no good undertaking to Indulge In; but when their gift-
partners arrived with yams, they Initiated a patterned situation which
had meaning for the natives.
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Within the pattern the Trobrlander feels safe and acts with
assurance. Away from home, he likes to reproduce known previous order,
even physically. When a food distribution, a saga 11, Is given to which
many different hamlets from a distance are invited, the geographic
location of these hamlets Is reproduced on the beach. (I am afraid It
Is Impossible for me to show conclusively that this Is not an Interest
In relative position.) Again, In one of the myths is given a,
description of a shipwreck, a dreadful event since It plunges the
sailors Into witch-infested waters. The crew of the large canoe drift
ashore clinging to the outrigger, onto which they have Jumped from
their places In the canoe. As they reach shore, they are In great
danger from the flying witches; In the face of It, they walk in exactly
the order In which they have drifted ashore; when they sit waiting for
night to come and hide them from the witches, they maintain this order;
In this order they finally march to their village where they are
medicated magically to free them from danger. Now they are safe again,
and the order need not be maintained.
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FOOTNOTES
378
The Trobrland Islands lie to the east of New Guinea. They are In
water where marine life abounds. The bush is full of plants producing
edible fruit.' Hhen Malinowski lived there, the population was sparse
enough so that hunger became a menace only In the rare years of
drought. Yet here we find a society of people who work hard, though
nature does not compel them to do so. The men rise early In the
morning to go to the fields of their own will so as to cultivate yams
which they will not consume or to go to work at overhauling or building
canoes which shall serve to take them on dangerous voyages to bring
back ornaments which cannot be used for their own adornment and which
can be possessed for only a few months. The men are honest in their
dealings. They observe the taboos and fulfill their many obligations
though there Is no direct political or social control over their
activities.
2. I use quotation marks for terms which we, from the point of view of
our own culture, would apply; terms which would otherwise require
cumbersome qualification whenever they appear.
by Junjlro Takakusu
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381
FIGURE 1
The death of a living being Is not the end; at once another life
begins to go through a similar process of birth and death, and thus to
repeat the round of life over and over again. Thus a living being,
when regarded in relation to time., forms an endless continuum.
382
Blindness and Motive to Live are called the Two Causes of the
Past. They are causes when regarded subjectively from the present,
but, regarded objectively, the life In the past Is a whole life just as
much as the life of the present is.
The fourth stage corresponds to the first one or tw<j years after
the birth of the child. The six organs of sense reach the state of
activity, but the sense of touch predominates. The living being begins
to come Into contact with the outside world.
The above five stages are called the Five Effects of the Present.
In these stages the individual is formed, but the individual Is not
entirely responsible for its own formation, because the causes of the
past have pushed the development of these stages. From here on, the
individual begins to create causes on his own responsibility, or, tn
other words, enters the true sphere of self-creation.
383
The present Is one whole life, and so Is the future. Past, Present
and Future are each an Independent whole life. Past, Present, and
Future are relative terms, however. Objectively, there Is no Future or
Past. There Is Present only. A living being does nothing but repeat
the life In the Present.
*
It Is clear that the Causation Theory of Buddhism Is not like the
Theory of Causality of modern physical science, for the latter Is a
fixed theory. In Buddhism every stage Is a cause when viewed from Its
effect. When viewed from the antecedent cause. It Is an effect. Also,
It may be said that there Is a cause In the effect, and an effect In
the cause. There Is nothing fixed In this theory. The Theory of
Causality of physical science may be disproved, but the causation
Theory of Buddhism Is never to be disproved.
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In the life to come, and Action to receive retribution In one of the
lives following the next.
There are two ways of viewing the process of becoming. The order
of cause and effect Is usually regarded as arising In sequence In
relation to time. However, when all the factors of the Twelve Stages
of Causation are considered as belonging to one being. It possesses all
at the same time. (For example, one does not abandon the Six Organs of
Sense to gain Contact.) Therefore, all factors are mutually dependent,
none being purely a cause nor purely an- effect, but all developing
simultaneously.
386
That which makes the seeds sprout out is the manifestation of the
seed itself. That Is, the motive force which makes the chain of
causation move is nothing but the Ideation. It is easy to see from
this theory of Causation by Ideation that Delusion, Action, and
Suffering originate from mind-action, or Ideation.
One should ask where this Storing Center of Ideation comes from.
To explain that we must study the theory of Causation by "Thusness."
because he was now the Enlightened One. the Victorious. All-wise One.
When he had “thus come" In his present capacity as the Instructor of
all men and even of devas. they should treat him as the Blessed One,
not as an old friend.
Again,, when the Buddha went back to Kapllavastu, his former home,
he did not go to the palace of his father, but lived In the banyan
grove outside the town, and as usual went out for dally begging.
Suddhodana, his king-father, could not bear the Idea of his own son.
the prince, begging on the streets of Kapllavastu. So he visited the
Buddha In the grove and entreated him to return to the palace. The
Buddha answered In the following words: “If I were still your heir, I
should return to the palace to share your comfort with you, but my
lineage has changed. I am now a successor to the Buddhas of the past,
all of whom have 'thus gone' as I am doing at present, living In the
woods and begging. Accordingly, your majesty must excuse me." The
king understood the words perfectly and became a pupil of the Buddha at
once.
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The first, second, and third states are easily understood, for
those are the Ideas often discussed by thinking men. But the fourth
may be somewhat difficult to understand, because In these
individualistic modern times It Is usually thought that one individual
is Inevitably opposed to another, that classes in a society are opposed
among themselves, that a business concern Is in competition with
another. A similar thought Is often held In physical science also— no
more than one object can occupy one position, and, therefore, all
objects are opposed among themselves. Even In the world of learning,
philosophy, for Instance, stands by Itself; so do religion and
politics. According to some, even art should have an Independent
existence— art for art's sake. Such independent existence of all the
branches of learning Is in fact a dissolution of civilization. But the
unification of the divergent branches will be a difficult task, for
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*
Section Seven
VALUES
391
INTRODUCTION TO VALUES
AN OVERALL MOOEL
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392
BASIC
COMPONANTS PROCESSES ILLUSTRATIONS
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The word "theme," which has been chosen as the preferred label
for these deep values, is borrowed from Opler who defines themes as
THEMES
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postulates that the society owns and seeks to maintain. They are basic
and limited In number In our society (Opler 1945; cf Opler 1955). A
model of Opler's thematic perspectives would simply resemble the
divisions of a pie. Each "slice" represents a basic theme or basic
assumption that with all the others form the core of the value system.
The arrows Indicate interaction between themes.
SUB-THEMES
CORE VALUES
The center of the model Is the core value Into which all other basic
values tie. To use Opler's terminology, self-reliance Is regarded as
the basic theme with other values as sub-themes. Such a model is
probably inadequate, however, since It is questionable that any
worldview Is monothematlc. At best, Hsu's analysis might Indicate that
a particular theme could be dominant or at least more prominant than
others.
Alleglences
Values
Behavior
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Good Bad
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Unacceptable behavior
398
Actual Ideal
C 1 i i
CO
Behavior - 1 1 1
! I 1 1
1 1 1 1
! 1 1 1 1 1 1
11 1! 1
1
1
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1
1
1
1
1
1
Values D * ' ‘ I 1 ■ i IA
VALUE CONFLICTS
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402
17. Patriotism and public service 17. But: Of course a man has
are fine things. to look out for himself.
18. The American judicial system 18. But: A man Is a fool not
Insures justice to every man to hire the best lawyer
rich or poor. he can afford.
19. Poverty Is deplorable and 19. But: There never has been
should be abolIshed. enough to go around and
the Bible tells us that
"The poor you have always
wi th you."
20. No man deserves to have 20. But: You cannot let people
what he has not worked for. starve.
It demoralizes him to do so.
SUMMARY
The case study by Madsen points to the conflict that can arise
when one lives with two value systems. Hhlle that Issue Is only
suggested In this Introduction, the behavior that Madsen describes Is
eye-opening and perhaps will stimulate others to think about how such
value conflicts are handled elsewhere In the world. The article would
be fitting for either this section or the following section on change.
Chapter Twenty-six
by James Spradley
World View
405
precision by the people. You will have to discover Mae Enga world view
by searching for the unstated ways of looking at life, by putting
together the pieces of this puzzle and making Inferences about the
perspective that gives It overall meaning---
Ancestral Ghosts
You wonder how Wakul knew It was his mother's ghost, since he
did not call a diviner. The next day you find out from other men.
Several years before his parents died, Wakul received an enormous pig
In a ceremonial distribution. His mother and father each wanted the
animal and urged him not to give It away to other people, to give It to
them, Sometimes old women can "own" a pig, and his mother wanted this
one for herself. But Wakul eventually gave It to his father and
greatly angered Wane, his old and domineering mother. She berated him
In public for his meanness and told everyone again what an ungrateful
son she had borne when, a year later. Wakul's father gave the pig away
In a distribution. Now It became clear why Wakul's large boar with the
deformed»stomach had destroyed another man's garden. Everyone knew
when it was born with a deformity that Wakul's mother's ghost was still
angry. Some said he shoold kill this pig immediately and give It to
his mother's ghost, but he refused, and It grew Into an enormous boar.
When it rooted up the garden, everyone was sure that it was his
mother's ghost at work, that she wanted pork, and that this boar should
be quickly killed and offered to her. But Instead Wakul gave It to
another clan In a distribution of wealth. And now his mother had
retaliated and attacked his eldest son. A few days later Mapu died.
Wakul was grief stricken, yet the mourning period was hardly
over before he had to send 10 pigs to his wife's clan as payment for
the Injury to Mapu's maternally derived flesh. Wakul knew that his
mother would only kill once; she would now merge with the ancestral
spirits of the clan, driven away by her victim, the ghost of Mapu. But
now Wakul had a new worry. It was not long before he began to dream
that Mapu appeared to him with an angry reproachment: "If you had not
sent that deformed boar to another clan to feed a stranger's ghost,
your mother's ghost would not have bitten me." As soon as a diviner
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406
Hardly a day goes by that you do not hear someone talking about
the activities of one or another ghost. Sometimes events among the Mae
Enga are not so clear as to Indicate which ghost has killed someone.
Whenever illness comes quickly, someone has an accident, or there is a
sudden death/ everyone knows It means a ghost has bitten someone. In
the case of death, an autopsy reveals whether the ghost Is from your
mother's kinsmen or from your father's kinsmen. You have heard other
men discussing such autopsies. "There were black mark? on the right
side of his lungs," someone reports. "His paternal kinsmen killed
him." Jf the marks are on the left side. In the heart or lungs, It Is
the maternal ghosts. Since the maternal ghosts make the body. If they
also cause the death, no payment Is required. But, In the case of
Mapu, the ghost that killed him was considered part of his father's
clan, so pigs had to be sent to Mapu's mother's relatives.
Each day leads to new events among.the Mae Enga, events that
furnish you with new questions and more clues to decoding this complex
culture. Even as you Investigate their social system, language,
kinship system, animal husbandry, and gardening practices, you continue
to gain Insight Into the broader features of this culture, the Mae Enga
world view. The pervasive distinction between male and female and the
constant fear of ghostly attack seem to be two fundamental principles
of Mae Enga world view.
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Va hies
' Like all our cultural knowledge, values are mental conceptions.
They are also heavily weighted with emotional feelings. Although It Is
not possible to observe values directly, there are three routes to
learning the values of a people. First of all. It Is frequently
possible to Infer values from observable behavior. For example, from
the way men and women act toward their pigs, you can Infer that It Is
quite Important to take care of these anlmais properly. They live
Inside a woman's house, each with an Individual pen. At night a fire
If kindled In the passageway between the pens In order to protect the
pigs from the cold that comes to these high valleys. A second, very
rich setting for discovering values occurs when parents are teaching
their children proper behavior. You saw, for Instance, how angry Hakul
was when his son was not careful, and the boar wandered into another
man's garden. But when he cut off his son's earlobe and made him eat
it to teach him to take better care of his pigs, this was not an
Impulsive act; It was a customary way to teach an Important value. You
have seen other Mae Enga men reprimanding their sons for carelessness
when herding pigs. On occasion they have cut off their sons' earlobes,
and several months ago two men took an axe and cut off the first joint
of their son's fingers when several pigs were lost. One father even
tied his son securely and hung him over the fire for several hours,
berating him for his negligence and telling him how Important It was to
give his full attention to caring for the pigs. These actions are
generated. In part, by the value concept, "It Is desirable to take
408
Desirable or Undesirable • ■
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If a Mae Enga woman adopted a single term for all the different
varieties of potatoes recognized by her family and friends, she would
be reminded of the proper cultural categories. Failure to use
agreed-on concepts for Identifying states of affairs does not go
unnoticed, pointing to the fact that even a seemingly neutral cultural
category such as "sweet potato" Involves a value.
Core Values
410
time use soap." One can easily formulate the following widely held
cultural value from Instances such as these.
2. It Is desirable to keep the human body free from dirt and normal
odors.
When you Inquire why he received this pig, Wakul's wife tells
you. ,"lt was a payment. Wakul has a large boar that he saw mating with
a sow-In the bush; he traced the sow to Its owner and demanded one of
the litter. We watched the moon for 4 months, and the sow had her
litter right on time." On the front wall of the living room, stuck.
Into the matted stems and leaves of canegrass, you can see literally
dozens of pig bones. These bones, you learn, attract new pigs to the
herd. Tucked In beside some of the bones and above them In the gable
of the house are packets qf Iris leaves that Wakul has treated with
spells from his store of family-owned magic. These also attract more
pigs. These means of acquiring pigs are used because no matter how
Industrious one Is In caring for pigs, no matter how shrewd a man might
be In increasing his herd through ceremonial exchanges, he cannot
control everything that determines the number of pigs he owns. This
magic Induces his debtors to meet their obligations and makes men from
distant places give generously when exchanges take place. Magic leaves
are also used to rub pigs or are fed to unsuspecting pigs Inside sweet
potatoes to Increase their growth. A few days later you visit again
and find that Wakul's wife has tied a piglet by Its hind legs and has
It hanging from the rafters Inside the front room of her house. You
watch as she takes a fire stick from the fireplace and singes off the
pig's hair, .then rubs the squealing animal with grey clay while saying
magic spells. She knows that If her pigs are scrawny, Wakul may beat
her, and this magic, like the use of leaves, helps to make the pigs
heal thy and fat.
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412
Before you leave the Mae Enga you will have discovered dozens of
other stategies for Increasing pig wealth. Men marry extra wives
because they alone can tend sweet potatoes and care for pigs. In order
to escape losing one's entire stock by diseases that can strike down
hundreds of pigs In a single area, wives sometimes take their, husband's
pigs to live In different territories with other relatives. Some men
farm out a few pigs to their sisters or other relatives In other clan
territories, thus reducing the risk of total loss that might occur If
they were kept In one place. Men buy pigs, paying a stone axe-blade or
a gourd full of tree oil for a knee-high sow. A 10-foot bamboo of tree
oil will buy five pigs. When the Europeans came In about 1940, a pig
could be purchased for a single steel axe or spade. Ultimately, the
amount of pig wealth any person controls Is determined by the ghosts of
his paternal relatives, which brings us to two more core values In this
culture.
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even the boy's father joins in to condemn his son’s actions. It will
be some time before things have cooled down enough for you to get the
details of the dispute. As the group breaks up, Wakul makes one last
parting remark to his nephew:. "If you keep acting In this way you are
going to turn out to be nothing but a Rubbish Man!"
Weeks later you reconstruct the situation. When Mapu was killed
by the attack of Wane's ghost, everyone In the subclan knew that a
funeral distribution was required. It would take many more pigs that
Wakul could muster, and everyone would pitch In, keeping careful track
of their contribution. In the future when bridewealth came to the
Kauwai people, or another clan sent pigs for a death caused by their
ghosts, each person would receive animals according to his rightful
share. "But," Wakul tells you, "my brother's son quickly gave his pigs
away In private exchanges so he would not have to contribute to the
funeral. It made It difficult for us to get together enough pigs to
send to my wife's clan."
Mae Enga men do not measure their pig wealth In the size of
their immediate herd. Rather, they calculate their pig credits and pig
debts as well as thesize of their present herd. No one wants others
to know how manypigs he has on hand.. If he has too large a herd,
creditors will descend on him demanding that he give what he owes; If
his herd is too small, others will sneer because he Is such a poor
man. On a single day a man may have a dozen pigs, and If an exchange
occurs he might have only two or three the next day. A man's wealth In
pigs is estimated also by how many te partners he has In other clans.
The te Is a cycle of distributions. Involving at least 12,000 men, that
occurs periodically. A Big Man may have more that 100 te exchange *
partners In numerous clans, whereas most Individuals have less than
25. When the te cycle Is In full process, more than 30,000 pigs can be
moving up and down the valleys, passing from one man to another. At
the end of a particular -cycle of exchange, each man must repay his
partners with a half side of pork for eachpig received. Thousands of
pigs are killed, andtons of pork, some of It rotten and stinking, move
back along the valleys from one cían area to another. Everyone comes
to know the men who give and receive the most pigs. Before your field
work is over you will learn of about six cases of homicide in which
kinsmen will have to be compensated for the death. There will be 325
pigs given In these six cases, but not all of the 108 men involved make
equal contributions. More than half of these pigs will be donated by
only 21 Big Men.
Cultural Selection
Binary Opposition
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417
FIGURE 14
Inferiority Superiority
Nonentity ("rubbish man") Leader ("big man")
•Nelghbor/affInes Clansmen
Matrllateral kin Patrllateral kin
Mother's agnates Father's agnates
Mother Father
FemaIe Male
"Vertical" flesh "Horizontal" flesh
Flesh and blood Spirit
Ml Ik Semen
Sexual 1ty Chastity
Pollutlon Purity _
Married man Bachelor
Domestic life . Ritual seclusion
"Female" crops "Male" crops
Pigs Game
Secular dwelling house Ancestral cult house
Woman's («mother's) Man's (-father's)
house house
Woman's side of house Man's (-oven) side of
and yard house and yard
Left [land Right hand
MatrI lateral ghost or Patrllateral ghost or
sorcery sorcery
Left side of thorax Right side of thorax
Moon Sun
Earth dwellers Sky dwellers
Dark (brown) skin Light (red) skin
Mortals Immortals
Forest (-demons) Settlement (-kinsmen)
Danger. Security
418
explanation that makes sense In terms of the world view and values of
Mae Enga culture.
FOOTNOTE
I
Chapter Twenty-seven
VALUE SYSTEMS
by Philip K. Bock
INTRODUCTION
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421
The cargos are public offices, and Zlnacanteco men fill them
as community service. That Is, the Incumbents receive no
pay and usually make very substantial cash outlays for
saints' fiestas and cerenionles. The term of service Is one
year___ Almost all Zlnacanteco males serve at least one
cargo during their lifetime___ The cost of cargos varies
tremendously, and only the rich can afford the most
expensive ones.
422
Among the Navaho, the Ideal moral pattern was to treat all
people as If they were relatives. But even this universalIstlc
standard recognizes that a moral code must be extended from the
In-group, where It Is relatively easy to observe, to an out-group,
where It Is more difficult to follow. Even In complex civilizations,
kinship relations are frequently chosen to symbolize the Ideal
relationship among strangers; for example, the Emperor as the "father
of his people," or the use of "sister" among members of the women's
IIberatlon movement.
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425
426
Esthetic Categories
There are several types of designs which come under the heading
of luhlda. These Include madone, a series of disconnected round units
which are esthetlcally patterned (00000), and nsa[e, a series of
unconnected parallel lines occurring within a spatial field.
According to Schneider:
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Hyperbole
Exaggerations used In the tales are useful Indices of cultural
values. The heroes of Hawaiian tales are always described In extreme
terms. “These heroes have great powers: they drink the sea dry, leap
from Island to island, or transform themselves Into fish or animals.
Their flawless bodies are so beautiful that strangers hasten to wait on
them.“
Humor
Word play and scatological Jokes are the most frequent forms of
humor found in the tales, with sarcasm occurring less frequently.
"Punning Is a form of aggressive competition between heroes." Joking
shows a fascination with the human body Including Its deformations.
"Adultery and lechery are not sources of humor In the tales because of
the lack of taboos on this kind of behavior."
Names
“
A striking feature of Polynesian mythology Is the fondness for
names." All the characters In a tale are listed at the beginning, and
full personal names are frequently repeated where we might substitute
pronouns. Genealogies were memorized and recited on many occasions.
(According to some early missionaries, the Hawai Ians thought that the
"begats" In the Bible were the "best parts")
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Details
"Hawaiian tales frequently mention body parts, especially
eyes.... This Is In keeping with the cultural Interest In the sacred
body, as mentioned previously." Verbal fluency was highly valued and
Is displayed by the heroes of the tales, often In the form of elaborate
Insults. "Nature Is referred to with the most persistent attention and
wealth of detal 1."
Treatment of Character
The heroic tales Illustrate the aristocratic emphasis of
Hawaiian culture. Most of the tales deal primarily with persons of
high rank; commoners enter the picture only "to Illustrate a virtue,
such as hospitality, or to wait on or applaud a chief. The slave class
Is completely unrepresented." Animal characters are scarce. There Is
a realistic treatment of even the character of heroes, partly for
esthetic effect: “ The sudden weaknesses of the hero, the fact that his
mana occasionally falls, his fears and temporary setbacks, are
realistic touches that serve as devices for heightening suspense and
enhancing dramatic appeal."
430
Not all the singers seem to know the song equally well, nor
do they all seem to be singing exactly the same version of the
song.... The Impression Is of a group of Individualists who
tune their differences to each cfther at the moment of singing In
a dynamically creative way which Is very hard to describe.
Rhythmn.
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oriented, the things it alms at. prizes and endorses, and more or less
achieves."
For these and other reasons, Morris E. Opler has suggested that
cultural patterns should be described In terms of several themes—
cultural Ideals, "declared or Implied," which control behavior or
stimulate particular kinds of activity. According to Opler, cultural
integration is the result of the dynamic Interplay among a number of
different themes, some of which reinforce one another while others
contradict or limit each other.11
Cosmlc structure
434
The Good
The Not-qood
Determinants of action
FOOTNOTES
1. Candan, F.
1963 “Informant Error and Native Prestige Ranking In
Zinacantan," American Anthropologist.
Vol. 65, pp. 1068-1069, 1073.
2. DuBols, C.
1955 “The Dominant Value Profile of American Culture,"
American Anthropologist. Vol. 57. p. 1237.
3. Stern, T.
1963 "Ideal and Expected Behavior as Seen In Klamath
Mythology." Journal of American Folklore.
Vol. 76. pp. 27-28.
4. Schneider, II. K.
1966 "Turu Esthetic Concepts." American Anthropologist.
Vol. 68. pp. 156-160.
5. Elbert, S.
1951 “Hawaiian Literary Style and Culture," American
Anthropologist. Vol. 53, pp. 345-354.
6. Veblen, T.
1934 The Theory of the Leisure Class. New York; Modern
Library, especially Chapter 6.
7. McAllester, 0
1954 Enemy Way Music. Papers of the Peabody Museum.
Vol. 41. No. 3, Cambridge: Peabody Museum, pp. 7-8.
8. Ibid. . p. 5.
10. Lomax, A.
1962 "Sonq Structure and Social Structure." Ethnology.
Vol. 1 (1962), pp. 425-451. A more comprehensive
report of the cantometrlcs project Is A. Lomax et.
al.. Folk Song Style and Culture. Washington. DC.:
American Assoc, for the Advancement of Science,
Publication No. 88. 1968.
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11. Kroeber, A. L.
1948 Anthropology, New York: Harcourt Brace, p.294.
12. Benedict, R.
1934 Patterns of Culture, New York: Houghton Mifflin.
13. Opler, M. E.
1945 • "Themes as Dynamic Forces In Culture," American
Journal of Sociology, Vol. 51, pp. 198-206. Also
his article "The Themal Approach In Cultural
Anthropology and Its Application to North Indian
Data." Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. Vol. 24.
(1968), pp. 215-227.
14. Leeds, A.
1960 "The Ideology of the Yaruro Indians In Relation to
Socio-Economic Organization." Anthropologlca. Vol. 9.
pp. 1-10.
16. Bldney, D.
. 1953 "The Concept of Value In Modern Anthropology,"
In A. L. kroeber, ed. Anthropology Today. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, p. 698.
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Chapter Twenty-eight
by Florence R. Kluckhohn
and Frqd L. Strodtbeck
INTRODUCTION
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The most Important difference — the one which most clearly sets
apart our concept of value orientations from all others which treat of
systems of meaning— Is the definition of them as complex principles
which are variable only In patterning. Some of the reasons for the
need to make this distinctive expansion In the conceptualization of
value systems have been stated, further explanation will be presented
In the immediately ensuing discussions which are devoted to the
classification scheme of the ranges of the uni versa11stIc components of
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There are still other respects In which the concept differs from
some or all of the previous formulations of basic value systems which
require comment as a means of clarifying the conceptual context for
these later discussions. We mention first the view that the principles
are on an Implicit-explicit continuum. Many of the writers who have
concerned themselves with baste values have so definitely emphasized
the unconscious end of this continuum that the terms they have
developed actually Include the word "unconscious" (for example, the
concepts of "unconscious canons of choice" and "unconscious systems of
meanings"). Since the problem of degree of awareness— the degree of
implicitness or expllcltness— has been well treated by C. Kluckhohn, we
shall not dwell longer upon this point.
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Making full allowance for the fact that human beings are not the
Instinct-bound creatures which gray geese, herring gulls, or stickle
backs are, there Is a general, way In which the causal-mechanism—
directiveness distinction made by Tinbergen appears to be applicable to
the analysis of the evaluative process. The cognitive and the
affective elements, each one In Itself and both In their relationships
one to another, are causal In a way which the directive element Is not,
and the directive element contains both Integrative and guiding influ
ences which the cognitive and affective elements do not possess. It Is
from the cognitive and the affective elements and the relation- ships
between them that the value System derives Its content In the forms of
existential premises and normative assumptions. There would be no
value system which takes human behavior out of the realm of the purely
Instinctual were It not for the quite highly developed human capacities
for intellection afid affectlvlty. But It also seems apparent that
there would be no ordered, no systematic, value system without a
directive tendency which both aids in the selection among possible
value systems and also serves to give continuity to the total system.
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Five problems have been tentatively singled out as the crucial ones
common to all human groups.* These problems are stated here in the
form of questions. After the questions are the titles that will
hereafter be used for the total range of variations in the five
orientations.
TABLE I
I Mixture of
Evil Neutral | Good-and-Evt1 Good
human nature
Mut. Immut. mutable I Immutable mutable tminut.
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3. _Time Orientation
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449
and Industrial peoples must have one. Whether days are regarded as
sunrise-to-sundown wholes or as time units to be split Into hours and
minutes and whether or not a clock Is deemed a useful culture object
are not the critically Important criteria for a cons Iderat loti of the
orientation to time.
Obviously, every society must deal with all three time problems;
all have their conceptions of the Past, the Present, and the Future.
Where they differ Is in the preferential ordering of the alternatives
(rank-order emphases), and a very great deal can be told about the
particular society or part of a society being studied and much can be
predicted about the direction of change within It If one knows what the
rank-order emphasis Is.'.
450
Chínese a steamboat for the first time was quickly put In his place by
the remark, "Our ancestors had such a boat two thousand years ago."
4. Activity Orientation
of activity, the differences between them are not those which the
"active-passive" dichotomy distinguishes.
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5. Relational Orientation
In addition all societies must take Into account the fact that
Individuals are biologically and culturally related to each other
through time. There is. In other words, always a Lineal principle In
relationships which Is derived both from the biological givens of'age
and generational differences and from the fact of cultural conti
nuity___ With the view of relational systems as systems which always
contain all three relational principles in varying rank-order patterns
it becomes possible to treat variability and change much more fully.
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454
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The many ethnic groups In the United States are excellent examples
of this type of variation. Almost everyone realizes that many of these
ethnic groups have patterns of behavior and thought which vary more or
less widely from the dominant American patterns. The "melting pot"
Ideology Is based upon a recognition of such variation. But It has not
been equally well recognized, either Ideologically or behaviorally.
that the several groups often vary tremendously one from another. Also
it has been for the most part only In such matters as language
differences, food habits, and dissimilarities In physical appearance
that variation Is noted. Even those persons who have worked closely
with ethnic groups (social workers, teachers, ministers) have seldom
paid much attention to the variation In their ways of life other than
the readily observable differences In parental authority, family living
patterns, and political and religious affiliations. Because there has
been little concern with the variations In deeply rooted value
orientations, it has been difficult for many to comprehend whysome
ethnic groups become Americanized easily while others cling tenaciously
to their own ways of life over long time periods.... Spanlsh-
Amerlcans...represent an extreme example of a minimally assimilated
people--- The rate and degree of assimilation of any ethnic group to
dominant American culture will depend in large part upon the degree of
goodness of fit of the group*s own rank ordering of value orientations
with that of the dominant culture.
But In spite of all these and the other differences observed and
recorded, there has been the tendency In almost all of the studies to
assume that all the variation Is variation on the same value theme, the
so-called American Creed. What Is usually remarked Is that the
behavior and attitudes of some groups, or classes, are harmoniously
attuned to this general creed whereas those of other classes are off
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457
pitch and limited In range. That the variations may reflect different
themes Is seldom suggested.
There has not been sufficient work done to date to know how much
the knowledge and appraisal of class differences will be increased by
this different kind of approach. In one study of Harvard College
students made by McArthur the theory of dominant and variant value
orientations was used to make predictions of the differences in certain
kinds of responses which would be made by upper and middle-class
college students to the pictures In the Murray and Morgan Thematic
Apperception Test. Although a separation of the students Into these .
two groups was not an easy task, various kinds of evidence seemed to
indicate that for Harvard College students a fairly accurate division
could be made on the basis of type of school attended prior to coming
to college. Thus, It was assumed that a majority of the public-school
students were of the middle class whereas a majority of those who had
attended private schools, especially a certain selected group of
schools, were upper class. For the former It was postulated that their
modal time and activity orientations would be Future and Doing; for the
latter, Past and either Being or Belng-ln-Becoming. These two
predictions were then made as to the variability of response to the
first of the pictures of the test (a small boy Is seated before a table
on which lies a violin; the subject is asked to Invent a story about
him):
(1) that more public-school boys will tell stories to the violin
picture in which the parent demands work from the child.
(2) that more private-school boys will tell violin stories In which
the music lesson Is seen by the child as a way to create beauty
and express and develop himself.
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Ethnic groups and social classes represent only two of the many
possible types of varlantly oriented subgroups In a total society. Some
societies have many types, others few, but not even the very small
nonllterate and folk societies are without any. From the empirical
point of view the number and kinds of'Variant subgroups are matters of
great importance. Theoretically the significant fact Is that even this
type of variation In value orientations contributes greatly to the
creation of an Intricate web of variation. No dominantly oriented
group ever escapes being Influenced by the varlantly oriented ones
which surround and constantly Impinge upon it, and no variant group
survives without numerous relationships to the dominantly oriented ones.
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462
behavior in the different spheres. For example, not even the most
dominantly oriented American businessmen spend all their time on the
job; all participate at some times and to some degree In all the other
spheres of activity. This fact has been widely observed, but It has
not been as frequently remarked that the shifting from sphere to sphere
indicates a complex and variable motivational structure. Still less
often has the variability of motivations been seen as a variation In an
Individual's value orientations. Instead It has frequently been looked
upon as a serious conflict within the personality, hence as something
to cause concern. One such conflict that has been much discussed is
the one many Americans, especially men, seem to have between religious
and occupational values. Without denying that there is actual conflict
of this and other kinds, we suggest that much of what looks like
conflicts Is often Just an expression In behavior of the individual's
variation In value orientations. Moreover, if there Is a serious
Internal conflict It Is an Indication that the value-orientation
structure of the individual either is not ordered or is constituted of
different orderings which conflict with each other.
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this means that roles, to the extent that they are determined by value
orientations, are ordered Into an Interlocking network of the dominant
and the variant for which the dominant rank ordering of value
Of|entatlons Is the Integrating thread.
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deviation. The most general use of the concept Is for the designation
of behavior which seriously transgresses the type of moral norms which
are essential to the stability of all societies. Deviant persons of
this kind are the "social outlaws," and they are both found In all
societies and negatively sanctioned in all of them. Certainty some
special category is needed for persons of this type, but other highly
profitable uses of the term “deviant make it questionable that this Is
the right term for the outlaws. Mainly, we refer to the use of the
concept of deviant for the classification of all the Individuals who
show, in varying ways, that they have rejected or altered the patterns
of behavior expected of them by the particular groups of which they are
members.
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FOOTNOTES
1. Kluckhohn, Clyde
1951 "Values and Value Orientations In the Theory of
Action," Toward a General theory of Action. Talcott
Parsons, Edward A. Sh11s. et.al., Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, p. 411
3. Tlmbergen, N.
1951 The Study of Instinct, Oxford: Clarendon Press, p. 150
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confusion which some may find in our use of the term to refer both to
type of orientation and to alternative orientations within a type.
7. Spengler, Oswald
1926- The Decline of the West, tr. Charles F. Atkinson, New
1928 York: Alfred A. Knopf, Vol. I, p. 130.
9. Escape from Freedom, (New York: Rinehart & Co., 1941), pp.258-59
12. Watson Smith and John M. Roberts have recently developed a concept
of "value field" which has some similarity to that of behavior sphere
as we are using It. However, It appears probable that further
development of both concepts will Indicate that the "value field" Is a
concept intermediate between behavior spheres and value orientations.
See Watson Smith and John M. Roberts, Zunl Law: A Field of Values,
Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Vol. XL 11!, No. 1
(1954).
470
IN SOUTH TEXAS
by William Madsen
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Except for the descendants of the early settlers from Mexico, the
bulk of the modern population of this area came In two waves of
migration beginning In the second decade of this century. At that
time, several investment companies began clearing and irrigating the
land that today supports the thriving vegetable and citrus farms of the
lower Rio Grande Valley. The purchasers of these Improved lands were
mainly Anglos from the mldwestern and northeastern parts of the United
States. The men who cut the brush and dug the irrigation ditches were
laborers from Mexico. Many remained as field hands. Migration from
Mexico was further Increased by refugees from the Mexican Revolution of
1910 and Included some members of the middle and upper classes.'
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473
of a few. It is stated that, if the drunks would dry up, the thieves
reform, and the Irresponsible meet their obligations, jajraza In Texas
would again return to the path of greatness. Universal conformity
among Its members to the values of la raza could restore It to Its
rightful place in the balance of the universe, according to
conservative Mexlcan-Americans.
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477
If a person knows that he has the power of the evil eye, he should
always touch a child he has admired on the head. This prophylactic
gesture protects the child. In admiring any fragile object, he should
handle or caress it for the same reason. If he falls to do so. It may
later crack or break.
479
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480
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48 1
The method by which the curer realizes the will of God or the
saints during treatment varies. Some curers claim that they can hear
the commands from beyond. Others are possessed. One famous curer In
Hidalgo County today is a nine-year-old girl who becomes possessed by
the spirit of a deceased curandero. While she Is in a state of
possession, the soul of the dead curandero speaks through the child's
mouth, and its orders are carried out by an adult assistant. A few
curers are members of one of the spiritualist churches.
482
Memo was fired by his boss and consoled himself that night at a bar
with friends. He told the group that no reason had been given for his
dismissal, although weeks later he admitted that he had been guilty of
consistent absenteeism. His close friend Alejandro said that Memo
should have demanded a reason for the action or the continuation of his
job. Memo agreed and, as the evening passed and beer was consumed,
reannounced that the following day he would see his former employer and
have a showdown. Alejandro, who worked at the same canning plant, said
he would watch for the encounter, wished Memo luck, and urged him to be
firm. Walking home from the bar. Memo fell in the street and an
uneasiness In his stomach, vargue body pains, and was nearly, struck by
a truck. The next day he awoke with a headache, a shaky hand— symptoms
of the susto resulting from his frightening experience with the truck.
A neighbor made the diagnosis, treated him, and ordered him to bed for
a few days. Confrontation of his ex-boss was postponed and finally
forgotten. Alejandro was extremely sympathetic about his friend's
Illness___
I
483
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484
site had In the past. On her plea that their child was sickly and
should not travel, however, he allowed her to remain at home. Ills
eldest sister moved In with her before he left.
f
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God." She returned later and, with bowed head, gave her diagnosis:
Castigo de Oíos or punishment from God.
In her meetings with Jose, Dona Ines freely stated that Marla had
been behaving very badly and that the divine punishment was deserved.
She also, however. Instilled a sense of guilt In the husband. By
indirection she made him aware that he too had sinned. She led him to
believe that he had failed to supply Maria with "those things a woman
needs to be fully a woman." These talks also convinced him that
parting with his wife when she was experiencing envy of her comadre
and anxiety over her sick child signified failure in his role as a
husband and father. Ills mother attended these conferences with him.
and her knowledge of his own fallings diluted his overt expressions of
anger at Maria.
When Dona Ines finally permitted the meeting of husband and wife,
the encounter took place in her presence before her altar. Before
allowing them to speak, she made them kneel together before the altar,
sprinkled them with blessed water, and prayed aloud over them. The
prayer asked forgiveness for martal weakness and praised the wisdom of
od. The prayer included the sentiment that no person can be whole In
fsolation. It stated that "a man is because of woman and a woman is
because of her man." Following the prayer, the curandera ordered the
patient to welcome her husband and beg his forgiveness. Although
Jose's reaction was silence, he made no protest when Marla followed him
home. Later, he accompanied her on a pilgrimage to a holy shrine to
beg God's forgiveness. Maria still wears clothing of the dark shades
of humility and penance, and Jose has accelerated his extramarital
demonstrations of manliness. Although their relationship Is strained,
both husband and wife are filling their roles in conformity with the
expectations of conservative Mexlcan-Amerlcan society.
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FOOTNOTES
1. Madsen, Hllllam
1961 Society and Health In the Lower Rio Grande Valley,
Austin: The Hogg Foundation for Mental Health, pp.5-6.
2. Ibid., p. 972.
3. Rubel, Arthur J.
1960 "Concepts of Disease In Mexican-American Culture,"
American Anthropologist, 62, 797.
4. Fantini, Albino, E.
1962 Iliness and Curing Among the Mexican Americans of
Mission Texas, Unpublished M. A . thesis. University of
Texas, p. 44.
5. Madsen
1960 The Virqin's Children: Life in an Aztec Vi 1laqe
Today, Austin: University of Texas Press-, pp. 11-12
7. Festinger, Leon
1957 A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance, Stanford: Stanford
University Press.
SECTION EIGHT
CHANGE
488
INTRODUCTION TO CHANGE
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There are two basic starting points for change. Much change that
has its origin from within a culture while much originates from
external Influences. This Is not to Imply that change Is an
"either/or" process. Kluckhohn and Strodbeck make a point of this:
The probability of both factors being present does not negate the fact,
however, that one of the two may be the more prominant on any given
occasion of change.
490
RESISTANCE TO CHANGE
SUMMARY
I
Change Is both a universal and a constant experience. Most studies
of change are preoccupied with changes in the properties, the
technologies, or the ceremonies and other behavior of a given
society. Few studies look Into the deeper levels of change Involving
values* and alleglences, l.e., worldview change. Only as change Is
examined both at the worldview and the behavior levels of society can
an adequate understanding of change be possible, since each affects the
other.
•
Changes may be categorized as Initiated either by Internal
developments or by external forces. The first Involves the Inventions
and discoveries that take place within a society. Ihe latter has to do
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Chapter Thirty
by George M. Foster
INTRODUCTION
Jrad 1 1 Ion
Some cultures value novelty and change positively, for their own
sake. The fact that something Is new and different Is sufficient
reason to examine It and perhaps to try It. Americans, we know, are
attracted by the new. Advertisements play upon the theme of “ new,"
"better," "Improved," and the customer buys. In general, the positive
494
Whatever the origin of a love for the new, the relationship between
a productive economy and a tradition for change Is so close that It
cannot be thought of as due to., chance. In contrast, in most
nonindustrial parts of the world novelty and change have less positive
appeal. Rather, the Individual Is conditioned to view new things with
skepticism and. If he is uncertain, not be tempted. The great Spanish
lexicographer Covarrublas. for example, defined Novedad (novelty) In
1611 as "something new and unaccustomed." Then, unconsciously
Injecting the value Judgment of his society, he added, "Characteris
tically it is dangerous because it sullies traditional usage
(Covarrublas 1611:831). Even today. In Spain and Spanish America, one
of the most widely quoted of all proverbs Is "Vale mas lo viejo
conocido que lo nuevo por conocer." that is. what is old and known Is
worth i.iore than something new yet to be understood.
change does not exist until after a good deal of preliminary cultiva
tion has been done.
Fatal Ism
Cultural Ethnocentrlsm
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The other Instance comes from Chile where public health centers,
modeled after United States patterns, were Introduced beginning In the
1940's. The prenatal mothers' "class" taught by a public health nurse
was a part of the introduced pattern. But the new program was only
partially successful; expectant mothers balked at being taught In
classes like children. Consequently It was decided to represent the
classes as short-lived "clubs," which met for the prescribed number of
weeks, usually In the homes of the mothers. The health center provided
tea and.cakes, and the meeting thereby became a social affair. In which
the discussion of prenatal care was only an Incidental event. Since
club life is associated with the upper and middle classes, the women
from low-income brackets who were health center patients were delighted
to be asked to participate in such activities, and the program, as a
health measure, has been highly successful.
Norms of Modesty
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Relative Values
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This Is not an Isolated example. Eating habits are among the most
emotionally based of all activities, and unfamiliar taste often turns
out to be a reason why new foqds are rejected, unless they can be
cloaked with even more powerful counterarguments, such as prestige
value. In India a village worker asked a farmer about his reaction to
a new wheat that had been tried experimentally for several years. The
villager replied that it was better In appearance, brought a higher*
price, and resistant to rain and frost. Then he added, "But the local
variety Is better In taste," and concluded "From the point of view of
health there Is nothing like It (Dube 1958:196)....
CULTURE STRUCTURE
502
thing in the world to add a new one who obviously possesses special
merit.
503
[An Interesting section of this chapter has been omitted here due
to the desire to deal primarily with Foster's comments regarding
values, as well as In the Interest of brevity. The topic deleted Is
entitled “Unforeseen Consequences of Planned Innovation," and Is useful
reading In relationship to strateglzlng for change. — Editor's note]
Superstitions
(
Chapter Thirty-one
IN CULTURE CHANGE
INTRODUCTION
This subject is one about which many views have been advanced but
little agreement reached. Matson, in a paper which is remarkable for
Its succinctness, states: "The accumulated literature on change is
sizable, but there is as yet surprisingly little clarity as to the
basic problems and approaches in the field.”'
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506
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K
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given value system are perfectly geared one to another, this Important
corollary proposition Is suggested: The part or parts of a social
system which are most susceptible to the development of a basic change
In cultural values will be those In which there has been the greatest
proliferation of variant patterns for the relief of strain. This Is,
of course, only a more specific statement of the general proposition
that basic change occurs only, or usually, when the seeds of it, almost
always located outs|de the system, fall upon the fertile soil which the
variations wlthin the system provide. But it points up two additional
Important facts. The first of these is that the several parts of a
value-orientation system seldom change at the same rate. The second is
that the persons who are the Instigators of basic change— the
innovators— are almost always the variants In the system.
Not more than a generation ago the "Great Man" theory of cultural
change was still much in evidence, and In the discussion of it there
was, implicitly If not explicitly, always some expression of surprise
that the man of the hour seemed aiways to be on the social horizon and
ready to appear. It was for this reason that the emphasis was put upon
the Idiosyncratic character of the Great Man, the man who was so
unusual and so different that he was sui generis. Little serious
attention is given to this theory today, for even though the ideas of
internal variation have not been developed to the extent we are urging,
they have been well enough recognized to take the spell of mystery off
the emergent leaders who so frequently arise to guide a society in
different cultural directions in transition periods. Indeed, it can be
argued that recently the expectation of the appearance of such leaders
has been too much stressed, for there are far too many cases where the
role the "affected variant" plays is mainly destructive and not at all
creatively oriented to a new synthesis of value-orientation orderings.
But whether the variant individual is constructively dedicated to a new
synthesis or is, instead, a disruptive Influence, he, too, can always
be viewed as a product of the Interrelationship of variations which are
inte nal to the system and the external forces which come to play upon
the system.
Several still more specific hypotheses can be made, but since these
would require a detail of treatment of the differences in the orderings
of the orientations of the specific societies which come to influence
each other which this discussion does not warrant, we shall give only
one Illustration. If It is the case that a society which is either
Lineally or Collaterally first order on the relational orientation and
Is given also to first-order preferences for the Present, the Being,
and the Subjugated-to-Nature alternatives comes strongly under the
511
FOOTNOTES
2. Ibid.. p. 139.
4. Ibid., p. 145.
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Chapter Thirty-two
INIROOtJCTION
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any distinctly different kind of change. Many such changes take place
quite naturally within culture. Several such transformations are
Illustrated below. But when the process of cultural transformation Is
engaged In by the people of God In partnership with God there Is an
aim, a direction to the change that Is different from that of a
transformational change motivated by some other set of factors. This
aim Is to Increase the suitability of the culture to serve as a vehicle
for divine-human Interaction.
This Is the kind of change that eventually did away with polygamy
In Hebrew culture, so that by New Testament times the custom was
disapproved and very seldom practiced within Hebrew culture. Over a
period of several centuries the Hebrew people had developed culturally
appropriate alternative forms to fulfill the functions decreasingly
served by polygamy. A new way of looking after the rights and needs of
widows was one thing that had to be developed (see Act 6:1 and Jas.
1:27 for New Testament Jewish concern over this matter). A system of
hiring rather than marrying additional members of a family's labor
force was another necessary Innovation. An alternative way of handling
barrenness (quite frequently, unfortunately, Involving divorce)
Involved the revision of another set of cultural factors. And so on.
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517
Had the Anang been presented (at least Initially) with a more Old
Testament understanding of God's attitude toward sin (requiring less
drastic reinterpretation),-the transformation of the Anang c mceptuali-
zatlon might have been less traumatic and disintegrative, for an Old
Testament understanding Is clearly culturally closer to the Anang than
the Euro Americanized understanding of the New Testament. It Is,
furthermore, Scrtpturally endorsed as a place where God Is willing to
start.
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In order to bring about such change (If one is inside the culture)
or to stimulate It (If one Is an outsider), persons are more likely to
be effective If they are aware of the cultural patterns and processes
of the culture In which they work and If they work with or In terms of
these patterns and processes to bring about the changes they seek. It
frequently happens, of course, that Christian transformation Is brought
about by those who employ cultural patterns and processes of which they
are unaware. Certainly, few of the great transformations of history
have Involved the kind of analytical understanding of cultural patterns
and processes that Is available to us. It would, however, be going
much too far to suggest that a lack of this kind of analytical
knowledge always meant that those who sought to transform were naive
concerning their cultures. On the contrary, Calvin In developing a
representative type of church government. Hllberforce In his efforts to
abolish slavery, the early Christians In deliberately transforming the
meanings of countless Greco-Roman linguistic and cultural forms, and
many others were aware that they were employing available social
patterns for Christian ends.
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by Donald R. Jacobs
Thirdly, all levels of one's life are not changed or altered to the
same extent.
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525
A Kuria from Tanzania will probably look for “facts'' which are, in
the Kuria worldview, more consequential; for Instance, who was angry
with whom? The relational facts not only describe for the Kuria
community more adequately the cause of this misfortune but establish a
scenario in which the malevolent powers are exposed and subsequently
placed in a position where the community can deal with them. I say,
“The truth of the matter is that the steering gear broke and that is
that"; the Kuria says, “That is obvious, but that is not what
ultimately caused the accident. The truth of the matter is, so-and-so
willed someone's death on that bus. To know how the accident happened
is only incidental. To know why it happened is essential.”
526
PHILOSOPHICAL PRESUPPOSITIONS
Time Space
Concepts Concepts Epi stemology Ontology
EVENT
Figure I
The New Testament Itself tells the story of how the Gospel which
first came to one particular people, the Jews, was then liberated from
that culture so that It could be accepted by all. The thrust of the
Scriptures Is clear: the evangelist must assume that the receptor's
philosophical presuppositions form the context In which they will
comprehend Jesus Christ, at least Initially. Jesus' own Incarnation Is
the basic model. Paul, In his evangelistic methodology, grasped the
concept clearly. Ills sermon on Mars Hill, which was preached In the
heart of Hellenism, was couched In Hellenistic presuppositions. In
contrast, his approach to the Ephesian occultists appealed to the
miraculous. The philosophical presuppositions of these two audiences
varied greatly: consequently Paul's philosophical matrix for the Gospel
was different.:..
The story plot of the Acts traces how Christ's presence became
meaningful in both the Hebrew and Hellenistic cultures. This happened
In such a way that Hebrew Christians were permitted to retain their
Hebrew philosophical presuppositions while the Hellenistic Christians
experienced Jesus Christ's presence In their own world. As I
understand it, neither culture's concepts of time, space, epistemology,
or ontology had to be altered significantly as a precondition to
conversion.
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But the truth of the matter Is, people In both cultures can and do
experience Jesus Christ within the context of their own under
standings. By communicating with one another In love they can enlarge
ohe another's horizons; but when all Is said and done kuria Christians
remain undeniably kuria in their perception of space, and Germanic
Americans perceive space as Germanic Americans.
2. The “
Powers" and Conversion
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Figure 2
530
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Hhat often happens Is that new believers swap some of their own
cultural values for some of the cultural values of the advocate. This
often serves. Incidentally, to Isolate the Christians from their own
cultures, a position which to them seems reasonable because they desire
a separate Identity In the early stages of the establishment of a
Christian community In a dominantly non-bellevlng society. Then, too,
persons and communities desire new sources of power. In this case the
advocate. They therefore develop power linkages with the advocate,
symbolized by a yielding to the advocate's value orientation. Ideally,
the Christian community should through meditating on the Scriptures,
move Its value matrix toward the values that they see In the
Scriptures. However, this Is usually the result of nurture and not of
conversion. More of this In the second section of the paper.
Upon conversion the most obvious changes occur at the formal level.
People find ways of symbolizing their newly found relationship with
Christ. This Is understood by all. The catch Is that change at this
level may be Inconsequential. In the minds of many, a conversion
experience can be accomplished by a substitution of one set of rituals
and symbols for another. Unless there Is a significant shift In the
'appropriate areas at the conceptual level, the formal changes will
probably not be sustained.
equally so. A change at the formal level does not necessarily trigger
a change at the worldview level, even though this is often the process
one Is tempted to rely on to effect change. A change at the core of
the power hierarchy, however, can and does send shock waves through the
entire system.
I
536
During this phase the power conduits are relaid. Many channels
which had formerly gone to the exotic culture are now directed toward
local power sources. This explains in part why political rapprochement
marks this era and why a moratorium Is called on the aggressive
cultural expansionism of Impinging cultures.
3- Reestablishment of Identity
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This era is usually noted for Its potential for dividing churches,
because entire Christian communities are unable or unwilling to move at
the same speed, sometimes becuase of vested interests. The outcome is
usually that there Is a new fringe rejection movement on the one hand,
and a more complete accommodation movement on the other. The accomo
dation movements tend to blur their boundaries with the dominant
society, laying their power conduits to It without apology. The
community of rejection withdraws many of Its power conduits from the
dominant culture and turns these conduits In on Itself, hence feeding
on its own Internal resources. It may or may not relay conduits to
external sources, because by this stage It has become conditioned to
its own style of Christian life and so does not feel compelled to move
very far beyond itself.
For the group which moves in the direction of even more accomoda
tion to the dominant culture, conversion Is not marked with such
radical Intent. In fact, other than participating in certain required
rituals from time to time and paying dues regularly, nothing much is
expected from converts. Converts in these groups tend to take a line
of accommodation in their own lives.
These three stages are not always generational. They can all be
operating at one and the same time; yet If a particular Christian
community is examined it will be found that such a sequential
development is not unusual.
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538
Summary
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figure I
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54 2
With regard to (II) persons who advocate a given idea, much depends
upon the prestige assigned to them by the potential receptor group.
The worldview of a group will lead It to expect worthy Ideas from
certain types of persons and not from others. If a culture believes
that the privilege of Innovation belongs only to those of royal
lineage, It may well require that even an outsider demonstrate royal
connections before the new Ideas will be taken seriously. Or, If a
group expects to accept Innovative Ideas only from those who have
demonstrated their abilities from within their cultural context. It Is
unlikely that a person who has not acquired such credentials will be
taken seriously. For this reason'certain Nigerian cultures have been
very resistant to agricultural innovations even from Euro-Americans
(whose prestige is generally high otherwise), since they have never
observed these "agricultural experts" to have actually grown a superior
crop (or any crop) of guinea corn.
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SECTION NINE
STUDY
c O
546
INTRODUCTION TO STUDY
The terms "etic" and “emic" have their origin in the work of the
linguist Kenneth Pike. Pike's goal was the discovery of the total
Inventory of sounds used In all languages. Such a study focuses on
what Is called phonetics. Phonemics, on the other hand, shifts the
focus from the broader study to a study of the specific structuring of
the sounds of a given language. The word "etic," therefore, carries
with it an Implied breadth of perspective. It has come to be used by
anthropologists to refer to the perspective of one who stands outside,
comparing many systems, observing and assessing their regularities and
differences. "Emic," then, is used to refer to the viewpoint of one
who stands on the Inside and understands reality in terms of the
categories meaningful within that system alone.
No one can study worldview (or anything else for that matter) with
a total sense of objectivity. The observer or researcher seeks to be
objective, but he/she has a storehouse of presuppositions and values
that cannot simply be shed like a change of clothing. Those values and
perspectives undoubtedly affect the choices of the observations one
makes. Wayne Dye has recorded an early experience In which he expended
a great deal of energy writing a "treatise" on the cruel treatment of
dogs by the local people In his area. Ostensibly the rationale for
this project was to practice with the language on something less cru
cial than Scripture. In fact It was a convenient occasion to deal with
a local cultural practice that violated his own values (Dye, 1976).
Dye's honesty has recorded what many of us have experienced at one time
or another. The fact is that the grid of our own values system Is
always in our line of vision. Becoming aware of this fact is the
54 7
A B C 0
Naive Appreciation of Understanding
Ethnocentric __ Informed____and committment__ ^ of Insiders
Etlc ~ ^ to discover and (Ernie) *
(Naive Etlc) understand the Perspective
Emlc Perspective
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SUMMARY
550
BY James P. Spradley
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night, and go with them to nearby eating places for pizza or hamburg
ers. You roam around the campus freely and wherever you go some
students now recognize you aqd stop to talk. Your field notes contain
more and more Interpretations offered by informants; the effects of
culture shock seem less with each passing day. Your Identity as an
anthropologist, unfamiliar with the ways of American students but
desirous of understanding their point of view, has become firmly
establIshed.
Translation Competence
553
only "worked" for three weeks picking apples during the year, he
replies, "A couple hundred dollars." Then the ethnographer may ask,
"Where do you live?" Again, because the Informant knows the
anthropologist's culture, he translates this question Into something
like, "lie wants to know if I have a home or apartment where I stay all
the time," and the reply Is, "I don't have a place to stay." These
same answers could then be elicited from other informants, leading the
ethnographer to conclude that these are "homeless men" who live on less
than $500 per year. Yet hidden from view is the extensive cultural
knowledge that tramps have about ways to make It, about the sums of
money they acquire yearly by such actions as junking and panhandling,
and about hundreds of places they "flop," and "homes" such as cars and
under bridges. This same process can occur with Informants anywhere
and with similar results. The ethnographer may thus unconsciously
guide informants to conceptualize their own culture from the
perspective of an outsider.
554
Ethnography begins with the search for folk concepts. But after
you have Identified the more obvious ones In the culture of your
college student Informants, there Is a temptation to create your own
categories to describe their experience. You discover, for example,
that three Important folk concepts, "freak," "head," and " a d d head"
refer to different kinds of student drug users. At this point, Instead
of seeking to discover all related folk concepts and their meanings,
you might Introduce some analytic concepts such as "casual user,"
"experimental user," "regular user," and "nonuser," defining each of
these concepts by some measurable frequency of drug Ingestion. At any
stage in ethnographic research it Is possible to Introduce the
categories and concepts that you know as an outsider. When it Is done
prematurely, this practice acts as a barrier to exploring fully the
cultural knowledge that Informants are using to Interpret their
experience and generate social behavior. Franz Boas, one of the
founders of anthropology In the United States, pointed to this problem
long ago.
terms students use frequently. It Isn't long before you have a lengthy
list of phrases that Include terms llkp "roach," "smoking," "water
pipe," "hyperventilating," "red death," “peyote," and "paranoid." Some
of these terms are words you do not understand while others appear
quite familiar. One thing you do know: all of them are folk concepts
used by your Informants. You can now begin to formulate guestjons and
then go on to find the domains that students recognize as the large
categories of their culture.
Questions
There Is a common belief that one can find out what other people
know by merely asking questions and recording answers. This notion
falls to recognize that questions Inevitably determine answers. Let's
examine a simple exchange.
Doma In s
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One of the first domains you would find In your study Is one that
drug users employ to organize their social world Into different kinds
of people. As one student said:
"A straight Is one who does not smoke. There are people
who have tried once and have some knowledge of it. but really
are not in. There are people who have a little stash of their
own and occasionally smoke, which Is where I classify myself, who
aren't heads but know what Is going on or know a dealer."
"Yes, there are acid heads and pot heads and mescaline
heads and usually people who are using acid quite a bit and are
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considered way out there. Heads are people for whom It becomes a
very big part of their life, who do it fairly regularly. There are
a lot of kids who say they are just doing weed. I mean, not
dropping."
For most students, one drug would stand out as being most
important, that is, marijuana. As you observed them passing a water
pipe or joint, you would hear a variety of names being used. The most
general term would be dope. This would refer to other things also, but
in most contexts that involved students, it would mean marijuana. As
more and more students dropped by your dorm room to talk, other near
synonyms would appear. One girl recalled her first experience.
You have heard other informants say things like, "I have some good
stuff," or "Do you want some Mary Jo Juana?" again referring to
marijuana. In addition, shit, joint, boo, tea, pot, weed, drugs, and
Alice B. would all refer to the same substance, marijuana, and be part
of the domain, names for dope. Their use and meaning depend on the
context of each situation. An adequate ethnography would map these
differences In great detail and allow you to use these terms and to
Interpret them as student drug users do.
The social aspect of drug use would also be apparent from the
start. You would find that nearly every time a student smokes grass,
it Is with other people---
The social aspect Involves rules that govern where, when, and with
whom one smokes. Most students are careful to smoke with their
friends. Evenings are good times to Ingest marijuana in contrast to
mornings. The list of places for using pot Is very long with specific
meanings attached to each. Smoking grass at a music concert, you
discover, has a different meaning from doing It in a dormitory room.
How a person feels, what he experiences, and the way he ingests
marijuana all depend on where it Is done. As a set of instructions for
appropriate behavior, your ethnography of this culture will Include a
complete analysis of the social meaning of drugs and their use---
One of the most Important domains of this student culture has the
cover term, experiences when stoned. In every society. Individuals
learn to feel in ways that are recognized as appropriate--- Students
who are users train the novice to experience the appropriate feelings.
They teach him to expect certain stages of being hjgh or stone d . One
begins coming on and after a while has peaking experience followed by
coming down or perhaps even crashing___ Undoubtedly the chemical
substance augments these feelings, but It is not entirely responsible
for them.
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Folk Taxonomies
As you talk to your student Informants you would now begin to ask
questions such as, "Is smoking a roach a way to snort a roach?” and
"Is hyperventilating a way to take a nose hit?" Or, Instead of asking
for the relationships In this way, you might write all the names for
doing dope on slips of paper and ask your Informant to sort them Into
groups that are all the same way to do dope. These procedures lead you
to tiie important discovery that among Brandon College students there
are only four major ways to do dope: smoking dope, snorting dope,
eating dope, and drinking dope. These four terms constitute the
highest level In the folk taxonomy of the domain, and all otiier terms
are Included In them.
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, FIGURE 1
Hays to Do Dope
Drinking tea
Drinking Drinking In water
dope Drinking In wine
Eating in peanut butter
Eating grass
Eating brownies
Eating Eating gingerbread
dope Eating a roach
Eating cookies
Eating on pizza
Eating a kief
Snorting a stem
Snorting Snorting a roach
dope Snorting from a pipe
Taking a nose hit
Smoking a water pipe
Smok ing Smoking a joint
dope Smoking a sneaky peak carburetor
Smoking from a scuba tank
Hyperventilating
562
FIGURE 2
Kinds of Taxonomic Relationships
ETHNOGRAPHIC
STATEMENT EXAMPLE QUESTIONS
FIGURE 3
said, "I'm coming down now so pretty soon I'll start to peak." One
domain In this culture Is a set of folk concepts for activities that
occur when students gather for the purpose of doing dope. The order of
events on these occasions Is never random: greetings do not occur at
the end of the evening; students do not eat all evening and then smoke
grass for a few moments at the conclusion of the party. Like
ceremonies In every society events have a culturally defined sequential
arrangement.
Contrast Sets
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Attributes
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FIGURE 4
566
FIGURE 5
It Is harsh
on your throat
It requires
It Is not equipment___ It Is difficult
convenient to conceal
There Is danger
of burning It does not give
your lips an Intense high
As you carry out your ethnographic research among students you will
find they often reveal the attributes they are paying attention to as
they Interpret their behavior. For example, an Informant reports:
.Many attributes are taken for granted and are thus difficult for
Informants to recall. But by asking Informants to contrast each method
of smoking dope with all the others, you are often better able to
discover from Informants the attributes they know. You might, for
Instance, present the two contrasting terms "hyperventilating" and
"turkeylng" and ask an informant to name the distinguishing
attributes. Or you could ask. "In what way Is smoking a joint
different from smoking a water pipe?" Your informant might respond:
( ( (
S6 B
f
c (
( 1
569
FIGURE 6
Paradigm of Ways to Smoke Dope
DIMENSIONS OF CONTRAST
Smoking a
joint Yes 2 2 No No 1
Smoking a
pipé Yes No 1 No No Yes
Smoking a
sneaky peak
carburetor Yes No 3 Yes No No
Smoking from
a scuba tank No No 4 No Yes 2
Hyperventilating . XX 3 3 Yes No XX
Smoking a
roach Yes No 3 No No No
570
[Figure 6 continued]
No: Takes several other objects or substances.
d. More Intense high:
Yes: A higher concentration of sinoke is Inhaled, resulting In
heightened sensations.
No: Normal result that can vary with amount over time.
e. Large amount required:
Yes: Amount varies depending on size of water pipe and scuba
tank.
No: Can Ingest dope with relatively small amount.
f . Easlly concealed:
No: Must be done In private.
Yes: May be done in private.
1. May be done in public and easily concealed depending on type
of joint.
2. Substance is very well concealed but would not be used in
public.
xx: Not applicable to this term.
Summary
FOOTNOTES
5. This name for a kind of dope arose from the fact that It was grown
locally by students In the basement of a residence.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER 35
gajanand bherojI
dharamraja rebarlbaba
pol la hanuman
kala bhero gora bhero
deva devra
namuna hingaN
bavj I sor
“
Are there different kinds of devra?"
“
Are there different kinds of bherojl?"
(
573
4
c
P 2c bherojl
a «
first level
5A•s c
O «-O
•
a
c
d
£a
k
o
-C
~o
"7°
-ao
1
C
-c »_
»-**
_«/
~Q
o
a
<n
terminal level
There are two contrast sets in this taxonomy. The one you select
Is at the first level of the taxonomy composed of six contrasting terms:
1. gajanand
2 . bherojl
3. dharamraja
4. rebaribaba
5. polla
6. hanuman
574
polla and hanuman, are represented by rock shrines outside the devra
that you had not noticed before. Some contrasts offered by your
Informants follow:
1. gajanand and dharamraja are vegetarians, the others eat meat and
drink liquor.
( (
Chapter Thirty-six
INTRODUCTION
( (
(
(
Before the entrance of the United States into World War II, I
began, with the help of two graduate students, to apply to a body of
data a viewpoint, method, and vocabulary which had evolved out of my
field-work experiences and my contracts with social scientists and
their writings. War has Interrupted the work, but It may be tliiiely In
spite of its incompleteness to present briefly some of the concepts and
definitions involved.
578
not the judgment of the men only but an appraisal which the Chiricahua
women accept and help to perpetuate.
Expressions of a theme are not all o f one piece. The quest for
"long life" is an important Chir icaTíüa A p a c h e concern and theme.
During the girl's puberty rite, in keeping with this theme, the
adolescent always walks through a "life-trail" of pollen footprints.
There is no room for latitude or judgment in regard to the time of
occurrence or the manner of performance of this act. At puberty every
girl must pass through this rite, and this element is deemed essential
to the completion of the ceremony. Its omission could not be ration
alized in terms of the personalities involved or modified by special
circumstances. Such a conventionalized and ordered response I name a
formalized expression of a theme. This term refers to activities,
prohibitions of activity, or references which have become fixed In time
or place and to which everyone to whom ttiey apply must respond without
significant variation.
579
( (
580
L ( (
I
581
In the first place, there actually are not a very large number of
expressions of the theme of male dominance and female Inferiority. I
have mentioned all of them that I can find or that I can recall.
Moreover, those expressions of the theme that do exist are not too
Important In context. Women may not use the sweat lodge, but the sweat
lodge Is not a particularly vital element of Chlrlcahua ceremonialism.
Again, a woman may not Impersonate the mountain spirits, that Is. she
may not act as a masked dancer. Yet she may seek and obtain super
natural power on a plane of equality with men and accordingly may
become a powerful shaman--somethlng much more fundamental to the ritual
life.
There are other Indications of the quest for old age. A first
cigarette Is rolled for a youth by an old person, so that the smokér
may reach the age of the one who has acted for him. One of the central
anxieties of the Apache Is that witches and ghosts are trying to
shorten their lives. Existence Is conceived of as a struggle for long
life, with good men and beaeflc nt supernatural power on one side and
witches, ghosts, and evil power on the other. So frequent are
references to old age and long life that mere children respond to the
theme as an Ideal and a goal: I have a record of a child of eight who
dreamed that the supernaturals had promised him long life!
It may appear to some that such intense concern for long life and
old age must result In a gerontocracy. We may well ask whether those
who survive to old age are unchecked In their control of Chirlcahua
( ( <
584
society. They are not. Again there are limiting factors which offset
and moderate the workings of this particular theme.
Even before the historical period, one of the most poorly adjusted
areas in the structure of Chirlcahua culture was that which dealt with
sorcery. Around this concept were organized some of the most serious
tensions and anxieties of the culture. A Chirlcahua usually relied
upon his kin to defend hI in against injustice. But witchcraft was so
horrible a subject that no one. It was said, would prefer accusations
of witchcraft unless he were “ sure." And. since witches were reputed
f
(
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585
With the coming of the white man and the beginning of the Indian
wars, the situation changed drastically. The tribe was plunged Into a
series of conflicts and suffered an enormous number of casualties. The
tribal territories were lost. During this period the group was
decimated by epidemics. Because of the frustrations, the
uncertainties, and the pressures, factionalism flourished. In keeping
with the religious pattern, shamans sought explanations for the
misfortunes and found them in the usual revelations concerning the
activities of sorcerers. Charges and countercharges Increased.
Murders, executions, and retaliations were common, and deuds raged.
The furor over witchcraft threatened for a time to complete what the
white man's weapons and diseases had begun.
586
This paper represents a very short excursion into the vast domain
of structural analysis and cultural dynamics. It is meant to be
suggestive rather than exhaustive and provocative rather than
definitive. Yet it does seek to explore concepts in which the social
scientist Is becoming increasingly interested.
Chapter Thirty-seven
CLASSIFICATION
(Part 2)
SFNIFNCF SUBSTITUTION
(
588
( (
(
589
generally consistent with the ordering In the sen chart but often
sen-chart distinctions failed to be reflected, and occasional large
discrepancies were encountered.
FREE ASSOCIATION
To some extent the greater heterogeneity in our work with the sen
classes is the result of our own relatively informal approach to
elicitation and the overly ambitious attempt to describe the contents
and relations among such a large set of classes. In addition the kinds
of responses produced In each of the eliciting situations certainly
depends upon subtleties of the way in which the informants interpret
the alms of the elicltor. Considering all the possible sources of
variation among the tasks, we have been Impressed by the fact that the
major contrasts and most of the specific classes of the sen chart
repeatedly occurred In the different studies. However, the
-hierarchical relations among classes at lower levels of the chart
probably represent only one of several possible ways In which various
subclasses of sen can be related.
Table 3-2
List of Items Used In kpelle Free
Association and Experimental Studies
CLUSTERABLE NONCLUSTERABLE
plate bottle
calabash nickle
pot chicken feather
pan box
cup battery
animal horn
potato stone
onion book
banana candle
orange cotton
coconut hard mat
rope
cutlass nail
hoe cigarette
knife stick
file grass
hammer pot
knife
trousers orange
singlet shirt
headtle
shirt
hat
1
592
At the left side of Table 3-3, from top to bottom, are listed the
thirty-six words In the order of their similarity to each other as
defined by the technique. This list Is separated at Intervals defined
by our a priori hypothesis that utensils, clothing, food, and tools
would tend to group together In the list. Inspection of the table
Indicates that such groupings. In fact occurred-, (here are three kinds
of evidence for this In Table 3-3. First, In the rearranged order
based on similarity scores (which reflect the extent to which two
stimulus words substitute In a like manner Into a variety of sentences)
all of the hypothesized categorlzable classes occurred In groups,
separated by Items from the noncategorlzable list. It should be
emphasized that these words were presented In different random orders
to each subject. Hence the reordering was d early not predetermined.
Second, the average similarity number (which can vary from zero to one)
for all the relations within a semantic group are consistently higher
than the corresponding numbers between groups or between noncategori-
zable words. Third, the similarity among the items from the noncate
gorlzable list Is lower than among the categorlzable Items. These
average similarity numbers are listed beneath the class name In the
case of wlthin-class scores, and between hypothetical classes in the
case of between-class scores. He should note that Table 3-3 reflects
only the relative degree of "categorIzabl 1 1 ty." The absolute size of
the similarity score Is affected by several factors. An Important
determinant of the overall level of similarity is the generality of the
sentence frame used. This Is why we emphasize the relative nature of
"categorlzabi11ty.“ The results contained In Table 3-3 suggest that we
have Indeed hit upon two lists, one of which consists of relatively
cohesive, distinct classes, while the'other does not.
(
(
(
c
593
TABLE 3 3
Rearranged Experimental Terms
calabash
bo l i la
pot utensils h o u s e h o ld
pan £14
Cup
plaio
.7 7 3
box
anim al h o rn .7 9 7
b ook
.7 5 6
trousers
singlet
h o u s e h o ld clothes h o u s e h o ld
shirt
.817
h esd tie
hat
.693
c o tto n
ro p e .7 0 2
slick
grass
.6 8 9
on io n
ro o t cro p s fo o d
p o ta to
£93 .821
b anana
tree fru it
orange
£30
co c o n u t
.684
c ig a rette .7 6 6
nail
.7 1 2
file
ham m er
tools
hoe h o u seh o ld
.810
knife
cu tlass
.6 5 6
h ard m at
candle
sto n e
b a tte r y .6 7 9
ch ic k en fe ath er
nickle
(
594
TABLE 3-4
Kpelle Free-Assoclation Overlap Scores
for Twenty Experlmt ital Words______
As can he seen from Table 3-4, the four categories from the
dusterable list emerge as readily recognizable groups; the average
similarity (overlap) among scores within each of these groups Is
considerably higher than the overlap between groups. Tools and
utensils produce quite high similarity scores and appear to be
relatively tight, compact clusters, while food and clothing appear to
represent somewhat looser groupings. In addition, a relatively high
Interrelation appears to exist between tools and utensUs when they are
compared with each other, while there Is virtually no Interrelation
between any other of the possible pairs of classes.
Each subject was seated in front of the experimenter and given the
following instructions:
The stimuli used In the American studies are listed In the left-
hand column of Table 3-5 and appear comparable to those used In the
African studies both In the nature and the membership of the classes.
( (
FIGURE 3-1
Coconut
Orange
Banana
Onion
Potato
Food
Hat
lleadt le
Trousers
Shirt
Singlet
Clothing
Hoe
Cutlass
Hammer
File
Knife
Tools
Calabash
Pot
Plate
Cup
Pan
Utensl Is
FIGURE 3-5
glass candle
pot book
pan pot
cup bottle
plate cotton
cigarette
hammer box
knife feather
ax stone
saw mat
file battery
nlckle
banana knife
orange shirt
lemon stick
potato nal 1
onion orange
rope
sox horn
shoes glass
shirt
hat
pants
But such "face validity" Is less compelling than hard evidence that the
stimuli are behaved toward in similar ways by the two cultural groups.
Children were read the stimulus words one at a time and were asked to
give at least four responses to each. The responses were recorded In
order on separate data sheets and analyzed In the same way as the
Kpelle free-association data.
598
FIGURE 3-2
Johnson Hierarchical Output for All Three American Groups Combined
for Word Stimuli
Pot
Pan
Cup
Glass
Plate
Saw
Ax
File
Knife
Hammer
Potato
Lemon
Onion
Banana
Orange
599
TABLE 3-6
( (
600
( I (
(
( (
601
The task of sorting these twenty objects was given to three groups
of Kpelle subjects: ten- to fourteen-year-old schoolchildren in grades
two to five, ten- to fourteén-year-old children who had never attended
school, and nonlIterate Kpelle-speaklng adults aged eighteen to fifty
years.
When the subject entered the room where the experiment was
conducted, he saw the twenty experimental Iterns arranged on a table
before him in a manner that was intended to be haphazard. In addition
there were chairs (two for half the subjects and four for the
remainder) arranged against one wall of the room with a two-foot
distance between chairs. Subjects were then instructed as follows (In
Kpelle):
602
Ten subjects from each of the basic population groups were Included in
the two-class and four-class conditions, a total of sixty subjects in
all.
TABLE 3-7
Chairs per Category - Four-Chair Sorting Experiment
C A T E G O R Y
GROUP CLOTHES UTENSILS TOOLS FOOD AVERAGE
Ten to fourteen year-old
school children 2.2 2.4 2.6 2.8 2.50
Ten to fourteen-year-old
nonl 1 terates 2.9 2.2 2.8 2.3 2.55
FIGURE 3-3
Hierarchy Generated by.Sorting Clusterable Items onto Four Chairs
I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19
Orange
Potato
Banana
Onion
Coconut
Trousers
Cap
Shirt
Head tie
Singlet
Calabash
Plate
Pot
Cup
Pan
Cutlass
Hoe
Hammer
Knife
File
( ( (
604
( (
(
( (
605
Do you see these things on the table? I want you to place one of
these things between the (Item 1) and the (Item 2) so that the
thing you choose and the (Item 1) are alike in some way and at the
same time the thing and (Item 2) are also the same thing in some
way.
When the subject had selected an object for placement, he was asked why
that object belonged with the constraint pair.
606
TABLE 3-8
Object Pairs by Category Used in
Similarity-Mediation Experiment
onion-orange
food-food potato-orange \
banana-coconut
hoe-cutlass
tool-tool hammer-knife
cutlass-hammer
pan-cup
utensil-utensil plate-calabash
plate-pot
coconut-calabash
food-utens! 1 orange-cup
potato-pot
orange-hoe
food-tool banana-cutlass
coconut-hammer
calabash-file
utensil-tool pot-cutlass
calabash-hoe
Table 3-9 shows the category of the item chosen to complete each
trial when the constraint objects belonged to the same class.
According to this table, all groups except the high-school students
made choices In very similar ways. The dominant choice of an object
placed between two food items was a tool of some sort. In 94 percent
of these cases, the tool was a cutting implement, either a knife or
cutlass. In most cases these groups chose food items to mediate
between two utensils. Where both constraint objects were tools, all
groups overwhelmingly chose another tool to complete the set.
607
TABLE 3-9
Category Membership of Mediating objects for
Like-Class Constraining Objects
( (
608
( I (
c ( (
609
Two major contrasts between the American groups and the kpelle
groups stand out. First, the American children, especially those In
kindergarten and first grade, often justified their responses In terms
of only one of the constraint pairs, even though prompted to relate
their choices to both objects. Moreover, static categorical reasons
dominate when only two of the objects are related.
610
spread out on a table In front of the subject, who was told: "I have
some leaves here. I want you to sort them into two piles according to
which ones you think go together. There should be six leaves In each
pile." The experimenter then recorded which leaves were placed In each
of the two piles.
Summary
( .(
Chapter Thlrty-elglit
INTRODUCTION
< I (
(
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613
Now, however, there remains the crucial fact that this process has
two clearly separate aspects: one deals with the structuring of the
relationships between members of the society and Is essentially social
In character; the other deals with the adjustment of the Individual to
the changing soclo-cultural milieu, and Is essentially psychological in
character.
( ( (
616
The control sample has Its limitations. Chief among these Is the
fact that in our society a group of Whites who have selected to live on
a reservation and marry Indian women may themselves be considered
aberrant. Second is the fact that the sample was perforce quite
small. Third, it was comparable in detail only to certain
acculturatlonal categories. For these it serves, however, t sharpen
certain distinctions, and taken in conjunction with tlie general
knowledge of personality expressslons in Western society, affords us a
measure of difference between Menomlnl and non Menomini, regardless of
degree of acculturation manifested.
f
V (
k.
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617
Acculturation
618
The Medicine Lodge-Dream Dance group, for example, are not only
participants In these religious observances, but for the most pa i L Its
members live scattered In the forest at one end of the reservation In
rough shacks. Intermittently work for wages, at harvesting or logging,
and depend upon subsistence hunting and fishing to supplement their
larders. They Identify deeply with what remains of the old culture:-
carry on ancient funeral rites, observe "ghost" feasts for the dead and
some menstrual taboos, live under constant threat of witchcraft, repeat
the Mana'pus tales, and speak Henomlnl in most social gatherings.
tribe today; nearly all of them have served as members of the advisory
council.
(
620
Obviously the persons who constitute each category are not stamped
from a mold, and will vary among themselves. Yet, statistical handling
has made It possible for us to determine whether members of one
category differ from those of others, and to establish a complex set of
socio-cultural Inter-relationships within a broad cootInuum of accult
uration that would otherwise not be reducible to objective statement.
( t
(
( i
There are those who would say that, as the validity and usefulness
of the Rorschach test has not been fully established for our own
culture. Its use In cross-cultural context Is doubly suspect. He agree
that caution must be observed In accepting any tool or technique molded
In our own cultural setting, but It Is well to remember that cross-
cultural psychological Interpretations are always suspect of hidden
assumptions in the form of cultural bias. Use of the Rorschach test
forces one to deal with these assumptions explicitly, directly, and on
the basis of objectively defined distributions of behavior. At the
same time. Investigations such as the one reported here have helped to
sharpen and set limits to the valid meaning of responses.
622
<
624
CONCIUSIONS
625
FOOTNOTES
626
10. Saplr, 1927. Kluckhohn, 1943, Mekeel, 1936, and Thompson, 1948,
among others have discussed various aspects of covert culture; basic
personality structure Is the term coined by Kardiner, 1939. We need
not here concern ourselves either with terminology or with divergencies
of the theoretical implication of each.
11. It should be quite clear that we are not doing a study of the
genetic development of personality in an acculturating population.
This might be the next logical problem, but It would require a
different research design.
14. These are not simply different ways of speaking of the same
thing. Consider, for instance, the relation of such a conclusion to
the theory of mass society as currently expressed by Selznick (1951).
by Raymond Firth
( (
628
<
( í
629
peers, his feeling of the Importance of his own status. And these
elements were operative In varying degree also among other members of
the community and affected the Issue. To understand what happened In •
the society It Is essential to understand the significance and
distribution of such values.
UNEVENNESS OF TREATMENT
But the reason for the lack of discussion In value terms may have
also lain in anthropological notions about primitive processes of
valuing. When Goldenwelser (1937, pp. 407-26) used the term 'values'
sparsely and did not define It, the reason was perhaps the notion that
valuation as a cognitive process Is foreign to the primitive pursuits--
what Is aimed at is achievement, not understanding'. Tools and
Inventions are accepted traditionally and become part of the technical
equipment of behaviour, not of thought and understanding. This, he
<
632
r c
K
(
633
COMPARATIVE APPROACH
But there are two types of comparison. One Is the ltemistic type
of Westérmarck and other older writers. This compares values In their
bare judgment or practice-different attitudes to lying, to stealing,
to suicide among different societies. The other Is more Integrative.
It compares values In their configuration of social action, in
reference to the different structures of the societies In which they
operate. The method of Malinowski and most recent anthropologists,
while Integrative or 'functional' In analysis, has been to offer
comparative material rather by implication— by parallelism, one might
say. They have co-operated in comparison of values rather than
Individually engaged In such synthetic work.
*
(
I
634
Cultural Relativism .
But to come back for a moment to the problems of the values In the
role of the anthropologist himself. Robert Redfleld, In a recent
Illuminating discussion of this whole problem, holds the scales fairly
evenly, lie points out the*roles of objectivity: the marshalling of
.evidence that may be confirmed by others, the persistent doubting and
testing of all important descriptive formulations, the humility before
the facts and the willingness to confess oneself wrong and begin
again. 'I hope I may always strive to obey these rules', he says.
'But I think now that what I see men do, and understand as something
that human beings do is seen often with a valuing of It. I like or
dislike as I go. This Is how I reach understanding of It' (1953, p.
165). This humility seems to me of the spirit of science. Acceptance
of oneself as a valuing Instrument with an Initial bias doesn't need to
make one claim tlidt the bias ts either essential or correct.
From all this you may get the Impression that as Marett once said,
'we (sociologists and anthropologists] are notoriously vague, not to
say confused In respect to our architectonic' (1935, p. 43). this
might be confirmed by a quick look at the way in which we have defined
the notion of values. Values are sentiments (Malinowski and
Evans-PrItchard); conceptions (Kluckhohn and Murray); generalized
meanings (Florence kluckhohn); unconscious assumptions (lloinans);
relations of Interest (RadclIffe-Brown); ethos (Bateson and kroeber).
Sometimes values are Identified with things, sometimes with ends. It
would be harsh to argue that there Is a temptation In the social
sciences to make up In language what Is lacking in clarity of ideas.
But the lack of agreed definition makes for overlapping in the use of
what Thomas Hobbes called 'metaphors, tropes and other rhetorical
figures, instead of words proper*, it is true too that at times the
treatment of values by anthropologists assumes almost the character of
a dimension of the whole of social life.
( ( (
r
637
638
But one may adopt the assumption that In all social life there is
necessarily and Inescapably a clash between Interests or values of
individual and society. Even If one does not, it is clear that there
are many spheres of discrepancy. In an economically underdeveloped
territory nowadays, values described as rights to self-government,
political freedom and responsibility may be In conflict with values
attached to the requirements of technical efficiency. Both In turn may
conflict with traditional values of the local people about their class
or caste structure, their releglon, or their use of leisure___
This example bears upon what are often called 'ultimate values'.
These, it is presumed, are the most important, the fundamental
mainsprings of human action. They are frequently identified with, or
thought to reside In, religion. This view is to some extent a matter
of definitions. For the anthropologist as a scientist, his ultimate
values include knowledge and truth, for which he may or may not feel
the need of religious validation. Apart from this, in his material,
empirically, he Is concerned to extract the basic values In the
relations of man to man, man to nature, and man to himself. Here,
moral and religious standards, and even economic standards, seem often
de facto to yield and be redefined In favour of standards of what is
agreeable or disagreeable to have in close human association.
639
FOOTNOTES
(
640
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Overview
2. Classification
3. Self and Other
4. Space
5. Time
6. Causal Ity
7 . Values
8 . Change
9. Study
Note that all sources that have provided a chapter in this book are '
marked with an asterlskt*).
Achebe, Chinua
1959 Things Fall Apart, 8
New York: Ivan Obolensky, Inc.
Aldrich, Charles R.
1969 “Mystic Causation and Mystic Participation" 6
The Primitive M lnd and Modern CIvilizalIon
New York: ÁMS Press, pp. 7387.
Alexander. Samuel
1950 Space. Time, and Deity 4
New York: Humanities Press.
Appelbanm, R. P.
1970 Theories of Social Change 8
Chicago: Markham Publishing Co.
(
(
í
(
641
Baird, John C.
1970 Psychophysical Analysis of Visual Space 4
Oxford, New York: Pergaman Press.
Barber, Bernard
1941 "Acculturaltion and Messianic Movements" 8
American Sociological Review
6:663-669.
Banfield, Edward C.
1958 The Moral Basis of a Backward Society 7
New York: The Free Press.
Barbour, Ian G.
1974 Myths, Models, and Paradyms 3
New York: Harper and Row.
Barnett, Homer G.
1942 "Invention and Culture Change" 8
American Anthropologist
44:14-30.
Barnouw, Victor
1973a "Cognition and Culture," Barnouw 1973b:55-89 1
Beals, Ralph L.
1953 "Acculturation" • 8
Anthropology Today
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
pp. 621-641.
< c
642
Beattie, J. H. M.
1977 "On Understanding Ritual" 6
Rationality,'Byron R. Wilson, Ed.
Oxford: Basil Blackwell, pp. 240-268.
Bee, Robert
1974 "Acculturation" 8
Patterns and Processes
New York: The Free Press, pp. 94-119.
Belshaw, Cyril S.
1954 Changing Halanesla 8
Melbourne: Oxford University Press.
Benedict, Ruth
1959 Patterns of Culture 3
Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
Berndt, Catherine H.
1953 "Soclo-Cultural Change In the Eastern Central
Highlands of New Guinea" 8
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology
9:112-138.
Berndt. Ronald M.
1951 "Influence of European Culture on Australian
Aborigines" 8
Oceania
21:229-235.
Berger, Peter
1973 The Homeless Hind 3
New York: Vintage Books, Random House.
Sidney, David
1952 "The Concept of Value In Modern Anthropology" 7
Anthropology Today
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Bock, Phillip
1973a "Belief Systems," Bock !973c:310-46
Bphannan, Paul
* 1953 "Concepts of Time Among the Tlv of Nigeria" 5
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology
9<3>:25Í-262.
Branley, Franklin
1970 "Conceptions of the Universe" 4
Natural History, 79:30 ff.
Brown, G. Gordon
1944 "Missions and Cultural Diffusion" 8
A^ef'ce0 Journal of Sociology
50:214-219 '
Bruner, Edward M.
1956 "Cultural Transmission and CulturalChange" 8
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology
12:191-199.
Chomsky, Noam
1965 Aspects of the Theory of Syntax 9
Cambridge, M.I.Í.
644
1972 "Linguistics and Philosophy" 6
Language and the H ind
Hew York: llarcpurt Brace Jovanlch, Inc.,
pp. 161-194.
Clinton, J. Robert
* 1980 "A Comparison of Some Horldvlew Models" I
Unpublished paper. School of Morid Mission,
Fuller Theological Seminary.
Clough, Shepard B.
I960 Basic Values of Hestern Civilization 7
New York: Columbia University Press.
Conklin, II. C.
1964 "llanunvo Color Categories" 2
Language In Cul ture and Society, Dell llymes, Ed.
New York: Harper and Row. pp. 189192.
Denber, Hi 11 lam N.
1964 visual Perception;___The Nineteenth Century 4
New York: John Hi ley and Sons.
Douglas, Mary
1973 Natural Symbols: Explorations In Cosmo[ogy 3
New York: Random House.
( (
(
<
645
DuBols, C.
1955 "The Dominant Value Profile of American Culture" 7
Arnerlcan Anthropologist
57:123ff.
El lade, M.
1954 "Regeneration of Time" 5
The Myth of the Eternal Return
New York: Pantheon Books.
Esser, A. H . , ed.
1971 Behavior and Environment: The Use of Space b y
Animals and Hen 4
New York: Plenam Press.
Evans-Pritchard, E. E.
1939 “Nuer Time Reckoning" 5
Africa
2:189-216.
falrman, Tim
"The 'Ideal Han' Within Maasal Worldview" 3
Unpubl1shed, paper. Fuller Theological Seminary
School of Horld Mission.
Firth, Raymond
1964 "The Study of Values by Social Anthropologlsts.“ 7,9
Essays on Social Organization and V a lues
London: The Atholone Press, pp. 206-224.
646
Foster, George M.
1965 "Peasant Society and the Image of limited Good"
American Anthropologist 3
67:293-315.
Fraser, J. T
1966 "Time in Indian and Japanese Thought" 5
The Voices of Time
New York: George Braziller, pp. 77-91.
Geertz, Clifford
1957 "Ethos, Worldview, and the Analysis of Sacred
Symbols" 1
The Antioch Review
17:421-37.
Gluckman, Max
1955 Custom and Conflict in Africa 8
Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
* 1979 ‘‘
temporal and Spatial Equivalents In Chamula
Ritual Symbolism" 5
Reader In Comparative Religion. H. A. Lessa and
É. Z. Vogt, eds., (4th Edition), New York: Harper
and Row, pp. 116-129.
Gregory. J.
1975 "Image of Limited Good and Expectation
of Receptivity" 3
Current Anthropoloqv
16:73-92.
Grlndal, Bruce T
1972 Growing tJQ_ln Two Horlds 8
New York: Holt, Rinehart and Hlnston, Inc.
Hall, Edward T
* 1959a “Space Speaks," Hall 1959b:187-209. 4
Hallowe11. A . Irving
1937 "Temporal Orientation In Hestern Civilization and
In a PrelIterate Society" 5
American Anthropologist
39:647-670.
Harrison, II. S.
1954 “ Discovery, Invention, and Diffusion" 8
A History of Technology. Vol. 1, Singer, Holmyard,
H a d (eds.), Oxford: Clarendon Piess.
lldugliey, John C.
1975 Should Anyone Say Forever? 7
New Vork: Doubleday and Co., pp. 37-54.
llerskovlts, Melville J.
1941 "Some Comments on the Study of Culture Contact" 8.9
American Anthropoloqist
43:N.S.
lllebert, Paul
1976a “Ecology" 3
Cultural Anthropology
Philadelphia: 3. B. Llpplncott Co., pp. 89-111.
( ( (
( ( (
649
Hollis, Martin
1977 "The Limits of Irrationality" 6
Rational Ity.B. R. Wilson, ed.. New York: Harper and Row
Harper and Row, pp. 214-220.
Holloway, G. E. T
1967 An Introduction to The Child's Conception of Space 4
London: Rout ledge.
llonlgmann, John J
1959 The World of Man 1
New York: Harper and Row,
Horton, Robin
* 1967 "African Traditional Thought and Western Science " 6
Rational ity. B. R. Wilson, ed.. New York:
Harper and Row, pp. 131-140.
Hough, Walter
1893 “Time-keeping by Light and Fire" 5
American Anthropologist
6:207-210.
Hsu, Francis
1972 "American Core Value and National Character" _ 7
Psychological Anthropology
Cambridge, Mass: Schenkman, pp. 209-229.
Jacobs, Donald R
1961 The Culture Themes and Puberty Rites of
the Akamba. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms 7
Johnson, Aubrey R.
1964 The Vitality of the Individual in the Thought
of Ancient Israel (2nd ed.)
Cardiff: University of Hales Press.
Jones, H. T.
1972 "Worldviews: Their Nature and Their Function"
Current Anthropology
13:79-91.
Kay, Paul
1970 "Some Theoretical Implications of Ethnographic
Semantics"
Bulletin of the American An Ui ropologica] Assoc.
3(3), part 2:29-31.
Kearney, Michael
1969 "An Exception to the 'Image of Limited Good'"
American Anthropologist
71:888-890.
Keesing, Roger
1976 “World View and Cultural Integration"
Cultural Anthropology:__ A Contemporary
Perspective. New York: Holt, pp. 406-425.
Klesler, Charles A.
1971 The Psychology of Commitment
New York: Academic Press.
651
kletzman, 0 .H
1958 "Conversion and Culture Change" 8
Practical Anthropoloqy
5:203-210.
kluckhohn, Clyde
1949 "An Anthropologist Looks at the United States" 3
Mirror for Han
New York: McGraw-Hill, pp. 228-261 (also In
Greenwich. C t .: Fawcett, pp. 175-199).
Kohler, Ivo
1964 "» The Formation and Transformation of the Perceptlal
Horld “ ^ ~ 4
New York: International Universities Press, Inc.
1979g “
Horldvlew," C. Kraft l979b:53-57. I
Kraft, MarguerI te G.
* 1978a “Kainwe Guinea Corn Complex . ' 1 M Kiaft I9/Bd:
36-41. 3
(
c (
(
653
Leach, Edmund R.
1976 “Logic and Mytho-Loglc" 6
Culture and Communication
Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press,
pp. 69-70 (see also “Conclusion" pp. 95-97).
Lee, Dorothy
* 1949 “Being and Value In a Primitive Culture" 3
Journal of Philosophy
46:401-415 (reprinted in Lee 1959, pp.89-104).
Leon-Portl1 la, M.
1973 I line and Reality In the Thought of the Maya 5
Boston: Beacon Press.
Lepley, Ray
1949 Value, a Co-operative Inquiry 7
New York: Columbia University Press.
Leslie, Charles
I960 Now He A re Civilized: A Study of the World
View of the Zapotee Indians of Hltla. Oaxaca, 3,8
Levine, 0. N.
1968 "Cultural Integration"
International-Encyclopedia of Social Sciences
7:372-379.
Levi-Stauss, Claude
1966 "The Science of the Concrete"
(1962) The Savage Hind
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
pp. 1-33.
Levy-Bruhl. L u d e n
1923 "The Primitive's Indifference to Secondary
Cause"
Primitive Mental Ity
New York: The Macmillan Company
pp. 35-58.
Linton. Dwight
“The Interaction of Three Categories of Balinese
Worldview: Person-Group, Space, and Time11
Unpublished paper, School of World Mission,
Tuller Theological Seminary
Linton, Ralph
1936 "Participation in Culture"
The Study of Man
New York: D. Appleton-Century Co. pp., 271-287.
Little. Kenneth
1970 West African Urbanization: A Study of Voluntary
Association In Social Change
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
655
loewen, Jacob A.
1964 "Reciprocity In IndentlfIcatlon," pp. 27-42. 8
1967 “
Religious Drives and the Place Hhere It Itches," 9
pp. 3-26.
Lucas, J. R.
1973 A Treatise on Time and Space 5
london: Methuen and Co.
Lukes, Steven
1977 “Some Problems about Rationality” 6
Ratlonallty,
B. R. Wilson, ed.. New York: Harper and Row.
pp 194 213.
Luria, A. R.
1976 Cognitive Development: Its Cultural and Social
foundations ” 6 .9
Cambridge. Mass.: Harvard University Press.
( (
656
lynch, K.
1972 Hhat Time Is this Place?
Cambridge, Mass.:- H.I.T. Press.
Lynd, Robert
1939 “American Cultural Values: Contradiction and 7
Integration," Knowledge for Hhat? The Place of Social
Science In American Culture. Princeton University Press
MacIntyre, A.
1977 "Understanding Religion and Believing" 6
Rational Ity ,
B. R. Hi Ison, ed.
New York: Harper and Row, pp. 62-77.
Macklln, June
1957 “Culture Change" 8
Review of Sociology: Analysis of a Decade
J. B. Glttler, ed.. New York: John Hiley
and Sons, Inc.
pp. 531-545
Madsen, Hllllam
* 1964 “ Value Conflicts and Folk Psychotherapy In South
Texas" 7
j[al th and J|eal Ing,
Arl Kiev, ed., New York: The Free Press,
pp. 420-440.
Malinowski, Bronislaw
1927 “Lunar and Seasonal Calendars in the Trobriands" 5
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Ins t itute
57:203-215.
Maltz, D. N.
1968 “Primitive Time-Reckoning as a Symbolic System" 5
Cornell Journal of Social Re Ia t ion s
3(2):85-111.
A
(
(
657
Maxwell, R. J.
1971 "Anthropological Perspectives" 5
The Future of Time ,
Henri M. Yaker, ed.
Garden City, New York: Doubleday
pp. 36-72.
Mayers, Marvin K.
1979 "The Basic Values: A Model of Cognitive Styles 1,9
for Analyzing Human Behavior," unpublished paper.
Mbltl, John S.
1969 "The Concept of Time" 5
African Rel1glons and Philosophy
New York: Praeger, pp. 15-29.
McGavran, Donald A.
19,74 The Clash Between Christianity and Culture 8
Washington: Canon Press
Mead, Margaret
1952 Male and female: A Study o f the Sexes In a Changing
World 3
New York: Wl11 lam Morrow, Inc.
Morris, Charles
1956 Varieties o f Human Value 7
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Murdock, George P.
1956 "Mow Culture Changes"
Man. Culture, and Society.
Harry L. Shapiro, ed.. New Yoik: Oxford University
Press, pp. 247-260.
Nerllch, Graham
1976 The Shape of Space
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Nida, Eugene A.
¡961 x "Chrlsto-paganism"
Practical Anthropology
8:1-14.
Nilsson. M. P.
1920 Primitive Time Reckoning
Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup
Noble. Lowell L.
1962 "A Culturally Relevent Witness to Anlmists
Practical Anthropoloqy
9:220-222.
Northrop, F. S. C.
1946 The Meetlnq of East and West: An Inquiry
Concerning World Understanding
New York: Macmilian.
Ong, W. J.
1969 "World as View and World as Event"
American Anthropologist
71:634-647.
Opler, Morris E.
* 1945 "Themes As Dynamic Forces In Culture"
American Journal of Sociology
53 (3):198-206.
1955 “An Outline of Chlrtcahua Apache Social
Organization" 3
Sor. [a I An thropology of Worth Ame rlcan TrI be s
fred Éggan, ed., Chicago: University Of Chicago
Press, pp. 173-239.
Parrinder, Geoffrey
1951 Hest African Psychology : A Comparative Study of
Psychológica 1 and Re 11glous Thought 8
London: Lutterworth Press.
Piaget, Jean
1956 The Child's Conception o f the Physical 6
London: Rout ledge and Paul.
Pike, Kenneth L.
I960 "Stimulating agd Resisting Culture Change" 8
Practical Anlhropology
8:267-274.
Pike, E .
1980 "The Concept of Limited Good and the Spread
of the Gospel" 3
Hiss ology
8(4).449-454.
Pocock, David F.
1964 "Ihe Anthropology of Time-Reckoning" 5
Contributions to Indian Sociology
7:18-29.
(
660
Porter, Arthur T.
1963 Creoledom 8
London: Oxford University Press.
Radln, Paul
1927 Primitive Han as Philosopher 3
New York: 0. Appleton and Co.
Redfleld, Robert
1934 "Culture Changes In Yucatan" 8
American Anthropologist
Vol. 36.
Reeck, Darrell
19/6 Deep Hende: Religious Interaction In a Changing
Rufa¡Society 8
Leiden, Netherlands: E. J. Brill.
Relchenbach, Hans
1958 The Philosophy of T ime and Space 4,5
New York: Dover Publications ínc.
<
(
661
Rowe, J . E .
1946 "The Inca Culture at the Time of the Conquest" 8
Handbook of South American Indians
3. H. Steward, ed., Washington: Smithsonian
Institute.
Sahlins, Marshall
1976 "Colors and Cultures" 2
Semiótica
16:1-22 (reprinted In Dolgln, et. al. 1977:
165-180).
Sharp, J. Lauriston
1952 "Steel Axes for Stone Age Australians" 8
Human Organization
1(2) (also in Practical Anthropology 7:62-73).
Sherover, Charles M.
1975 The Human Experience o f Time 5
New York: University of New York.
Sibley, Willis E.
1960-61 "Social Structures and Planned Change: A Case
Study from the Philippines" 8
Human Organization
19:209-211.
Slertsma, B.
1969 "Language and World View (Semantics for Theologians)" 2
The Bible Translator
20:3-21.
Simon, Yves
1970 The Great Dialog of Nature and Science 4
Albany, New York: Magi Books, Inc.
(
662
Singer, Milton
1978 “Signs of the Self: An Exploration in Semiotic
Anthropology - Distinguished Lecture for 1978" 3
American Anthropologist
82:485-507.
Skinner, B. F.
1974 About Behavior Ism 1
New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Sklar, Lawrence
1974 Space. Time, and Spacetime 4.5
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Smith, Edwin W.
1927 The Golden Stool: Some A spects o f the Conflict
o f Cultures in Modern Africa 8
London: The Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel In Foreign Parts.
Spradley, James P.
1979a "Discovering Cultural Themes," Spradley 1979b:
185-203. 9
Staples. Russell L.
1982 "Western Medicine and the Primal World-View" 6
International Bulletin of Missionary Research
rrl. 6(2), pp. 70-71.
Stern, T.
1963 “Ideal and Expected Behavior as Seen In klamath
Mythology" 7
Journal of American Folklore
76:27-28.
Stewart. Edward C.
1972 American Cultural Patterns: A Cross-cultural
Perspective 3
laGrange P a r k , M 11Inols: Intercultural
Network, Inc.
Steward, JulIan H.
1956 The Theory of Culture Chanqe: The Methodological
of Muí ti linear Evolution 8
Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press.
( (
Strodtbeck, Fred
1964 "Considerations of Meta Method In Cross-cultural
Studies"
American Anthropoloqlst
66:223-229.
Sturtevant, Hi I M a m
1964 "Studies In Ethnosclence"
American Anthropoloqlst
66 (1). Part 2:99-131.
Szeto, P.
1979 "Approaching a Horld View Transfoimation
Among Chinese Communists," unpublished
paper. Fuller Theological Seminary.
lakakusu. Junjlro
* 1967 "The Buddhist Principle of Causation"
The Indian Hind, Charles H. Moore, ed.
Honolulu: Univ. of Hawaii Press, pp. 91-101
Taylor, John V.
1963 "Hhat Is Man" 3
The Primal Vision: Christian Presence Amid
African Religion
Bloomsbury Street, London: SCM Press Ltd.,
pp. 93-116.
laylor, Klchard
1967 "Causation"
The Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Vol. 2
New York: The Macmillian Co. and the Free Press.
pp. 56-66.
Theodorson, Goerge A.
1963 "Acceptance of Indus tria Ii2 atIon and Its Attendant
Consequence for the Social Patterns of Non-western
Societies"
American Sociological Review
18:471-484. 7
(
( i
665
Thompson, Laura
1948 "Attitudes and Acculturation" 8
American Anthropologist
50:200-215.
Thurnwald, Richard
1938 "The African In Transition: SomeComparisons
wi th Melanesia"
Africa
11:174-184.
Torrance, Thomas F.
1969 Space, Time, and Resurrection 4.5
Grand Rapids: Eerdmans.
Turnbull, Col in M.
1972 The Mountain People
New York: Simon and Schuster.
Tyler, S. A. .
1969 Cognitive Anthropology
New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc.
Wallace, Anthony F. C.
1956 "Revitalizatlon Movements" 7.8
American An thropologist
58:264-28Í.
Heathers, Robert S.
1981 "Dualism or Holism? A Look at Anthropology 8
Ethics, and Human Health,"
Journal of the American Sclent if ic Af f»11a M o n ,
(In press at the time of this listing.)
Weidman, H. H.
1969 "Cultural Values, Concept of Self, and
Projection: The Burmese Case" 3.7
Mental Health Research in Asia and the Pacific
H. Caudill, Tsung-YI Lin, eds., Honolulu:
East-Hest Center Press.
Werner, 0.
1969 "The Basic Assumptions of Ethnosclence" 2
Semiótica
1:329-338.
White, L.
1959 The Evolution of Culture. New York: McGraw-Hill. 3
Whiteman, Michael
1967 Philosophy of Space and Time and the Inner
Constitution of Nature: A Phenomenological
Study. London: Alien and Unwin 4
Hhorf, Benjamin
* 1956 "The Relation of Habitual Thought and Behavior" 2,6,9
Language. Thought, and Reality
Cambridge: M.I.T., pp. 134-¡59.
Yaker, Henri M.
* 1971 “Time In the Biblical and Greek Worlds" 5
The Future of Time
Garden City, New York: Doubleday. pp. 15-72.
w