Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Press Coverage of
Public Affairs in
Uganda
RESEARCH REPORT
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Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
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Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Preamble
The motivation for this series of studies on Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda was
that to perform their role of nurturing an effective and engaged citizenry, the media
must be reliable and credible sources of information on public affairs, effective tools for
monitoring the exercise of power, and vibrant forums for public debate.
Until these studies were conceived, there was no systematic evidence to inform
evaluations and judgements of the media’s performance in covering public affairs.
Media critics and defenders from within and outside the profession often relied on
anecdotal proof and individual experience to make their cases.
These studies are ground-breaking in the sense that they provide the first standardised
and comprehensive long-term data on the content of the Ugandan press. Similarly,
they employ a rigorous and consistent yet adaptable methodology designed to enable
meaningful comparison of results over time and to accommodate changes in research
questions and scope.
This compendium of reports is based on four rounds of data that captures various
dimensions of the quality, quantity and nature of press coverage of public affairs
in Uganda between July 2013 and June 2017. The maiden study was designed as a
baseline upon which both the results of and approaches to subsequent rounds would
be benchmarked. As the research progressed through its various phases, the lessons
learned were used to adjust as necessary the methods used in successive rounds of data
collection and analysis.
The specific methodological rationale for each individual study is elaborated in the
introduction to the respective research report. In general, content analysis was the
primary method used across all four rounds of the research project. Data from the first
round was supplemented with qualitative in-depth case studies of selected stories to
enrich the picture that emerged from the data.
In the second round, the focus of coverage was expanded beyond the original three
reporting formats or story types of the first round – conventional, interpretive, and
investigative – by adding a fourth category of enterprise reporting. In the third round,
following a review of the operationalisation of these story types, the interpretive
category was folded into the enterprise category. The conventional, enterprise and
investigative categories were then adopted as the standard story types that were
carried into the fourth round.
As with the reporting formats, the scope of the project in terms of news publications or
content universe also evolved over time. In the first and second rounds, English outlets
– Daily Monitor, New Vision, The Independent and The Observer – were the focus of the
research. In the third round, Bukedde, a Luganda daily, was added to the mix.
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
These ongoing adjustments also extended to the public affairs thematic areas that
the study explored. When the project was initiated, the 12 themes of interest were:
local government; parliament; extractive industry; agriculture; land and property; water and
environment; energy; justice, law and order; transport and public works; health; science and
technology; and education. In the third round, four entirely new public affairs thematic
areas were introduced i.e.: business and economy, defence and security, foreign affairs and
people and power. Three public affairs themes were dropped altogether as categories in
their own right i.e.: local government, parliament and science and technology.
In other changes during the third round, some old categories were either reconstituted or
expanded as follows: energy and extractives; environment and natural resources (including
water); land, housing and settlements; and public works and infrastructure (including
transport). In effect, however, the content of the themes that were eliminated was not
excluded but incorporated in other categories.
This ongoing review of the research design was one of the hallmarks of this project. It
helped to keep the project relevant to the profession and in sync with emerging insights
and research users’ needs. By the third round, a stable and robust set of variables had
been established. Subsequent changes were tweaks intended to fine-tune the approach
and enrich the project in response to continuous learning by the research team and
feedback from stakeholders.
One enduring limitation of this project is the exclusion of the broadcast media and
especially radio which is the predominant source of information for the majority
of Ugandans. The reasons are primarily logistical and mainly to do with the lack of
efficient and cost-effective technological means to monitor broadcast content reliably
and exhaustively.
The value of the evidence that this research project has generated over the years will be
realised only if newsrooms use it to plan their editorial agendas, allocate their newsroom
resources and evaluate their performance. A few of the notable trends are listed in this
preamble, but the full reports are well worth reading for a full understanding of the state
of public affairs media in the country.
Over the course of the project, the findings reveal, the volume of stories on public affairs
became more consistent across the year. During the baseline, we found that public
affairs reporting peaked around the start of the financial year and fell sharply as the
months went by. By the third round, this sort of episodic reporting was no longer the
case. Newsrooms appeared to stick with public affairs reporting for much of the year,
even though they still do more of it around the start of the financial year. Consistent
media attention is important as it helps to sustain the public’s interest in the governance
of the country.
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
One consistent trend that newsrooms may want to re-organise around is the marked
imbalance in what issues and topics get coverage. Agriculture gets far less coverage
than it deserves given that the sector employs more Ugandans than any other. Coverage
of public works and infrastructure is also low; yet in recent years, the government
spent more money on roads and other forms of transport infrastructure than on any
other public investment except public administration. On the other hand, coverage
of the justice, law and order sector made up as much as quarter of all public affairs
reporting each year of the study. Even within a particular issue, reporting tends to
focus too much on a single topic: roads for infrastructure, crops for agriculture, police
for the justice, law and order sector. From the editors we discussed these results with,
we learnt that the imbalances often flow from old newsroom traditions rather than
analysis of reader interest. For instance, newsrooms have always had a police/crime
beat and special desk for covering business but haven’t had any for technology. Thus,
police and business get far more coverage than technology.
On the other hand, newsrooms may want to start requiring more sourcing effort from
their reporters. Over the years, the number of stories that fall short of the standard to
include at least three voices, has remained high. On top of that, these voices are often
not diverse themselves. For instance, people who work for the central government are
significantly overrepresented compared to those who don’t. Women are significantly
underrepresented compared to men. Sourcing also relies a lot on human voices, as
opposed to material sources and data analysis and as a result, investigative reporting
and explanatory reporting remain low. Related to the above but perhaps not entirely
the reporters’ choice, is an overreliance on events and activities as a news source.
Combined with the reliance on government sources, the result is that investigative
and/or explanatory storytelling is rare in public affairs coverage.
As mentioned, the full reports are well worth your time for a more comprehensive look
at the evidence. This compendium reproduces all four reports, from as many years, of
the study. The latest latest report appears at the top, and the baseline comes last.
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
ABSTRACT
For the fourth year running, this long-term research project has monitored and analysed
key aspects of the quantity, quality, and nature of the coverage of public affairs issues by
Uganda’s five main print news outlets i.e. Bukedde published in Luganda and Daily Monitor,
New Vision, The Independent and The Observer, all published in English. The first study which
also served as the baseline examined coverage from July 2013 to June 2014. The second round
looked at coverage from July 2014 to June 2015. The third round explored coverage from July
2015 to June 2016. The current study focuses on coverage from July 2016 to June 2017. As with
previous rounds, some necessary modifications to the methodology have been incorporated
while maintaining the maximum possible degree of comparability with earlier findings. The
study uses content analysis to inquire into media practices and performance as they relate to
the coverage of 12 select public affairs issues i.e.: (i) Energy and extractives (ii) Agriculture
(iii) Land, housing and settlements (iv) Environment and natural resources (v) Public works
and infrastructure (vi) Justice, law and order (vii) Health (viii) Education (ix) Business and
economy (x) Defence and security (xi) Foreign affairs (xii) People and power.
CITATION: African Centre for Media Excellence (2018). Press Coverage of Public Affairs in
Uganda. Volume 4; July 2016 – June 2017.
RESEARCH TEAM
George W. Lugalambi (PhD), was the research consultant. He designed the methodology,
modifying it over the four rounds of the study as was needed and drafted this report.
Lydia Namubiru and Brian Ssenabulya, ACME’s internal research team, reviewed of the
methodology, supervised data collection, analysed the data presented here and contributed
to writing the report.
Emma Mulondo, Elijah Wanyama, Godwin Okiror, Mike Lugendo, Aisha Nabuuma, Clare
Muhindo, Jacqueline Emodek collected the data for this study.
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CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION 3
Objectives 3
Research Questions 4
Public Affairs Issues of Interest 4
Public Affairs Frames 5
Reporting Formats 5
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 7
News Publications Sampled 7
Study Population, Sample and Sampling Method 7
Analytical Plan 7
Coding Procedure and Inter-Coder Reliability 8
Limitations of the Study 8
PRESENTATION AND DISCUSSION OF RESULTS 10
Distribution of Coverage 10
Coverage of Issues and Topics 12
Reporting Formats 13
Story Origins 15
Prominence in Coverage 17
Context in Coverage 19
Framing of Issues 20
Sourcing Effort and Types of Sources 21
Who Makes the News? 26
CONCLUSION 30
ANNEX 1: CHANGES IN VARIABLE STRUCTURE 32
ANNEX 2: PUBLIC AFFAIRS ISSUES AND ASSOCIATED TOPICS 34
ANNEX 3: ISSUE FRAMES 36
ANNEX 4: DISTRIBUTION OF COVERAGE BY TOPIC 37
ANNEX 5: INTER-CODER RELIABILITY TEST OUTCOMES 39
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Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Introduction
Continuing with the research tradition established over four years from July 2013, this phase of a
longitudinal study examines press coverage of public affairs by five national news publications
i.e. Bukedde (Luganda), Daily Monitor, New Vision, The Independent and The Observer (all in English).
Using the story as the unit of analysis, the current study which is Round 4 of the research project
covers the period July 2016 to June 2017. The three preceding studies examined coverage from
July 2013 to June 2014, July 2014 to June 2015, and July 2015 to June 2016.
Every successive study has built upon and complemented its predecessors, thereby providing a
basis for comparison between rounds, if not across all the four phases. Moreover, the methodology
has evolved over the years as it has undergone adaptations and refinements to make it more
robust and in response to feedback from stakeholders. The most far-reaching changes to the
methodology were introduced in the third round and were expounded in the report.1 The main
change in Round 4 is to do with the issue frames, as explained in the relevant sub-section below.
Objectives
1. To gather empirical evidence of the quantity, quality, frequency, scope, and nature of public
affairs coverage by the Ugandan media.
2. To use the data and information generated to evaluate and compare long-term trends and
patterns in coverage over the last three national financial years ending June 2016.
3. To account for the patterns observed as well as the conditions that foster and those that impede
the coverage of public affairs.
4. To explore what media coverage reveals about the broader discourse on public affairs in
Uganda.
Research Questions
1. What is the quantity and quality of media coverage of public affairs and how have they
changed over time?
2. What is the overall distribution of public affairs coverage?
3. What information about public affairs is communicated to the public and how has it changed
over time?
4. How are public affairs issues portrayed and presented to audiences?
5. What public affairs do the media focus on and prioritise in their coverage?
6. Who are the key actors and agenda-setters and whose voices are represented in media
discourse on public affairs?
7. To what extent is data used in the coverage of public affairs and how is it handled?
8. Where applicable, how do key elements and features of the coverage at this point compare
1 See African Centre for Media Excellence (2017). Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda. Volume 3; July
2015 – June 2016.
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Reporting Formats
The study focuses on public affairs articles that conform to one of three reporting formats: (i)
Conventional; (ii) Investigative; and (iii) Enterprise.
Under conventional reporting, fact-finding is the dominant posture with common characteristics
such as the following: spot or hard news that tends to focus on events; generally one-dimensional;
neutral and often uncritical transmission of facts; tendency to assign equal weight to all positions;
faithful recording of the observed event or issue; suppression of the journalist’s prior knowledge
of the subject; the journalist’s role is passive and often reactive; depends largely or entirely on
material provided by others; and tends to be event-centred. Sophisticated forms of conventional
reporting combine factual observation with balanced presentation of pertinent background and
contextual information.
Under investigative reporting, exposition is the dominant posture with common characteristics
such as the following: the story is the journalist’s original initiative; depends on material gathered
or generated through the reporter’s own effort; reporting uncovers information that an individual
or entity may have tried to conceal from public scrutiny, or information that an individual or
entity may have had an interest in keeping out of the public domain; resources and evidence
used by the journalist are clearly discernible; evidence of strong documentation (the paper trail)
and sourcing; “involves exposing to the public matters that are concealed – either deliberately by
someone in a position of power, or accidentally, behind a chaotic mass of facts and circumstances
that obscure understanding. It requires using both secret and open sources and documents”
(Hunter et al., p.7).
Under enterprise reporting – used generically for purposes of this research to also include forms
of journalism referred to as interpretive and explanatory – the journalist undertakes to explore
issues and developments beyond routine news events and occurrences. The coverage follows
more leads than the usual straight news story and depends on material gathered or generated
through the reporter’s independent efforts. Enterprise stories generally use the creative style to
explore issues in greater depth usually with the aid of narrative or literary techniques.
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These stories are traditionally presented as features or long-form articles. Instead of focusing on
breaking news, enterprise reporting focuses on the forces that shape the events that may or may
not be in the news. It emphasises explaining, interpreting, and discovering patterns and trends
that may lie behind reported episodes or events. Interpretation and explanation are the dominant
postures and coverage goes beyond the immediate event by adding meaning to complex news
situations. Enterprise reporting explains change and relates events to each other resulting in
comprehensive or multi-dimensional story-telling. The reporting is largely process-centred
because the journalist is usually proactive by initiating coverage rather than waiting for events to
happen.
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Analytical Plan
The primary level of analysis focuses on six high level variables on which the census data was
collected, while the secondary level of analysis is a full-scale analysis that incorporates the full
range of 13 variables on which data was collected for a 10% sample of the stories (see Table 3).
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15 Documentary sources
16 Human sources
17 Tone of coverage
18 Context
19 Issue frame
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Trend in coverage
The trend in coverage over the year under review shows a consistent level of media attention
to public affairs (see Figure 1). Whereas coverage peaked in August, the ups and downs were
smoother than we saw especially in the first (baseline) and second rounds from 2013 to 2015. Back
then, the month-to-month differences were comparatively more pronounced and hence coverage
appeared rather episodic. The fourth round continues a trend that emerged in the third round
where reporting on public affairs became more even throughout the months and therefore less
episodic in the long-run.
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There were notable differences in coverage among the three dailies, however. Coverage by New
Vision was fairly uniform all through the months; but reporting by Bukedde and Daily Monitor
bounced up and down with intermittent periods of high and low coverage. Reporting by The
Independent and The Observer remained steady (see Figure 2).
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Round 4 was the first time that the study fully reflected the same scope of coverage as in the
preceding round. So the fourth round was a direct replica of the third in terms of public affairs
issues monitored. A comparison of the two rounds shows that from 2015/2016 to 2016-2017,
overall coverage dropped by 1,516 stories or about 5%. The main contributor to this drop was
“people and power” which plummeted by nearly 15 percentage points which, in terms of overall
coverage, was more than half of its share of 25.9% in the third round to 11.3% in the fourth round.
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Reporting Formats
Conventional coverage not only remains the predominant reporting format, but also increased its
share of stories from 86.4% in Round 3 to 88.9% in Round 4. On the other hand, the share of the
other reporting formats is on the decline (see Figure 4).
The Independent devoted proportionately more coverage to in-depth reporting through enterprise
stories than did any other outlet. Although it seems to have undertaken no investigative reporting
at all, according to the study’s criteria, this could be attributed to The Independent’s distinctive style
by which investigative inquiries tend to be approached with an entreprise lens, hence making
them appear as less hard-nosed investigative pieces (see Table 5).
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Just seven of the 12 issues monitored in Round 4 were tracked in the first three rounds. The
comparisons in Table 6 are based on these seven. As observed in the general coverage, conventional
reporting holds steady as the dominant reporting format across public affairs issues.
A few trends are noteworthy: In Round 4, the “energy and extractives” sector was subjected to
far less investigative inquiry than was the case in the first three rounds; on average it witnessed
a drop of about 10 percentage points between Rounds 1-3, on the one hand, and Round 4, on
the other. The “public works and infrastructure” sector has also suffered a severe decline in the
proportion of its stories reported through investigative inquiry, from an acme of 17.3% in Round
2 to 3.3% in Round 3 and a paltry 1.6% in Round 4. Investigative journalism in “agriculture” and
in “environment and natural resources” has all but vanished.
Story Origins
The study identified 12 distinctive journalistic pathways to a story plus a miscellaneous category
referred to as “other” (see Table 7). Almost half of all stories originated from “spontaneous
newsworthy occurrences” (24.2%) and “independent reporting, research or investigation” (22.4%).
As was the case in Round 3, data-generated stories were the fewest (0.8%), with The Independent
devoting a greater proportion of its coverage (8.7%) to data-driven reporting than did any other
publication, an increase of 2.8 percentage points from its score in Round 3.
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After “spontaneous newsworthy occurrences,” Bukedde gets the bulk of its stories from “central
government activities” (17.2%), which it uses more frequently than any other outlet. Also after
“spontaneous newsworthy occurrences,” most Daily Monitor (18.5%) and New Vision (26.3%) stories
come from “independent reporting, research or investigation.” The non-dailies, The Independent
at 55.1% and The Observer at 39.2%, base the largest chunk of their coverage on “independent
reporting, research or investigation.” The Observer relies more on “material sources” to generate
stories than do its peers.
The evidence as demonstrated by Table 8 indicates that more enterprise stories originate from
“data” (41.2%), “material sources” (23.5%), and “independent reporting, research or investigation”
(23.4%) than from any other aspect. There are no remarkable differences in the origins of
conventional and investigative stories.
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Over the long-term, the trend in story origin is comparable from the second round through the
fourth. As the findings reported in Table 9 indicate, there are some notable patterns. Independent
reporting and events/activities by central/local governments remain highly sought after by
journalists as story triggers. While news conferences have been declining, with the sharpest fall
recorded between the third and fourth rounds, spontaneous newsworthy events have been on a
steady rise. Stories originating from independent academics have literally dried out; a scenario
that warrants further probing to decipher what exactly might be going on. A plausible explanation
could be that academics generally are feeding into the independent reporting chain.
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Prominence in Coverage
Competition for the front page is inevitably stiff. Only so many stories can be accommodated
on the cover. The evidence suggests that the ratio of public affairs stories featured on the front
pages to those appearing inside has been gradually narrowing over the years (see Figure 5),
notwithstanding that public affairs stories feature on the inside stories (85.1% of all articles) still
far outstrip the number of those appearing on the cover pages (14.9%) .
Broken down by issue, “defence and security,” though in absolute terms had fewer stories than
all other categories except “energy and extractives,” at 30.4% had the greater proportion of its
coverage appearing on the front page than any other issue. It was followed by “people and
power” at 23.3% and “energy and extractives” at 20.5% (see Table 10). As we noted in the Round
3 report, the fact that “defence and security” as well as “energy and extractives” were accorded
more front page treatment than other issues – in spite of the relatively limited editorial attention
they get – implies one thing: while they are considered important, newsrooms are not investing a
commensurate amount of editorial resources in such a way as to raise the volume of coverage to
the same degree of prominence they enjoy.
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An analysis of the trend in prominence of public affairs stories based on their page positioning
reveals a consistent pattern. Since the second round of the project when comparable data was first
gathered, public affairs issues have always been more prominent – as first lead stories – relative
to other stories appearing on the same page (see Table 11).
Context in Coverage
A scale ranging from 1 (poor) to 5 (excellent) was created to assess stories for the extent to
which they provided meaningful perspective and relevant background to help the reader fully
understand the topic covered. Just less than half of the stories sampled (49%) were adequately
contextualised. Three per cent provided no context at all while only 2% had exceptional context
(see Figure 6).
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Daily Monitor (80.7%) and Bukedde (54.3%) had the greatest proportions of their stories with
adequate context. New Vision (16.7%) had the fewest stories with adequate context, otherwise
the majority of its stories had either some (47.4%) or limited (33.2%) context. The non-dailies, The
Independent and The Observer, did not perform as well as one would have expected considering the
longer gestation that their stories take to develop. Both carried significant proportions of stories
with some but not adequate context, The Independent at 47.4% and The Observer at 52.0% (see Table
12).
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The trend since context was first measured in Round 3 indicates that just about half of the stories
sampled are consistently given adequate context, which ideally is the threshold for professional
reporting standards. Promisingly, the proportion of stories with no context at all declined as,
though worryingly, did those with exceptional context (see Table 13).
Framing of Issues
As explained earlier, the original set of 12 frames used in Round 3 was revised down to five in
Round 4. For that reason, it’s not possible to directly compare the two trends. The “rights and rule
of law” frame dominated coverage at 35.1% of all stories sampled in Round 4, followed by the
“service delivery” frame at 25.0% (see Figure 7).
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Trend in sourcing
From our analysis of the trend in sourcing, the proportion of stories with four and five or more
sources has been climbing since the second round of the study, whereas the number of those with
three sources has remained generally flat over the years, ranging from a low of 7% in the second
round to 12% in the fourth phase (see Figure 8).
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Type of sources
The use of documentary sources was limited at only 4.9% of source types identified (see Table 15).
This reinforces the finding reported earlier about the dearth of investigative journalism, which is
typically driven by paper trails of documented evidence.
Sourcing by gender
Viewed through a gender lens, the study also found that male sources dominated over their female
counterparts who accounted for a mere 23.9% of the human sources sampled (see Table 16).
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Gender of newsmakers
Overall, only 21.1% of newsmakers were female. Females featured more as newsmakers among
ordinary people in their individual capacities (30.8%) followed by central government officials
(24.95), as the findings in Table 24 show.
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Roles of newsmakers
The study, as reported in Table 25, found that ordinary people in their individual capacities
(44.8%) featured most as newsmakers followed by victims (20.2%) and perpetrators (19.1%).
Table 25: Newsmaker Roles of the Newsmaker*
Role of the newsmaker Frequency Percent
Commenter in duty bearing capacity 1,254 44.8
Victim 565 20.2
Perpetrator 535 19.1
Commenter as interested party 212 7.6
Witness to events in the story 123 4.4
Commenter as neutral party 66 2.4
Other 44 1.6
Total 2799 100.0
*Based on census data.
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Institutional coverage
The evidence indicates that central government organs (33.6%) received relatively more coverage
than any other category of institutional newsmaker followed by the private sector or business
entities (19.3%). At 1.4%, international NGOs or private organisations were the least covered
followed by their indigenous peers at 2.8% (see Table 26).
Table 26: Institutions that Made News*
Institution Frequency Percent
Central government organ 1,327 33.6
Private sector or business 764 19.3
Judiciary 383 9.7
Local government organ 312 7.9
State-owned enterprise or parastatal 247 6.3
Other 227 5.7
Parliament 219 5.5
Political party/organisation 184 4.7
International public organisation 123 3.1
Indigenous NGO or private organisation 111 2.8
International NGO or private organisation 55 1.4
Total 3,952 100.0
*Based on census data.
Disaggregated by publication, the data reveals notable differences. For example, central
government organs (45.3%) dominated coverage by Daily Monitor to a greater extent than coverage
by any other news outlet. The private sector/business entities received proportionally similar
levels of attention from all publications, with Bukedde (24.9%), leading the pack by a moderate
margin (see Table 27).
Table 27: Institutional Coverage by Publication*
Daily New Vision The Independent The
Institution Bukedde % Total
Monitor % % % Observer %
Central
23.5 45.3 35.9 27.0 27.9 33.6
government organ
Private sector or
24.9 16.9 16.2 17.4 19.1 19.3
business
Judiciary 13.0 7.2 8.4 7.8 11.3 9.7
Local government
15.1 6.8 3.6 0.9 3.2 7.9
organ
State-owned
enterprise or 4.7 0.7 9.4 13.0 15.2 6.3
parastatal
Other 2.3 10.6 5.9 7.0 2.1 5.7
Parliament 3.5 3.4 9.0 9.6 4.2 5.5
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Political party/
3.2 3.6 5.7 6.1 9.2 4.7
organisation
International
public 2.8 2.4 3.8 8.7 1.4 3.1
organisation
Indigenous
NGO or private 5.7 1.1 1.2 0.0 4.9 2.8
organisation
International
NGO or private 1.2 2.1 0.9 2.6 1.4 1.4
organisation
Total (no. of
1,235 1,002 1,317 115 283 3,952
observations)
Cases (story
972 795 787 95 226 2,875
count)
*Based on census data.
Over the last two phases that the study has tracked institutional coverage in comparable terms,
central government organs as well as the private sector/business have maintained their top spots,
respectively, and in fact significantly grown their shares of media attention. Political parties/
organisations, on the other hand, have suffered a drastic fall in coverage from 14% in 2015/2016
when they benefitted from the general election season that dominated that round to 4.7% in
2016/2017 (see Table 28).
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Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
ABSTRACT: This is the third round of a long-term research project that tracks and analyses
the coverage of public affairs by the Ugandan media. The first, and baseline, study explored
coverage from July 2013 to June 2014. The second round of the research reviewed coverage
from July 2014 to June 2015. The present study, modified in some aspects while maintaining
comparability with the first two studies, employs the methods of content analysis and case
analysis to interrogate media practices and performance. It examines various dimensions of
the quantity, quality, and nature of the coverage of public affairs issues by Uganda’s four
main English news publications (Daily Monitor, New Vision, The Independent, and The
Observer) as well as the country’s main newspaper in an indigenous language (Bukedde
published in Luganda). The public affairs issues explored are: energy and extractives;
agriculture; land, housing and settlements; environment and natural resources; public works
and infrastructure; justice, law and order; health; education; business and economy; defence
and security; foreign affairs; as well as people and power.
CITATION: African Centre for Media Excellence (2017). Press Coverage of Public Affairs in
Uganda. Volume 3; July 2015 – June 2016.
RESEARCH TEAM
George W. Lugalambi (PhD), was the research consultant. He designed the methodology,
modifying it over the four rounds of the study as was needed and drafted this report.
Peter Mwesige (PhD), Lydia Namubiru and Brian Ssenabulya, ACME’s internal research
team, reviewed of the methodology, supervised data collection, analysed the data presented
here and contributed to writing the report.
Emma Mulondo, Elijah Wanyama, Godwin Okiror and Mike Lugendo, collected most of the
data for this study, together with Clare Muhindo, Jacqueline Emodek, Justin Emedot and
Andrew Kaggwa
iii
CONTENTS Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
INTRODUCTION 1
Objectives 2
Research Questions 2
Public Affairs Issues of Interest 2
Public Affairs Frames 3
Major Reporting Formats 4
News Publications of Interest 4
CONCLUSION 35
ANNEXES: 36
Annex 1: Changes In Variable Structure 36
Annex 2: Public Affairs Issues And Associated Topics 38
Annex 3: Operational Definitions Of Public Affairs Issues 40
Annex 5: Inter-Coder Reliability Test Outcomes 43
Annex 7: Distribution Of Frames By Public Affairs Issue 47
Annex 8: Individual Sources Identified In Public Affairs Stories 48
Annex 9: Source/Voice Categories In Public Affairs Stories 49
iv
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Introduction
This report examines the coverage of public affairs by five national news publications during the
12-month period from 1 July 2015 to 30 June 2016. It is the third report from a long-term research
project that started in 2014. The two antecedent studies, including the first that was designed as a
baseline, explored coverage for the periods of July 2013 to June 2014 (referred to as the Baseline) and
July 2014 to June 2015 (referred to as Round 2) respectively. The present study (referred to as Round
3 in this report) builds on and complements its forerunners and provides opportunities to compare
important trends and patterns over three years of news coverage.
Whereas the research design ensures comparability across key variables and measures over the three
rounds, this study is not a wholesale replication of the baseline and Round 2. Adaptations have been
made in response to stakeholder feedback, to accommodate evolving interests, and to broaden and
streamline the scope of issues explored.
In particular, the public affairs of interest have been rejigged to align them more closely with the
government’s public sector management system and nomenclature. This system reflects the
government’s approach to, and structure for, allocating the national budget and managing public
resources generally.
In general, the methodology applied in Round 3 reflects the accumulated learning from the two
previous rounds. As the project progressed, changes and improvements were made to the baseline
methodology and applied to the subsequent phases of the project.
Similarly, further adjustments were made to Round 2 and applied to Round 3. The most significant of
the changes introduced in Round 3 relate to the variables of interest and their measurement. Annex
1 outlines the changes made to the variable structure over the three research rounds. Some variables
were dropped, some added, and some reformulated or merged to improve overall precision in
measurement and efficiency in coding/data collection, which was in turn expected to improve overall
validity and reliability.
Another critical change has been the introduction of a new variable referred to as “public affairs
frames”. A frame is the underlying theme or matter in contention as reported or reflected in a given
story. The frames broaden our understanding of public affairs discourse from what issues are covered
to the narrative context within which this coverage happens.
In the third round, we also introduced topics/headline keys beneath each public affairs issue to more
specifically track what gets reported on.
Lastly, experience from coding processes during the baseline and Round 2 suggested that the
boundary between ‘enterprise’ and ‘interpretive’ reporting formats was more porous than assumed.
The separation of the two formats appeared redundant, so they were merged.
1
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Objectives
Media content is a barometer of the state of the national conversation on public affairs. The evidence
generated from analysing this content serves to illuminate the flow, form, and substance of public
deliberation about public affairs. For the engaged citizens, this series of media monitoring studies will
inform their understanding of how the media interacts with public affairs, policy, and governance
generally. Therefore, the objectives of the research are:
1. To gather empirical evidence of the quantity, quality, frequency, scope, and nature of public
affairs coverage by the Ugandan media.
2. To use the data and information generated to evaluate and compare long-term trends and
patterns in coverage over the last three national financial years ending June 2016.
3. To account for the patterns observed as well as the conditions that foster and those that
impede the coverage of public affairs.
4. To explore what media coverage reveals about the broader discourse on public affairs in
Uganda.
Research Questions
1. What is the quantity and quality of media coverage of public affairs and how have they
changed over time?
3. What information about public affairs is communicated to the public and how has it changed
over time?
5. What public affairs do the media focus on and prioritise in their coverage?
6. Who are the key actors and agenda-setters and whose voices are represented in media
discourse on public affairs?
7. To what extent is data used in the coverage of public affairs and how is it handled?
8. Where applicable, how do key elements and features of the coverage at this point compare
with previous findings?
2
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
government,’ ‘parliament,’ and ‘science and technology’ were dropped altogether as issues in their
own right as they were deemed to be cross-cutting. Their content was therefore integrated in the other
issues as applicable. Table 1 summarises the issue scenario over the three research rounds.
In the research design for Round 3, a new layer of detail was added by identifying the specific topics
(coded as headline keys) that were associated with each public affairs issue covered. This allowed
the study to go farther than the traditional macro level of analysis. At the micro level, the dissection
of coverage by topic illuminates the degree and pattern of attention to particular areas of the various
public affairs issues studied. Refer to Annex 2 for a list of the public affairs issues and their associated
topics and to Annex 3 for the operational definitions of all the issues under review.
3
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Under conventional reporting, fact-finding is the dominant posture with common characteristics such
as the following: spot or hard news that tends to focus on events; generally one-dimensional; neutral
and often uncritical transmission of facts; tendency to assign equal weight to all positions; faithful
recording of the observed event or issue; suppression of the journalist’s prior knowledge of the subject;
the journalist’s role is passive and often reactive; depends largely or entirely on material provided by
others; and tends to be event-centred. Sophisticated forms of conventional reporting combine factual
observation with balanced presentation of pertinent background and contextual information.
Under investigative reporting, exposition is the dominant posture with common characteristics such as
the following: the story is the journalist’s original initiative; depends on material gathered or generated
through the reporter’s own effort; reporting uncovers information that an individual or entity may
have tried to conceal from public scrutiny, or information that an individual or entity may have had an
interest in keeping out of the public domain; resources and evidence used by the journalist are clearly
discernible; evidence of strong documentation (the paper trail) and sourcing; “involves exposing
to the public matters that are concealed – either deliberately by someone in a position of power, or
accidentally, behind a chaotic mass of facts and circumstances that obscure understanding. It requires
using both secret and open sources and documents” (Hunter et al., p.7).
Under enterprise reporting – used generically for purposes of this research to also include forms of
journalism referred to as interpretive and explanatory – the journalist undertakes to explore issues and
developments beyond routine news events and occurrences. The coverage follows more leads than
the usual straight news story and depends on material gathered or generated through the reporter’s
independent efforts. Enterprise stories generally use the creative style to explore issues in greater
depth usually with the aid of narrative or literary techniques. These stories are traditionally presented
as features or long-form articles. Instead of focusing on breaking news, enterprise reporting focuses
on the forces that shape the events that may or may not be in the news. It emphasises explaining,
interpreting, and discovering patterns and trends that may lie behind reported episodes or events.
Interpretation and explanation are the dominant postures and coverage goes beyond the immediate
event by adding meaning to complex news situations. Enterprise reporting explains change and relates
events to each other resulting in comprehensive or multi-dimensional story-telling. The reporting is
largely process-centred because the journalist is usually proactive by initiating coverage rather than
waiting for events to happen.
4
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The analysis of coverage therefore draws on two datasets. The primary dataset comprises a census of
public affairs articles published by the five news outlets from July 2015 to June 2016. As Table 2 shows,
30,741 public affairs stories were identified over the study period.
From the population of 30,741 stories in Round 3 of the study, a sample of 3,075 stories (equivalent to
10% of the overall coverage) was generated. This sample was then allocated proportionately based on
the contribution of each publication to the total population of stories as indicated in Table 2. This is the
sample that was used for the comprehensive content analysis.
5
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Table 3 shows the changes over time in the story population sizes. Bukedde was not included in the
first two phases of the project.
Analytical Plan
At the primary level, the analysis draws on data from the census by focusing on the following six high
level variables:
1. Publication
2. Date
3. Headline
4. Byline
5. Page
6. Issue
At the secondary level, the analysis draws on data from the 10% sample of coverage by conducting a
comprehensive full-scale analysis based on an expanded battery of 13 variables as follows:
1. Headline key
2. Format
3. Subject
4. Prominence
5. Region
6. Newsmaker
7. Institution
8. Original source of the story
9. Diversity of sources
10. Multiplicity of sources
11. Tone of coverage
12. Context
13. Public affairs frame
6
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The data was collected using a standard coding scheme developed and fine-tuned progressively
through the three rounds of the research project. Inter-coder reliability (ICR) was tested by grouping
the coders into pairs. The pairs then double-coded a sample of the stories, with each half of the pair
working independently. The results of each pair were statistically compared using the Kappa statistic
to determine the degree to which coding outcomes were identical or generally consistent. The ICR
outcome for each target variable was computed as the overall percentage agreement. Two sets of ICR
tests were done and the inconsistencies observed addressed through coder training and pilot coding.
The ICR was found generally satisfactory, ranging from ‘substantial’ to ‘almost perfect’ agreement
for all variables. Statistically, variables that proved rather challenging from a coding perspective
were ‘region’ and ‘newsmaker’ where the levels of agreement were not as high as they were for other
variables. See Annex 5 for outcomes of the test for the individual variables.
Although the research is intended to inform media practice, ongoing learning around methodology
and process as well as the labour-intensive nature of coding/data gathering leads to late reporting of
the results. In the present case, the results are coming a year past the period monitored. This denies
media houses the opportunity to respond and act on the findings in good time to make the necessary
improvements and changes that would be promptly captured in the subsequent round of the research.
However, ACME has invested in specialised media monitoring equipment that should substantially
reduce the research cycle. The results of next/fourth round covering the period of July 2016 to June
2017 are expected no later than December 2017.
7
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Distribution of Coverage
Volume of coverage
The distribution of coverage can be viewed from alternate vantage points. Within the study population
as a whole as summarised in Table 4, Bukedde, one of the three dailies, published the largest number
of stories at 33.4%. The Observer, a tri-weekly newspaper and The Independent, a weekly magazine,
together contributed the smallest share of just fewer than 10% of all stories. It is worth noting that
compared to the other outlets, Bukedde stories tend to be short, which allows it to pack in more stories
than its competitors. As a result, only 31% of Bukedde stories provide the reader with adequate context,
the lowest of all the publications.
The trend in coverage over the three study phases shows some notable differences across the rounds.
At the baseline phase, the number of stories peaked at the start of the financial year in July and August
and sharply fell thereafter. In other words, public affairs coverage was very episodic. During Round
2, the number of stories still peaked in July and August, but declined less sharply afterwards and
in fact picked up steadily in the 3rd & 4th quarters. Media attention on public affairs was becoming
less episodic. Coverage during Round 3 was generally consistent all through the months, as Figure 1
indicates.
8
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
9
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The ACME research team convened a validation meeting with journalists and civil society members to
understand to explore the context that leads to results such as this imbalance in coverage. We learnt
that the major driver of coverage of the justice, law and order sector, is easy access to courts and case
files. “It doesn’t require a lot of investment from the editor. You just send a reporter to the court and
they’ll come back with a story,” explained Joan Akello, a journalist with Power FM. The emphasis on
people and power, is also not surprising considering that the period included a general election, and
related electioneering political activities.
Nonetheless, the low editorial priority given to certain key issues is concerning. Agriculture is the
largest employer nationally, with 36% of workers in the country being employed by the sector3. It
is therefore concerning that in news media, it is one of the least reported. Similarly, in the five years
ending with 2015/16, the government spent UGX7.4 trillion4 on construction of roads and other
transport, making it 2nd biggest expense after general public administration. That public works and
infrastructure is the least covered issue, in print media, is therefore puzzling.
2 People and power’, an issue of study added at the 3rd round of the research, refers to stories that concerned themselves
with, or originated from, the exercise of popular, constitutional, legislative, and political power. That includes political
contestations as well as citizens’ interaction with their representatives or people with political authority.
10
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Reporting on a number of sectors tends to dwell heavily on a single topic within that sector. For
instance, 67% of reporting on ‘land, housing and settlements’ is about land itself, neglecting other
topics like urbanisation, physical planning, and management of the sector. More than half (58%) of the
reporting on public works and infrastructure is about roads. Coverage of the ‘justice, law and order’
sector, the most covered issue, overwhelmingly dwelt on criminal justice and the police. More than
half of the reporting on ‘people and power’ was about political and democratic processes, no doubt an
effect of the election season. Over half of the coverage on ‘agriculture’ was about crops. Half of stories
on ‘energy and extractives’ were about energy particularly power or electricity. Half of the coverage
on ‘foreign affairs’ was about international matters unrelated to the East African sub-region and the
larger African region.
With foreign news, the further afield a matter is, the better its chances with foreign desks in Uganda.
Half of the foreign news is about the world beyond Africa, 37% is about Africa beyond East Africa, and
only 13% is on the East African Community, with management of foreign policy getting less than 1%
of the coverage. The breakdown of overall coverage by topic is summarised in Annex 6.
11
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
At the research validation meeting convened by ACME, two former editors (Charity Ahimbisibwe and
John Paul Wasswa) argued that the narrow focus on a few topics happens because editors find comfort
zones. Reporters in turn, try to appease their editors when selecting what events to cover and what
angles to tell the stories from. This is of concern because editors are also the newsroom people most
removed from the outside world. Their work schedules often do not allow them time off for external
engagements. “You get to work and have 8 pages to fill with content. The clock is always ticking for
an editor,” Ahimbisibwe said, drawing from her 10 years on the desk. So, “how do editors know what
the public wants to know about?” asked Francis Kibirige, the Uganda coordinator for Afrobarometer
Surveys.
If anything, the evidence suggests little relationship between the needs of the public and editors’ topic
preferences. For instance, the Afrobarometer surveys show that about 78% of Ugandans will have
contact with a public health centres in a given year. Yet, health reporting is just 7.8% of public affairs
coverage. In contrast, only about 24% of Ugandans will have contact with the police in a given year but
it is the most reported institution.
Reporting Formats
As the findings reported in Table 5 show, the bulk of Round 3 coverage (86.4%) was conventional
reporting. Enterprise and investigative stories jointly accounted for less than a quarter of the coverage.
Coverage by The Independent was split fairly between conventional (49.4%) and enterprise (45.7%)
reporting, while coverage by the other outlets was predominantly conventional (see Table 6).
Story
Format Publication
Count
Bukedde Daily New The The Total
(n=1,026) Monitor Vision Observer Independent (N=3,075)
(n=981) (n=771) (n=216) (n=81)
Conventional 2,658 96.6% 83.2% 81.7% 83.8% 49.4% 86.4%
Enterprise and 318 3.2% 16.0% 8.0% 13.4% 45.7% 10.3%
interpretive
Investigative 99 0.2% 0.8% 10.2% 2.8% 4.9% 3.3%
*Based on analysis of the sample of 3,075 stories
12
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Between the baseline and Round 2 of the study, depth reporting (investigative, enterprise and
interpretive) increased from 23.3% of the coverage to 38.7%. However it declined significantly in
Round 3 of the study (July 2015 – June 2016) to 13.6% of the coverage (see Figure 4).
The sharp decline in investigative and interpretive reporting during FY2015/16, which also happened
to be an election year, deserves further interrogation. From July 2015, all through February when the
election period ended, the two reporting formats that represent depth coverage, were particularly
low. The excessive focus on nominations, campaigns and other election activities, the election period.
Excess focus on the procedural steps in electioneering: nominations, campaigns and voting, which are
often covered as events, led to less depth reporting. As already discussed, the elections also had an
impact on the volume of public affairs reporting — increasing it in most publications but reducing it
in New Vision.
13
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Agriculture 76.9 20.3 2.8 57.1 40.4 2.5 79.8 19.0 1.2
Education 80.7 14 5.2 54.8 36.4 8.8 87.4 9.3 3.3
Energy & extractives 66 25.1 8.9 60.9 27.8 11.3 72.2 16.7 11.1
Environment &
74.1 18.7 7.1 56.7 34.1 9.2 87.6 12.4 0.0
natural resources
Health 77.5 16.2 6.2 61.2 31.1 7.7 80.1 13.3 6.6
Justice, law & order 79.2 12.7 8.1 64.4 27.9 7.7 92.2 3.7 4.1
Public works &
78.8 13.9 7.3 56.8 25.9 17.3 90.1 6.6 3.3
infrastructure
*The baseline is based on census analysise; rounds 2 and 3 are based on sample analysis
Story Origins
Nearly half of the stories originated from three paths: journalists’ independent reporting, research or
investigation (17.1%); spontaneous newsworthy occurrences (17.1%); and news conferences (12.4%).
Data-driven stories were the fewest, with The Independent doing significantly more data-driven
reporting (5.9%) than any of its peers, as the results in Table 8 reveal.
14
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The vast majority of stories (78%) still come out of events or one-off activities as table 8 shows. Stories
that originate form independent reporting, data & material sources often lead to investigative &
enterprise reporting/story-telling as Figure 6 shows. Unfortunately, journalists rarely go to these story
sources in the first place. They currently account for just 22% of stories.
The data allows some degree of comparison in patterns of story origin between the second and third
rounds of the project. Data on this variable was not collected during the baseline. In addition, some
new categories were introduced in Round 3, which were not included in Round 2. The comparison
between both rounds is portrayed in Figure 7.
There was a decrease in independent reporting, as well as coverage of parliament and central
government activities in favour of spontaneous news events, activities by non-government actors and
elections-related proceedings like party primaries, nominations and the campaigns.
15
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
16
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
There are no noticeable differences between publications in terms of page positioning for public affairs
stories. However, there are noticeable differences in the page positioning of specific public affairs
issues, as the evidence from Round 3 of the research suggests. The results presented in Table 10 indicate
that stories on ‘defence and security’ made the most appearance on the front pages. This is intriguing
considering that defence and security was among the least covered stories. In fact, only one other issue
– energy and extractives – was covered less frequently. The fact that ‘defence and security’ as well
‘energy and extractives’ made front page news more than any other issue despite the relatively scarce
reporting implies although editors consider these issues important, they are not investing enough in
covering them regularly.
17
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Agriculture, which is covered little (in number of stories), is also not prioritised in page placement.
Only 1 in 200 agriculture stories ever make the front page. Instead, stories are confined to special
weekly sections inside the newspaper, which themselves focus on mostly on crop farming, neglecting
other kinds of farm business & the rest of the agricultural value chain. For a sector that is the biggest
employer in the country, one would expect it to get more mainstream coverage than is currently the
case.
Confining coverage to a special inside section, rather than mainstream coverage, also affects reporting
on business and the economy. While sector specific desks can compel a newsroom to dedicate resources
towards covering that issue, confining the stories produced by those desks to a particular section of
the paper or bulletin, belies the fact that these issues in fact affect, and should therefore be of interest
to the wider audience.
In the second and third rounds of the research, prominence was also reviewed based on the page
positioning or page ranking of public affairs stories. Prominence in this case was determined by
comparing the position of an article relative to other stories appearing on the same page, with a focus
on the top three articles classified as first, second, and third leads. The trend depicted in Figure 10 is
consistent from Round 2 to Round 3 (data on this measure was not gathered for the baseline), whereby
public affairs stories are normally run as the main stories on the pages on which they appear.
18
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Figure 11: Context Provided in Public Affairs Figure 12: Context Provided by Publication*
Stories
19
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Framing of Issues
Every article selected sampled was scrutinised to determine the dominant frame(s) behind it. A ‘frame’
is the underlying narrative through which a story is told. Frames are neither issue-specific nor unique
to particular topics. They cut across different issues. A typical story could bear more than one frame,
so up to three could recorded for each story analysed in the study. Their relative dominance in a story
was ranked from first to third in descending order of the weight they carried in the story.
As Table 11 shows, ‘rights and rule of law’ is the narrative most frequently invoked in storytelling
about public affairs in Uganda. This is followed by the ‘livelihood and human development’ frame,
then ‘governance.
The ‘rights and rule of law’ frame (56.0%) dominated the coverage of ‘justice, law and order’ which
was the most widely reported public affairs issue.
20
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Sourcing Effort
Over time, as the results summarised in Figure 10 indicate, the number of sources per story has
generally ranged between one and three sources from baseline to Round 3. The results show a fairly
steady trend in stories with four or five sources. Round 3 recorded a substantial increase in stories
with five or more sources, although stories with five or more sources were still fewer than a quarter
of all stories over the three research rounds. Having dropped from 7% at the baseline to 2% in Round
2, stories with five or more sources rose up to 11.7% in Round 3. Troublingly, though, there has been
a steady rise in the proportion of unsourced stories. The baseline found no stories without a source.
Unsourced stories made up 3% of the Round 2 sample, butand has since risenrose to 6.2% of in the
Round 3 sample. It is unclear why stories without sources are on the rise.
Ideally, the proportion of stories that quote zero, one or two sources ought to decrease. In the three
years studied, the reverse has happened. Similarly, the proportion of multi-sourced stories (three or
more sources) has decreased. Although stories that quote five or more sources have increased from 7%
when the study was first conducted in 2013/2014 to 11% now, it hardly counts as a trend because in
Round 2 they had fallen to 2%.
21
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
One-third of the 202 documentary sources quoted in the coverage related to ‘justice, law and order’.
‘Business and economy’ (13.9%) as well as ‘people and power’ (12.9) were second and third, in that
order (see Table 16). At the bottom in consulting documentary sources is reporting on agriculture,
public works and the extractives sector.
As pointed out by at least two journalists at the validation meeting convened by the research team,
court records are already openly accessible. This encourages both overall coverage of the justice, law
and order sector as well as the use of material sourcing the related reporting. Similarly, big business,
sector regulators and other stakeholders publish widely available reports on economic activity.
On the contrary, editors have pointed out in previous research rounds that official information on
the extractives sector is hard to come by. This dampens both overall coverage and the use of material
sources on these issues. The same may apply to public works.
Nonetheless, more editorial drive towards sourcing from documents can improve these figures across
the board. For example: while official information on government agricultural efforts may be hard to
come by, the sector is still widely researched by other stakeholders like NGOs whose information is in
the public domain.
22
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The study allowed us to examine how gender played out in sourcing for information and perspectives
in the coverage of these issues. As the results in Table 15 show, 80% of the sources featured were male.
Sourcing from women is a vital element of inclusive journalism. However, it has stagnated at around
20% of all sources in the all three years of the study. In the third round, only about 3 in 10 stories cite
or quote women at all as sources of information.
The results reveal that male voices are heard more frequently across all voice categories (see
Table 16 and Annex 9).
1. “State authorities” are sources who perform executive and government functions, broadly
defined, on behalf of the state at different levels including central and local government ministries,
departments, agencies, and statutory bodies.
2. “Political actors” are sources who are involved in elective and non-elective organised politics on
behalf of political organisations, constituencies, and interest groups.
3. “Ordinary citizens” are sources in their individual capacities who may have appeared in stories
as a result of personal grievances, interests or concerns unrelated to their social status or official
occupational functions, including people cited as affected persons or victims, perpetrators, or
people on the street;
4. “Civic actors” are sources who perform non-governmental and non-profit functions in civil society,
broadly defined, on behalf of a whole of roles and interests: professional, faith-based, voluntary,
cultural, academic, etc.
23
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
6. “International actors” are sources performing diplomatic and international roles on behalf of
Uganda in foreign countries or as representatives of other countries’ diplomatic and international
interests at the sub-regional, regional and international levels both bilaterally and multi-laterally.
7. “Others” are sources too unique to be subsumed under the specified categories including the
anonymous or unknown.
Table 16 gives a breakdown of the sources as voices represented in coverage of public affairs in Round
3. The results indicate that state authorities (37.6%) have a bigger voice than anybody else. Annex
9 provides the detailed composition of each source/voice category also disaggregated by gender.
Among the state authorities, central government representatives (26%) get to speak more often than
other sources in the same category. Among political actors, politicians or political operatives get 78.4%.
Among ordinary citizens, affected persons or victims get 57.2%; among civic actors, experts get 36.3%;
among international actors, international NGO representatives get 56.3%.
As with sources and voices, the study found that authority figures (81%), those who were covered
in their occupational or official capacities, were the dominant newsmakers compared to ordinary
newsmakers (19%), those who were covered in their individual or personal capacities as regular people
(see Figure 14).
24
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
25
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
26
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
27
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
28
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
are talking about trillion. Double the national but also as a storytelling technique, to break up
budget of that year would be Shs 44 trillion. chunks of heavy and hard to process data, for
the reader.
A figure, which is more than 5 trillion off the mark
isn’t nearly there. Additionally, the comparison The graphic that accompanies the story illustrates
is a case of apples and oranges. The Shs38.7 a common shortcoming in communicating data:
trillion refers to transactions (money velocity) decorative but inaccurate visualisations. The
while the national budget refers to actual funds. blocks used to show the trend in mobile money
As the story later reveals, the actual funds held transaction volumes from year to year are not to
in mobile money accounts are far less: 302.6 scale. For instance, there was a difference of 6.9
billion, at the time. The data journalist has to trillion in mobile money transactions between
pay attention to the definitions of the data they 2012 and 2013. Between 2014 and 2015, the
are writing about, and not just their numerical increase was 14.7 trillion. On the graphic the
values. difference in height between the 2012 and 2013
blocks is bigger than 2014 and 2015 difference.
Visualisation & Storytelling with Data The graphic essentially turns the picture upside
down.
Not to overwhelm audiences, data journalists
ought to use numbers judiciously. Numbers This story could have benefitted from focus,
should not be included simply because the human sourcing and accuracy. The writer could
journalist has them. Rather, they should serve have chosen to focus on mobile money alone,
the narrative or help the audience gain a better leaving the extraneous details on letters, digital
understanding of the issues in the story. In this TV, etc., as material for separate stories. Even
story, the journalist often gives the reader data within the mobile money story, the writer could
for no other reason except that it was in the have been more judicious in picking which
report. numbers to present the reader with, and instead
expanded the story with human voices that
Take this sentence: “UCC attributes the increase provide understanding on why these numbers
to the number of mobile money subscribers matter, if they do.
which also had grown by 0.02% up from 19.5
million in June to 19.9 million in September.” A Lastly, newsrooms should invest in ensuring that
less number-heavy way to state the same could their design teams understand the importance
be: About 400,000 people signed up for mobile of accuracy in communicating data and in fact
money between June & September. However, have the skills and tools to produce accurate
the writer also has to consider whether or not a data visualisations.
0.02% increase is something to write home about.
If it isn’t, omitting the whole sentence would do
the story no harm but spare the reader an extra
three figures to process.
29
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Case Study 2: Poll Battles Erupt First, a +/- 5 margin of error also means stated
The Independent, Jan 22-28, 2016, Cover support for any one of the candidates, including
story Museveni’s, could be higher or lower. This belies
the definitiveness with which the reporter claims
it would fall. Second, it shouldn’t be applied
in a cherry-picking manner. It applies to the
entire study’s findings. It’s also confusing as to
why these scenarios are being painted. Weeks
to the election, the scenarios seem divorced
from reality, since none of the candidates had
considered stepping out of the race.
30
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Case Study 3: The sickening cost rates at the time. The reporting also includes a
of killer non-infectious diseases number of expert voices but lacks patient voices
and experiences.
in Uganda
The Observer, March 21-22, 2016 Accuracy in Use, Interpretation and
Analysis of Data
The data is mostly descriptive of the cost of
health care. No analysis or interpretation is done,
but this doesn’t take away from the story. It still
meets its evident goal of informing the reader
about expected personal expenses regarding
non-infectious diseases.
31
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
32
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Case Study 5: Kamwenge gets somehow responsible for the status of the given
clean water project sector, for which they are stating the statistic.
Like the old adage goes: trust but verify.
New Vision, July 20, 2015
Accuracy in the Use, Analysis and
Interpretation of Data
The veracity of the data used in the story is
brought into question by the fact that the primary
data sources aren’t quoted.
33
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
34
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Conclusion
There is considerable newsroom interesting in covering public affairs. In a typical week the five
newspapers studied collectively publish nearly 600 stories on matters in the public interest. However,
editors need to be more deliberate about balancing coverage across the whole array of public affairs,
rather than focusing on a few issues. One of the major findings is that many public affairs issues,
such as energy, environment & natural resources, agriculture, lands, housing & settlements, as well
as public works and infrastructure, which are the subject of significant attention by the government,
attract inadequate or low media attention. It is unclear why this disconnect persists as a result of it
the public may not be getting adequate information about sectors that are very important to their
very survival and which take a bulk of the government’s budget while on the other hand critical
areas of public affairs are not subjected to adequate scrutiny. In any case, even for the sectors that are
covered more frequently, it appears journalists pay little attention to policy. If newsrooms adopted the
practice of doing periodic internal research, such as the content analysis in this study, editors would
see imbalances in their coverage and correct course accordingly.
The enduring dearth of enterprise and investigative stories (despite a small increase in Round 2)
undermines the power of the media to set the agenda as well as hold power to account.
Similarly, the predominance of event-based as opposed to issue-based reporting means media coverage
does not always offer the critical perspectives that would come from more reflection and research.
Very many of the things that government does (or does not do) are not questioned and as a result
citizens may not have adequate information to help them understand what the government is doing
(or not doing) in their name.
The predominance of the ‘rights and rule of law’ arguably suggests that years of civil society, opposition
and donor attention on it has trumped other frames such as “livelihood & human development” as well
as service delivery, which some argue are more important for citizens/voters in the way they evaluate
government e.g at election times.5 These two frames followed ‘rights and rule of law’ in that order.
The “oversight and accountability” has also received considerable attention from the government,
opposition, civil society and donors and not surprisingly it is among the top five frames identified.
On multiple sourcing, it’s a mixed bag. Although the use of five and above sources increased, there
was a fall in the frequency of three to five sources. Overall, however, today’s journalists offer far more
time and space to a variety of sources than their predecessors did. All three rounds of the research
have confirmed that officialdom (especially state authorities and political actors) still dominate the
news in terms of sourcing. Issues and narratives that such sources privilege easily overshadow those
of ‘ordinary’ sources. Similarly, there is an over reliance on human sources whose claims are rarely
verified or backed up by material sources.
Editors have to take up intellectual leadership by demanding more from their reporters regarding
sourcing. More sources. More diversity in the sources quoted. More verification of source claims
against documents.
5 An Afrobarometer study on Uganda in recent years (or consistently) suggests that when asked what is the most
important problem facing the country, most Ugandans cite bread and butter issues not the abstract but important issues of
human rights and rule of law.
35
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Annexes:
ANNEX 1: CHANGES IN VARIABLE STRUCTURE
ROUND 3 VARIABLES ROUND 2 VARIABLES ROUND 3 VARIABLES
1 Publication 1 Title of publication 1 Title of publication
2 Date 2 Frequency of publication 2 Type of publication
3 Headline 3 Date of publication 3 Date of story publication
4 Byline 4 Page number 4 Page number
5 Page 5 Public affairs issue 5 Public affairs issue
6 Issue 6 Headline 6 Headline
7 Headline key 7 Reporting approach 7 Subject of the story
8 Format 8 Position of the story 8 Reporting format
Geographical focus of
9 Subject 9 9 Article length
the story
Individual focus of
10 Prominence 10 the story: Name, Role, 10 Position of headline on the page
Gender, Age
Institutional focus of the
11 Region 11 11 Prominence of story on the page
story
12 Newsmaker 12 Origin of the story 12 Scope of the story
13 Institution 13 Type of coverage 13 Focus of the story
Identity and occupation of the
Original source of
14 14 Drivers of coverage 14 person who is or people who are
the story
the focus of the story
Function of the person who is or
Diversity of
15 15 Tone of coverage 15 people who are the focus of the
sources
story
Gender of the person who is or
Multiplicity of
16 16 Sources 16 people who are the focus of the
sources
story
Nationality of the person who is
17 Tone of coverage 17 or people who are the focus of
the story
Age of the person who is or
18 Context 18 people who are the focus of the
story
Identity of the institution that is
Public affairs
19 19 or institutions that are the focus
frame
of the story
36
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
37
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
38
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
1. Civil justice
2. Criminal justice
3. Human rights
4. Corruption
9 Justice, law and order
5. Police
6. Prisons
7. Institutional or sector management
8. Other
1. Land
2. Property
3. Housing
Land, housing and settlements
10 4. Urbanisation/urban development
5. Physical planning
6. Institutional or sector management
7. Other
1. Pro-establishment actors/actions
2. Anti-establishment actors/actions
3. Civil society actors/actions
11 People and power
4. Spontaneous collective actions
5. Political and democratic processes
6. Other
1. Roads
2. Railways
3. Aviation
Public works and infrastructure 4. Marine
12
5. Transport
6. ICT
7. Institutional or sector management
8. Other
39
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
40
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
8 Health
Matters, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or originating from activities, laws,
regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state- and non-state actors and institutions involved
in the development, management and use of all forms of health facilities, systems and services
such as public and private hospitals and health centres for the general physical condition of the
population. This includes personnel who work in and manage the health system and sector such as
administrators and service providers, quality of life and access to treatment, disease and outbreaks
and health infrastructure.
9 Justice, law and order
Matters, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or originating from activities, laws,
regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state- and non-state actors and institutions involved in the
functions of courts and agencies or organisations concerned with human rights, the administration of
justice, and the rule of law including their officers, administrators, as well as enforcement personnel,
bodies and mechanisms.
10 Land, housing and settlements
Matters, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or originating from occupation of or
settlement on land and property (private and public) as well as activities, laws, regulations, policies,
and institutions related to physical land mass and the structures on it such as buildings, real estate,
construction, rights, ownership, and management.
11 People and Power
Matters, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or originating from activities, laws,
regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state- and non-state actors and institutions related to
or involved in the exercise of political power as well as constitutional and democratic rights. This
includes voting and participation in electoral processes, legislative affairs, political association,
collective political action, popular representation at national and sub-national levels, and overall
governance of the state.
12 Public works and infrastructure
Matters, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or originating from activities, laws,
regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state- and non-state actors and institutions involved in
the development, management and use of all forms of transport and public works infrastructure and
services. This includes public and private transportation services and systems as well as motorised
and non-motorised transport systems and facilities on land and water and in the air such roads,
airports, shipping, and railways.
41
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
42
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
43
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
44
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
45
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Land 77 67.0
Housing 12 10.4
Urbanisation/urban development 9 7.8
LAND, HOUSING AND Property 8 7.0
SETTLEMENTS Institutional or sector management 4 3.5
Physical planning 3 2.6
Other 2 1.7
Total 115 100.0
Political and democratic processes 418 55.4
Anti-establishment actors/actions 93 12.3
Pro-establishment actors/actions 88 11.7
PEOPLE AND POWER Spontaneous collective actions 78 10.3
Other 44 5.8
Civil society actors/actions 34 4.5
Total 755 100.0
Roads 53 58.2
ICT 12 13.2
Other 9 9.9
Institutional or sector management 7 7.7
PUBLIC WORKS AND
Marine 3 3.3
INFRASTRUCTURE
Railways 3 3.3
Transport 3 3.3
Aviation 1 1.1
Total 91 100.0
Total 3,067
*Based on sample of coverage
46
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
9.2%
Authority 1 35 19 23 5 10 28 6 97 32 252 16
(524)
5.3%
Entrepreneurship 40 172 0 16 14 13 5 2 7 5 21 6
(301)
Foreign and
4.1%
international 5 21 16 6 3 5 137 10 8 3 16 2
(232)
relations
13.0%
Governance 2 46 10 32 5 11 30 13 84 19 465 11
(728)
Human, physical
4.3%
and natural 7 1 21 3 2 41 42 57 56 5 7 1
(243)
hazards
Livelihood
14.4%
and human 64 104 12 117 21 51 14 161 88 47 116 25
(820)
development
Oversight and 9.0%
12 77 9 44 18 24 14 41 94 33 109 34
accountability (509)
Professionalism,
6.1%
ethics and 4 18 5 25 3 2 11 15 167 13 75 11
(349)
integrity
Rights and rule 23.2%
5 37 40 30 5 19 18 23 798 60 267 16
of law (1318)
Science and
15 13 1 8 5 2 5 24 0 0 2 6 1.4% (81)
innovation
Service delivery
10.0%
and consumer 22 80 8 103 30 31 4 117 26 13 79 57
(570)
affairs
Total 177 604 141 407 111 209 308 469 1425 230 1409 185 5675
47
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
48
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
49
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
ABSTRACT: This midline study is the second installment of research that follows up the first
study that was conducted as a baseline in a longterm research project that tracks and analyses
the coverage of public affairs by the Ugandan media in three phases: (i) July 2013 – June 2014;
July 2014 – June 2015; and (iii) July 2015 – June 2016. Through content analysis and key
informant interviews, the study presents evidence on media practices and performance in
terms of the quantity and quality of public affairs coverage by Uganda’s main English news
publications: Daily Monitor, New Vision, The Independent, and The Observer. The public affairs
issues explored are: Local government; parliament; extractive industry; agriculture; land and
property; water and environment; energy; justice, law and order; transport and public works;
health; science and technology; education.
CITATION: African Centre for Media Excellence (2016). Press Coverage of Public Affairs in
Uganda. Volume 2; July 2014 June 2015.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:
This study would not have been as rigorous and sound without the expertise of George W.
Lugalambi (PhD), the research consultant who designed the methodology, supervised data
collection and analysis, as well as wrote the report.
It would not have been as comprehensive without dedicated research assistance from: Brenda
Karungi, Clare Muhindo, Elijah Mangeni, Jacqueline Tumwebaze, Jacqueline Emodek, Justin
D. Emedot, Mark K. Muhumuza, Michael Miiro Lugendo and Paul Mubiri, Simon Musasizi
Many thanks to Paul Kimumwe, Peter Mwesige and the rest of the team at the African Centre
for Media Excellence who improved the research report with keen and constructively critical
comments. Special thanks to Brian Ssenabulya and Lydia Namubiru, also at ACME, for authoring
final improvements to the research report.
iii
CONTENTS
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
INTRODUCTION 6
Objectives 6
Research Questions 6
Public Affairs of Interest 7
Content Universe 7
CONCLUSION 33
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Percentage of Coverage by Public Affairs Issue at Midline 16
Figure 2: Change in Coverage by Issue Between Baseline and Midline 17
Figure 3: Overall Trend in Coverage of Public Affairs Over the Financial Year (JulJun) 18
Figure 4: Overall Trend in Coverage of Public Affairs by Publication (Jul 2014Jun 2015) 18
Figure 5: Sourcing Effort in Public Affairs Coverage at Baseline and Midline 25
Figure 6: Number of Sources Quoted Per Story at Midline by Publication 26
Figure 7: Gender of Sources Quoted in Specified Capacities (Percent, Midline) 27
Figure 8: Trend in Distribution of Sources in Midline and Baseline 28
iv
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Revisions in Variable Structure 11
Table 2: Comparison of Baseline and Midline Sample Sizes 12
Table 3: Construction of Midline Secondary Sample Used for Detailed Content Analysis 13
Table 4: Selected Results of InterCoder Reliability Tests 14
Table 5: Comparison of Public Affairs Coverage between Baseline and Midline 16
Table 6: Trends in Midline Coverage by Issue Over the Year 19
Table 6: Volume of Midline Public Affairs Stories by Publication (Jul 2013Jun 2014) 20
Table 7: Volume of Baseline Public Affairs Stories by Publication (Jul 2014Jun 2015) 20
Table 8: Overall Page Location of Midline Public Affairs Stories 21
Table 9: Front Page versus Inside Page Treatment of Midline Stories by Issue 21
Table 10: Comparison of Public Affairs Issues by Page Ranking 22
Table 11: Prevalence of Reporting Formats (Midline) 23
Table 13: Prevalence of Reporting Formats (Baseline) 23
Table 14: Comparison of Public Affairs Issue by Reporting Format 24
Table 15: Type of Coverage by Publication 29
Table 16: Drivers of Coverage by Publication 29
Table 17: Tone of Midline Coverage by Publication 30
Table 18: Tone of Baseline Coverage by Publication 30
Table 19: Comparison of Public Affairs Issue by Tone of Coverage at Midline 30
Table 20: Comparison of Public Affairs Issue by Tone of Coverage at Baseline 31
Table 21: Story Origin 32
Table 22: Comparison of Story Origin by Publication 33
1
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Introduction
The midline study assesses coverage of public affairs from July 2014 to June 2015 and is a follow-
up to the baseline which examined coverage from July 2013 to June 2014. The research project will
be include two more annual followup studies.
The aim of the project is to provide evidence of the quantity, quality, and nature of as well as
trends and patterns in the coverage of public affairs by the media in Uganda. By public affairs
we refer to issues of public interest that citizens have a right to know about. These are issues that
affect people’s livelihoods and being informed and engaged about them are essential for citizens
to meaningfully exercise their rights and responsibilities.
This study tracks the coverage of the identified issues, measures it on a range of news and editorial
attributes, and assesses the extent to which the reporting meets the standards of good practice in
public affairs journalism. Various aspects of the coverage are examined including its distribution,
volume, scope, quality, and trend over time.
The methodology used to conduct this midline phase of the research was originally developed
and piloted during the baseline study. Whereas practical adjustments have been made to the
methodology in view of lessons learnt while conducting the baseline, the changes do not affect the
overall comparability of results. The changes have in fact led to improved clarity of operational
definitions (e.g. of the public affairs issues of interest) and efficiency in data collection (e.g. by
simplifying the coding process).
Objectives
The objectives of the project are:
1. To gather empirical evidence of the quantity, quality, frequency, scope, and nature of
public affairs coverage by the Ugandan media.
2. To provide midline data and information for use in evaluating and comparing coverage
before and after the period under investigation.
3. To account for the patterns observed as well as the conditions that foster and those that
impede the coverage of public affairs.
4. To assess the extent to which the media set the agenda on the national conversation about
public affairs.
Research Questions
The project aims to address the following research questions, which have been slightly modified
from the original in order to improve coherence in the presentation of results:
1. What is the quantity and quality of media coverage of public affairs and how have they
changed over time?
2
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
2. What information about public affairs is communicated to the public and how has it changed
over time?
5. What public affairs do the media focus on and prioritise in their coverage?
6. Who are the key actors and agendasetters and whose voices are represented in media discourse
on public affairs?
7. To what extent is data used in the coverage of public affairs and how is it handled?
8. How do the results of coverage at the midline point compare with the findings of the baseline?
9. What does media coverage reveal about the broader national conversation on public affairs
in Uganda?
3
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
8. Justice, law and order: Issues, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or
originating from activities, laws, regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state and non-
state actors and institutions involved in the functions of courts and agencies or organisations
concerned with human rights, the administration of justice, and the rule of law including their
officers, administrators, as well as enforcement personnel, bodies and mechanisms.
9. Transport and public works: Issues, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting,
or originating from activities, laws, regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state and non-
state actors and institutions involved in the development, management and use of all forms
of transport and public works infrastructure and services. This includes public and private
transportation services and systems as well as motorised and nonmotorised transport systems
and facilities on land and water and in the air such roads, airports, shipping, and railways.
10. Health: Issues, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or originating from
activities, laws, regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state and nonstate actors and
institutions involved in the development, management and use of all forms of health facilities,
systems and services such as public and private hospitals and health centres for the general
physical condition of the population. This includes personnel who work in and manage the
health system and sector such as administrators and service providers, quality of life and
access to treatment, disease and outbreaks and health infrastructure.
11. Science and technology: Research, inventions, innovations and discoveries in the various
fields of basic and applied science and technology including information and communication.
This includes issues, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or originating
from activities, laws, regulations, policies, authorities, aswell as state and nonstate actors and
institutions involved in the production, management, regulation, and control of the process
and utilisation of scientific and technological knowledge, services and outputs.
12. Education: Issues, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or originating from
activities, laws, regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state and nonstate actors and
institutions related to or involved in all aspects of the formal and informal education systems.
This includes schools, institutions of higher learning, methods of learning, the learners, the
system of examination and certification, scholastic materials and structures, skills and the
quality of the school system.
4
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Content Universe
The content universe, or study population, consists exclusively of press coverage by the following
news publications:
Specifically, the study and the project as a whole focuses on public affairs articles that conform to
one of four story types:
1. Conventional
2. Interpretive
3. Investigative
4. Enterprise
Under conventional reporting, factfinding is the dominant posture with common characteristics
such as the following: spot or hard news that tends to focus on events; generally onedimensional;
neutral and often uncritical transmission of facts; tendency to assign equal weight to all positions;
faithful recording of the observed event or issue; suppression of the journalist’s prior knowledge
of the subject; the journalist’s role is passive and often reactive; depends largely or entirely on
material provided by others; and tends to be eventcentred.
Under interpretive reporting, explanation is the dominant posture with common characteristics
such as the following: factual observation; balanced presentation of pertinent background and
contextual information; goes beyond the immediate event by adding meaning to complex news
situations; explains change and relates events to each other; full or multidimensional story “in
which the reader gets both an accurate account of an event or situation and enough additional
information to assure understanding” (Hage et al., p.18); the journalist is proactive – often initiates
coverage rather than wait for events; and tends to be processcentred.
Under investigative reporting, exposition is the dominant posture with common characteristics
such as the following: the story is the journalist’s original initiative; depends on material gathered
or generated through the reporter’s own effort; reporting uncovers information that an individual
or entity may have tried to conceal from public scrutiny, or information that an individual or
entity may have had an interest in keeping out of the public domain; resources and evidence
used by the journalist are clearly discernible; evidence of strong documentation (the paper trail)
and sourcing; “involves exposing to the public matters that are concealed – either deliberately by
someone in a position of power, or accidentally, behind a chaotic mass of facts and circumstances
that obscure understanding. It requires using both secret and open sources and documents”
(Hunter et al., p.7).
5
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Under enterprise reporting, the story is of the journalist’s own initiative and effort. The coverage
follows more leads than the usual straight news story and depends on material gathered or
generated through the reporter’s Independent efforts. Enterprise stories generally use the creative
style to explore issues in greater depth usually with the aid of narrative or literary techniques.
These stories are traditionally presented as features. Instead of focusing on breaking news,
enterprise stories focus on the forces that shape the events that may or may not be in the news.
Enterprise reporting tends to emphasize the human interest angle and to focus on discovering and
explaining patterns and trends that may lie behind reported episodes or events.
6
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
A particular aim of the changes was to improve efficiency in data collection and measurement.
This in turn was expected to improve the validity and reliability of the findings and to speed
up data collection. Specifically, operational definitions of the variables have been sharpened and
significantly improved. Some baseline variables that turned out to be redundant or difficult to
observe in a systematic fashion have been done away with. Others have been refined by merging
them. For instance, all variables originally related to individual ‘focus of the story” have been
integrated into one variable – “Individual focus of the story: Name, role, gender, age” – with
multiple responses. Similarly, the original “priority source,” which was captured at five levels, has
been consolidated into a single variable – “source” – with multiple responses. Table 1 describes
these changes. One new variable – “drivers of coverage” – has been introduced in the midline (see
coding scheme annexed).
7
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Sampling Approach
The analysis is based on two sets of data. The primary dataset was generated through a census of
public affairs articles published by the four targeted news outlets from July 2014 to June 2015. The
purpose of the census was to create a foundation for elementary comparisons with the baseline,
which was on a census of the coverage. The secondary dataset, on which deeper midline analysis
was done, was, a random sample from the primary set. As Table 2 shows, 2,843 public affairs
stories were reported in the baseline phase of July 2013 to June 2014 as compared to 6,505 that
were reported in the midline phase of July 2014 to June 2015, representing a 56% upsurge in
coverage as measured by story count.
8
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The sample size for the second dataset was determined using probability proportionalto size
sampling, on the one hand, and simple random sampling, on the other. Out of the primary sample
of 6,505 stories in the study period of July 2014 to June 2015, a secondary sample equivalent to
onethird (33% or 2,144 stories) of the primary sample was generated. This secondary sample was
then distributed proportionately according to each publication’s contribution to the total volume
of stories as summarised in Table 3. This is the sample that was used for the detailed content
analysis.
Content Analysis
Using the story as the unit of analysis, the data was gathered using the standard coding scheme
that was developed for the baseline study, modified as appropriate, and administered by two
Independent teams of coders.
In the first round of the content analysis, a team of coders was assigned to carry out the census
of public affairs coverage that resulted in the primary sample focusing on five core variables,
namely: Title of publication; Date of publication; Page number; Topic (public affairs issue); and
Headline. The data at this level was captured using MS Excel.
9
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
In the second round of the content analysis, another team of coders was assigned stories drawn
from the secondary dataset. This team conducted the comprehensive coding of content that
included all 16 variables. The data at this level was captured using MS Access and the analysis
done with Stata.
InterCoder Reliability
Intercoder reliability (ICR) was tested by dividing the coders who handled the secondary dataset
into pairs. The pairs then double coded a sample of stories with each coder working Independently.
The results of each pair were statistically compared using the Kappa statistic to determine the
degree to which the coding outcomes were identical or generally consistent. The ICR outcome for
each target variable was computed as the overall percentage agreement. Two formal rounds of
ICR checks were
conducted on all variables. The inconsistencies observed were addressed through coder training
and pretest coding, and by conducting reliability checks on a casebycase basis principally targeting
those variables that were known to be problematic from our experience with the baseline. Table 4
shows the results of selected variables that were steadily coded across both formal rounds of ICR
checks.
10
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
As already reported, the research generated two datasets (see Table 3). The first comprises a
census of content published during the 12 months of coverage under review. This is what has
been referred to as the primary sample. With the story as the unit of analysis, the census was
limited to selected high level variables, i.e.: (i) Date of publication; (ii) Page on which the article
appears; (iii) Topic or public affairs issue; and (iv) Headline or subject of the article. The second
dataset consists of stories derived from a random sample of the coverage as previously explained.
This is what has been referred to as the secondary sample. This smaller subsample enabled a more
exhaustive exploration of the coverage by zeroing in on detailed characteristics of the quantity
and quality of reporting on public affairs.
The first part of this section reports the macro picture that the analysis of coverage reveals, while
the second part delves into the micro landscape of public affairs reporting that emerges. At the
macro level we focus on the overall distribution of coverage in terms of: (i) Volume of stories, (ii)
Trend over time, and (ii) Location of stories.
At the basic level, the study was interested in the amount of coverage that the major news
publications collectively devoted to public affairs. Issues to do with justice, law and order, as
Figure 1 shows, accounted for 23.3% of the coverage followed by education (17.7%), health
(14.6%), and parliament (9.2%).
11
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The trend of coverage as delineated by public affairs issue is captured in Table 5 and Figure 2.
There was overall growth in reporting on every issue from baseline to midline (based on the
primary sample). Local government saw the sharpest rise in its share of coverage from 1.6%
to 4.2%, which bumped its rank from 11th at baseline to 9th. Other notable changes in ranks
were; justice, law and order displacing education from the top spot; and transport and public
works coverage jumping from 9th to 7th between baseline and midline. However, education and
parliament saw significant drops in their proportional share of the coverage, from 20.6% to 17.7%
and 14.8% to 9.2%, respectively.
12
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
13
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The overall midline trend as observed indicates an overall downward shift as the months go by.
It’s possible that debate surrounding the allocation of national resources following the public
presentation of the national budget has an influence on the decisions that editorial managers make
in determining the issues to cover. Both baseline and midline analysis revealed that coverage
tends to peak in July, the start of the government financial year and tapers as the months go by.
Over the midline period, however, the downward shift was considerably less dramatic and the
volume of public affairs reporting picked up much earlier in the financial year than was observed
in the baseline period (see Figure 3).
Analysis of individual publications, however, reveal two extremes: coverage by The Independent
varies dramatically from periods of very high to very low attention to the issues, while The
Observer’s coverage is largely flat and consistent all through the year. This suggests that The
Observer approaches public affairs reporting more proactively than reactively.
14
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The trajectory of coverage by issue over the year is illustrated in Figure 5. Justice, law and order
appears to be an enduring issue. Even though it goes down during the last quarter of 2014,
coverage is largely steady all through the year. The same applies to education whose coverage
always gets a sudden boost in the first quarter of the year when national examinations results are
released.
15
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Local
46 30 38 25 31 20 9 10 21 16 19 7 272 (4.2%)
Government
Extractives 34 16 19 14 13 9 8 21 15 13 14 8 184 (2.8%)
Energy 11 15 17 12 10 9 14 16 20 12 13 11 160 (2.5%)
Science &
22 5 6 10 15 3 5 9 8 9 5 11 108 (1.7%)
Technology
Total 825 613 569 467 452 372 472 525 602 557 647 404 6,505
16
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
An analysis of page location by issue confirms that issues which dominate the coverage also enjoy
pride of place as they occupy most front pages (see Table 9).
17
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Table 10: Front Page versus Inside Page Treatment of Midline Stories
by Issue
Issue Total Front Page Inside Page
Justice, Law and Order 1,513 43 1,470
Education 1,153 37 1,116
Health 947 12 935
Parliament 600 13 587
Transport and Public Works 439 11 428
Agriculture 383 1 382
Land and Property 375 9 366
Water and Environment 371 1 370
Local Government 272 2 270
Extractive Industry 184 3 181
Energy 160 1 159
Science and Technology 108 0 108
Total 6,505 133 (2%) 6,372 (98%)
When disaggregated by issue, the analysis as reported in Table 10 indicates that stories about the
extractive industry (73.7%), transport and public works (64.8%), water and environment (62.5%),
and education (61.7%) were treated most frequently as lead stories on the pages on which they
appeared.
18
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Page location and page ranking as indicators of editorial prioritisation were not applied to
the baseline study. They were introduced in the midline study as a means to triangulate the
measurement of story prominence and to test alternative indicators of editorial prioritisation. The
two comparative measures employed for the baseline were (i) the positioning of the headline
on the page where the story appeared relative to other stories on the same page, and (ii) the
prominence of public affairs stories relative to the other articles that appeared on the same page.
Although these indicators were not replicated in the midline, they still do provide meaningful
comparisons that should provide additional insights that are equally valuable.
According to the baseline results, public affairs stories occupied 80% of all headline space above
the fold, implying that these stories were accorded greater weight than the nonpublic affairs
articles that appeared on the same pages. Similarly, public affairs stories were the most prominent
(65.5%) relative to nonpublic affairs articles they competed with for space.
In comparison to the baseline (see Table 12), conventional reporting was also the most prevalent
reporting format in the coverage of public affairs, accounting for 76.7% of all coverage. Although
19
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
its share of the coverage declined by 15.4 percentage points from baseline to midline, the
conventional format still came out on top. The interpretive format also declined by 6.3 percentage
points from baseline to decline. Only the investigative format gained in coverage from a baseline
of 6.7% to 9.0% at the midline point.
The dearth of investigative reporting notwithstanding, stories about the extractive industry
(17.5%) and about transport and public works (17.3%) had the most stories reported through
the investigative approach. Enterprise reporting was mostly used to cover stories on agriculture
(26.9%), health (24.7%), education (23.9%), the extractive industry (22.8%) and local government
(20.0%), in that order (see Table 14). It is apparent from these patterns that the investigative method
is closely aligned with coverage of issues where corruption, politics, and the allocation of public
resources are particularly contentious subjects. The enterprise format, on the other hand, appears
to be closely associated with issues where human development is the central focus.
20
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
because they are not innocent or empty rituals. For instance; the number of sources in a story/
sourcing effort is a measure of the quality of reporting. At the same time, it matters who gets
the chance to be heard on a particular issue in a story because the cumulative impact arising
from the predominance of certain voices over others can privilege the perspectives of particular
individuals who are frequently used as sources and could crowd out or render voiceless other
actors on an issue.
21
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Women’s Voices
In the baseline analysis, women were the focus of about 12% of public affairs stories, while men
and mixed gender groups were the focus in 40% and 31% of stories respectively. 18% of the stories
didn’t focus on identifiable human subjects.
22
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
Gender in public affairs reporting was tracked differently in the midline period; by capturing the
sex of every source quoted. Of 4294 sources quoted during the midline period, 22% were women
while 76% were men. The gender of about 2% of the sources was not reliably established.
Women are most frequently quoted as people on the street/eyewitnesses to events and as victims
or affected persons. (See Figure 8)
Institutional Representation
In the midline analysis, government officials as a whole (representatives of the central and local
governments as well as ministers, law enforcement personnel, and the president) accounted for
almost 54% of all sources cited in public affairs stories, with central government officials appearing
as the single most sourced category. At baseline, this same broad category of sources accounted
for just over 50% of all sources quoted. Nonetheless, sourcing was more diversified in the midline
23
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
period than it was at baseline. While at baseline, central government sources appeared in 25% of
the stories, at midline, their share decreased to 17%; Instead, more stories quoted local government
officials.
As Figure 9 illustrates, sourcing went from being dominated by just four categories of voices
(central government officials, ministers, affected people and MPs) at baseline, to a much more
diversified menu of voices that included more experts (from 5.2% to 10% of stories), NGO/Civil
Society representatives (3.5% to 8%), more local government officials (3.2% to 7.6%) and more
voices from private companies (4.1% to 8.2%).
24
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The midline study introduced a new aspect that looked at the drivers of coverage. This essentially
refers to the inherent factors or conditions as they apply to a situation and appear to have motivated
the coverage of a particular story. For instance, the decision to report about a school that is in a
state of disrepair or a botched public procurement contract would be treated as a negative driver of
coverage if the intention is to expose negligence or wrongdoing. On the other hand, the underlying
rationale for covering the same story could be a positive driver if the journalist’s motivation is to
spotlight the steps being taken to address the situation. Examining the drivers of coverage is
important because the media has often been criticised for contributing to people’s apathy towards
public affairs because of being overly focused on negative development and ignoring or playing
positive development. The findings summarized in Table 16 do not fully support the notion that
the media is too negative. On the whole, slightly more than half of the coverage was either neutral
or positive. This is a more balanced picture than the critics of the media usually assume.
The study examined the tone of the coverage, which in this case meant the journalists’ attitude
or posture visàvis the subject of their interest. The study found that 86% of the midline coverage
carried a neutral tone (see Table 17). This implies that the coverage adopted an indifferent posture
towards the subject of interest, notwithstanding that a significant amount (42%) of the coverage,
as noted above, was negatively driven. Conversely, as the results reported in Table 18 show, a
relatively smaller proportion of baseline coverage was conducted with a neutral tone (42.9%)
compared to 86% for the midline. The trend indicates a significant drop of the negative tone from
32.1% at baseline to 3.4% at midline. Negative stories are adjudged to be critical in response to the
subject of coverage. These are likely to be contentious issues especially those involving the use or
abuse of public resources.
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Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The analysis went further to compare the tone of coverage among the different public affairs.
Reporting about science and technology stands out as being the most overtly positive in tone while
the coverage of energy had a slightly higher proportion of stories that carried an overtly negative
tone (see Table 19). The trend indicates that sectors which were projected in negative light at the
baseline point (see Table 20) fared much better at the midline. For example, local government
which had 43.3% of stories carrying a negative tone at baseline saw a drop to just 1.3% of negative
stories at midline. The proportion of negative coverage also dropped significantly from baseline
to midline with regard to justice, law, and order as well as health, land and property, education,
and parliament.
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Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The study found that about onethird (33.5%) of the coverage was triggered by Independent
reporting (see Table 21). This constitutes the journalistic conditions that are more likely to nurture
investigative and enterprise reporting, which do not happen as commonly as they ought to in the
coverage of public affairs by the Ugandan press. The results also reveal a disturbing shortage of
datadriven stories.
As a caveat, it should be noted that it is not always possible to create surefire boundaries between
some of the categories created to measure story origin. For instance, nothing stops a story whose
origin is Independent reporting from being informed by data analysis. Likewise, a news conference
could be the spark for a journalist’s Independent reporting. To a certain extent, therefore, these
categories are used for convenience and some may not be prima facie mutually exclusive. For
the purposes of this study, however, story origin is defined as the primary trigger for a story that
motivated the coverage in the first place.
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Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
The picture that the breakdown of story origin by publication paints (see Table 24) sheds light on
how newsrooms allocate their editorial resources. For example, the fact that Daily Monitor generates
more public affairs stories from courts and legal/judicial proceedings than any other media house
reflects the scale of its commitment to this institution as a source of public information.
28
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
CONCLUSION
The midline phase of this longitudinal research that aims at monitoring and analysing the coverage
of public affairs by the Ugandan media has, in addition to generating vital data, provided an
opportunity to refine the content analysis methodology and tools designed for the project.
Between the baseline period (July 2013 June 2014) and the midline (July 2014 June 2015), the
volume of stories on public affairs increased substantially. In both periods, the volume of stories
wanes with the government financial year. However, in the midline period, editorial interest
picked up well ahead of the new financial year. This is a behavioural positive, signifying that
perhaps editors and journalists are taking to covering public affairs more proactively than merely
in reaction to the reading of the budget and start of the government financial year in July.
In the midline analysis, the justice, law and order sector; education, health and the parliament
remain the most covered public affairs issues as was the case at baseline. However, there are
significant spikes in coverage of public works and local governance. The spike in local governance
coverage is of particular interest to the African Centre for Media Excellence. In the past two years,
with support from the Democratic Governance Facility, we have dedicated huge efforts and
resources towards training journalists on covering this level of government.
Shifts in sourcing between the midline and baseline period are mixed. While sourcing effort
as evidenced by number of stories quoted appears to have fallen, at the same time, the voices
represented became more diverse in the midline period. Sourcing at baseline was mostly divided
between central government officials, ministers, members of parliament and affected persons. At
midline, this skew was even out to include more expert, civil society and local governance sources.
What remains the same is the low representation of women’s voices, especially as authority voices.
Journalistic sourcing approaches gender parity in voices of victims, eyewitnesses and persons
on the street but is very skewed in favour of male voices when the source is being quoted as an
expert, professional or person in authority.
Public affairs are most comprehensively illuminated through ‘day 2 journalism’, where journalists
follow up on news that spontaneously broke, using investigative, interpretive and enterprise
reporting, as opposing to conventional reporting. The proportion of stories that employ non-
conventional reporting methods increased from 23% at baseline to 39% at midline, a considerable
improvement. Obviously, there is still room for improvement towards a 50/50 split or higher in
favour of the deeper methods.
Encouragingly, the bulk of public affairs coverage (60%) is issue based, as opposed to event based.
It seems counterintuitive in light of the observation above that a similar proportion is reported
conventionally. What this suggests is that conventional reporting is most journalists’ default
approach even when the issues they are dealing with require and deserve more sophisticated
treatment.
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Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
We continue to see a near complete absence of datadriven reporting; 0.1% of stories originated
from data analysis. At first glance, this is at odds with the fact that journalists actually are making a
commendable effort at originating most of their stories from Independent reporting (35% of stories)
as opposed to taking their lead from news conferences, released reports and the like. The fact that
even with Independent reporting, journalists turn to their source connections first, rather than data,
points both to the still prevailing low skills for data analysis for journalist but also the scarcity of
open data on Uganda’s public affairs. From ACME’s experience in promoting the adoption of data
journalism, the data culture in Uganda’s public sphere remains significantly behind the times.
Government agencies, including the Uganda Bureau of Statistics itself, continue to release public
data in impenetrable pdf reports, as opposed to machine readable formats (e.g csv, json, spss,
stata etc) that would make third party analysis easier. Relatedly, this data is released as condensed
tables in these reports, rather than microdata that third parties could interrogate on different
levels than is revealed by the research reports. This data culture makes data driven reporting
laborious (converting pdfs, cleaning data etc) and unrewarding given the limited depth of the
data itself. Promoting the adoption of data journalism therefore will have to involve significant
investment in acquiring and publishing public interest data at the depth and in the formats that
make analysis by third parties more appealing.
On the logistical level, this research project continues to contend with the lack of newspaper
and magazine records in formats such as electronic archives that have userfriendly search and
retrieval functionalities which would facilitate efficient access. Whereas all the publications in the
study have websites, not all content is consistently available online. Besides, retrieval options that
limit or preclude access to electronic replicas of pages as published make it difficult to reliably
observe certain structural features of the content, thus making the related variables impractical
to measure. Consequently, the research depends entirely on timeconsuming and cumbersome
manual search and coding methods.
The midline phase had originally been expanded and designed to cover radio content on a pilot
basis. But considering that the data was being gathered ex post, availability of audio records
presented serious challenges. Whereas the Uganda Communications Commission requires radio
stations to keep records of their programmes for two years, the reality is that very few stations
do or have the capacity to do regular and systematic storage of their programmes. Given this
constraint, the radio component of the study was put on hold for reconsideration under plans for
the subsequent phases of the project that will explore coverage from July 2015 to June 2016 and
between July 2016 to June 2017.
30
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
OPERATIONAL DEFINITIONS
1. Local government: Issues, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or originating
from local governments collectively or individually and their constituent geographical
units (districts, counties, subcounties, parishes, villages, cities, municipalities, towns),
administrative entities (councils, boards, committees), service delivery functions, public
mandates (constitutional, legal, policy, regulatory), state and nonstate actors (in elective and
nonelective offices and positions), and state and nonstate institutions (public, private, non
governmental, communitybased).
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Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
8. Justice, law and order: Issues, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or
originating from activities, laws, regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state and non-
state actors and institutions involved in the functions of courts and agencies or organisations
concerned with human rights, the administration of justice, and the rule of law including their
officers, administrators, as well as enforcement personnel, bodies and mechanisms.
9. Transport and public works: Issues, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting,
or originating from activities, laws, regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state and non-
state actors and institutions involved in the development, management and use of all forms
of transport and public works infrastructure and services. This includes public and private
transportation services and systems as well as motorised and nonmotorised transport systems
and facilities on land and water and in the air such roads, airports, shipping, and railways.
10. Health: Issues, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or originating from
activities, laws, regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state and nonstate actors and
institutions involved in the development, management and use of all forms of health facilities,
systems and services such as public and private hospitals and health centres for the general
physical condition of the population. This includes personnel who work in and manage the
health system and sector such as administrators and service providers, quality of life and
access to treatment, disease and outbreaks and health infrastructure.
11. Science and technology: Research, inventions, innovations and discoveries in the various
fields of basic and applied science and technology including information and communication.
This includes issues, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or originating
from activities, laws, regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state and nonstate actors and
institutions involved in the production, management, regulation, and control of the process
and utilisation of scientific and technological knowledge, services and outputs.
12. Education: Issues, occurrences, and developments concerning, affecting, or originating from
activities, laws, regulations, policies, authorities, as well as state and nonstate actors and
institutions related to or involved in all aspects of the formal and informal education systems.
This includes schools, institutions of higher learning, methods of learning, the learners, the
system of examination and certification, scholastic materials and structures, skills and the
quality of the school system.
CONTENT UNIVERSE
The content universe consists exclusively of articles that conform to one of four reporting
approaches associated with the coverage of public affairs:
Under conventional reporting, factfinding is the dominant posture with common characteristics
such as the following: spot or hard news that tends to focus on events; generally onedimensional;
neutral and often uncritical transmission of facts; tendency to assign equal weight to all positions;
faithful recording of the observed event or issue; suppression of the journalist’s prior knowledge
of the subject; the journalist’s role is passive and often reactive; depends largely or entirely on
material provided by others; and tends to be eventcentred.
Under interpretive reporting, explanation is the dominant posture with common characteristics
such as the following: factual observation; balanced presentation of pertinent background and
contextual information; goes beyond the immediate event by adding meaning to complex news
situations; explains change and relates events to each other; full or multidimensional story “in
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Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
which the reader gets both an accurate account of an event or situation and enough additional
information to assure understanding” (Hage et al., p.18); the journalist is proactive – often initiates
coverage rather than wait for events; and tends to be processcentred.
Under investigative reporting, exposition is the dominant posture with common characteristics
such as the following: the story is the journalist’s original initiative; depends on material gathered
or generated through the reporter’s own effort; reporting uncovers information that an individual
or entity may have tried to conceal from public scrutiny, or information that an individual or
entity may have had an interest in keeping out of the public domain; resources and evidence
used by the journalist are clearly discernible; evidence of strong documentation (the paper trail)
and sourcing; “involves exposing to the public matters that are concealed – either deliberately by
someone in a position of power, or accidentally, behind a chaotic mass of facts and circumstances
that obscure understanding. It requires using both secret and open sources and documents”
(Hunter et al., p.7).
Under enterprise reporting, the story is of the journalist’s own initiative and effort. The coverage
follows more leads than the usual straight news story and depends on material gathered or
generated through the reporter’s Independent efforts. Enterprise stories generally use the creative
style to explore issues in greater depth usually with the aid of narrative or literary techniques.
These stories are traditionally presented as features. Instead of focusing on breaking news,
enterprise stories focus on the forces that shape the events that may or may not be in the news.
Enterprise reporting tends to emphasize the human interest angle and to focus on discovering and
explaining patterns and trends that may lie behind reported episodes or events.
33
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
4 Page The page Enter the page number If the story is flagged on the
number on cover but the substantive body
which the of the story is inside, code the
main headline page (in this case 1) on which
of the story the main headline appears
appears. even if the substantive body of
the story begins on an inside
page.
5 Public affairs The public 1. Local government Scan the headline and body
issue affairs topic of the story to determine its
2. Parliament
covered. main thrust and choose the
3. Extractive industry topic(s) that best capture(s)
4. Agriculture the dominant issue(s) covered.
It’s possible that a story
5. Land and property substantively touches on more
6. Water and environment than one topic. Code all that
apply.
7. Energy
8. Justice, law and order
9. Transport and public works
10. Health
11. Science and technology
12. Education
6 Subject of the What the Summarize and describe what the The intro/lead or first
story article is about. story is about in no more than 20 paragraphs normally capture
words. the core subject of the story.
Scan the headline and body
of the story to determine its
primary subject.
7 Reporting The journalistic 1. Conventional Scan the story identified
approach format of the to determine the generic
2. Interpretive
story. reporting approach that best
3. Investigative captures the journalistic style
4. Enterprise employed in its production
and presentation.
8 Position of Story 1. First lead Compare the relative
the story prominence prominence of all stories on
2. Second lead
in relation to the same page on which the
stories on the 3. Third lead story identified appears and
same page. 4. Other determine its place in the
hierarchy. The most prominent
is treated as the first lead. Code
‘other’ if the story identified is
not among the top three.
9 Geographical The reference Name the district(s) where the main Identify the main district(s)
focus of the point for subject of the story takes place. where the subject of the story
story the primary takes place as indicated by the
subject that dateline or as deduced from the
the story deals events or issues covered. Does
with. the subject of the story affect
the livelihoods of people or
concern matters in the selected
district(s)? It’s possible that a
story covers issues or affects
people in more than one
district. Code all that apply.
Code “General” if the story’s
reference point is the country
as a whole.
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Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
10 Individual The people Name: These are the people who
focus of the who are the Role: perform actions important to
story target of Gender: the story or are the subject of
the story or 1=Male a substantial amount of the
reason for 2=Female coverage. It’s possible that a
the coverage. 3=Unknown story focuses on more than
These could 4=Not Applicable one individual. Code all that
be individuals Age: apply.
or groups Enter the actual age if it’s mentioned Examples:
of people. in the story. Name: Yoweri Museveni
{multiple 888=Unknown (if not mentioned in Role: President of Uganda
response} the story) Gender: 1
999= Not Applicable (if focus of the Age: 72
story is a group of people) Name: Makerere students
Role: Striking over tuition hike
Gender: 4
Age: 999
11 Institutional The entity Enter the name of These are the entities that
focus of the which is the entity perform actions important to
story the target of or the story or are the subject of a
reason for the substantial amount of the
coverage. coverage. It’s possible that a
story focuses on more than one
entity. Code all that apply.
1 Origin of the The basis of 1. Data analysis Identify the primary trigger for
the the story. It’s possible that a
2 story 2. Independent reporting, research
coverage. story has more than one
or investigation by the
{multiple known
journalist
response} trigger. Code all that apply
3. News conference based on the information
provided in the story.
4. News release
5. Spontaneous newsworthy
occurrence
6. Academic or professional
research, report or study
7. Official report or document
by or on behalf of a public or
private entity
8. Parliamentary proceedings
9. Court, legal or judicial
proceedings
10. Public sector event (activity by
central or local government)
11. Private sector or non-
governmental event (activity
by entities other than
government e.g. companies,
NGOs, international
organisations, private
organisations, etc)
12. Other (specify)
35
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
36
Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda:
16 Sources These are the 1. Affected person or victim Indicate the gender of every
individuals to person who is interviewed or
2. Perpetrator
whom from whom information is
any 3. Person “on the street” or sought.
information eyewitness to an event i
Includes cabinet ministers and
and 4. President ministers of state
views in the ii
Includes civil servants of a
article 5. Vice President central government ministry,
are directly or 6. Ministeri department or agency
indirectly iii
Includes civil servant of a
attributed. 7. Central government officialii local
{multiple 8. Local government officialiii government department,
response} agency or council
For each item, 9. Expertiv iv
Includes individuals from
code 10. Politician whom information is sought
the gender as because of their specialised
follows: 11. Member of Parliament knowledge of the subject or
Gender: 12. Business person or issue covered, or because of
1=Male entrepreneur their ability to comment
2=Female authoritatively on the issue or
3=Unknown 13. Company official or situation covered
4=Not representative iv
Includes elected or
Applicable 14. NGO official or representative nonelected political actor at the
national or local level who
15. International organisation does
official or representative not hold a central or local
16. Cultural leader or government position)
representative Code all that apply.
17. Community leader or
representative
18. Civil society actor
19. Law enforcement personnel
20. Defence, national or security
personnel
21. Anonymous or unknown
22. Religious leader or
representative
23. Other (specify)
37
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
SUMMARY: Using the methods of content analysis and case study analysis, the
study generated baseline evidence on media practices and performance in terms of
the quantity and quality of public affairs coverage by Uganda’s mainstream press
between July 2013 and June 2014. The publications of interest were: Daily Monitor;
New Vision; The Independent; and The Observer. The public affairs issues explored
were: Local government; Parliament; Extractive industry; Agriculture; Land and
property; Water and environment; Energy; Justice, law and order; Transport and
public works; Health; Science and technology; and Education.
RESEARCH TEAM:
iii
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
CONTENTS
1.0 INTRODUCTION 2
3.0 METHODOLOGY 4
5.0 CONCLUSION 32
ANNEXES:
iv
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
1.0 Introduction
To function effectively as active participants in the polity, citizens need to be informed and educated
about public affairs. To cope with the challenges, exploit the opportunities, and navigate the demands
of daily life beyond their immediate observable environment, the public needs comprehensive, timely,
and accurate information to make both routine and momentous decisions and judgements. These
include decisions ranging from mundane consumer choices about goods and services to relatively
complex social and political preferences and judgements about the success or failure of a policy.
The rapid expansion of information resources and rise of competing delivery outlets are both a blessing
and a burden for producers and consumers of news and knowledge about public affairs. In Uganda as
elsewhere, citizens rely on the media for the civic intelligence they need to make sense of the world.
Journalists therefore bear a unique responsibility, some would say burden, of defining, processing, and
presenting information about public affairs to their readers, listeners, viewers, and followers.
For the purposes of this study, the term public affairs was used to refer to issues of public interest that
citizens have a right to know about and which affect their livelihoods and the exercise of their rights
and duties as citizens. As Hage and his colleagues (1983, p.2) explained in their trailblazing journalism
text of the time, the coverage of public affairs includes “anything that affects the public or is related to
the public interest.”1
Accordingly, this study focused on 12 priority public affairs issues that were prescribed by ACME,
namely:
1. Local government
2. Parliament
3. Extractive industry
4. Agriculture
5. Land and property
6. Water and environment
7. Energy
8. Justice, law and order
9. Transport and public works
10. Health
11. Science and technology
12. Education
The study tracked the coverage of these issues, measured it on a range of news and editorial attributes,
and assessed the extent to which the reporting met the standards of best practice in public affairs
journalism. Various aspects of the coverage were examined, including its distribution, volume, scope,
fabric, and trend over time.
1 George S. Hage, Everette E. Dennis, Arnold H. Ismach, & Stephen Hartgen (1983). New Strategies for Public
Affairs Reporting, 2nd ed., Englewood Cliff, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc.
1
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Approached in part as a pilot, the study is also intended to test the utility of the research design
employed. The idea is to promote and contribute to the standardisation of a methodology that is robust
and replicable in future research on public affairs in the media, whether under or beyond this project
or by other researchers.
The project in general will fill an apparent gap due to the absence of systematic evidence to support
informed analysis and public debate of media practices and performance. It is anticipated that the data
and information generated will be valuable to media practitioners, editorial decision makers, analysts,
policy makers, students, consumers, and advocates for various public interest causes.
The objectives outlined below signal the overall direction of the project, while the research questions
that follow indicate the specific areas of examined by the current study.
2) To gather empirical evidence of the quantity, quality, scope, and nature of public affairs
coverage by the Ugandan media.
3) To provide baseline data and information for use in measuring and assessing future coverage
of public affairs.
4) To appraise the factors that account for the patterns observed as well as the conditions that
foster and those that impede the coverage of public affairs.
5) To assess the extent to which the media set the agenda on the national conversation about
public affairs.
6) What is the quality of reporting on public affairs including the use of data?
2
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
3.0 Methodology
3.1 Research design
The study was designed as a census of the entire population of public affairs stories published over a
period of 12 months – July 2013 to June 2014 – by Uganda’s mainstream national news publications,
namely:
1) Daily Monitor
2) New Vision
3) The Independent
4) The Observer
The sample consisted exclusively of stories that conformed to one of three archetypal reporting formats
associated with the coverage of public affairs, that is:
1) Conventional
2) Interpretive
3) Investigative
Under the conventional reporting format, fact-finding is the dominant posture with common
characteristics such as the following: spot or hard news that tends to focus on events; generally one-
dimensional; neutral and often uncritical transmission of facts; tendency to assign equal weight to
all positions; faithful recording of the observed event or issue; suppression of the journalist’s prior
knowledge of the subject; the journalist’s role is passive and often reactive; depends largely or entirely
on material provided by others; and tends to be event-centred.
Under the interpretive reporting format, explanation is the dominant posture with common
characteristics such as the following: factual observation; balanced presentation of pertinent background
and contextual information; goes beyond the immediate event by adding meaning to complex news
situations; explains change and relates events to each other; full- or multi-dimensional story “in which
the reader gets both an accurate account of an event or situation and enough additional information
to assure understanding” (Hage et al., p.18); the journalist is proactive – often initiates coverage rather
than wait for events; and tends to be process-centred.
Under the investigative reporting format, exposition is the dominant posture with common
characteristics such as the following: the story is the journalist’s original initiative; depends on material
gathered or generated through the reporter’s own effort; reporting uncovers information that an
individual or entity may have tried to conceal from public scrutiny, or information that an individual
or entity may have had an interest in keeping out of the public domain; resources and evidence
used by the journalist are clearly discernible; evidence of strong documentation (the paper trail) and
sourcing; “involves exposing to the public matters that are concealed – either deliberately by someone
in a position of power, or accidentally, behind a chaotic mass of facts and circumstances that obscure
understanding. It requires using both secret and open sources and documents” (Hunter et al., p.7).
3
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Data on key editorial elements was gathered through content analysis of stories in which public affairs
issues appeared. A coding scheme – operationalised through a codebook and coding form – was
developed to guide the content analysis. It outlined the variables of interest and how the data was to
be captured.
Stories were coded on a number of variables ranging from the manifest characteristics of stories (e.g.
length, format, and prominence) to the latent features of the news narrative (e.g. source, tone, and
context). The unit of analysis was the story and each was treated as a whole unit of meaning.
The data was captured using a standard coding form that was designed as a Microsoft Access
database. Individual databases, in which the coders entered the data electronically, were created for
each publication and were subsequently merged into a master database. The statistical software Stata
was used to analyse the data.
The content analysis allowed the researchers to provide a granular and multi-faceted picture of the
nature and extent of reporting on public affairs as measured on various journalistic and structural
dimensions of coverage. The variables of interest are listed in Table 1 and the coding scheme is
presented in Annex 1.
4
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
5
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
As indicated earlier, this round of the research project was conceived with the secondary objective of
testing the methodology in anticipation of its application to follow-up studies. Consequently, data on a
few select variables that have not been reported will undergo separate analysis for possible deployment
in a retooled coding scheme.
Five coders who were journalists were each assigned to collect data from the publication whose
structure they were most familiar with. This also afforded the added advantage of easy access to both
the physical and online archives of the respective media houses.
Consumption and interpretation of media texts can be prone to subjectivity. It was thus imperative for
this study to ensure that the coders interpreted the coding scheme accurately, and that they individually
and collectively applied the coding protocol consistently as instructed. The content assigned to each of
the five original coders was therefore independently double-coded by another coder and statistically
compared for uniformity through intercorder reliability (ICR) tests.
The ICR tests, which employed the Kappa statistic, were carried out on 8.5% of the stories in the
sample. Designed to determine the degree of agreement between two independent coders, the ICR for
each target variable was computed as the overall percentage agreement.
For practical considerations, the ICR checks were restricted to six key variables out of the 28 on which
data was collected. These were:
5) Priority source 1
As reported in Table 2, the level of intercoder reliability was generally satisfactory. The rather low
level for priority source 1 is of no particular concern considering that there were five dimensions of
this variable; in other words, each story was coded for up to five sources to ensure the highest possible
likelihood of capturing all major sources that featured in any given story.
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
To round out the picture emerging from the content analysis, nine stories were selected as case studies
and treated to in-depth qualitative analysis. The nine stories – three per reporting format – were chosen
from three themes that were of particular interest to ACME, that is: local government, parliament, and
extractive industry. The aim of the case studies was to illustrate the extent to which the targeted stories
reflected best practices in public affairs reporting. The nine stories analysed as case studies are listed
in Table 3; information about the stories is provided in Annex 2; and the case study evaluation criteria
are described in Annex 3.
The manual content analysis process of coding was cumbersome, which then made it very time-
consuming in order to minimise errors. The need for efficiency in data collection necessitated
balancing between speed and accuracy. It would therefore have been impossible to achieve both
without overstretching the length of data collection considering that this was a census, as opposed to a
sampling, of the stories. Inevitably some stories could have been missed; otherwise the process would
have taken an excessive amount of time.
7
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
The definitions of the public affairs issues under study were in general reasonably robust, but not
entirely mutually exclusive. The nature of some stories and issues made overlaps inevitable and
practical decisions had to be made about their precise categorization. The ICR tests show almost
perfect agreement (see Table 2) but that 10% gap remains a basis for some, though not grave, concern.
It would have been instructive to analyse key demographic variables like the gender and age of the
main actors and sources in the stories sampled. In many cases, the news reports many no explicit
references to the gender or age of the actors in a story. It was therefore impossible to gather statistically
meaningful numbers for analysis that would have provided a picture of the gender and generational
patterns in public affairs coverage.
8
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
The distribution of public affairs was assessed in terms of frequency of coverage as determined by the
overall quantity of stories; the amount of space dedicated to public affairs as determined by article
length; the degree of attention devoted to public affairs as determined by the trend over time; and
the comparative visibility of different public affairs issues as determined by the volume of stories
published about each issue.
As Table 4 illustrates, the study captured a total of 2,843 public affairs stories that were reported
between 1 July 2013 and 30 June 2014. This population of stories was the subject of analysis. Daily
Monitor and New Vision accounted for three-quarters of the coverage as expected. Beyond the mere
fact of being dailies, they also tend to position themselves as newspapers of record. On the other hand,
The Observer and The Independent carried fewer but longer stories as anticipated. As tri-weekly and
weekly publications, respectively, time and the attendant pressure to add value to stories compels
them to drill down deeper and to explore issues more widely as a matter of routine, something that
the dailies do not have to do on a day-to-day basis. In general, the length of articles across the sample
ranged from a minimum of 80 by New Vision to a maximum of 3,488 words by The Observer.
The analysis of variance (ANOVA) technique was employed to establish if there were any statistically
significant differences between article lengths and reporting formats (see Table 5). Indeed, article
lengths differed by reporting format (F = 772.37, p-value < 0.001), implying that the lengths of articles
were significantly different depending on the reporting formats used for particular stories. The analysis
revealed that the average number of words observed for stories reported using the conventional
reporting format, on the one hand, was significantly different from the average number of words for
stories reported using the interpretive and investigative formats, on the other. However, there was no
statistically significant difference between investigative and interpretive reporting formats in terms of
article length (p = 0.093).
9
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
The trend in coverage over time, as indicated in Figure 1, showed a systematic decline from July 2013
until it started to pick up again in June 2014. This pattern can be attributed to the influence that the
national budget process has on the annual news cycle. The period leading up to the new financial year is
typically one of intense jostling for the government’s attention by various actors representing different
interests across all sectors. Agitation, lobbying, and advocacy by a wide range of interest groups that
usually converge around the national budget characteristically attract a lot of media attention. The
trend observed in public affairs coverage by the media captures the crescendo of public interest in the
national budget. Editorial interest naturally recedes soon after the public presentation of the budget as
the media agenda refocuses on other routine issues.
The number of stories on the various public affairs themes varied widely, as Figure 2 shows. Overall,
education (20.8%) was the most widely reported issue; justice, law and order was a close second (19.1%)
followed by health (16.9%). Energy (2.7%), local government (2.4%), and science and technology (2.1%)
were the least reported issues.
10
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
The analysis presented in Table 6 provides a picture of the extent to which the 12 public affairs issues
of interest featured in the coverage of the four publications sampled. Education accounted for more than
20% of the coverage by three of the four publications although, in general, different issues dominated
the coverage by different outlets. The largest proportion of coverage by Daily Monitor focused on
justice, law and order (23.2%) followed by education (20.6%). New Vision paid most attention to
education (21.0%) followed by health (20.6%). The Observer focused primarily on education (25.4%)
followed by parliament (15.4%). The Independent paid most attention to justice, law and order (21.1%)
followed by health (14.7%).
Across the public affairs landscape, coverage varied widely. It ranged from as many as 592 stories
on education and 543 on justice, law and order to as few as 67 stories on local government and 61 on
energy.
11
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Publication (%)
Total Overall
Public affairs issue Monitor Vision Observer Independent
(n=2843) percentage
(n=1095) (n=1045) (n=547) (n=156)
Education 592 20.6 21.0 25.4 4.5 20.8
Justice, law & order 543 23.2 17.1 14.1 21.1 19.1
Health 481 15.1 20.6 14.3 14.7 16.9
Parliament 339 14.8 7.7 15.5 7.7 11.9
Land & property 177 7.1 5.5 5.8 5.8 6.2
Agriculture 143 2.7 4.9 8.4 10.3 5.0
Transport & public
137 4.1 7.3 0.9 7.0 4.8
works
Extractive industry 113 3.0 2.4 8.6 5.1 4.0
Water & environment 112 3.1 6.0 1.8 3.2 3.9
Energy 78 3.0 2.0 2.6 6.4 2.7
Local government 67 1.6 4.3 0.2 2.6 2.4
Science & technology 61 1.6 1.1 2.4 11.5 2.1
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
The analysis presented in Table 8 compared the coverage of public affairs in terms of the reporting
formats. All issues were predominantly covered by conventional methods. Science and technology,
energy, extractive industry, agriculture, and water and environment featured comparatively more
interpretive reporting than did other themes. Also, the investigative format appears relatively more
frequently in stories about land and property, local government, and extractive industry.
Two measures of perceived impact using visibility as an indicator were employed to determine the
value or weight that the respective publications attached to the public affairs issues they covered.
The first measure was the positioning of the headline on the page where the story appeared. Stories
whose headlines were positioned above the fold were considered as carrying more weight – hence
potential impact – in the publication’s editorial judgement than those with headlines that appeared in
the middle of the page or below the fold. As reported in Figure 3, it is evident that in all cases, public
affairs stories occupied 80% of all headline space above the fold. This implies that in the perception
of editors, they were potentially of greater impact than were the other non-public affairs articles that
appeared on the same page. It should be noted, however, that this measure is not particularly, or is
less, applicable to the magazine style of The Independent whose page layout is structurally different
from that of newspapers.
13
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
The second measure of perceived potential impact was the prominence of public affairs stories relative
to the other articles that appeared on the same page. Impact in this case was measured by ranking
the top three public affairs articles in terms of how prominently they were displayed on the page.
As indicated in Table 9, the majority of public affairs stories (65.5%) appeared as the most prominent
in comparison to all other articles they competed with for space. At 85%, extractive industry stories
stood out more than the others, while agriculture, water and environment, and science and technology
articles were the most prominent stories in more than 70% of all occurrences.
14
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
To ascertain the reliability of the measures applied to some of the ‘soft’ variables included in the study,
the analysis investigated whether, for example, there was a correlation between the headline position
and story prominence as measured by article display (see Table 10). The two were found to be highly
related at the 5% level of significance based on the Pearson chi square test (χ2 = 1.102, p-value 0.001).
This implies, for instance, that going by headline position as a measure of perceived story impact,
articles with headlines that appeared above the fold were also the most prominently displayed stories.
15
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Local National Both Local National Both Local National Both Local National Local National Both
Local
11 3 3 17 18 10 - 1 - 1 3 29 25 13
Government
Parliament 3 148 11 3 77 - 3 82 - - 12 9 319 11
Extractive
5 20 8 - 21 4 8 37 2 - 8 13 86 14
Industry
Agriculture 2 20 8 8 30 13 13 31 2 3 13 26 94 23
Land &
35 18 25 14 33 11 12 17 3 - 9 61 77 39
Property
Water &
13 9 12 17 29 17 2 8 - 1 4 33 50 29
Environment
Energy 3 27 3 1 18 2 2 10 2 - 10 6 65 7
Justice, Law
59 142 53 19 143 17 14 63 - 1 32 93 380 70
& Order
Transport &
7 15 23 17 40 19 2 2 1 1 10 27 67 43
public works
Health 37 93 35 29 155 31 9 60 9 - 23 75 331 75
Science &
1 16 1 1 9 2 2 11 - - 18 4 54 3
technology
Education 16 183 27 18 184 18 20 115 4 - 7 54 489 49
Total 192 694 209 144 757 144 87 437 23 7 149 430 2037 376
16
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
The study examined the power dynamics in the coverage of public affairs. The measure employed
distinguished between stories that focused on issues that affected either single individuals or people
collectively and stories which targeted issues that affected either single organisations or institutions
collectively. For purposes of this study as shown in Figure 5, these categories were represented as
“single person” or “several persons” and “single institution” or “several institutions.”
According to the findings reported in Figure 5, most stories were primarily about human issues (71.1%)
while the remainder was about institutional issues. On the whole, more reporting dealt with issues that
concerned people collectively (52.2%) as opposed to individual interests (18.9%). Conversely, more
reporting focused on issues that affected institutions individually (19.5%) as opposed to collective
institutional interests (9.5%).
Although more than half of all stories focused on people collectively (see Table 12), with the same
pattern holding across all outlets in the study, there were notable variations among the publications.
The Observer, for instance, had all of three-quarters and more of its coverage focused on people
collectively, with a negligible fraction of its stories focused on institutions.
*22 missing
17
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
The study sought to understand the framing of public affairs by examining the contextual frames
used to report the issues. The frames could be either episodic or thematic. As the findings presented in
Figure 6 illustrate, 75.5% of the stories were framed episodically. In contrast, only 24.5% of the reporting
was framed thematically. However, there were variations among the publications. The Independent
carried a lot more thematically framed stories (84%), while the framing of stories by the other outlets
was largely episodic: Daily Monitor 66.2%; New Vision 92%; The Observer 79.5%.
The coverage of public affairs is typically about the problems of a society and the attendant policy
discourse through which solutions are debated, contested, and negotiated. In this deliberative process,
the tone the media uses to frame its coverage of public affairs has been shown to affect how citizens
attribute responsibility for the problems and issues they encounter. This study therefore used the tone
of coverage to measure whether the reporting was negative (disapproving), positive (approving) or
neutral in regard to the subject of the story.
The findings reported in Table 13 indicate that most stories had a neutral tone (42.9%). But there were
noteworthy variations among the publications, with Daily Monitor carrying a far greater proportion
of negatively framed stories, while The Independent published the largest number of stories conveyed
with a neutral tone (79.5%).
18
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
The study sought to establish whether certain issues were more prone to being framed in particular
ways (see Table 14). Negatively framed stories were mostly those about local government (43.3%),
health (38.9%), as well as justice, law and order (38.2%). Positively framed stories were mostly those
related to transport and public works (43.1%), agriculture (42.7%), science and technology (41.0%), and
extractive industry (39.8%).
The first measure of voice was to determine the specific collective or occupational identity as well as
the function in the story of the people or institutions that were the focus of a given story. As Table
15 indicates, 15 categories of people and institutions were identified across all stories in the sample
that had people and institutions as their primary focus. Public officials and institutions (36.2%) were
collectively dominated all other voices followed by affected people (12.2%), and MPs and the legislature
generally (11.5%).
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
When the distribution of voices was disaggregated by media house, as reported in Table 16, the
general pattern remained the same. For all media houses except The Independent, public officials and
institutions got the most attention, with New Vision (46%) devoting nearly half of its attention to this
category of actors, the highest among all publications. The Independent, on the other hand, not only
focused mostly on business people and companies (24.4%), but outstripped all other publications in
its focus on this category too. Affected people as well as MPs and the legislature generally alternated
between second and third in ranking.
When the distribution of voices was disaggregated by reporting format, as reported in Table 17, there
were a few patterns that stood out. Stories that focused on affected people were mostly approached
through investigative reporting (20.5%); business people and companies were mainly interpretive
(11.7%); public officials and institutions were primarily conventional (38.3%); while the rest were on
the whole evenly distributed among the three reporting formats.
20
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
21
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Non-governmental officials/
2.2 0.9 1.1 1.9
org’s
Perpetrators 5.9 1.7 7.9 5.4
Politicians 3.1 2.1 4.7 3.1
Private professionals/org’s 5.6 8.7 6.3 6.2
Public officials/institutions 38.3 27.0 35.3 36.2
Social group representatives/
1.4 1.3 1.6 1.4
org’s
Students 4.5 6.6 2.6 4.7
Workers 4.4 1.7 2.1 3.8
Total 100
The second measure of voice teased out of each article the five main sources quoted or cited and ranked
them on a scale of 1 to 5 from the most important (priority source 1) to the least important (priority
source 5). These were treated generally as the media’s leading sources in the coverage of public affairs
by the four publications in the sample. The ranking therefore gave us a good idea of the degree of
importance that journalists in their reporting attached to a range of sources.
The various sources detected in the coverage were classified in terms of functional categories according
to their roles in public life and in the story (as in the particular case of affected people). The president
was singled out as a category in his own right because of the unique role he plays as a newsmaker
and the significance of the presidency as an institution. The category designated as “other” consisted
of numerous sources including documents that featured in too few instances – typically fewer than 10
times at the level of priority source 1 – to be rated as noteworthy.
As the results in Table 18 show, central government civil servants (24.28%) were collectively the most
frequently used source followed by affected people (12.87%), ministers (11.59%), and MPs (10.60%).
The president (4.07%) stood out as the only individually significant source by virtue of his power as a
newsmaker. This pattern generally held across all source levels.
22
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
By going beyond the structural aspects of the coverage, which content analysis was better equipped to
handle, the case study analysis added another vital layer to our understanding of how public affairs
are covered. In fact, the limitations of content analysis made room for the case study analysis to provide
a deeper and more granular look into the fabric of public affairs stories similar to those in the study
population. The issues pointed out in the various analyses are specific, though not necessarily unique,
to each story.
The nine case study analyses are presented in the section that follows. The text of the respective stories
is available for reference in Annex 4.
Website: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Regulator-on-the-spot-over-oil-data/-
/688334/1958026/-/10pnjxyz/-/index.html
23
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Case Analysis
The reporter writes with clarity and the language is simple, with a good definition of ‘seismic data’ – an
uncommon term or jargon from the extractives sector.
The author achieves balance by speaking to officials in the company that had complained about faulty
seismic information, as well as from the Petroleum Exploration and Production Department (PEPD).
The reporter assigned both parties/positions equal weight, allowing each a complete explanation and
opportunity to clarify on the issues. The journalist simply reported the information as it was provided
by the sources, keeping his role passive and, on the face of it, neutral.
However, the story seems to have been based on inaccurate information in the first place. By stating
that PEPD was on the spot for supplying suspected faulty seismic data to oil companies, it is assumed
that the responsibility of compiling and sharing seismic data lies with this department. But, when
given an opportunity to comment, the head of the department’s regulatory unit clarified that the
institution is not responsible for conducting seismic studies, and neither is it government’s policy
to collect seismic data. He described the kind of data that the department compiles and provides to
companies, but the reporter chose to stay with the ‘wrong’ view, which he/she seems to have gathered
from the complaining company.
Conventional reporting requires the neutral transmission of facts. While the reporter seeks comments
from both sides of the story, there is evidently not as much effort to gather the facts of the matter,
besides relying on the complainant’s claims.
It appears that the story tip arose from an accuser making allegations against another party and the
reporter ought to take care not to be taken up by the former. He should not have gone ahead to accuse
the department in the story. The story could have taken another approach.
The reporter also ought to have asked the unnamed officials at CNOOC why the company has not
launched an official complaint to the petroleum exploration department – since the latter says they
have not received any official complaints from affected oil companies.
While the story is balanced and appears neutral at the face of it, the information it provides is not
complete. For instance, if it is not the duty of the petroleum exploration department to provide seismic
data, whose duty is it? Have any other companies besides CNOOC raised similar complaints? The
reporter ought to have sought out other oil companies to avoid appearing to have been used by Cnooc
in pursuit of its interests.
While the reporter should be commended for faithfully recording comments of the parties, the story
begs for more information and facts about the matter, and here, relevant documents would have been
useful in providing more complete information such as figures (e.g. what would the seismic study cost
CNOOC?) – for accuracy and completeness.
24
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Website: http://www.monitor.co.ug/SpecialReports/Oil-compensation-
money-splits-families/-/688342/1915056/-/x5g8o8/-/index.html
Case Analysis
The reporter identified a rarely covered public affairs issue in the extractives sector – particularly oil
exploration – and communicated it in a simple, clear and interesting way. The report explains in detail,
through various voices, the gender dynamics in the management of compensation money from oil
companies and how these dynamics negatively impact on women’s livelihoods and rights, as well as
family harmony in the communities around oil sites in the Bunyoro region.
The reporter goes beyond the immediate event (which is compensation) and adds meaning to it by
showing how women have to negotiate with their spouses for the right to manage and use the money
for the collective benefit of their families, even when it is their own gardens that have been destroyed.
Perhaps the strongest facet of this report is its use of sources. The reporter made an excellent choice
of sources, asked the right questions and selected the most relevant quotes for inclusion in the story
that best explain the issue – the district community development officer and the Woman MP amply
describe the magnitude of the problem of management of compensation money.
Two women who share their personal experience bring the story home. One is reported as having
‘grudgingly’ accepted her husband’s decision: “My husband bought a goat, household items and used
the [rest of the] money to enroll for university education.” Allowing them to tell their story in their own
words is effective in showing their plight.
Another source, the secretary of the district land board, provides insight into the gender dynamics
involved in ownership of land and other property in communities in the region, with men controlling
all the wealth and married women denied any right to own family property.
Still on sources, the executive director of a non-governmental organization working on human rights
helps explain the interventions by civil society to address the disparities and to help communities
and families near oil sites live in harmony. This source also helps to highlight the social, economic,
environmental and other risks associated with gender inequities in the extractives sector. Finally,
the source from Tullow Oil and the minister responsible for Bunyoro affairs round off the picture
by explaining, respectively, the organisation and government’s plans and initiatives to address the
gender issues associated with compensation.
25
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Besides sources, the inclusion of simple, relevant statistics further amplifies the issue and helps readers
understand the subject and its implications at various levels: family, community and national. The
statistics include: that the district community development officehas mediated in more than 20 cases
of disagreements among couples; that only two or three of every 100 land applications received in the
district are filed by women; and the details on the volume and value of viable oil reserves in Uganda.
The reporter presented pertinent background and contextual information on oil exploration in Uganda,
from when oil deposits were discovered, where the deposits are located, how many wells have been
drilled, how much oil the country has, its value, and the companies involved in exploring it, to locating
Buliisa district on Uganda’s oil map.However, the background could have been taken higher up in the
report.
Hage et al (1983) suggest that interpretive reporting should provide the reader with “both an accurate
account of an event or situation and enough additional information to assure understanding” (p.18).
The reporter achieved this through his good selection of sources and statistics, and presentation of a
comprehensive background and context. There is sufficient evidence in the report of the journalist’s
initiative and enterprise in identifying and covering a subject outside everyday news.
Website: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/651794-uganda-losing-billions-
to-mineral-smuggling.html
Case Analysis
The strength of this report is in its detailed exposé of covert information about illegal mining and
export in the extractives sector in Uganda, from resources and evidence that are clearly discernible.
The minerals in question include wolfram, gold ore, iron ore, cobalt metal and nickel hydroxide.
The journalist quotes government reports (including from previous investigations) on the mineral
sector and from these he gathers relevant context, facts and statistics for the report. There is also good
use of human sources most of who are named and all of whose voices add credence and variety to the
report.
With information from these various sources, the journalist elaborates the process through which
minerals are smuggled out of the country and the impact of this illicit activityon the economy (the
amount of money Uganda loses through smuggling in the extractives sector – e.g. while the Energy
ministry recorded only 3.9kg of gold worth Shs 3.2m produced in 2013, a source told the journalist that
one mineral explorer had smuggled 500kg of gold, worth Shs 419.2m, disguised as samples, out of the
country).
26
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
The report demonstrates a great deal of enterprise on the part of the journalist in gathering evidence
and sourcing facts through the paper trail and interviews with government officials, agencies involved
in mineral extraction and accused of smuggling, and a police officer.He travels to mines in Kisoro and
talks to an artisanal miner, one of the mine managers and to the management of a mining company
that hires the miners – about themineral quantities extracted, the money involved in legitimate and
illegal markets, and how much is declared and concealed.
The journalist goes an extra mile in the investigation, embarking on one of the smuggling routes to
trace the smugglers’ trail and to gain a vantage point from which to observe the illicit trade. In the
process, he discovers the involvement of some sections of law enforcement agencies, including the
police and border control officials, in the racket – a plus to the investigation.
The report is specific, rather than general, stating the volumes of mineral resources smuggled,
how entities with exploration licenses are involved in illegal mining instead and smuggle out large
quantities of minerals disguised as untaxed exploration samples– causing the country huge revenue
loss in unpaid royalties. But, while the focus is on Uganda, the report includes a wider perspective,
casting a beam on other countries in the region: Tanzania and Rwanda and placing the story in a wider
context. Building the story from a local level (Kisoro district) to the national level and including a
regional perspective is effective in showing the ‘big picture’. Similarly, the report focuses on the entire
mining industry and not just on one mineral, which provides a holistic picture.
Furthermore, inclusion in the story of a section on the law – the Penal Code – and its provisions
concerning smuggling in the extractives sector helps to show the legal implications of the illicit activity.
This report would, however, have greatly benefitted from the use of infographics, an aspect of data
journalism, to clearly show the trends in production and the process and effects of smuggling, which
it seeks to explain. The journalist ought to have gone a step further to illustrate the story, rather than
simply report numbers (volumes and monies), which appear littered all over the story – even if they
do make sense.
27
Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Website: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Regulator-on-the-spot-
over-oil-data/-/688334/1958026/-/10pnjxyz/-/index.html
Case Analysis
In very few words, this story provides a clear picture of the local government leaders’ contribution at
the event (public dialogue). The story is focused and all the information provided is relevant to the
subject matter. The simplicity and clarity with which the author writes allows clear understanding of
the issues being reported.
By limiting himself to statements made at the event and directly quoting selected parties while making
their presentations, the reporter takes a passive position and reports directly from the observed event.
The parties quoted are relevant to the subject, and the dialogue presented makes the story come to life
– there is a variety of voices, including a regional leader, district leader and an official from the civil
society.
This story could, however, have been improved by, among other things, providing context to the issues
reported. The writer describes the PRDP concisely, but ought to have included some brief background
information about the funds that the Office of the Prime Minister mismanaged, who was involved,
what the impact was; and the status quo. Without this context, the reporter assumes that all the story’s
readers are familiar with the matter.
Further, while there is no potential for damage, which would have demanded that all positions
be assigned equal weight, it should have been necessary for the reporter to seek comments from
representatives of donor countries and/or agencies either present at the event or outside of it. This is
because the civil society representative in the story is quoted complaining about donors’ methods of
work. Besides ensuring fairness, this would illustrate the reporter’s quest for comprehensiveness and
accuracy.
Website: http://observer.ug/component/content/article?id=24513:5-years-on-
local-service-tax-remains-a-pipe-dream
Case Analysis
The story explains in great detail what local service tax is – what it comprises, how it is computed and who has an
obligation to pay it and how much they are required to pay, and who is exempted from it.
Taxation, along with its various forms and associated topics, is generally considered a complex subject. However,
the journalist successfully broke down the subject of local service tax for the readers, using sufficient background
and contextual information (to explain how it came to replace graduated tax), expounding on the provisions of
the Local Government (Amendment) Act 2008 that relate to the specific tax, and by talking to relevant officials to
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The sources used not only served to explain the tax, but also provided a local context to the story, which is
very important for reporting on local government. The sources include: the Gulu district chairman, who was a
district councilor when the tax was introduced; the district’s chief administrative officer and the shadow Local
Government minister, who is also a Member of Parliament.
The documentary sources used are the Act, the Local Government Finance Commission 2011 annual report and the
tax collection guidelines issued by the Local Government Financial Commission. The human sources interviewed,
who are local government leaders resident in the district and who, therefore directly experience the frustration,
provide a rich local perspective to the story, while the documents provide the factual basis for the analysis.
To explain the change in the status quo, the story shows the dilemma that local governments face in their inability
to finance administrative and development activities from the new tax, by, among others, describing the previous
scenario (“The abolition of graduated tax in FY 2005/2006 heavily hurt revenue collection in local governments, since the
taxed used to contribute 80% of all district revenues.”— 2nd paragraph) and quoting the district officials’ frustration
(“We welcomed the tax with a lot of expectations. I hoped it would end the local government’s financial stress,” Ojara said in
an interview, stressing that he hoped the tax would greatly enhance local revenue generation in the district.” – 3rd paragraph;
“This money can’t even help us to fund council sittings and meet our co-funding obligations,” he stressed. For instance,
Kiganda says revenues from the local service tax can’t even fund 1% of the district budget.—18th paragraph)
The reporter also uses statistics effectively to illustrate the change in revenue collection after the old tax was
abolished and a new one introduced. Consider the paragraph: ‘At its inception, local service tax was expected to
generate between Shs 67bn and Shs 80bn annually from across the country, compared to the Shs 70bn generated from
graduated tax. However, not even a quarter of the projected revenue has been realized. The Local Government Finance
Commission 2011 annual report released in February 2012, noted that the performance of LST continues to be poor with little
revenue realized.’
Financial figures are used throughout the story with similarly good effect, especially to show the various categories
of income earners and the tax they are required to pay. However, there are instances where the use of percentages
would have enriched the analysis and provided a clearer picture. Consider, for example, the sentence: ‘The act had
stipulated that business persons with a turnover of over Shs 500,000 monthly would also be eligible to pay Shs 5,000 in LST
while those with a turnover of over Shs 10m would pay Shs 100,000 annually.’ The journalist ought to have indicated
that this is a one percent (1%) tax.
Further, on financials, the use of infographics should have added visibility and clarity to the story, while also
reducing the numbers in the story (the article appears to be littered with numbers, even though they are relevant).
For example, charts could have been used to illustrate the various categories of tax payers and how much they are
expected to pay, and to show the trends in local service tax collection in the district in the context of the previously
projected revenue and, perhaps, compared to previous revenue accruing from the abolished graduated tax.
Another weakness in the story is the lack of balance in commentary from human sources. Besides the district
officials, the journalist only interviewed the shadow Local Government minister. The story should have benefited
from comments from the actual Local Government minister or other senior official(s) from that ministry or from
the ministry of Finance – to explain the government’s position on the tax and (planned) interventions to address
the gap. Comments from a tax specialist (e.g. from an audit firm) would also have provided more clarity and
additional information to assure understanding and enrich the analysis.
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Website: http://www.independent.co.ug/cover-story/9159-shs-23-billion-
swindled-per-month-investigators-show
Case Analysis
This report has immense potential for exposing gross corruption in the educations sector, particularly primary
schools in Uganda’s district. It is a follow-up on an investigation by the Ministry of Finance that found “ghost”
schools in various districts.
While neither the journalist nor his news magazine broke the story, there is evidence of the journalist’s own
initiative and effort to expand the investigation by talking to more sources and digging up the findings of previous
similar probes. The journalist also sought to advance the investigation by, initially, focusing on Butaleja district,
even though the government probe had covered several districts.
The report is rich in statistics with regard to school enrolment, numbers of teachers, school and ministry budgets,
swindled funds, etc. All these serve to indicate the magnitude of the corruption in the sector and its impact on
primary education in the affected districts and on the economy generally.
The journalist also provides extensive background of the story, placing the report in the context of several previous
audits. There is an attempt to combine interpretive and investigating reporting by breaking down the government
loss into what the money could have done for the education sector (‘The money being stolen each month is enough to
pay 5,000 secondary school teachers and 8,000 in primary’). All this serves to help the reader to trace the genesis of the
problem or issue and to understand its wider implications.
Furthermore, the report bears evidence of strong sourcing to expose the illicit activities of government officials.
There is a wide array of documentation sources (the paper trail), including probe reports and government audits.
The additional source the journalist introduces in the investigation (the general secretary of the national teachers’
union) is relevant to the story’s quest to expose graft in the teachers’ payroll – the fraudulent transfers, deletions
and reinstatement therein.
However, this case has some gaping weaknesses. First, there are too many ideas in the story, making it complex
and unnecessarily long. For instance, it was not necessary for the journalist to delve into previous probes that are
unrelated to the education sector. The tendency to jump from one probe to another, from one idea to another, and
from one source to another without making the necessary linkages breaks the story into several muddled parts
and spoils the flow. The journalist ought to have followed one idea and let a common thread run through the
story. Such a thread is absent.
Secondly, given the vastness of the story (the different probes it dwells on), there is a disturbing amount of
numbers or statistics that are difficult to follow (enrolment trends, ghost numbers, teachers’ statistics, amounts of
money, budgets, etc.).
Because figures are scattered all over the story (even though they might have a rightful place), they largely fail
to achieve their purpose of showing and not merely telling. Consider this sentence: ‘Last year, Ministry of Education
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bosses complained that while enrolment to primary increased from 8,337,069 in 2012 to 8,390,674 in 2013 and that of the
secondary, from 1,251,507 in 2012 to 1,257,378 in 2013, their budget had not changed much. They wanted more money.’
This problem (of number littering) could have been solved by better management of the data through the use
of infographics to illustrate the various trends and the disputed figures (e.g. number of pupils enrolled in
primary school in Uganda is 5,445,547 compared to the official ministry figure: 402,957). Illustrating such statistics
graphically or, at the very least, using percentages, would help readers ‘visualize’ the magnitude of the scandal
and, perhaps, increase the impact of the story.
Similarly, on sourcing, there are several sources, particularly documents and quotes from audits, that were not
relevant to the initial subject and that only serve to clutter the story. On human sources, the story mentions that
most of the “fake” pupils that are unaccounted for by the education ministry are dropped before sitting their
primary leaving examinations because the registration process is so elaborate and would expose the corruption.
However, there is no evidence of any attempt to seek out and talk to any of the affected children or their parents
– where do these children end up?
Thus, while this case is a good example of issues that can be investigated concerning local government and that
would have a huge impact on governance, there is overkill. The information overload affects the story’s quality
and impact. The information therein could have been used for two or more investigative stories.
Website: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Government-tables-Bill-
to-outlaw-miniskirts/-/688334/1739768/-/p77d82/-/index.html
Case Analysis
The story is one-dimensional, focusing on a particular, single event – debate on the proposed The Anti-Pornography
Bill, 2011 in parliament. All information provided and quotes used relate to this single event. The reader is able to
tell, from reading the story, that the journalist was present during the session and observed the event first-hand.
Although this is a conventional news story, simply presenting facts and reporting from the scene, it is written with
great style, flair and creativity. The journalist uses rich language and writes inventively by weaving quotes from
the Bill into the narrative. Examples of these are in the second, third and 16th paragraphs, respectively – below:
The government is riding on its view that pornography has become such an “insidious social problem” to get the Bill through
Parliament.
It also argues that because there has been an “increase in pornographic materials in the Ugandan mass media and nude
dancing in the entertainment world”, there is need to establish a legal framework to regulate such vices.”
Responding to the members who expressed fears that the Bill might inhibit the sexual behaviours of romantic spouses or
couples, the minister said if the Bill is passed into law, pornography will not include “any act or behaviour between spouses or
couples performed in fulfillment of their conjugal rights and responsibilities, where such matters are strictly private.”
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There is sufficient evidence that the journalist thoroughly read and is well acquainted with the Bill. The story
carries detailed quotes from the document, including the definition of pornography, but because they are cleverly
interspersed within the rest of the content, it does not appear clattered and flows beautifully. The thorough reading
of the Bill, which is the subject of the story, ensures that the journalist reports the issue clearly and authoritatively
from the event, without having to include his prior knowledge of or opinion on the subject, while also keeping
his role passive.
By quoting the minister who presented the Bill, as well as MPs opposed to it or sections of it, the journalist ensures
that equal weight is assigned to all positions of the issue and that no side outweighs the other. However, there is
collective attribution when members’ views and voices are presented; not a single member is quoted by name.
Consider, for instance, the following paragraphs:
While the Bill seeks to outlaw indecent dressing among other social behaviours deemed pornographic under the legal parameters
of the Bill, the lawmakers said the lack of definition for what constitutes “decent dressing” makes the Bill awkward and asked
the government to stop curtailing freedoms in the country which could scare away tourists.
While some committee members urged that Section 166 of the Penal Code Act, Cap.120 already outlaws pornography,
the minister said the Penal Code only caters for trafficking in obscene publication yet the issue of pornography transcends
publication….
The journalist ought to have attributed specific remarks to individuals who said them – if he was faithfully
recording the observed event – and not generalised the opposing voices.
That said, this case is a good example of a conventional parliamentary story written with flair, yet without
distorting its facts, context and spirit; one that readers would definitely enjoy.
Website: http://www.independent.co.ug/cover-story/8341-divided-
parliament-museveni-can-remove-kadaga
Case Analysis
The reporter offers a good explanation of the impasse between the constitutional offices of the Speaker and Deputy
Speaker of Parliament. He effectively shows the link between the tensions in the two offices and the weakening of
parliament and possible negative implications on democracy in the country.
The sources (a lawyer and university professors of jurisprudence and political science) are relevant, with
competence on parliamentary operations and constitutional matters. Thus, external voices were not added for the
sake of it, but were selected for their specialty and specific relevance to the issues being explained and for their
contribution to the advancement of the argument. This helps expound on the subject matter and make a clear link
between the office of the Speaker and Deputy Speaker and the Parliament, President, as well as the country.
In his Handbook of Reporting and Communication Skills, V. S. Gupta states: “The term interpretive reporting means
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that the reporter seeks to find the implications of an event. The reporter puts the event in perspective. He tries to
bring the story in the stream of events. He explains, interprets and analyses the event, which goes beyond the strict
ambit of his duty as a reporter.”Analysis and interpretation, he says, “seek to impart a deeper understanding of
the processes of which isolated manifestations alone get noticed as news events” (Gupta 2003).
Drawing from the Deputy Speaker’s appearances on radio and television political talk shows to explain his recent
actions (which were in the news), the reporter built an analysis, exposing the individual’s ambitions and showing
their implications on the Parliament future.
However, the analysis would have been stronger with the inclusion of anecdotal evidence of the souring
relationship between the Speaker and Deputy Speaker. It is not enough to tell the readers that there is friction
between the two principals in a “divided parliament” or to read the denials from the parliament spokesperson.
The reporter ought to have included a few anecdotes of specific incidents when this rivalry came to light, and
then built these together to show the reader a trend. Such background and context would help readers connect the
events, trends and implications, thereby understanding and appreciating the issues better.
On the technical side, the analysis would make for better reading with tighter editing. It is unnecessarily long
(over 2,000 words) and repetitive in some places.
Nevertheless, the reporter presented a well explained and balanced argument, referring to previous parliaments
and speakers, and selecting good sources to help the audience understand the intricate politics around the position
of Speaker of Parliament in Uganda and its implications on the quality of legislative debate and on the broader
affairs of the country and its leadership.
Website:http://observer.ug/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=282
11:mps-spend-shs-30bn-on-trips&catid=78:topstories&Itemid=116
Case Analysis
The journalismfund.eu website states: “A European Parliament resolution adopted on 10 May 2012
describes investigative and independent journalism as an essential element in fighting crime, fraud and
corruption with European funds. Why? Because large-scale fraud is complex and often invisible, until
someone takes the time to research and expose it. And that’s exactly what journalists do: they search,
dig and examine. They discover, reveal, expose. They tell their stories to readers, aid organisations and
policy makers, who can then start doing what they each do best to fight those abuses.”
(See http://www.journalismfund.eu/news/fundjournalismfund)
There is substantial evidence that this story is the product of the reporter’s own initiative and effort.
The journalist effectively unpacks the issue of foreign travel of members of Parliament and the dubious
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motives involved, uncovering facts that the subjects would undoubtedly have an interest in keeping
out of the public domain – for instance that the main motive is to earn allowances, and that some do
not even attend to the official business for which they have travelled but use the trips for shopping and
tourism.
The story has very good use of both documentary and human sources. For instance, the reporter digs
up reports tabled from previous travels and discovers that they are not compliant with the rules. The
reference to both reports and rules of procedure is powerful in showing how parliamentarians abuse
procedure at will and the clear lack of accountability for the trips financed with public funds.
The presentation of the story is also powerful, with excellent comparisons of the expenditure on travel
and what this money could do for society and the economy (e.g. paying teachers). The comparison
of expenditure over different years and different parliaments is incredible and shows (rather than
tells) the “unprecedented appetite for travel among MPs of the 9th Parliament.” The story is free of
ambiguities, stating boldly alarming figures and statistics, and saying it as it is.
The writing is of a high quality, presenting the facts and dialogue with simplicity, clarity but also flair
of language, which makes for easy but also interesting and entertaining reading. The anecdote used in
the intro, for instance, grabs the reader straight away and the clear thread throughout the story ensures
that the reader is fixed.
However, in spite of its many strengths, this story is not without weaknesses. One is that the reporter
ought to have sought comment from the leadership of a committee that is responsible for, and/or
one that could competently comment on the issue of, members’ travel, for instance the Committee on
Rules, Discipline and Privileges or the Public Accounts Committee. It appears that the MPs that the
reporter spoke to were those he could conveniently reach, and there is no mention of what makes them
competent to speak on the matter.
Furthermore, this story called for comment from the Speaker (or office of the Speaker) or Deputy Speaker
of Parliament on the issue of MPs’ travel and the associated abuse of resources procedure. Comment
from an ombudsman institution of government, such as the Inspector General of Government or the
Directorate of Public Prosecution would have made the investigation more complete, with the reporter
asking them what they were doing or planned to do about matter.
Lastly, use of graphical aids, such as charts to illustrate trends in expenditure over different years and
different parliaments, would have made the problem more ‘visual’ or visible to readers.
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5.0 CONCLUSION
The aim of this study was to create a baseline of the state of public affairs coverage as
evident in the patterns and trends that emerged from the analysis of a year’s worth of
reporting. This study is the first phase of a longer research project that will involve a
mid-line study (July 2014 – June 2015) and an end-line study (July 2015 – June 2016).
The research design and methodology that have been piloted will be refined, improved,
and used to execute the follow-up studies. In addition, the subsequent studies will
complement the content analysis with interviews, focus group discussions, and
surveys of content producers and news consumers.
This project is the first that has attempted to examine this magnitude of media content
both quantitatively and qualitatively. The research approach and the data it has
generated have revealed the possibilities as well as the challenges involved in efforts
to understand the media’s role in public discourse on local and national affairs.
The findings show that the coverage of public affairs is reflective of the diverse range
of issues that the typical news consumer is routinely exposed to. The issues covered
by and large touch on practically every aspect of public life and policy. The findings
are instructive as they reveal both the scope (measured quantitatively) and fabric
(assessed qualitatively) of the coverage of public affairs issues that concern the day-
to-day lives of citizens and the life of the nation as a whole.
It is crucial that future iterations of the research are expanded to include the electronic
and digital media. The research design will have to be adjusted accordingly. The
fundamental elements have been tested and proven applicable to media content
broadly irrespective of the platforms on which it is generated.
Whereas the core data has been generated through content analysis, the case studies
have provided a nuanced perspective on the quality of reporting. The case study
analyses offer invaluable lessons not only about the make-up of the coverage of public
affairs, but also about effective ways to interrogate it.
Beyond the findings, it is anticipated that this study will stimulate debate and interest
in the development of a common and shared framework for analyzing media content
across all platforms. Presently, the commercial sources of such data have limited
application because they are primarily designed to serve commercial goals. A standard
approach to assessing media practices and performance in the context of the media’s
public information and civic education functions will make it possible to undertake
meaningful comparative studies across platforms, issues, sectors, and time.
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
10 Position of headline Determine the location of the headline when the 1. Below the fold
on the page paper is folded horizontally down the middle. 2. Middle of the fold
3. Above the fold
11 Prominence of story Compare the relative prominence of the three 1. Not prominent
on the page main stories on the same page on which the story 2. Second most prominent
identified appears. If it’s neither in the first nor 3. Most prominent
second position relative to other stories on the
same page, code it as “not prominent.” Code as
‘3’ if it’s the only story on the page.
12 Scope of the story Determine the widest possible geographical 1. Local
relevance of the subject that the story deals with. 2. National
It could raise issues of purely local interest or 3. Local and national
national significance or both.But before coding it
as ‘3’, examine the story carefully to avoid opting
for this category simply as a convenient choice.
13 Focus of the story The people or institutions that are the target 1. Single person
of the story. It includes personalities or 2. Several unrelated persons
organisations or companies that speak or 3. Group of related persons
perform actions important to the story or are the 4. Single institution
subject of a significant amount of the coverage. Is 5. Several unrelated institutions
it a single individual or institution? Is it several 6. Group of related institutions
unrelated individuals or institutions affected by
or concerned about a common issue e.g. property
owners affected by a public works project or
businesses concerned about a new tax? Is it
a group of related individuals or institutions
who are organised around a common issue
e.g. doctors protesting poor pay through their
association or schools lobbying for changes in
education policies?
14 Identity and As applicable, state the name and occupation
occupation of the of the specific individual who is or individuals
person who is or who are the focus of the story. E.g. Dr. Ruhakana
people who are the Rugunda, Prime Minister; students of Kyambogo
focus of the story University; residents of Jinja town.
15 Function of the The reason why the person or people identified
person who is or in #14 is/are the focus of the story. For example:
people who are the What is the Lord Mayor doing or what is
focus of the story happening to the Lord Mayor that makes him a
person of interest in this story? What are teachers
doing or what is happening to teachers that
makes them people of interest in this story?
16 Gender of the person Code ‘male’ or ‘female’ if it’s possible to 0. Cannot tell
who is or people who determine the gender from the story. Code 1. Male
are the focus of the ‘male and female involved’ if the focus of the 2. Female
story story includes both. Otherwise code ‘0’ if it’s 3. Mixed (group of male and
impossible to tell the gender. female individuals)
17 Nationality of the Code ‘Ugandan’ or ‘foreigner’ if it’s possible to 0. Cannot tell
person who is or determine the nationality from the story. Code 1. Ugandan
people who are the ‘Ugandans and foreigners involved’ if the focus 2. Foreigner
focus of the story of the story includes both. Otherwise code ‘0’ if 3. Mixed (group of Ugandan and
it’s impossible to tell the nationality. foreign individuals)
18 Age of the person Enter the actual age if it’s mentioned in the story. 0. Cannot tell or not applicable
who is or people who Otherwise code ‘0’ if the age is not mentioned or
are the focus of the if the focus of the story is a group of people or
story individuals of presumably different ages.
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
24 Priority source 1 These are the individuals to whom any 1. Most affected person; man
information and views in the article are directly or woman “on the street”;
25 Priority source 2 or indirectly attributed. Consider each person community member
who is interviewed or from whom information is 2. President
26 Priority source 3 sought and rank them according to the frequency 3. Vice President
27 Priority source 4 of appearance and the extent to which they are 4. Minister (including Cabinet
directly quoted. Priority source 1 is therefore the
Minister and Minister of State)
28 Priority source 5 source that either appears the most number of
times or has the most direct quotes used or both. 5. Central government civil servant
Examine the story identified and rank the sources (official of a central government
according to these criteria in descending order ministry, department or agency)
from 1 to 5 as applicable. Only up to five sources 6. Local government civil servant
are to be coded where a story has more than five. (official of LG department,
Each source is to be coded independently from agency or office)
item 24 to item 28. 7. Independent technical
expert (not a central or local
government official)
8. Politician (elected or non-elected
national or local politician who
does not hold a central or local
government position)
9. Member of Parliament
10. Businessman/woman (an
independent entrepreneur)
11. Company official or
representative
12. Local NGO official or
representative (includes
indigenous/foreign NGOs)
13. International organisation official
or representative (includes
regional and global institutions
e.g. EAC, IGAD, UN, World
Bank and diplomatic missions)
14. Religious leader or
representative
15. Cultural leader or representative
16. Community leader or
representative
17. Civil society actor
18. Independent commentator
(informed or holding a popular
opinion)
19. Military official, representative
or regular personnel
20. Police official, representative or
regular personnel
21. Prisons official, representative or
regular personnel
22. Security official, representative
or regular personnel
23. Other (specify)
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Website: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Regulator-on-the-spot-over-oil-data/-
/688334/1958026/-/10pnjxyz/-/index.html
The petroleum exploration department is on the spot over suspected delivery of faulty seismic data to
oil companies.
Although the oil sector regulator says they have not got official complaints from affected oil companies,
highly placed sources in CNOOC, a Chinese oil firm, say the company was given misleading data, a
thing that forced them to redo studies for its King Fisher Exploration Area.
Seismic data give details of the oil and gas potential of an area. It is the data which, when interpreted
by qualified geophysicists with the right technology, informs them whether an area has oil or not.
Although King fisher had been confirmed to have oil, sources in CNOOC say the data they were fed
on was misleading and did not match what they found on ground.
“We had no option but to redo the entire exercise before we could even start doing seismic for
appraisals,” the source said.
In an interview with this newspaper, Petroleum Exploration and Production Department’s head of
the regulatory unit Fred Kabanda said it would not be possible for the Entebbe-based petroleum
department to pass on faulty data because it does not carry out seismic studies.
He said it is not a policy of government to collect seismic data because the process is too expensive.
“In order to promote the country’s oil and gas potential, the department acquires preliminary data
through geological mapping, gravity and magnetic surveys and geochemistry,” Mr Kabanda said.
“This is the preliminary cheap data that government can afford to send a few people in
the field to come with data and then we package it for companies to come,” he added.
Seismic survey could cost between $4 million up to $20 million (about Shs10 billion to Shs50 billion)
depending on the coverage.
When contacted, CNOOC Uganda confirmed that the company is doing fresh seismic data but
remained silent on whether the fresh surveys were as a result of misleading ones.
“Operation on the King fisher field allows us to have a better understanding of the field. CNOOC
Uganda Limited is going to conduct a new programme to collect new seismic data for the field,” Mr
Dennis Namara, the CNOOC public relations supervisor, said in an email.
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Website: http://www.monitor.co.ug/SpecialReports/Oil-compensation-money-splits-
families/-/688342/1915056/-/x5g8o8/-/index.html
BULIISA - Compensations offered by oil companies to Buliisa District residents for property destroyed
during oil exploration operations have resulted into bitter misunderstandings in recipient families.
The district community development officer, Mr Godfrey Barugahara, says his office has mediated in
more than 20 cases of married couples disagreeing on how compensation money should be managed.
“We have registered cases where husbands confiscate the compensation money from their wives,
whose gardens were destroyed during seismic operations,”MrBarugahara says.
Some wives reportedly flee from their homes after receiving the money in fear of husbands confiscating
the compensation money.
The Buliisa Woman MP, Ms Beatrice Mpairwe, says her office has received similar complaints.
“Some husbands claim that their wives opt to divorce or separate after receiving compensation,” she
says, adding that her office is partnering with civil societies and religious leaders to resolve domestic
wrangles that have increased as a result of compensation funds.
Ms Margret Katusiime, 40, a resident of Kakindo Village in Buliisa town council, who received Shs520,
000 from Tullow Oil for her crops, which were destroyed during seismic operations, says: “When I
brought the money home, it is my husband who determined how the money would be spent.”
Whereas Ms Violet Kwesiga, 31, had hoped to determine how Shs1.6 million she received as
compensation for her cassava and maize garden, that did not happen.
She grudgingly accepted the decisions taken by her husband in regards to how the money should be
spent.
“My husband bought a goat, household items and used the money to enroll for university education,”
MsKwesiga says.
The Buliisa District Land Board Secretary, Mr Godfrey Businge, says traditionally, communities in
Buliisa give more powers to husbands, who are family heads, to dictate affairs in a home.
“It is unfortunate and unacceptable that communities do not allow married women to own property
in a home. This explains why compensation money is often confiscated from wives by their respective
husbands” MrBusinge says.
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
He adds: “Out of every 100 land applications received in this district, only two to three are filed by
women.”
Oil companies operating in the district compensate owners of property destroyed during oil operations
basing on the local government compensation rates. Compensation rates are proposed by the district
and approved by the chief government valuer depending on prevailing market rates.
However, some residents say the money they received as compensation for their damaged property
was too little while others complain about the reported delay in compensating them.
Others also say their names were omitted from the list of those expecting compensation.
The Executive Director of Global Rights Alert, an NGO building advocacy capacities of communities
adjacent to oil sites, Ms Winnie Ngabiirwe, says: “Families need to unite and work together to tap the
opportunities that have come with oil.”
Ms Ngabirwe’s organisation is currently offering skills and training to families and communal
associations in conflict resolution, financial literacy and managing income generating projects.
She says various studies in mineral-rich countries have revealed that oil revenues can accelerate
development and transform lives of the rural poor. MsNgabirwe, however, adds that there are a
number of risks associated with oil exploitation.
“In instances where benefits have been realised, gender bias has prevailed with risks such as
environmental and social harm falling heavily on women. These varying experiences of men and
women in the extractive industry have hence significantly impacted their abilities to participate in and
contribute to development,” MsNgabirwe says.
Tullow Oil, through collaboration with TRIAS, an NGO, has provided trainings to recipients of
compensations on how best to utilise the money obtained.
“The objective was to encourage them to invest wisely and have savings for the future,” the Tullow Oil
Communication Manager, Ms Cathy Adengo, says.
When asked to reveal the observations made by the company about the changes in communities due
to compensations received, Ms Adengo says Tullow Oil is undertaking social economic studies which
will enable the company to understand the current environment better.
The women in Buliisa want the government and oil companies to give the special consideration in
allocation of jobs, business contracts and training.
The Minister of State for Bunyoro Affairs, Mr Ernest Kiiza, says the government is committed to
address the concerns of the people in the region to enable them enjoy the full benefits that accrue from
oil exploitation.
He says his ministry will liaise with the chief government valuer to address the compensation needs
of the residents.
“However, they should also strategise and tap the benefits that have come with oil. The people should
educate their children to pursue sciences and other petroleum-related courses, improve on their
agricultural production to target supplying food and other agricultural products to oil workers,” he
said.
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Uganda discovered commercially viable oil deposits in the Albertine Graben in 2006 after years of
survey by Ugandan geologists. Since then oil exploration has been ongoing leading to the drilling of 89
wells, out of which 77 had oil deposits.
So far the total reserves that have been discovered are 3.5 billion barrels of oil, out of which 1.2 billion
barrels or 1.7 billion barrels can be recovered depending on what technology or methods of extraction
are used.
Statistics from the ministry of energy and mineral development indicated that the revenue that can be
reaped from the recoverable oil amounts to 150 billion US dollars.
Currently extended oil well testing is taking place to determine how the oil will be drilled out. Some oil
amounting to 36,000 barrels of crude oil has so far been got out of 16 wells during the testing.
There are three multinational oil companies operating in western Uganda and these include British oil
company Tullow, France’s Total and China’s CNOOC.
Buliisa District
Buliisa District, which was carved out of Masindi District in 2006, is within Exploration Area-2 where
Tullow oil, one of the firms exploring for oil is operating.
Oil exploration activities have been undertaken in gardens, communal settlements and grazing areas.
Several farms, grazing areas and property have been destroyed to create routes to the oil exploration
sites. Tullow oil provides compensation for destroyed property.
Website: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/651794-uganda-losing-billions-to-mineral-
smuggling.html
Bottom of Form
KISORO – Undulating hills with sparse rainforests and streams give Kisoro a spectacular beauty seen
nowhere else in Uganda. But this beauty conceals a dark, thinly disguised secret, mineral smuggling
racket, which has kept the area impoverished and costs Uganda billions of shillings in revenue.
Kisoro is one of Uganda’s richest districts in mineral deposits like tin, gold and wolfram (tungsten).
However, while the smugglers are happy, district officials are cursing.
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“The district does not get any revenue from the minerals,” says Milton Bazanye, the district chairman.
“The energy ministry says Kisoro only has exploration licenses. But unknown to the officials in
the ministry, most of these so called explorers are mining and selling minerals without paying any
royalties.”
Bazanye singles out Kirwa, a prominent wolfram mine, which, according to officials at the mines
department in the energy ministry, was closed two years ago.
Despite the closure, mining goes on, but no revenue is remitted to the Government.
“One Saturday morning, down the Kirwa hills in Kabaya village, Nyarubuye sub-county, I found 16
young men scrounging in mounds of suspected wolfram deposits, as others crushed rocks in search of
the mineral,” said Bazanye.
Milton Nsanze, one of the artisanal miners in Kirwa, said a person can collect between 2kg and 4kg of
wolfram a day. Their manager, Gerald Ndagyize, said they are hired by G. Nzabonimpa of SEB and
Company Ltd., a Kisoro-based mining company.
Nzabonimpa buys the wolfram at sh10,000 per kilo. But Nsanze said sometimes they hide the wolfram
and sell it to another businessman at sh17,000 per kilo.
According to Nsanze, the businessman sells the wolfram to someone in Kigali at sh37,000 per kilo. But
Nzabonimpa’s son, Alex Nambajimana, who doubles as the company director, said they do not engage
in illicit dealings, even though their exploration license was still valid at the time the mine was closed.
Nationwide problem
Vincent Kato, the principal geologist in the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development, says
smuggling of minerals is not limited to Kisoro.
While on an operation last year, Kato and other officials from the energy ministry arrested a man trying
to smuggle 45kg of wolfram, worth over sh1.2m, from Nyamuriro in Isingiro district, into Tanzania. In
Muko sub-county, Kabale district, heaps of iron ore are sold by the roadside.
While Rwanda and Tanzania are the popular end points for mineral smugglers in the western region,
most minerals in Karamoja and eastern Uganda end up in Kenya.
Karamoja has more than 300 artisanal gold miners, each with a capacity to mine about 27 grams a day
(10kgs a year), according to Kato. There are more gold miners in Busia, Buhweju, Kigezi, Mubende,
Namayingo and Mubende. Despite having hundreds of small-scale miners, national gold production
(exports) has averaged 3kg per year for the last five years, according to records at the mines department.
Records show that no gold was produced in 2009, while in 2012, the department recorded 4.3kgs,
worth sh5m.
Last year, it was 3.9kgs, worth sh3.2m. Most likely, much of the gold mined is not reported to the mines
department as miners would rather smuggle it out of the country to avoid paying royalties. Besides
the artisanal/ the illegal miners, could it also be possible that licensed miners are evading paying
royalties?
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Unlike oil fields where the Government deploys geologists to monitor activities, it has no resident
officials in the mines. The Government has thus always depended on the mercy of the mining companies
to declare the quantities they have mined.
One is charged tax/royalties, depending on one’s declarations. A 2012 inspection report on limestone
mining in Hima by Edmond Ssekimwanyi, a senior statistician in the geology department, listed
difficulty in monitoring royalties paid for mined limestone as one of the key challenges.
In financial year 2010/2011, the Government recovered sh5.4b from Kasese Cobalt Company for
unpaid royalties between 2004 and 2009.
Investigations started when an employee informed the Police that they were underquoting invoices
for mineral exports, specifically cobalt metal, copper and nickel hydroxide, to pay lower royalties.
Kato has singled out the cement sector as worthy of further investigation. A source, who preferred
anonymity, added that more minerals are smuggled through the airport, under the guise of exploration
licenses.
More than three quarters of the licenses issued by the mines department each year are for exploration.
For instance, of the 839 licenses that were valid by June last year, about 500 were exploration licenses,
according to the energy and mineral annual sector performance report for 2012/2013. The three-year
exploration licenses, which are renewable twice, allow holders to pick potential mineral samples from
to test their commercial viability.
The exploration samples are tax-free. But it has emerged that a number of players are hiding under
exploration licenses to smuggle minerals out of Uganda.
“Most of the exploration companies are not doing exploration, but speculation. Several have failed to
comply with the conditions of the exploration license,” reads a 2012 report on appraisal of exploration
and mining licenses.
The report was compiled by a four-man committee, set up by the energy ministry permanent secretary,
Kabagambe Kaliisa, to investigate challenges in the mineral sector. The committee disclosed that most
holders of exploration licenses are engaged in mining instead.
According to a source in the ministry, the problem is exacerbated by the lack of a mineral testing
laboratory, which means samples have to be taken abroad for testing.
“In the process, the so-called mineral explorers smuggle out large quantities of minerals disguised as
samples, without paying royalties,” the source explained.
For instance, while the ministry recorded only 3.9kg of gold worth sh3.2m produced last year, the
source revealed a mineral explorer who made off with 500kg of gold, worth sh419.2m, disguised as
samples, through Entebbe Airport in June last year.
Kato confirmed the incident and called for cooperation from the airport staff in fighting mineral smuggling.
“The airport staff should first crosscheck with us to confirm whether the quantities of mineral samples
being taken out are the ones we permitted,” Kato explained.
“But concerning this particular incident, they called me when the person had already flown out.”
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The law
1. Any person who takes, conceals or otherwise disposes of any ore or any metal or mineral in or
about a mine, with intent to defraud any person, commits a felony and is liable to imprisonment
for five years.
2. Any person who exports or imports any goods from or into Uganda, packed in any package,
whether or not with other goods, in a manner calculated to deceive any authorised officer, commits
the offence of smuggling. On conviction, that person is liable to imprisonment for not less than
three years and not more than 14 years; and shall in addition pay a fine of not more than sh5m.
Should the offender default, he/she shall be sentenced to a further term of imprisonment of not
more than two years.
3. Where in the course of smuggling, an offender is armed, uses or threatens to use a deadly weapon,
the offender shall, on conviction, be sentenced to death.
Time check is 7:20am on a windy Sunday. I set out to verify allegations that minerals are smuggled
through the Cyanika border in Kisoro. Boda boda riders at the border lead me to Emma, who refers to
himself as the ‘chief smuggler’.
According to Emma, if one wants to smuggle, they have to hide the minerals in his makeshift office
during the day for easy departure to Rwanda at night.
“Most times, we use boda boda on the paths in the forest (near the border post),” he said.
“We have Indian buyers from Kigali whom we meet in Rwanda, not far from the border.”
Emma says they sometimes smuggle more than 100kg of minerals, mainly wolfram, in one day, selling
it at sh25,000 per kilogramme.
Although most smugglers use hidden paths, a policeman on duty that Sunday, whom I tricked into
believing that I wanted to join the illicit trade, said it was possible to use the official border post.
“You place the wolfram in a box of mineral water or milk. Give the box to the boys who sell snacks at
the border. They will go through,” the policeman said.
The Kisoro LC5 chairman, Milton Bazanye, says when the district complained about illegal mining
last year, the Police set up a post at Nuyu, about 70 metres from Kirwa mine. But its presence has not
stopped the illicit business.
District Police Commander Bosco Otim refused to comment on the illicit trade.
Officers at Cyanika border, one of the most notorious mineral smuggling routes, as well as Uganda
Revenue Authority’s western region spokesperson, Charles Lumanyika, also declined to comment.
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Mineral smuggling in Kisoro is so widespread and lucrative that students have been compelled to join
the bandwagon.
“During my S4 vacation in 2012, I used to smuggle minerals from Kirwa to Rwanda, through
Cyanika border. I would earn about sh500,000 a week,” said a teenager in Nuyu trading centre.
“I made a lot of money and decided that after S6, I would go straight into the business.”
There are only three field inspectors of mines, stationed in Kabale, Mbarara and Tororo regional offices.
Each inspector has more than five districts to monitor on a fuel budget of sh300,000 for every three
months.
He is also given sh150,000 every three months to run the office. The entire department, which generates
over sh4b revenue a year, works on a sh250m annual budget.
“This money cannot do much in monitoring mines. It is frustrating,” a mines inspector said on condition
of anonymity.
No wonder, Milton Bazanye, the district chairman for Kisoro, said they did not see any mines inspector
in their area last year. The geological survey and mines department estimates that the Government
loses over sh4b to mineral smuggling every year.
Officials expect to recover this if the department’s budget is increased to at least sh1b, to intensify
inspection.
“We are losing a lot of revenue through smuggling. If we reduce smuggling, the revenue from mineral
royalties will shoot up to more than sh8b,” Kato said.
Mineral smuggling has been reported across Africa, although it is more widespread in the great lakes
region. International agencies have attributed the endless conflicts in the region to proceeds from
illegal mining and smuggling, especially in the DR Congo.
After its inception in 2012, the Tanzania Minerals Audit Agency made 37 arrests of mineral smugglers
involving $10.3m (about sh26b) within two years, according to a report released this month.
Tanzania wants the East African Community to harmonise mining policies and legal framework to
curb mineral smuggling in the region.
Way forward
Kato says there is a plan to restructure the ministry and divide the current geological survey and mines
department into three semi-independent departments, with separate commissioners.
The proposed departments include mines, geothermal resources and geological survey. The plan,
which was passed by the Cabinet last year, is waiting for the Ministry of Finance to study the financial
implications before implementation. Kato expects the move to increase the number of staff to monitor
mines.
To strengthen the sector, the Government ought to implement the certification of minerals, to indicate
their origin and formalize artisanal mining, as required by the 2010 guidelines set by the International
Conference on the Great Lakes Region.
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Website: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Regulator-on-the-spot-over-oil-data/-
/688334/1958026/-/10pnjxyz/-/index.html
KAMPALA - Local government leaders from the north and the northeast want Uganda’s development
partners to unlock the financial assistance that they withheld due to corruption in the Office of the
Prime Minister (OPM).
They said the freezing of US$372 million (Shs967 billion) in financial assistance to Uganda has
compromised the local governments’ ability to complete infrastructural projects.
However, the partners should channel the funds directly to the intended beneficiaries, the leaders said
during a public dialogue yesterday in Kampala.
“Should the donors resume the funding, they should send the funds directly to the district local
governments,” said Mr John Lorot, the regional chairperson of the Uganda Local Governments
Association.
He said they have lost faith in the OPM since it has mismanaged the $600 million (Shs1.5 trillion) purse
Peace, Recovery and Development Plan (PRDP) meant to restore infrastructure in 55 districts that were
affected by the 20-year Lord’s Resistance Army insurgency.
Mr Basil Cox Abaa Ezamah, the programme officer for Community Action for Rural Development
Strategy in Arua District, blamed the development partners for misdirecting the financial assistance.
“If the donors say they are not giving the money, it is fine,” said MrEzamah. “The donors are the
problem; when it is time for planning, they look at civil society as an enemy. But when it comes to
embezzlement, they ask civil society to help.”
But Mr Patrick Okello Oryema, the Nwoya District chairperson, said districts under the PRDP are now
having problems completing some infrastructural projects because of a shortage of funds.
Website: http://observer.ug/component/content/article?id=24513:5-years-on-local-service-
tax-remains-a-pipe-dream
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Many local governments have tried, and miserably failed, to raise any meaningful revenue from the Local Service
tax (LST). So, does the tax serve any meaningful purpose five years after it was introduced? EdwardSsekika
has been talking to several leaders and finds that this question draws a variety of passionate responses from local
government authorities.
In July 2008, Parliament introduced the local service tax to replace the abolished graduated tax. Many
local governments applauded the initiative. Martin Mapenduzi Ojara, the Gulu district chairman, who
was a district councilor then, was one of the optimists. Ojara hoped the new tax would plug the revenue
hole in local governments and enable them [local governments] finance their mandated operations.
The abolition of graduated tax in FY 2005/2006 heavily hurt revenue collection in local governments,
since the taxed used to contribute 80% of all district revenues.
“We welcomed the tax with a lot of expectations. I hoped it would end the local government’s financial
stress,” Ojara said in an interview, stressing that he hoped the tax would greatly enhance local revenue
generation in the district.
Local service tax and hotel taxes were introduced by the Local Governments (Amendment) Act 2008
and were meant to plug the financial gap created by the graduated tax abolition. The taxes that became
operational on July 1, 2008 were meant to enhance local governments’ capacity to generate local
revenues to be able to offer services to the people.
The Local Government (Amendment) Act 2008, provides that local service tax is levied on salaries of
employees after deducting Pay As You Earn (PAYE).
According to the Act, those eligible to pay the tax include; persons in gainful employment (civil servants
and those employed in the private sector), self-employed, practising professionals, self-employed
artisans, businesspeople and commercial farmers, among others.
However, after five years, Ojara’s expectations are fading. “I think local service tax has failed to serve
the purpose for which it was introduced,” he says. Ojara says very little revenue can be raised from
the tax.
Abdulla Kiganda, the Gulu district Chief Administrative Officer (CAO), notes that in fact, in many
rural areas local revenue from local service tax is even negligible. Kiganda concurs with Ojara on the
effectiveness of the tax.
“I don’t think it has taken off,” Kiganda notes. He says weak implementation procedures, too many
exemptions and weak enforcement mechanisms are to blame for the lack of effectiveness.
The amount of tax paid by a taxpayer depends on one’s level of income. For instance, tax collection
guidelines issued by the Local Government Financial Commission in 2008 indicate that a person
earning between Shs 100,000 and Shs 200,000 per month is supposed to pay Shs 5,000 as local service
tax annually, while one who earns between Shs 200,000 and Shs 300, 000 pays Shs 10,000.
However, persons earning a monthly salary of less than Shs 100,000 are exempt from paying the tax
together with members of the UPDF, police, prisons, unemployed persons, petty traders and peasants.
The tax is deducted directly from income just like PAYE and NSSF deductions. Kiganda says although
the act provided for a wide tax base, including taxing farmers, traders, self-employed people and
artisans, among others, these categories were later exempted from paying the tax.
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The act had stipulated that business persons with a turnover of over Shs 500,000 monthly would also
be eligible to pay Shs 5,000 in LST while those with a turnover of over Shs 10m would pay Shs 100,000
annually.
Commercial farmers, who own more than five acres under crop, or own 20 exotic cows or 50 local
cows, were initially eligible to pay the LST. Self-employed artisans were to pay between Shs 10,000
and Shs 20,000.
“We received a circular that exempted commercial farmers and others from paying the tax,” Kiganda
says. The bulk of the country’s workforce is found in agriculture or in small and informal enterprises
which are difficult to tax. The rest, owners of shops, restaurants, bars, furniture workshops, food
vendors and garages are now exempted from the tax, narrowing the revenue base.
This places primary school teachers and other persons who earn less than Shs 300,000 monthly as the
bulk of taxpayers in rural areas at Shs 10,000 in LST tax annually.
“Currently, LST is paid mainly by teachers and other civil servants,” Kiganda says.
Meager collections
Kiganda explains that all salaried people, even those employed in the private sector are supposed to
pay the tax, but compliance is low. He says it is mainly municipalities that have many salaried people
which are benefiting from LST. “Look at a rural sub county, how many salaried people are there It is
mainly primary school teachers. The money collected is too little,” he said.
“This money can’t even help us to fund council sittings and meet our co-funding obligations,” he
stressed. For instance, Kiganda says revenues from the local service tax can’t even fund 1% of the
district budget.
At its inception, local service tax was expected to generate between Shs 67bn and Shs 80bn annually
from across the country, compared to the Shs 70bn generated from graduated tax. However, not even
a quarter of the projected revenue has been realized. The Local Government Finance Commission 2011
annual report released in February 2012, noted that the performance of LST continues to be poor with
little revenue realized.
For instance, according to the report, in the 2008/2009 fiscal year, out of the projected Shs 80bn, local
goverments were only able to collect Shs 3.8bn, while Shs 9bn was collected in 2009/2010 fiscal year.
“The introduction of the Local Service Tax and Local Government Hotel Tax, has not yet made any
recognizable impact,” the report notes. “We are facing a big problem, local governments are not able
to perform,” Kiganda said.
Though the Act makes it an offence for any person without lawful excuse, to neglect or fail to pay the
tax, Kiganda says there is a high level of non-compliance which is one of the biggest hurdles affecting
the efficacy of the tax.
Challenging tax
Betty Nambooze Bakireke, the shadow local government minister, notes that too many exemptions
have made LST a ‘joke’. “It is confusing; almost everyone is exempted from this tax. Apart from
teachers and civil servants, I don’t think there are people paying this tax,” Nambooze said. The MP
says she wants to do something about it.
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“I’m going to move a motion in parliament either to have the local service tax abolished completely
because it has no impact or to put in place measures to improve it,” Nambooze stressed.
Nambooze says that in justifying the abolition of graduated tax, government campaigned against
all direct taxes as ‘unjust and outdated’; so, imposing another direct tax is difficult. “That is why
government had to exempt many people because it would look like graduated tax but in a different
name,” Namboze said.
The Local Government Finance Commission report 2011 also notes that the threshold (Shs 100,000) is
still high, exempting a good number of prospective taxpayers from LST. Kiganda also notes that the
shortage of data on private sector employees makes assessment very difficult.
Nambooze believes the LST is failing because it was born on a false foundation. “How can you tell
how much a self-employed person earns? That [is] why they later had to exempt many would-be
taxpayers,” she says, adding that some districts can’t collect Shs 3m in LST.
Reforms
Ojara explains that abolishing graduated tax was cheap politics and a bad financial judgment and,
therefore, wants it re-introduced.
“We have already made a proposal to the central government through Uganda Local Government
Association to institute a viable tax where local governments can raise enough revenue to extend
services to the people,” Ojara stressed.
According to Ojara, government should reintroduce graduated tax and come up with creative and
humane collection mechanisms. “The best thing to do is not to hide in shortcuts but reintroduce
graduated tax,” he said.
Kiganda wants the act that introduced the tax amended to provide for an elaborate mechanism of
people employed in the private sector to pay the tax and also provide for penalties for non-compliance.
Nambooze notes that local governments play a fundamental role in the implementation of national
growth and poverty reduction strategies and, therefore, needs sound financing.
This Observer feature is published in partnership with Panos Eastern Africa, with funding from the European
Union’s Media for Democratic Governance and Accountability project.
Website: http://www.independent.co.ug/cover-story/9159-shs-23-billion-swindled-per-
month-investigators-show
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
Butaleja district in eastern Uganda always has some of the worst performing schools in national
primary and secondary level exams. In a recent report, the Butaleja District Education Officer, Philips
Kalyebi, blamed the poor results on the pupils. He said more than 40% of school-going age children
miss school and go into rice farming, which is the district’s craze. New information, however, suggests
that Kalyebi might have to find another explanation.
An investigation by the ministry of Finance has found that, in fact, most schools in Butaleja are non-
existent. They are what are commonly called “ghost” schools.
These are fake schools; with fake pupils and teachers, that are deliberately created by a racket of
officials to swindle the government.
In the preliminary findings of the ministry of Finance Investigation, it was discovered that about Shs30
billion is swindled each year.
Officials from the ministry of Education, Public Service, and local government are possibly the main
architects in a scam in which about Shs2.3 billion is stolen every month.
On average, a Primary school teacher earns Shs320, 000 a month, and a Secondary School teacher,
Shs500, 000. The money being stolen each month is enough to pay 5000 secondary school teachers and
8000 in primary.
In all, the investigation has unearthed 221 ghost schools with registered pupils paid for by the
government, teachers earning salaries.
Butaleja district, with 78, has the highest number of ghost schools. It is closely followed by Kayunga
with 73 and Mubende with 37 among others. That is why the Butaleja DEO needs to find another
explanation for the district’s poor performance – together with the Minister of Education, Jessica Alupo.
By the time of going into print, The Independent had failed to contact the DEO, Philips Kalyebi.
However, we succeeded in reaching the minister.
But Alupo declined to comment on the investigation findings and instead referred us to the Permanent
Secretary, whose known telephone numbers were not on.
When The Independent told Emmanuel Dombo, the MP for Bunyole County East in Butaleja that his
district had 78 ghost schools, he sounded shocked.
“78 ghost schools, is that possible?” Dombo said, “I would like to first be sure of the figures but if that
is the case, it should be easy to trace and punish the culprits.”
He is right.
Museveni warns
Ghosts have for long hogged into and crippled Uganda’s budget.
On June 13 President YoweriMuseveni had a terse message for government officials: “I will not tolerate
any further financial waste and the issue of ghosts must stop immediately”.
Even before Museveni’s public warning, ministry of Finance officials had already started scouring the
payrolls for ghosts.
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Baseline Study of Press Coverage of Public Affairs in Uganda
With his bosses breathing down his neck, the Permanent Secretary/Secretary to the Treasury, Keith
Muhakanizi appears to have increased his pace.
Since the ministry of Education also carries out school, pupils and teachers census, officials at the
ministry of finance decided to compare the lists from the accounting officers and those from the
ministry of Education.
In most of the cases, the ministry of Education had more schools, pupils and teachers than those
submitted by the local governments, the findings show.
For instance, while the local governments submitted 10,037 schools, the ministry of Education’s school
list exceeded this by 221 schools.
The findings also reveal a big variance between the number of pupils and students that enrolled for
Primary One and Senior One and those that sat Primary Seven and Senior Six.
In another case, the Accounting Officers submitted 5,442,547 as the number of enrolled pupils, but the
number of the ministry of Education is bigger than this by 402,957 pupils.
John Muwanga, the Auditor General after a review of UPE in 2013 indicated that the government was
losing billions of shillings to ghost pupils and teachers.
Poor districts like Butaleja have also been budgeting massively for the education sector. According
to Dombo, Shs8.4 billion of the Shs17 billion of 2013/2014 Butaleja district budget was hogged by
education.
Particularly, the Auditor General discovered, several registered pupils were missing examinations yet
government paid for their registration (PLE fees).
For instance, while a total of 1,181,938 enrolled for Primary One, only 395,818 sat Primary Leaving
Examinations (PLE). This means that 66.5% of the students that enrolled for P.1 never made it to P.7
or that of every 100 students that enrolled for P.1, 67 never made it to P.7. Where did they disappear?
While a case can be made for high school dropout rates in Uganda, officials say that this discrepancy
is best explained by ghosts.
Fake pupils
The officials say that while the racketeers could manage to create as many ghosts between P.1 and P.6,
they invariably had to drop them in P.7 because of the national exam; the Primary Leaving Exam.
It is argued that while fake pupils could be created in distant districts like Butaleja between P.1 and P.6,
the documentation required for PLE candidates was too elaborate to be forged.
The impact of the ghosts, officials say, is that government’s meagre resources have for several years
been splashed on the ghosts instead of real students, schools and teachers.
Last year, Ministry of Education bosses complained that while enrolment to primary increased from
8,337,069 in 2012 to 8,390,674 in 2013 and that of the secondary, from 1,251,507 in 2012 to 1,257,378 in
2013, their budget had not changed much. They wanted more money.
Instead, the Minister of Finance, Maria Kiwanuka, in the 2014/15 budget slashed the Education
ministry budget to Shs1.7 trillion from last year’s Shs1.8 trillion.
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There has also been restlessness in the Education ministry with endless strikes by teachers over pay
and a host of other issues.
James Tweheyo, the General Secretary, Uganda National Teachers Union (UNATU), told The
Independent that it is clear now instead of allocating teachers to schools and paying them; officials in
the racket would create pseudo names, and pay them.
“This would give an impression that the schools sealing for the teachers was full when in actual sense,
the teachers were non-existent,” he says.
Tweheyo, a former Head Teacher of Nyakayojo Secondary School located in Mbarara, western Uganda,
says that the biggest problem was at the district level.
“Personnel at the district level would hide the details such that the headmasters and teachers would
not see them and even the CAO (chief accounting officer of the district) would not see them,” he says.
“These officials had become small gods, they would delete and reinstate. In some cases, those who
were very corrupt would demand a chunk of the arrears, if they were to reinstate a teacher on the
payroll.”
In Kalangala district, for instance, the UNATU secretary general, Tweheyo says that while 1825 were
on payroll as staff, after verification, it was discovered that Kalangala had less than 600 workers. The
same verification showed that story was the same as in Luuka and Manafwa districts.
Some teachers also noted that politicians were conniving with the office of the DEO and CAO to carry
out incessant transfers. Transfers, UNATU’s Tweheyo says, is one of the ways through which officials
create ghost teachers.
“It is because of situations like these that you have some teachers spending years and years without
ever being part of the payroll,” Tweheyo said.
As for ghost schools, Tweheyo believes that there is a possibility that the ministry of education may
have been spending this money on private schools.
“Of course, this means that influential people able to finance their schools have using money that
should have been allocated to public schools,” Tweheyo says, “These issues are at the heart of the poor
performance and poor quality of public schools.”
Muhakanizi’s reforms
The findings are part of a process of reforms that Keith Muhakanizi, the Treasury Secretary and his
army of technocrats at the ministry of Finance embarked on last year to clean the government payroll.
Maria Kiwanuka had told parliament in 2013 that the clean-up could save government up to Shs70
billion that is lost in the irregularities on the payroll especially, the proliferation of ghosts.
To reform the payroll, Muhakanizi and his technocrats chose to decentralise it and create a new system
all together called the Integrated Personnel Payroll System (IPPS).
The system was only rolled out this year. The switch from the old and flawed system to the new one
partly explains why thousands of civil servants have spent several months without pay, the officials
say.
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Recently, Speaker of Parliament Rebecca Kadaga ordered a select committee of MPs to investigate
claims that an estimated 9,000 public sector employees had gone for months without pay.
A 2012 special audit by the Auditor General on government’s salaries and wages showed that
government had lost Shs34 billion due to irregularities in the payroll.
Another 2013 partial report by the Auditor General on the government payroll found and recommended
that over 8,000 ghost names be deleted from the government payroll. The report was as a result of
validation of only 34% of the payroll.
An August 2012 Commission of Inquiry Report into the mismanagement of funds under UPE and USE
report noted that ghost teachers and pupils were amongst the education sector.
The commission found that some districts were deducting, inflating and sometimes mismanaging
money disbursed by the government and recommended that government considers releasing UPE
funds directly from Finance to the respective schools.
“The failure to carry out regular inspection of all schools and compile quarterly reports hampered
ability to assess the compliance of schools with expenditure and other UPE guidelines and financial
accountability,” a report by the Auditor General reported.
It is these findings that Treasury Secretary Keith Muhakanizi to attempt to clean up the payroll by
ensuring that responsibility for management and approval of the final payroll and salary payments
moves from the ministry of Public Service to accounting officers.
In his new reforms, Muhakanizi has also asked school head-teachers to file quarterly reports.
Under the new system, the ministry of Public Service will still be responsible for verification and
generation of the preliminary payroll on the basis of pay change reports submitted by local governments,
Muhakanizi says.
But it is the accounting officers that will have the final authority to verify and effect payment to
individual bank accounts of the public servants.
In all this, the ministry of finance will only ensure adequate budgeting and issue payment based on
invoices generated and approved by accounting officers through the Integrated Financial Management
System (IFMS).
Apart from the new system, the ministry of finance has directed accounting officers to print and display
monthly payrolls on public notice boards for scrutiny. This is one of the demands that teachers raised
with governments.
In the new system, Muhakanizi ordered that each local government’s accounting officer compiles lists
of pupils, teachers and schools in their area, and sends it to the ministry of Public Service. The ministry
of Public Service then forwards it back to the local government accounting officers and the ministry of
Finance at the same time.
Then the CAO also forwards them after verification to the ministry of Finance, which pay through the
Central Bank. Before money is wired to personal accounts, the accounting officer must first certify and
approve. In case of ghosts, they will be liable.
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What the new system does in brief is that “it rests final responsibility with the accounting officers,
which wasn’t the case in the old system,” an official at the ministry of finance said.
Apart from the new payroll system, teachers will also be receiving their pay slips and the names of the
workers will be published on the noticeboards of local governments.
However, even with this new system challenges remain. A June report by the Select committee on
Salary Anomalies in the Uganda Public Service found that the migration of employee data on to the
IPPS resulted into massive errors.
These errors, apart from explaining delayed payment, over and under payment of salaries also led to
the existence of ghosts on the payroll.
Website: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Government-tables-Bill-to-outlaw-
miniskirts/-/688334/1739768/-/p77d82/-/index.html
The Bill defines pornography as any cultural practice, form of behaviour or form of communication or speech or
information or literature or publication in whole or publication in part or news story.
Wearing of miniskirts could soon land one in jail or attract heavy fines if Parliament approves a new
piece of legislation that seeks to further clarify the offence of pornography in Uganda’s laws.
The government is riding on its view that pornography has become such an “insidious social problem”
to get the Bill through Parliament.
It also argues that because there has been an “increase in pornographic materials in the Ugandan mass
media and nude dancing in the entertainment world”, there is need to establish a legal framework to
regulate such vices.”
In its current form, it is proposed that those found guilty of abetting pornography face a fine of Shs10
million under the draft law titled: The Anti-Pornography Bill, 2011 or a jail stint not exceeding 10 years,
or both.
But the draft law ran into early turbulence in the Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Committee
yesterday after some members expressed concerns about its implications for freedoms guaranteed in
the Constitution.
MPs in the committee also criticised the government’s attempts to legislate for sex, a course of action
which could see it labelling some age-old cultural practices as pornographic.
The Bill defines pornography as any cultural practice, form of behaviour or form of communication
or speech or information or literature or publication in whole or publication in part or news story or
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entertainment or stage play or broadcast or music or dance or art or graphic or picture or photography
or video recording or leisure activity or show or exhibition.
It also prohibits any combination of the preceding that depicts unclothed or under clothed parts of
the human body such as breasts, thighs, buttocks and genitalia, a person engaged in explicit sexual
activities or conduct; erotic behaviour intended to cause sexual excitement and any indecent act or
behaviour tending to corrupt morals.
Lawmakers said the Bill’s definition of pornography was too broad and that it went against Uganda’s
tradition of being tolerant of cultural diversity.
Ethics Minister Simon Lokodo, who presented the proposed law backed by Deputy Attorney General
Fred Ruhindi, said the Bill was needed to protect women and children against exploitation and curb
the increasing immorality.
“The need to put in place a law that prohibits pornography is necessitated by the dangers it poses to
moral fabric of the society,” Rev Lokodo said, adding that the right to entertainment and the right to
broadcast or publish any material does not include the right to engage in pornographic matters or
obscene publication as they tend to corrupt public morals.
The minister speaks about “serious defects” in existing laws which make it imperative for new laws to
stamp out pornography.
“The right to entertainment and the right to broadcast or publish any material does not include the
right to engage or broadcast pornographic matters or obscene publication in so far as they tend to
offend or corrupt public morals,” he states in the Bill.
The minister said one of the dangers of pornography is that it fuels sexual crimes against women and
children, including rape and child molestation.
While the Bill seeks to outlaw indecent dressing among other social behaviours deemed pornographic
under the legal parameters of the Bill, the lawmakers said the lack of definition for what constitutes
“decent dressing” makes the Bill awkward and asked the government to stop curtailing freedoms in
the country which could scare away tourists.
Responding to the members who expressed fears that the Bill might inhibit the sexual behaviours
of romantic spouses or couples, the minister said if the Bill is passed into law, pornography will not
include “any act or behaviour between spouses or couples performed in fulfillment of their conjugal
rights and responsibilities, where such matters are strictly private”.
Also pardoned in the Bill are the teaching aides and other medical or scientific apparatus approved
by the minister responsible for education or health, for appropriate educational purposes in schools,
institutions, health centres or the public.
While some committee members urged that Section 166 of the Penal Code Act, Cap.120 already outlaws
pornography, the minister said the Penal Code only caters for trafficking in obscene publication yet the
issue of pornography transcends publication.
Members, however, flatly rejected the minister’s proposal to establish an Anti-Pornography Committee,
observing that the police would enforce the law.
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Website: http://www.independent.co.ug/cover-story/8341-divided-parliament-museveni-
can-remove-kadaga
Since his election to the lofty position of Deputy Speaker of Parliament on May 19, 2011, Jacob Oulanyah
has rarely appeared on radio or TV talk shows. He has turned down almost all invitations. But on
Saturday Oct. 05, he made an unprecedented appearance on the no holds-barred KFM radio talk show,
Hard Talk. The following day, he was a panelist on the late night show, Fourth Estate, on NTV.
As he answered some really hard questions on both shows, Oulanyah’s presentation may have given
Ugandans their real first hand picture of the man, his office and indeed a Parliament that has been
under the spotlight.
Negative perception of Oulanyah’s handling of parliamentary business has been growing and appeared
to have hit the ceiling when Opposition MP Ssemuju Nganda was on Oct.02 violently evicted from the
House on his orders.
Oulanyah, while on the KFM radio, suggested that there could be foul play from Kadaga in his being
set up to appear as if he is the one being used to put Parliament under the President Yoweri Museveni’s
armpits.
“It is beginning to look like that and it is very unfortunate because for example among the things that
are cited is that I have mishandled the Mace,” he said.
“To be used shows you don’t have a brain of your own, you don’t think, you are just a machine that
is programmed. I have a brain that works and works fairly well,” he said. “There is no instance where
anybody has ever called me that ‘Oulanyah do this’ but that is the perception everywhere.”
Asked about his relationship with Kadaga, Oulanyah said he treats her like his “mom.”
But he insisted that Kadaga is not his supervisor, because the two offices are constitutional.
The Speaker apparently has no power to direct the decisions and actions of the Deputy Speaker because,
unlike a vice president, the office is constitutional and both have the same job description.
Helen Kaweesa, the public relations director at Parliament, admitted there was ‘a gap’.
The Constitution and the Parliamentary Rules of Procedure, it appears, did not envisage a sour working
relationship between the Speaker and the Deputy.
Even the Parliamentary Commission; among whose functions is to exercise disciplinary control over
persons holding public office in Parliament, cannot be helpful as an arbiter because it is chaired by the
Speaker and deputised by the Deputy Speaker.
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If the Deputy Speaker is not happy with his/her boss, he/she has no office to appeal to.
Asked about why he appears to handle the most controversial Bills, Oulanyah said Kadaga always
assigns him because he “can handle”.
Since his public relations efforts on radio, TV, and the press, pundits say Oulanyah has re-emerged
more or less unscathed and evidently more energised.
Kadaga might have thought that Oulanyah would be disadvantaged by presiding over controversial
Bills but her habit of pushing the ‘harder’ stuff into her Deputy’s in-tray appears to be playing in his
favour.
If the events of recent months are anything to go by, Oulanyah has emerged as a ‘stronger’ Speaker
than Kadaga not necessarily in the eyes of the public but as far as the NRM is concerned.
Added to his recent unprecedented decision to apologise on the floor of Parliament over the Ssemuju
incident, his maneuvers appear to have scored him more positive reviews.
Unfortunately, his improving image could complicate matters for Kadaga whose job, observers say;
Oulanyah is setting his eyes on.
By almost all accounts, the relationship between Kadaga and Oulanyah is less than collegial and has
been blamed for an alleged weakening of the institution they lead.
Bob Kasango, a top city lawyer and a director at The Independent Publications Ltd, told The Independent
that what is happening - especially the apparent NRM’s preference for Oulanyah - is bad for Parliament
and the country.
He said the quality of legislation produced under Oulanyah would suffer and the public would
continue to lose confidence in the institution. He said already, Opposition and some Independent MPs
switch into “offensive mode” once they know that Oulanyah would be chairing.
Oulanyah also switches into ‘defensive mode’, Kasango says. He said there is a danger that the quality
of debate would be compromised because moderate and reasonable voices would either go silent or
keep away from the House all together. “That would be bad for the country because laws passed in
that form would not be easily enforceable,” he says.
Museveni’s choice
What is clear is that the gap between Kadaga and Oulanyah appears to symbolise the struggle of
Parliament for independence from Museveni.
Some observers have told The Independent that the apparent rift between Kadaga and Oulanyah
should be blamed on President YoweriMuseveni’s desire to totally control Parliament. It is all part of
his penchant for control, which Kadaga resents, and Oulanyah appears ready to embrace.
Kadaga did not answer when The Independent sought her views about her style and relationship with
Oulanyah.
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But those who have worked closely with Museveni say he detests what he calls “paralysis” and more
so when he cannot have his way, and saying ‘no’ to him often invites reprisals.
Meanwhile, Ssemuju says Oulanyah’s behavior can be explained by his desire to show gratitude to
Museveni for the favours bestowed upon him and an ambition to be given Kadaga’s job one day.
Ssemuju at once describes Oulanyah as a “tool of President Museveni’s “oppression” and “a victim
who needs our collective effort to liberate him.”
“Part of his problem is that he looks at the office of the Deputy Speaker as a reward from [Museveni],”
Ssemuju says. “He must forever be grateful as he aspires to dislodge Speaker Rebecca Kadaga.”
Analysts say Museveni has always shown that he does not need a strong Speaker or a strong Parliament
that will stand in his way.
At Oulanyah’s wedding at Munyonyo on Jan 19, 2013, President Museveni, who also donated “a few
cows” to the couple, gave a stamp of approval of Oulanyah. He credited him for his role in helping the
NRM win back the Acholi sub-region from what he referred to as “a sectarian political class.”
This is because in the 2011 general elections, Museveni won more votes in the region than his opposition
rivals for the first time since 1996.
“Initially, we had a problem with a reactionary and sectarian political class in Acholi. But with the help
of people like Betty Bigombe, Oulanyah, and OkelloOryem, things have changed,” Museveni said.
Oulanyah, therefore, appears less dispensable to Museveni and the NRM than Kadaga.
Oulanyah would not mind running Museveni’s errands because he does not have anything to lose but
everything to gain.
He is a Johnny-come-lately to the ruling party. When Museveni was fighting to capture power in the
1980s in the jungles of Luwero, Oulanyahh was a white-shirted school boy at St. Joseph College Layibi
and Kololo Secondary School.
He entered politics barely 10 years ago in 2001 and moreover on an opposition UPC ticket until 2006
when he crossed to NRM.
But even as a UPC MP, Oulanyah did good work for Museveni in the 7th Parliament when he chaired
the Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Committee. The Committee, which largely criticised for being “a
mere rubber stamp,” was responsible for ‘okaying’ the Bill that amended the Constitution to scrap
term limits, which gave President Museveni the leeway to continue in power.
Oulanyah subsequently lost his Omoro County seat to his UPC rival but was never out of a job. He
eventually bounced back as an MP in 2011 thanks to the robust financial backing by the NRM to help
him beat his rival Simon ToolitAkecha with just over 1,900 votes.
He is also the only NRM MP among the four in Gulu District and was lucky to retain his seat after a
court petition almost overturned his victory.
To become a Deputy Speaker who is now exercising authority over diehard NRM supporters including
bush-war ‘historicals’ is like a dream come true. Many pundits did not expect him to wrestle the
Deputy Speakership from NRM stalwarts such as Wilfred Nuwagaba who had been widely tipped to
take the job.
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At just 48, Oulanyah is relatively a young man with a bigger portion of his political future still ahead of
him; so he knows that he has more to lose if he does not remain in the good books of the NRM.
Oulanyah therefore knows that he owes his political career to President Museveni and toeing the NRM
line appears to be the most reasonable thing to do.
Even if he were to lose the Omoro County seat to the Opposition in the 2016 elections, he knows he
could be assured of a good job in the government.
Kadaga, on the other hand, is unlikely to lose her Kamuli District Women seat in Parliament.
Her showing of more resolve in ensuring the independence of Parliament from Museveni has been
praised by some MPs and political observers. But it appears to be brewing trouble for her.
Highly placed sources suggested that moves had been made to remove Kadaga from Parliament and
shunt her into the Judiciary as a Supreme Court Judge, but she did not appear to show any interest.
The Speaker or Deputy Speaker can be removed with a petition of not less than one third of signatures
(120 members) and two thirds of votes in the plenary. Kadaga is aware that Museveni can easily garner
those votes. As a result, she possibly has to constantly look over her shoulder because there is a
precedent of a Speaker being removed from office prematurely.
The late James Wapakhabulo, a man dubbed Uganda’s best ever Speaker of Parliament, was in 1998
dropped in the middle of his term.
Having steered the Constituent Assembly across the turbulent constitution-making waters,
Wapakhabulo was a natural choice for the role of Speaker when he was elected as MP in the 1996
general elections. Barely two years later in the job, he lost the Speakership and was instead pushed to
be National Political Commissar.
Pundits claim he was punished for being too principled, too balanced, and too fair in the House, to the
chagrin of the executive.
Only days before he died in early 2004, Wapakhabulo wrote to Museveni warning him against his
attempt to lift term limits from the Constitution so that he could remain in power.
Wapakhabulo was replaced by Francis Ayume who did well for the NRM and was later rewarded with
an appointment as Attorney General.
Ayume’s successor Edward Ssekandi also worked well for his party and was rewarded with an
appointment to the lofty office of Vice President which he occupies today.
Apart from the direct danger to Kadaga, Prof. Frederick Jjuuko, a professor of jurisprudence at
Makerere University, says her rift with Oulanyah and Museveni might hurt Parliament.
Jjuuko says Kadaga is selfishly more focused on keeping her personal record intact than protecting the
integrity of Parliament. He says Kadaga, as an individual, needs to be viewed apart from her office.
“The two are different,” he said. “The Office of the Speaker is a constitutional office and must get more
protection from the one who holds it. Unfortunately, it is Kadaga and not the Office of the Speaker that
is being protected.”
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He added, “But the underlying problem is that the regime long ago switched into survival mode
and the reality is that President Museveni’s government has no capacity to contribute to democratic
governance as its capacity to do so was exhausted many years ago.”
Jjuuko said Parliament as an institution has been reduced to a group of personalities each seeking
his/her own interests and not the interests of Ugandans or the country at large. Aaron Mukwaya, a
Makerere University professor of political science, agrees and sees an even bigger problem, which he
calls “de-instutionalisation” of Parliament, the Office of the Speaker and the office of the MP. He says
this is a deliberate result of the ruling NRM party’s apparent objection to the existence of other strong
and independent institutions.
“What you have here is a Parliament that is supposed to be the voice of the people but has become
an omnibus of self-seekers to whom loyalty to Museveni is all that matters,” he said. “It’s beyond
reclamation; what this country needs now is a re-awakening of national consciousness to get new
leadership.”
However, despite all the goings on, Hellen Kaweesa, the Parliament spokesperson, continues to dismiss
claims that there is a rift between Kadaga and her Deputy.
She said they can and have always been able to resolve their issues amicably as “mature people.”
Even Ofwono Opondo, the executive director of the Uganda Media Centre and a government
spokesman, continues to speak of a “symbiotic relationship” between parliament and the executive.
But observers like Kasango say the various stakeholders – Kadaga, Oulanyah, Chief Whips, caucus
chairpersons, the Leader of Government Business (Prime Minister) and Leader of Opposition need to
have more behind- the-scenes engagements to resolve the impasse.
Veteran legislator Cecilia Ogwal agrees and blames the situation on the character of leaders this country
has, adding that it is difficult to understand why for instance Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi would
find it easier to speak to the media about the Speaker than to have a dialogue with her personally.
Ogwal says, however, the situation is not beyond redemption. But if Museveni continues to make
“Parliament an extension of the Executive,” Ugandans should only brace themselves for the worst
because even the government would not function properly as it should, and the country would only
sink deeper into despondency.
As Prof. Mukwaya told The Independent, in every democracy worth its name, the three arms of the State
must offer the checks and balances that enable the state to function properly. The extent to which the
Executive will allow that to happen is what remains to be seen.
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Website: http://observer.ug/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=28211:mps-
spend-shs-30bn-on-trips&catid=78:topstories&Itemid=116
Sometime this year, a parliamentary committee received an invitation to attend a high-level seminar in
one of the European capitals. The event was to be over in a couple of hours.
But the idea of flying to Europe for a single-day event appeared difficult to sell to parliamentary
authorities. The MPs had to think hard.
By the time Parliament approved the trip, the MPs were to spend four days out there, representing,
among other things, a sharp rise in the allowances due to them. While we cannot name the MPs
involved for legal reasons, this case represents a simmering crisis of integrity into which some MPs are
plunging Parliament, with foreign trips being seen as a chance for MPs to tour, shop, and make money.
And the figures show an unprecedented appetite for travel among MPs of the 9th Parliament. In just
three years, MPs will have travelled round the world at a cost of Shs 29.2bn, a sum arguably enough to
give 7,400 lowest-paid Ugandan teachers a 20 per cent pay rise raise for one year.
The Shs 29.2bn travel bill is Shs 7bn more than the Shs 22bn the eighth Parliament spent in five years
The Observer can reveal.
According to ministry of Finance figures, the Shs 29.2bn includes Shs 9.8bn meant to be spent this
financial year on foreign travel and the Shs 9.9bn and 9.5bn spent in financial years 2011/2012 and
2012/13, respectively.
Parliament’s expenditure on travel abroad between 2006 and 2011 was always capped at between Shs
4bn and Shs 5bn.
Whereas travel abroad is one way parliament executes its oversight and legislative roles, there are
concerns over whether the high expenditure is justified.
“It is good for lawmakers to travel if they are benchmarking on a bill, investigating an issue of public
importance or going out to attend conferences for capacity building but we should be cautious of how
much we spend on it as an activity,” says Mathias Mpuuga, the Masaka municipality MP.
MPs get to travel abroad in two ways. One can be nominated by a committee to do work on its behalf, or
the speaker’s office can nominate MPs to attend foreign meetings to which Ugandan MPs are invited.
MPs sanctioned to travel are facilitated by the Parliamentary Commission. Each financial year, every
committee of parliament is allocated at least Shs 400m for travel abroad while the rest of the money is
controlled by the speaker’s office.
The allure of foreign trips was brought into sharp focus last year, when the Kanungu Woman MP
Elizabeth Karungi complained to the speaker that she had not been selected for any foreign trip yet
some MPs were jet-setting all the time.
Committee chairpersons have since admitted that they come under a lot of pressure from members
begging for foreign trips.
“For instance, some members on my committee were pushing the committee leadership to sponsor
their travel to the Ugandan North American Association convention yet it was clear to them that this
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was not in line with our work,” says Bunya West MP Vincent Bagiire, vice chairperson of the committee
on Information and Communications Technology.
He insists that his committee has continuously refused to bow to any pressure from members.
“If the chairperson is weak, they can succumb to the pressure; or at times if the chairperson is one of
the beneficiaries, then the travel component is abused,” he said.
Speaker Rebecca Kadaga has in the past declined requests for travel from the Oil probe committee
due to insufficient funds. The committee wanted to travel to Angola and Botswana to learn the best
practices in the extractives sector. The call came just after Parliament had passed two oil bills.
“There was no reason for the trip but you see people want to exploit the travel opportunities as much
as they can,” said one member.
Money mint
So, what is it with travel? Some MPs admit that there is a lot more to this than the popular appeal of
airports and airplanes. For some, travelling abroad is a matter of survival, owing to the allowances
received.
“I know of a colleague who gets less than Shs 3m a month, as most of the money is deducted to clear
[loans]. If he gets an opportunity to travel, it will be a boost,” said Martin Wandera, former Workers’
MP.
On each trip, an MP, who travels business class, gets a per diem of $520 (Shs 1.3m) per day spent
abroad, excluding other expenses. On average, a travel delegation spends at least three days out of
the country. A parliamentary staffer, who recently travelled with some MPs to Asia, told us that some
used the trip to do shopping.
“In a four-day trip these two MPs only appeared for the official business on the last day,” said the
official, who requested anonymity.
Wandera blames this on having a Parliament that is not fairly well exposed.
“Some people have never travelled out of the country; so, they are excited and this puts the speaker or
committee chairpersons in some cases, under pressure because if one group travels, those who don’t
will claim to be sidelined,” he said.
Abuse of procedure
Our investigation reveals that this rule is rarely complied with and where reports are made they are
not made within the prescribed time.
For instance, a report of the delegation to the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of Nations and
European Union Joint parliamentary assembly standing committee meetings held in Brussels, Belgium
in October 2011 was written and tabled in February, 2012.
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Another, report on the gender responsive budgeting study tour to Rwanda on December 4, 2011, was
written in 2012. No one was sanctioned for the delayed reports. Whereas Rule 32(2), provides that
after the laying of a report under sub rule (1), the speaker may appoint time for debate, the above two
reports have never been debated as required by the rules.
Wandera argues that this abuse of procedure suggests that the travels are often unimportant: “If there
was urgency, the reports would have been made in time but this laxity explains it all.”
Cost of travels
“When these travels are not sanctioned based on their viability to Parliament we end up denying
useful business attention,” says Mpuuga.
Mpuuga cites a case last year, when some MPs travelled to Nairobi for a football tournament, when the
House was considering the Petroleum Production Exploration and Development Bill.
“There was controversy on clause nine but the absence of some crucial members made the executive
carry the vote on the clause that gives ministers more powers in regard to issuing and revoking of
licences to oil companies,” Mpuuga said.
Mpuuga believes attention in parliament should be focused on what happens in the country, not
abroad. Indications are that this is an unattractive option. The in-land travel budget declined from Shs
3.1bn in 2009/10 to Shs 1.9bn in the financial year 2011/12.
“This shows that Parliament travels less to find out what is happening in the country,” Mpuuga said.
Mpuuga argues that the current practice is going to complicate parliament’s efforts at criticising
consumptive spending.
“It is going to be hard for parliament to tell State House to cut its expenditure because of the fact that
you are doing the same,” he said.
State House is going to spend Shs 15 billion on travel abroad this year.
The problem
According to an analyst attached to Parliament’s Budget office, the root of the problem lies in the
Constitution – which made Parliament self-accounting.
“Unlike other government departments whose expenditure can be reviewed by Parliament, the House
is not reviewed by anyone,” this officer said.
One senior clerk at Parliament concurs. This clerk says having politicians manage foreign trips also
leads to patronage, with MPs being careful not to disagree with those who nominate them. This means,
even within committees, an MP’s intellectual autonomy can get undermined.
“The decentralization of travels has led to abuse because initially everything was managed
by the clerk who would only sanction a trip based on its value,” the senior clerk says.
On the contrary, countries such as the UK have salary review bodies that check any determination
made by the legislature.
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Parliament speaks
Paul Wabwire, the deputy Clerk in charge of Parliament Affairs, admits that trips are sometimes
abused. This is why his office has directed all clerks to committees to ensure that MPs follow the rules.
“We have set up measures and in my communication to the clerks I did state that for any travel,
it has to be sanctioned by the speaker for members, and clerk to Parliament for staff before
any delegation leaves,” Wabwire said, referring to an internal memo dated August 12, 2012.
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36