Professional Documents
Culture Documents
学 号: 16210680467
硕 士 学 位 论 文
(学术学位)
双城记:越南两个最大经济城市的教育回报率的研究
TALE OF TWO CITIES: THE STUDY OF RETURN TO
EDUCATION IN THE TWO BIGGEST ECONOMIC HUBS
OF VIETNAM
院 系: 经济学院
专 业: 应用经济学(中国经济)
姓 名: Ngoc Ha Truong
指 导 教 师: 李怀露
完 成 日 期: 2018 年 3 月 20 日
UNIVERSITY CODE: 10246
STUDENT ID: 16210680467
MA THESIS
By
Ha, Truong
Fudan University
2018
Advisor List
摘 要 .......................................................................................... 1
ABSTRACT ................................................................................. 5
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ..... Error! Bookmark not defined.6
INTRODUCTION ....................................................................... 7
1.1 Background ....................................................................................................................... 9
1.2 Scope & structure .............................................................................................................. 12
CONCLUTION.......................................................................... 43
LIMITATIONS........................................................................... 46
REFFERENCES ........................................................................ 47
FIGURES ................................................................................... 52
APPENDICES ........................................................................... 55
摘 要
中图分类号:F276.6
ABSTRACT
2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank my advisor – Professor Li Huailu for her constant and valuable
guidance, as well as commitment in the completion of this thesis.
I would also want to thank Mr. Pham Duc Duong at the General Statistics Office of
Vietnam, who has been supporting me throughout the process of my writing.
Lastly, sincere thanks to all my families and friends for giving me unconditional
encouragement and love. This thesis would not be finished without your kind
involvement.
Ha Truong
Fudan School of Economics, 2018
3
INTRODUCTION
1. Introduction
According to a report by McKinsey consulting firm (Sustaining Vietnam’s growth: The
productivity challenge, 2014), in the next years to come, Vietnam will need to improve
its overall labor productivity growth by more than 50 percent if the economy is to meet
the government’s target of 7 to 8 percent in annual growth by 2020. Without this push,
the country’s growth is likely to decline to between 4.5 and 5 percent. For the past few
decades, the Southeast Asian country has experienced and enjoyed significant benefits
from structural transformation (especially the labor force’s transition out of agriculture).
once was, and the country must find ways to step up its productivity performance
Like in many developing countries, Vietnam has looked at its education system as the
top prioritized measure to answer the question for skilled workers. In particular, return
to schooling, one of the central policy parameter (Becker, 1962), has been studied and
estimated in a number of researches, especially after the market reform in the 1990s.
The purpose of this thesis is also to identify the wage earnings attributable to education
in Vietnam. However, the uniqueness of this study comes from the specific focus on the
two most significant economic hubs in Vietnam: Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City; and the
usage of latest dataset from the 2016 Vietnam Household Living Standard Surveys.
Previous studies on return to education in Vietnam have all focused on the aggregate
level of the country as a whole. While this is often the case for studies of this kind, a
line of work from Backman & Bjerke (2009) in Sweden, Hering & Poncet (2010) in
4
China, Fally, Paillacar & Terra (2010) in Brazil and Cieslik & Rokicki (2016) in Poland
related to regional disparities. These studies are based on the theory of New Economic
geography and regional economy. Their empirical findings all confirmed the
differences in return to education existed between regions within the same country.
What cause these differences? According to Roback (1982, 1988), regional wage
endowments). Furthermore, Hanushek & Kim (1995) assert that “quality” of the labor
force is the ingredient that can explain differential growth within regions. Conducted at
country level, the study used cognitive skills in mathematics and science (through
comparative tests for children) as a measure for labor quality to conclude the
importance of investments in education and training. Finally, with the rise of creativity
as a fundamental economic force, vibrant, better communities built with the focus on
“people climate” have also become locations that can attract companies and higher
quality labor, especially the “creative class” – a new socioeconomic class identified by
American economist Richard Florida which can spur regional economic growth
through innovation.
Like siblings in all of nature, Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh city have and will always be
measured against each other in every single aspect; and often are being compared to the
similar rivalry of Beijing and Shanghai, Madrid and Barcelona, or Sydney and
Melbourne (Nielson 2009). Undoubtedly both are the ultimate driving forces behind
the dramatic growth that transform the country and a special kinds of urban in Vietnam.
5
Both have the highest concentration of colleges and universities – in number and quality
(Nguyen & Nguyen, 2008), and are the leading destinations of migrant workers. Thanks
for their significant roles in the development of Vietnam, the two cities are oftentimes
studied separately or in comparison with the rest of the country. Yet, as the nation was
still divided into Northern (with Hanoi as the capital) and Southern (with Ho Chi Minh
city, or Saigon at the time, as the capital) Vietnam until 40 years ago; each city does
possess her own characteristics, culture and business environment that can potentially
and Ho Chi Minh city is, first of all, to provide an insight into the situations of these
two prominent cities, which might be different from the overall picture of the country.
Moreover, like many developing country, there is a great deal of provincial variation –
even ones within the same region in Vietnam. Hence, it is highly important to study and
set up perceptive strategy at province level (Dapice, 2003). The second purpose of this
1.1 Hanoi & Ho Chi Minh City: The tale of two cities
Vietnam, for the last century, has been a tale of two cities. Hanoi is the capital, a long-
time political, economic and cultural center; whereas Ho Chi Minh is the largest city
by population and the leading economic, social and technological hub of the country.
In term of economic significance, the two cities are by far the biggest contributors to
the state budget revenue, with Ho Chi Minh city (HCMC) reached $15.32 billion in
2017, topping and outperforming all other cities and provinces in the country (General
6
Satistics Office, 2017). As a developing economy with rapid urbanization rate, Vietnam
also suffers from a widening gap between urban and rural poverty. Big hubs like Hanoi
and HCMC that can offer better wages, education and overall lifestyle attract a large
number of migrant moving away from their rural hometowns to the cities. According
to the 2015 National Internal Migration Survey, of those aged 15-59 living in Hanoi
and HCMC, migrants account for 16.3% and 20.7% (higher than nation’s average)
respectively. Most migrants are employed is places of destination, while the majority
of the rest migrate for education purposes. Migrants also tend to get married later and
education, health care services and employment in the migrant destinations, especially
regions with a high level of young migrants such as the Red River Delta and Hanoi.
After the fall of Saigon in 1975, Vietnam was formally reunified. Peace was restored,
and the country could finally move forward and develop as a whole. Nevertheless,
Southerners, with Hanoi and HCMC as the main representatives. Hanoi - the capital
with a long history, rich culture, distinct extreme cold and hot seasons - is somewhat
more traditional, cultured, formal and introverted. Young HCMC, on the other hand, is
an international port with the tendency of openness and more favorable climate
endowments; hence much more dynamic, vibrant and casual. These differences in
history and culture have shaped a relatively contrasting mindset of Vietnam’s two
largest cities when it comes to business. Home to the ruling elite since ages, Hanoi is
the city with hierarchical society where strong political connections tend to go a long
7
way (Cooper, 2016). Due to the development path and position as the capital, Hanoi
also has more state-own enterprises running, which might reinforce this tendency. On
the contrary, HCMC has always been a welcoming destination for traders and
multicultural and outward-looking” compared to the capital (Cooper, 2016). For the
past decade, Hanoi has been and is still trying to refresh and rebrand its image as a more
open, nurturing place for talents. Still, the differences are there.
domination, Hanoi also tends to be more concerned about status and qualifications. The
capital was the home to the very first university in the country and until today is still
leading in many indicators in education. Despite a smaller population (7.3 million vs.
8.3 million, 2016), Hanoi has a higher number of school (1,546 vs. 950) and students
secondary); as well as number of teachers (23,948 vs. 17,189) and students (610,872
2016). The labor force also tells a similar story: Hanoi has a higher percentage (42.7%
vs. 34.8%) of trained employed workers and the highest percent of migrants with
Office & UNFPA, 2015). Noted that even though the numbers are lower for HCMC,
they still generally outperform the rest of the country. An online article (Quek, 2017)
about the start-up scene in Hanoi and HCMC practically summed up the essence of
these subcultures that influence the way business work in the two cities when stating
that Hanoi has more in number of qualified engineers who are also generally more
is more rewarding to people who spent longer time in school. Whereas a more flexible,
fast-moving boomtown like HCMC might be more responsive to factors other than
qualification, such as experience. This thesis, therefore, will take the route of exploring
the return to schooling in these two most prominent cities of Vietnam; compare and
contrast between the two, as well as the results of the whole country from previous
studies.
This paper attempts to utilize the data available in Vietnam Household Living Standard
Survey conducted by the General Statistics Office of Vietnam to estimate the return to
schooling in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh city. Other unobservable factors, such as the role
of labor union, efficiency wage, school quality et cetera cannot be discussed and
theories, as well as the returns to schooling in both international scale and the country
of Vietnam. Section 3 discusses in detail the data and methodology of the study,
9
LITERATURE REVIEW
supporting the positive correlation between education and the level of success of
individuals in the labor market. Better-educated people are more likely to earn better
job, enjoy higher wages and less likely to suffer from unemployment (Card, 1999).
Compiling studies such as the like of Psacharopoulos (1985, 1994, 2002) all show a
relatively consistent pattern across the globe throughout the years. More recently,
Montenegro & Patrinos (2014) have carried an ambitious paper which assembles
empirical findings from 139 countries and 819 household surveys – all with comparable
estimates, database using the same specification, estimation procedure et cetera. The
results once again reinforced findings from previous studies: Private returns to
schooling are generally positive but declines as the investment for education are
expanded, women receive more profits in obtaining higher education than men; and
Though in another study specifically targets developing countries, Peet, Fink & Fawzi
(2015) concluded that they found no evidence suggesting returns to schooling in these
countries are systematically higher than those in developed economies. Recent studies
have also revealed a significant reversal result from previous findings; and that globally,
private returns to tertiary education is now the highest, followed by primary and
secondary schooling (Patrinos, 2016). This is mostly due to the fact that primary schools
10
One thing for sure, returns to schooling is not a single parameter; it is a variable
How to accurately measure the causal effect of education on earnings, on the other hand,
is a topic of great debate and is still being developed, refined until today. Nevertheless,
a large number of modern studies in earnings attributable to education have adopted the
classic Mincer’s earning function (1974), which models the natural logarithm of an
individual’s earnings into a function expressed by her number of completed school year
Where
w: individual’s earnings
S: individual’s years of schooling
X: individual’s years of experience
The use of log transformation serves several purposes. For one, this specification allows
interpreting in percentage term. Moreover, the distribution of log earnings is very close
to normal distribution; and it helps exclude negative earnings values – which happens
when certain individuals only receive “income” in form of government subsidy and do
not have to pay tax (Friedman, 1962). This, however, is not really a concern in this
paper. Various studies use different earnings measure – annual, weekly and most
popularly, hourly.
11
Mincer equation depicts a linear relationship between education and earnings, which
assumes that each additional year spent in school will increase wages in a linear trend
– constantly and proportionally the same throughout the year. This is not always the
case. Additionally, this use of measuring education soon showed some flaws when
adopted to countries where students can have very different school tracks (and thus
cannot be slumped into one same years-of-schooling unit) depending on their future
plans (either go to college, vocational school or start work right away after high school)
(Card, 1999). As a result, new studies soon preferred the use of dummies variables for
education level that one completes as an alternative measure of education. This intuition
was developed and dubbed as “Sheepskin effect” by Hungerford & Solon (1987) and
Belman & Heywood (1991), which hypothesizes that the obtainment of an actual degree
is more rewarding than the same amount of year in school without a certificate. Thus,
more surveys also ask for the degrees that people have acquired, besides how many
years of school they had completed. Nevertheless, Harmon et al. (2000) demonstrated
that the assumption of a linear return to schooling, despite being a strong assumption,
is “remarkably hard to reject”. For this thesis, the author will use both methods of
Lastly, a quadratic form of experience is used in the equation to express the concave
relationship between age and earnings. In other words, the benefits of education can
behave differently for different age group: Typically, it grows relatively faster at the
beginning of one’s career and slows down, even declines when she approaches
retirement (Murphy & Welch, 1990). Since it is hard to obtain accurate information
Throughout the years, the Mincer equation has received criticism for its many
shortcomings, most prominently are its potentials for biases. Regardless, the human
capital earnings function has laid foundation and become a solid framework for a
majority of studies in return to education – thanks to its ease of use, simplicity yet
powerful intuition. In fact, several papers (Card, 2001; Montenegro & Patrinos, 2015)
have summarized results from different studies and noted that basic Mincerian model
is more stable than may have been expected. In the next sections, we will discuss about
some of its most debated issues, and later, how we can overcome these limitations
One of the most and earliest discussed drawbacks of Mincer equation is the extent to
Economists realized that ability and schooling were likely to be correlated (most likely
positively); and if ability affect earnings, the estimated return to education will
potentially upward biased (Lang, 1993). Put it differently, higher earnings might
abilities. Individuals with superior abilities are more likely to do well in job interviews,
and generally perform better in their jobs (hence, higher earning outcomes) – not
There have been several approaches to tackle this issue. One way is to include a proxy
13
variable that can represent inherent ability. IQ test result (Altonji, Dunn, 1996; Belzil
& Hansen, 2002; Gensowski, 2018), for example, has been said to be a strong predictor
of education (Card, 2001). Though indicators of ability are in general not perfect, if
even present at all in regular dataset. Another approach is to use data of twins and
siblings (Ashenfelter & Zimmerman, 1997; Ashenfelter & Rouse, 1998; Bronars &
Oettinger, 2006; Arias, Hallock & Sosa-Escudero, 2001) who share the same family
conditions and sometimes abilities to eliminate omitted ability bias. After the bias is
removed, the differences in earnings between the siblings and twin will then be given
credited to education. Some other studies use panel data or repeated observations over
time (Hausman & Taylor, 1981; Chatelain & Ralf, 2010) to cross out the unobserved
abilities (since the effects to returns to education of these latent variables are constant
over time).
A final and quite popular method to deal with ability bias is the use of instrumental
variables (IV) for schooling, which has raised a considerable body of work. Follow the
exogenous variable – education; but not ability, and thus not earnings. Various studies
have adopted different instrument variables in both supply (or institutional features)
and demand side. Proximity to the nearest high school/university (Kane & Rouse, 1993;
Card, 1993; Conneely & Uusitalo, 1997); minimum school leaving age (Dickson &
Smith, 2011; Harmon & Walker, 1995) and school quality (Hogan & Rigobon, 2010)
are examples of institutional features. Whereas on the demand side, studies have used
quarter of birth (Angrist & Krueger, 1991; Staiger & Stock, 1997); family background
such as parents/fathers’ education (Ichino & Winter-Ebmer, 1998; Meghir & Palme,
1999) and incomes as instrumental variables. The use of IV method has its limitation,
14
especially the issue of weak instruments – which leads to asymptotically biased towards
the corresponding OLS estimates (Card, 1999). Spence (1973) also pointed out that
educational degree by itself, as people with higher abilities know this is an effective
existing inherent productivity. Spence also argues that firms tend to believe that
credential is positively correlated with better quality candidates, and relies on it to make
recruitment decisions.
Nonetheless, Becker (1964), Griliches (1977), Becker & Tomes (1986), echoed each
other and came up with a similar conclusion that ability bias is overestimated in their
comprehensive review of literatures; and such biases were small with ability could only
schooling is treated symmetrically with ability measures, it also allows itself to the
subject of measurement error and be correlated with the error term in the earning
function. Biases caused by unobserved ability variables and measurement error will
then tend to cancel each other out. Borrowed the words from Heckman et al (2005), the
The problem of selection bias of the Mincer model was first raised and discussed by
James Heckman (1979). The argument here is quite simple: With this earning equation,
subset of our actual population in study), foregoing the people who are unpaid or
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unemployed. This causes non-randomly selected sample and consequently, downward
bias in the OLS estimates using the Mincer equation. In this thesis, the author will
employ the 2 stage method named Heckman correction to address the issue of selection
bias. Statistical software packages like Stata offer very simple mean to execute this two-
gender … relating to her productivity. We can only observe W when the person enters
the waged labor market. For others who do not, it is likely because their offered wage
We then have a second equation relating to employment, that is the lowest rate at which
income and/or education… which can explain her constraint). E*i = Wi – E'i is the
difference between the wage and the reservation wage E'i. Equation (1b) can be a probit-
type of selection model, describing whether a person will decide to work. If the wage
is below the reservation wage, they choose not to work. We observe only an indicator
Further, we also assume that the error terms u1i and u2i are normally distributed with
mean 0 and positively correlated. (u1i, u2i) are independent of both sets of explanatory
variables X and Y:
Heckman’s 2 step model is to first estimate a so-called inverse Mills ratio (or
λi = ϕ(Ziβ2) / Φ(Ziβ2)
Where ϕ denotes the standard normal density distribution and Φ is a normal cumulative
distribution function. In the second step, λi will then be used in the original wage
equation (1a):
Wi = Xiβ1 + δ12λi + ηi
As long as u2i is normally distributed and ηi is uncorrelated (or independent of) λi, the
One of most challenging task in employing Heckman 2 step model is to find a good
employment are also based on the human capital theory. Weakly identified variables
can worsen or show mislead results in the attempt to correct the sample selection bias,
Finally, there are other factors besides latent abilities variables that might affect a
person’s earnings as well. Gender, marital status, job industry, job sector (Mann &
Kapoor, 1988; Lall & Sakellariou, 2010) et cetera are variables that have been suggested.
The original Mincer equation, therefore, will be extended for this thesis as follow:
The regression will also be run with the Heckman correction model, using some
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appropriate instrumental variables to exam for selection bias (More details in the
Methodology section).
The study of return to schooling has been a topic of interest for researchers in Vietnam,
with most results show a positive relationship between education and earnings with
different magnitudes.
A few studies chose to focus on the periods after the Doi moi (English: Renovation)
economic reforms initiated in 1986, with the goal of abolishing the command economy
Venkataraman (2003), using earnings data from 1992-93, estimated that the rates of
return was relatively low compared to other developing countries during that time.
Return to primary and university averaged 13 and 11% respectively, but only 4 to 5%
at secondary and vocational levels. Gallup (2002) reported a similar results, stating that
the payoff for one additional year in school, though doubled from 1993 – 1998, was
Liu (2006), however, observed a considerable shift in demand toward more educated
workers between 1992 – 1998, with earnings for people with tertiary education had
in a more recent paper with updated data from 1998-2014, Doan, Tran & Le (2016)
again estimated a higher rise during this same period compared to the results of Glewwe
& Patrinos (1998), Gallup (2002) and Mock, Patrinos & Venkataraman (2003). The
authors also concluded that returns continued to increase up until 2008 when it appeared
to fall between 2008 and 2014 – which they credited the rapid expansion of education
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and the slow-down of economic growth and transformation as possible explanations.
Furthermore, one of the most common findings in these papers is the higher returns to
education for female compared to male workers in the labor market (which is similar
with the results found across the globe). Studies about wage inequality such as Gallup
(2002), Liu (2004), Pham & Reilly (2007) all found a sharp reduction gender pay gap
disparities for the wage employed population associated with the Doi moi reform. Using
the decomposition method, however, the authors found that the convergence of the
Vietnamese gender gap in the 1990s hided an adverse change in discrimination. Similar
Coxhead & Phan (2013), using data from 1993 to 2008, explored a more interesting
dimension of inequality: households with and without access to jobs in the state sector.
Economic policies biased toward state-owned enterprises (SOE) have yielded certain
privileges for public servants. State sector jobs provide stable income, promotion and
overall longevity; they are also generally less demanding in time and productivity. This
leads to fierce competition to land a bureaucrat position, despite relatively low salaries.
And since the number of available positions are limited, organizations will tend to favor
people with connections based on family ties. According to Coxhead & Phan, as a result,
household with these types of “relationships” (or, quan he) tend to invest more in
education for their children. Whereas families who see little incentives from studying
or getting credentials, encourage their offspring to opt out of school early and
sometimes use that investment money to bribe for jobs instead (Doan, Tran, Le, 2016).
Such phenomenon has caused severe corruption in the Vietnamese labor market, even
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popularized the term “Con ong chau cha” (Similar to the idiom “Born with a silver
spoon in mouth”) which refers to people who are hired and promoted due to their
however, Vietnam has made efforts to privatize SOEs, promote private firms in specific
industries and attract foreign-invested firms. The situation, therefore, might have more
Lastly, some other studies took on different routes such as ethnic inequality (Pham &
Reilly, 2009) or returns for private vs. public schooling system (Glewwe & Patrinos,
1999). So far no studies have put regional differences as the focal point of their paper;
or done analysis for the two biggest cities separately. Though Gallup (2002) did
estimate in his paper that workers in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh city receive a substantial
(50% higher) wage premium over the rest of the country in the period between 1993
and 1998.
unavailability and insufficiency. Most research in this topic also used the data from
Statistics Office, which until 2002 was still criticized for employing a relatively small
sample sizes. Moock et al., (2003) recognized a limitation in their analysis; as, due to
the survey, could only include wage-earners when during the time of the study 80% of
the Vietnamese labor force is self-employed. Moreover, most studies, except for more
recent one like Doan (2011) and Doan et al., (2016), did not consider proxies for
individual ability and motivation from family resources; even though investments for
education in Vietnam face high liquidity constraint (Glewwe & Jacoby, 2004; Glewwe
& Patrinos, 1999). Some acknowledge but did not include selection bias in their
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analysis (Moock et al., 1999; Pham & Reilly, 2007).
This thesis, despite overcoming several limitations of previous studies, also has to deal
with similar shortcomings related to data. In the next section, we will talk in details
about the chosen dataset, as well as the methodology that the author will implement.
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DATA & METHODOLOGY
3.1 Data
The Vietnam Household Living Standards Survey (before that, Vietnam Living
Standard Surveys - VLSS), or VHLSS, was one of the two most important household
survey developed in Vietnam during the 1990s. The first two VLSS were implemented
in 1992-93 and 1997-98 with the technical assistance from the World Bank and funded
Despite being high quality and contains a wide variety of topic, the survey was
criticized for its relatively small sample and implementation frequency of every 5 years
– too low to satisfy the need for up-to-date information for social monitoring. As a result,
the Vietnam General Statistics Office had developed a strategy for the second wave of
this survey in the next 10 years (2000 – 2010); combining it with the other big but
two-years and rotating module household survey. The new VHLSS, though more
Though there was no re-interview of households from the original VLSS panel.
This thesis will be utilizing the results from the latest VHLSS in 2016 (which to the
individuals from Hanoi & 2,262 from HCMC (over 15 years old and currently are in
the labor force). The data provides quite sufficient variables for all analysis purposes
22
3.2 Methodology
As stated earlier, the thesis will make use of an extended version of the Mincerian
equation to estimate the causal effects of education and labor market outcomes in the
attainment level, X is his/her age and E is the vector of other controlling variables.
In the traditional Mincerian framework (1974), the dependent variable can be either
income or wage; with both are equally valid alternatives. In this thesis, the person’s
earning is calculated as the average monthly wage, plus total bonus in that job divided
by 12 months (if any). Also, monthly wage seems to be a more appropriate choice than
hourly, as all salaries in Vietnam are negotiated and calculated on a monthly basis. All
Most studies using the Mincerian equation construct a “potential experience” variable
by subtracting the average years to obtain the educational degree and 6 (the age when
a person typically starts getting formal education) from the individual’s age. This is to
assume that the person stays in school completely until she finishes her degree, which
is actually not the popular case for postgraduate-holders in Vietnam. Here, people tend
to keep working while getting their master and PhD (taking night, after-work and
23
weekend classes). Sometime it is the companies that send their staffs to get the degree
and allow flexible schedule for them to study while remaining in the job. The only case
when the person most likely spends her entire time at graduate school is when she goes
abroad, which there is no available information and this subpopulation only accounts
for a small portion of the labor force. By using a potential experience variable, we might
potentially dismiss 2 years of experience for master holders, and another 3-4 years for
people who have a PhD. Also in Vietnamese context, aside from work experience,
in the labor market are almost as important. So for these reasons, in this thesis, the
author will use Age as the independent variable. According to Harmon et al. (2000) who
compiled the OLS estimates of different European countries, using “age” tends to
We will also use an age squared variable to capture the concave relationship between
Educational level
Training, following the typical education system ranging from primary school to
doctoral degree (for more details, see Appendix A). Only the five years of primary
education are mandatory, with literacy rates very high at 97.3% (World Bank).
The country also has a vocational system, which consists of Elementary vocational
school, Middle-level vocational school and Professional school. This vocational track
can start either after Higher secondary, Lower secondary or even Primary education;
and last for 6 months up to 2, even 3 years - depending on the courses and programs.
24
The VHLSS records in detail an individual’s education level from “No qualification”
to “Doctoral degree”, as well as the grade they are currently in (if any). It also provides
separate information for person who earns both secondary, postsecondary education and
vocational education. The author will make use of both highest educational level and
An estimated year of schooling makes it more convenient and effective for the
comparison of average rate of return to an additional school year between the two cities,
as well as for other data descripting purposes. If a person earns both higher education
and a vocational degree, her years of schooling should be the sum of both degrees.
Highest educational level obtained is used as well. With people who have both her
regular and vocational degree listed, there is no way to identify when and in what order
the person gets her credentials. But for the sake of analysis, the author decides that if a
person obtains a secondary education (or lower) and a vocational degree, then the
vocational credentials will be counted. Otherwise, if she earns both a vocational degree
and a tertiary education (college, university and up), the tertiary education will be listed
as her educational level. This is based on the assumption on which credentials might be
more relevant when people apply for jobs. Say for example, if a person has a high school
degree and a vocational certificate; while she would list both in her resume, the
vocational education is likely to be more related to the job and hence has more value to
profile; if the person takes extra time to earn a higher education, it is most likely that
she wants to land a better job which she cannot get with only vocational credentials.
25
3.2.2 Controlling variables
Gender, Ethnicity, Migrant (whether the person was born from another province or not),
Area (urban/rural) are factors that might have an impact in an individual’s earnings and
As for the employer side, Economic sector, Firm type and Job level (occupation
participants into 99 detail small economic sectors, which will be grouped into larger
sectors for analysis conveniences. Firm types include dummies for: Public, Private,
leaders/managers. Different job level might have different attitudes toward credentials.
For example in order to become a director, one is usually faced with many requirements
in experience and skill sets, education is not entirely relevant if the person has a good
working record. Whereas at lower / entry-level positions, companies tend to look at the
person’s educational level to make assessment. The author decided to exclude Skilled
laborers in agriculture, forestry and fisheries (due to very low number of observation in
Hanoi & HCMC) & Members of the Army (due to sensitive issues) in the Occupation
category1.
Both Firm type and Job level help us include the informal job sector2 to the dataset and
1
World Bank Survey Manual describing how to sort observations into different Occupation category:
the General Statistics Office does not provide an online instructions of the survey.
2
ILO Guidelines Guidelines concerning a statistical definition of informal employment:
http://ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/--
to exclude this sub-population due to the nature of the survey. Indeed, the informal
economy is an important sector for a developing country like Vietnam (Moock et al.,
2003; Kazuhiro, 2007) and studies have shown that there were evidence of education
premium for high skilled workers in the informal sector (Arbex et al, 2010). With the
new VHLSS survey, informal sector is now covered (or partly covered) in forms of
Individual household business (in Firm type category) and Low-skilled workers /
For a detail list of variables and their category values, please check Appendix B.
In a paper exploring different sets of exogenous instruments on both supply and demand
side to explain the variation in schooling in Vietnam, Arcand et al., concluded that only
requirements. Unfortunately, the way that the VHLSS is designed does not allow us to
interviewing household head. Therefore, with people who do not live with their parents,
there is no way to obtain their education information. Furthermore, some people live in
the same household are son/daughter in law or cousins, whose parents that influence
variable, therefore, will diminish the sample size dramatically. Likewise, attempts to
extract similar family background information like parents’ income, job sector
panel data is also not practical as the VLHSS survey is not intended to survey the same
sample over time. The returns to schooling in this thesis, therefore, are assumed to be
As for explanatory variables that are used for the Selection equation in Heckman
correction model, the author will use Household size, dummy for being the Household
head or not, Marital status and Household non-wage income as instrumental variables.
The rationale behind is that while the number of people in the household, whether a
person is married (especially female) and a household head or not, do have a certain
unlikely to take these facts into consideration when hiring someone. A variable for
number of children might potentially be a more effective variable than marital status;
however this information cannot be efficiently obtained due to the survey structure as
explained earlier. Additionally, Doan et al., (2016) also used household non-wage
income as instrumental variable, reasoning that families with this type of additional
income (either from family business, agriculture activities, loan interests…) will have
higher reservation wage, and are less likely to send their members outside to work.
employment status1, including unemployment. In this thesis, the author adopts a relaxed
1
Resolution concerning statistics of the economically active population, employment, unemployment
stat/documents/normativeinstrument/wcms_087481.pdf
28
understanding of unemployed people, being who answered (1) “Cannot find job” and
(2) “No need to work”, (3) “Family reason” & (4) “Health reason” to the question:
Basic Mincer equation will be run first, then with personal characteristics and other
reported alongside with the Mincer OLS results. All models are tested with estat vif
afterward to check for variance inflation factors (VIFs) of the independent variables
indicating how the observations represent the number of people in Hanoi and HCMC’s
Next section will present in-depth the descriptive and regression results.
29
EMPIRICAL FINDINGS
1
All data cited are taken or calculated based from numbers published in General Statistics Office of
Vietnam’s website: http://www.gso.gov.vn/Default_en.aspx?tabid=766
30
Table 1 - Variables description of Hanoi & HCMC
(Numbers other than percentage are average values)
Variable Hanoi Ho Chi Minh City
Age 36.97 36.79
Female 45.37% 46.7%
Ethnic minority 2.01% 7.96%
Urban area 51.5% 83.1%
Married 76.87% 62.72%
Migrant (born in another 16% 33%
province)
Higher education share 41.48% 31.5%
Vocational education share 18.6% 13.36%
Years of schooling 12.5 10.6
Monthly income (thousand 7025.96 7211.55
VND)
Public sector 28.32% 18.18%
Informal sector 38.72% 35.97%
Source: Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey 2016 - Author’s own calculations
As expected, the capital does have more educated people participate in the workforce;
in particular people with higher education (41.48% vs. 31.5%) and vocational education
(18.6% vs. 13.36%) (note that some people might have both). When converting into
years of schooling, Hanoi also a higher average (12.5 vs. 10.65).
Again, it is not surprising that the capital has a considerably higher number of labor
working in the public sector (28.32% vs. 18.18%). The number one sector that recruits
the most workers in both Hanoi and HCMC, though, are the private firms (34.69% and
49.27% respectively). We can also argue that the overwhelming number of private firms
in HCMC partly reflect the fact that the city has a more encouraging and nurturing
business environment for entrepreneurs to open and pursue their own enterprises.
Lastly, Vietnam’s labor market is characterized by a very low level of unemployment –
1.87 % in the third quarter of 2017 (Report on Labour Force Survey, 2017) due to the
fact that as a developing country, a majority of the population cannot afford to stay idle
and prefer to involve in any kind of job – even ones with low income and unstable,
indecent working conditions. Also remarkably, a dominant share (75.1%) of
31
unemployed young labor (15-24) is formed by people who graduated from college or
above (Report on Labour Force Survey, 2017). The situations are a bit different in Hanoi
and HCMC, however. Unemployment rates are higher, around over 2% according to
the data used for this thesis. The two cities also appear to be more effective in absorbing
higher educated individuals when most of their young laborers without a job are upper-
higher secondary graduates (college graduate also accounts for a considerable number
of unemployed youth, but no way near the country’s number).
Education
According to the General Statistics Office, in 2016, only 11.7% of the Vietnamese
workforce obtained a college, graduate and above degree; 8.9% has been received short
to long-term vocational training. The pictures in Hanoi and HCMC, however, are very
much different; with Hanoi having one third of its workforce owns an university degree,
and only 1.49% has no qualification whatsoever.
Table 2 is a breakdown of educational level attainment in Hanoi and HCMC, in total
and by gender. In line with previous discussions, Hanoi does show that it has a generally
more educated workforce than HCMC – who has over 20% of its labor gets no
qualification or only primary education. Interestingly, the gap between male and female
who receive tertiary education is very small in both cities, with female workers do
slightly better. A lot more men, especially in HCMC, obtain vocational training –
perhaps reflecting the fact that the courses/programs offered at vocational school are
not so female-friendly.
32
Table 2 – Education attainment in Hanoi & HCMC, total and by gender (in %)
Educational level Hanoi Ho Chi Minh City
Total Male Female Total Male Female
No qualification 1.49 62.2 37.8 5.42 56.2 43.8
Primary 7.94 16.4
Lower secondary 14.83 57.9 42.1 17.38 52.9 47.1
Upper secondary 16.73 16.67
Elementary 6.97 61 39 5.69 63.8 36.2
vocational
Middle vocational 3.99 7.44
3-year college 5.97 4.84
University 30.19 48.4 51.9 24.55 49.6 50.4
Master 3.99 1.52
PhD 0.93 0.09
Source: Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey 2016 - Author’s own calculations
33
Figure 1 – Education attainment in Hanoi, by firm ownership
8.8% 4.1%
4.1% 6.1% 9.8% 7.8%
5.9% 15.6%
17.6% 23.2% 25.1% 14.9% 28.3%
48.4%
32.8%
73.5% 43.6%
68.6% 62.8%
39.8%
36.7%
18.3%
4.0%
No education Primary Lower secondary Upper secondary Vocational College and
education above
5.4%
2.7% 10.5% 12.0% 10.9% 8.7% 9.8%
6.4% 12.2% 14.5% 18.6%
33.0% 31.2%
42.7%
48.7% 56.0% 49.7%
58.9% 55.5%
40.4%
27.1% 18.6% 23.0%
3.4%
No education Primary Lower secondary Higher secondary Vocational College and
education above
Individual household Private Public FDI
Source: Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey 2016 - Author’s own calculations
Another particular point that needs to be mentioned is that despite Hanoi having an
overall higher number of qualified workers, it is HCMC that has the most competitive
labor market. According to a report from Vietnamworks (the biggest recruiting firm in
Vietnam), job competition in HCMC is 48:1 (for all job sectors); whereas in Hanoi is
39:1. This is not necessary due to size of the population, since many provinces with
much lower number of residents (such as Binh Duong or Da Nang provinces) have the
same or even higher “competitiveness” rate.
Earnings
Finally we take a closer look at the income of the workforce in Hanoi and HCMC.
The two cities do have quite comparable monthly income averages: VND7,025,960 in
34
Hanoi and VND7,211,55 in HCMC (Table 2). Furthermore, figures 3 and 4 (Appendix
2) show that income increases as we go up the educational level. This relationship also
appears to be concave since the wage gaps tend to be larger at the higher end of the
educational distribution, picking up especially at the university level. Notable case is
PhD holders in HCMC actually earn less than master or even university graduates.
Though the number of observation is too low to draw a interpretation. Male workers
earn more than female no matter what attainment level. HCMC’s average salary are
higher than Hanoi’s at all educational levels.
In terms of firm type, figure 5 and 6 (Appendix 3) display the income distribution across
different ownerships in the two cities. The take-away here is that even though the public
sector absorbs the most highest-educated labor, it cannot pay these labors as well as the
private and FDI sectors. Foreign companies are especially rewarding toward higher
educated workers.
Figure 5 (Appendix 4) shows the average monthly income in both cities by job sector.
In general, jobs in information & communication; finance, banking and international
organizations/agencies (e.g. non-profit organizations) are the most well-paid. It is also
interesting to note is that while 41.9% of Vietnamese workforce are still currently
engaging in different agricultural activities; there is almost no representative of this
sector in Hanoi and HCMC. Sectors that employ the most number of workers are
manufacturing, construction and different business activities related to motorbike.
Lastly, there are some interesting findings that cannot discussed in details. Such as
migrant workers tend to be more well-educated, more likely to work in a foreign firm
and averagely paid more than local labors. The reasoning is that both Hanoi and HCMC
are big cities with specially competitive working environment. Therefore it is possible
that only the “bests” of migrant workers can come and survive in these cities. And even
then they still might have to work extra hard in order to compete with the locals due to
migrant discrimination, their lack of connection or city household registration.
35
4.2 Returns to education in Vietnam: Hanoi & HCMC
General situation in Hanoi and HCMC
Table 3 (Appendix C) are the regression results running for the whole dataset using City
and educational level dummy variables to have an overview look of the 2 cities.
Regression are run at 3 levels: (1) basic Mincer model, (2) with personal characteristics
variables and (3) with all controlling variables. R squared are higher in models (2) and
(3), suggesting that those added variables have explanatory ability toward earnings
variation. In general, HCMC offers a higher level of monthly salary than the capital, in
particular 4.45%. Most independent variables show a relatively similar patterns to
previous study using national - level data set. The most notable finding, however, is that
general education (primary, secondary and high schools) might not bring wage
premium (coefficients are insignificant) to employees in these two cities – in contrast
with results from previous studies using nationwide data where it shows all educational
levels offer incentives. Specifically, an additional year spent in elementary vocational
rewards a 2.47% of wage premium; the numbers are 1.85% for higher vocational/
professional school, 2.29% for 3-year college, 3.78% for university, 4.47 for MA/MSc
and 5.56% for PhD. Accordingly, after general education, the higher credentials (except
for 3 year college) that one can obtain, the more payoff she will get in the labor force.
In term of year measurement, rate of return to education is 18% for every year of
schooling (regression table results are not reported here). This is higher than the global
average of 10% of private returns, with consideration to costs incurred for attending
school (Montenegro & Patrinos, 2014).
The main focus of our study are presented in the regressions in Table 4 and 5 (Appendix
C), where Year of Schooling and Age variables alternately are put to interact with City
dummy. This is to find if one city offers wage premium for an additional year of
schooling and experience over the other city or not.
36
From regression (3) in table 4, we can see that indeed Hanoi has a wage premium of
1.95% for an additional school year compared to HCMC - even when controlling
variables related to individual characteristic and employment information. To check
whether or not this is due to the PhD holders in Hanoi skewed the results, the author
also runs a separate regression (3*) for people with university degree and below. With
this subgroup, Hanoi still offers a wage premium of 1.75% over HCMC.
One of the reasons that can explain the premium return to schooling in Hanoi is the
higher number of SOEs. Vietnamese state-owned firms do not have the soft or hard
infrastructures to hire people based on multiple criterions; and instead rely heavily on
credentials as one of main factors not just to recruit but also to standardize and
categorize their officers. The author did a quick regression and found that based on this
dataset, SOEs offer over 4% for an additional schooling year – whereas for the rest of
the firm types (Private, Individual business household, FDI), this number is only less
than 1%. Still, as the regressions already include a dummy variable for firm type, the
1.95% premium might lie on other reasons. Perhaps of the observations that the capital
is still somewhat more conservative and put greater significance in education as
discussed earlier in the Introduction? Another problem with SOEs is that they actually
pay less than any other types of ownership, even individual household businesses
(results from Table 3), implying that the formulated wage scale in the public sector is
overestimating the actual value of education. With almost one third of its firms in public
sector, Hanoi has a bigger challenge in reforming ownership and management
incentives to improve the overall efficiency and productivity.
Table 4 goes through the same process but with interaction between Age (proxy for
experience) and City dummies. Again, it confirms the prediction at the beginning that
HCMC is more rewarding toward experience, though the number is quite small – at
0.66%. Note that with the Vietnamese currency, salaries almost always go to the
millions. Hence while these differences sound small in number, they do hold a certain
level of significance. As previous sections have argued, HCMC is much more dynamic
and diverse in terms of business environment, labor structure, industry structure.
37
Therefore it is understandable that it does not put as much emphasis on education and
pay more attention to other aspects, in this case - experience, than Hanoi.
Finally, regressions (4) in in Table 3, 4, 5 were run with the Heckman correction model
to address the sample selection bias issue, using four explanatory variables in the
Selection equation: Number of people in the household, Dummy for whether the person
is the household or not, Dummy for whether the person is married and Non-wage
household income. Of which, only marital status has no significant impact toward the
results.
In general, Heckman model does show that the Mincerian equation (even with all
controlling variables) constantly overestimates the return to education in the two cities,
however the size of the bias are not large. Figure 8 visualizes the differences in the
return to education in each educational level with and without correcting for selection
bias; while table 6 details the coefficients and their respective standard errors.
100 87.7
90
80 72.2
70 58.1
60 49.2
50
40 35.2
29.3
30 19.5 17.5 20.4
15.9 12.9 15.4
20
10
0
Elementery Middle 3 year college University Master PhD
vocational vocational -
Professional
school
OLS Heckman
Figure 8 – Return to schooling in Hanoi and HCMC by educational level, Mincer vs.
Heckman (in per cent)
38
OLS Heckman
Elementary vocational 0.195*** 0.175***
(0.0462) (0.0438)
Middle vocational / 0.159*** 0.129***
Professional school (0.0452) (0.0428)
3-year college 0.204*** 0.154***
(0.0500) (0.0476)
University 0.352*** 0.293***
(0.0470) (0.0446)
Master 0.581*** 0.492***
(0.0610) (0.0594)
PhD 0.877*** 0.722***
(0.101) (0.103)
Table – Detail comparison of results from Mincer & Heckman models
In term of wage premium difference between the two cities for an additional year of
school and experience, Hanoi still pays 1.5% (OLS: 1.95%) for education and HCMC
still pays 0.632% more for experience (OLS: 0.656%). All in all, biases are less than 10
per cent in most cases, which is the result consistent to previous studies (Doan & Gibson,
2010; Phan & Coxhead, 2013).
39
CONCLUSION
The main conclusions from this empirical analysis are that not only the labor market in
Hanoi and HCMC draw a meaningfully different picture from previous studies dealing
with country-level data; but there are differences existed between these two important
cities themselves as well.
As the two biggest economical hubs in Northern and Southern Vietnam, Hanoi and
HCMC are having a more sophisticated and competitive labor force compared to rest
of the country. General education no longer pays premium; instead workers need to
have at least a vocational degree to significantly increase their wages. This is
contradicted with the current problems of vocational schools not being able to draw
enough students (due to quality, due to the common perception that these schools are
only for kids who cannot pursue a more “proper” education), some were eventually
forced to close down. Lesson learned here is more and more proper career-orientation
activities need to be implemented at the secondary education levels, encouraging
students to at least earn a vocational education before entering the labor market – as the
markets in these two cities are in high need of workers with such vocational skills.
Regarding the differences between Hanoi and HCMC themselves, statistical results
have revealed that in general HCMC offers higher salaries; and also, the capital pays
more for education while the younger city is more rewarding toward experiences
(though not in a huge gap). These are after controlling multiple variables including
employment ownership type – one of the factors that can explain these particular
differences. We again come back to the argument that Hanoi has traditionally put greater
weight in education and status, which in this case might have overestimated the market
value of education. If this is somehow true, there is no doubt that it has contributed to
the existing social phenomenon (and corruption issues) of people “buying” credentials
and bribing in exchange for awards, titles to get jobs and higher salaries; along with
hindering the capital from hiring the “best” people – especially in areas when actual
hand-on experiences are more important than a degree, such as the creative sectors. Not
40
to mention with a higher number of (large) state-owned and equitisatized (Vietnamese
English term refers to SOEs who are converted into a public limited companies or a
corporation) firms, the reality of degrees are used as tools to move up the career ladder
is even more prominent. This is not to say that this an exclusive problem of the capital
– these are actually happening everywhere in the country, HCMC included. But within
this thesis, statistical results indicate that this seems to be more of a problem for Hanoi
than the other city.
In fact, the old capital can look at HCMC to find solutions for their issues. There are
many reasons that make HCMC become the economic leader of country, one of which
is how it successfully built and developed an environment that foster entrepreneurs and
business-minded people. It is those new start-ups, private firms that makes the city a
diverse, flexible, open place for most skillful (and not necessarily most well-educated)
workers to come and prosper. As of 2016, HCMC accounts for one third (200,000 over
600,000) of the number of operating firms in the country. There is also a noticeable
trend of well educated, capable and enterprising workers moving from Hanoi to base in
HCMC as the later can offer more job opportunities and overall better business and
working environment. With a population of 90 million people, Vietnam in general and
Hanoi in particular has a lot of room to expand itself. The capital possesses the
infrastructures, the educated workforce and the political advantages; what it needs now
is a more open, tolerant and pro-business mindset. And even though it might sound like
a natural way to go, it is actually quite a challenge for the capital. Because if there is
one thing the Northerners are afraid of, it is change.
With that being said, Hanoi can make use of its large pool of highly-educated workers
to develop more knowledge-intensive activities; whereas HCMC can achieve further
(say, at the robust growth rate of leading cities in China) by improving the quality of
general and especially non-formal education to meet the labor’s diverse learning
demand. The younger city has been receiving increasing pressure from the needs to
invest more in infrastructures and education. On the other hand, we can really see that
in some ways, these two cities are very compatible and have the equipment to make up
41
for the other’s limitations. How Hanoi and HCMC can learn to complement and
compensate for each other will contribute largely to development of not only the two
cities themselves but certainly the country as well.
In conclusion, this thesis once again revisited the linkage between educational
attainment and labor market outcome in Vietnam; however this time in a more
specifically geographical scale and take a relatively different direction. There are much
more to discuss and explore further, though this is a good starting point to showcase the
need of studying return to education in a smaller setting – either city/province, or region
and economic zones. As Vietnam is a developing economy with highly economical,
developmental and educational heterogeneity within the country, studies target certain
geographical locations can offer more specific implications and solution courses for
policy makers.
42
LIMITATION
The thesis, unfortunately, could not address the ability bias issue, as discussed earlier.
In the topic of ability measurement, the study could not also take into account cognitive
skills (critical thinking, problem-solving) and behavioral skills (team work,
communication) into the analysis. These are the skills that the labor force is still
severely lack, but have been becoming increasingly important to employers in a now
modern market economy setting of Vietnam. So important that the World Bank has
conducted a detail research in 2014 called “Skilling up Vietnam” to tackle this issue.
Again, such complex variables are not included in the VHLSS dataset.
In addition, Heckman correction model can use even more appropriate instruments such
as number of children (especially under 6); and the author could have gone further by
testing the chosen instrumental variables for invalid / weak instruments. And lastly, the
thesis did not discuss about the education quality in Vietnam, which is a subject that
can shed light to many problems, but is in a very different realm from the restriction of
this thesis.
43
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48
FIGURES
Figure 3 – Average monthly income in Hanoi, by education and gender (in thousand VND)
15,951
13,936
Source: Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey 2016 - Author’s own calculations
Figure 4 – Average monthly income in HCMC, by education and gender (in thousand VND)
17,298
13,682
11,693
10,833
9,154 9,833
7,582 7,8928,106
6,696 6,791 6,104
5,623 5,897 5,390
4,546 5,148
4,094
Source: Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey 2016 - Author’s own calculations
49
Figure 5 – Average monthly income in Hanoi, by education and firm ownership (in
thousand VND)
11,718
10,539
10,000
8,658 8,583
8,226
7,181 7,105 7,334
6,730
6,163 6,035 6,110 6,339 6,366 6,265
5,397
5,356 5,511 5,446 5,571 5,632 5,491 5,350
4,903 4,715
4,456 4,528 4,505
4,077
Source: Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey 2016 - Author’s own calculations
Figure 6 – Average monthly income in HCMC, by education and firm ownership (in
thousand VND)
18,962
Individual household Private Public FDI
17,044
13,798
12,884
10,879
10,339 10,000 10,333
8,759
8,134
7,374 7,351
6,552 6,648 6,707
6,491 6,800 6,536 6,453
6,315 5,937 5,676 6,290 5,948
5,383
5,307 5,356 5,549 5,327 5,673
4,805 5,032 5,020
Source: Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey 2016 - Author’s own calculations
50
Figure 7 – Average monthly income in Hanoi & HCMC by Job sector (in thousand VND)
Source: Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey 2016 - Author’s own calculations
51
APPENDIX A
Vietnam Education System
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APPENDIX B
Dummy variables description
Variable Description
Education Level Equivalent year of
schooling
1 = No qualification (Reference group) 0
2 = Primary education 5
3 = Lower secondary 4
4 = Upper secondary 3
5 = Elementary vocational 0.5
6 = Middle vocational /Professional 1–2
school
7 = 3-year college 3
8 = University 4
9 = MA/MSc 2
10 = PhD 3
Gender 1 = Female (Reference category)
2 = Male
Marital status 1 = Married (Reference category)
2 = Not married
Ethnicity 1 = Kinh (Reference category)
2 = Minor ethnicity
Area 1 = Rural (Reference category)
2 = Urban
Firm type 1 = Public (Reference category)
2 = Private
3 = Individual household business
4 = Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)
Job sector 1 = Industry and Trade (Reference category)
2 = Construction
3 = Service
Job 1 = Low-skilled workers (Reference category)
level/occupation 2 = Manual labor
3 = Assembly workers
4 = Skilled sales & service staff
5 = Office staff
6 = Middle level expert
7 = High level expert
8 = Leaders/Manager
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APPENDIX C
Table 3 – Returns to education in Hanoi & HCM
(1) (2) (3) (4)
With personal All controlling Heckman
VARIABLES Basic Mincer
characteristics variables selection model
55
Table 4 – Returns to education in Hanoi & HCM – Wage premium for schooling year
(1) (2) (3) (3)* (4)
With personal All controlling All controlling variables (Uni
Basic Mincer Heckman selection model
VARIABLES characteristics variables & below)
56
(0.0244) (0.0245) (0.0228)
FDI 0.371*** 0.386*** 0.347***
(0.0277) (0.0281) (0.0269)
Manual labor 0.109*** 0.114*** 0.104***
(0.0274) (0.0272) (0.0253)
Assembly workers 0.124*** 0.129*** 0.140***
(0.0288) (0.0286) (0.0273)
Skilled sales & service
staff 0.0617** 0.0647** 0.0565**
(0.0295) (0.0293) (0.0277)
Office staff 0.0898** 0.0807** 0.172***
(0.0376) (0.0377) (0.0351)
Middle level expert 0.301*** 0.319*** 0.281***
(0.0349) (0.0348) (0.0332)
High level expert 0.513*** 0.516*** 0.499***
(0.0323) (0.0322) (0.0307)
Leader/Manager 0.763*** 0.745*** 0.692***
(0.0507) (0.0531) (0.0487)
Construction 0.0455** 0.0548** 0.0418**
(0.0217) (0.0217) (0.0210)
Service 0.0117 0.00606 -0.00216
(0.0179) (0.0181) (0.0170)
Household size -0.0833*** -0.0768***
(0.0116) (0.0115)
Head household dummy -0.149*** -0.175***
(0.0402) (0.0396)
Marriage -0.0261 0.0598264
57
(0.0388) (0.0385)
Non-wage income 2.18e-06*** 2.21e-06***
(1.32e-07) (1.31e-07)
Constant 7.868*** 7.736*** 7.569*** 7.572*** 0.842***
(0.0348) (0.0353) (0.0449) (0.0451) (0.0534)
58
Table 5 – Returns to education in Hanoi & HCM – Wage premium for experience
(1) (2) (3) (4)
With personal All controlling Heckman selection
Basic Mincer
VARIABLES characteristics variables model
59
(0.0506) (0.0488)
Construction 0.0477** 0.0443**
(0.0217) (0.0209)
Service 0.0103 -0.00349
(0.0179) (0.0170)
Household size -0.0813***
(0.0116)
Head household
-0.168***
dummy
(0.0402)
Marriage -0.0531
(0.0385)
Non-wage income 2.22e-06***
(1.31e-07)
Constant 7.672*** 7.548*** 7.429*** 0.869***
(0.0353) (0.0353) (0.0464) (0.0565)
60
Statement of Originality
The thesis is independently written by the author under the direction of the advisor. In
addition to what is specially labeled and contained in the acknowledgement, the thesis does not
include anything published or written by other persons or organizations. Inspirations and
contributions by other people have been clearly stated and appreciated in the thesis.
The author fully understands the provisions of Fudan University on keeping and using degree
theses, namely: the school reserves the right to retain a copy of the thesis and allow it to be
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