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An analysis of televised portrayed teen pregnancy and its implications among today’s
Meghan Dahnke
5/13/10
MEDIA AND TEEN PREGNANCY 2
Abstract
There is increasing evidence that teen pregnancy rates are rising in the United States. Ultimately,
teen pregnancy will bring about a large number of associated and challenging issues to
adolescent parents. To the best of knowledge, there is no previous work that has empirically
examined the associations between the portrayal of televised teen pregnancy and its effects upon
teenage female youth. Data from a content analysis which coded two television shows that
maintain an internet fan page discussing the depiction of teen pregnancy within these shows. The
data was used to assess whether exposure to the portrayal of televised teen pregnancy would
encourage relaxed attitudes and opinions about teen pregnancy. Additionally, to seek whether or
not teenage females found the illustration of teen pregnancy within these shows relatable. Results
showed that teenage female youth did have relaxed attitudes and opinions towards the illustration
of teen pregnancy within these shows, but did not find it significantly relatable. Determining a
valid link between the portrayal of televised teen pregnancy and its effects upon teenage female
youth was a difficult assessment. Further research is needed to expand and improve upon these
results.
Keywords: teen pregnancy, television show, content analysis, coding, fan page, results,
link, research.
MEDIA AND TEEN PREGNANCY 3
Introduction
After a decade of declining teenage “pregnancy rates rose 3% in 2006; nearly affecting 1
million young women 15 to 19 years of age, or 20% of sexually active women within this age
group” (Chandra, Martino, Collins, Elliot, Berry & Kanouse, 2007, p.1047 ). The effects of teen
pregnancy on teen mothers, and fathers, as well as their children are remarkable. Teen mothers
are more likely to drop out of school, require government assistance, and settle into poverty
(Docksai, 2010, p.1). On top of these challenges teen mothers also face childbirth risks including
low birth weight and limited motor skills. Children raised by teen parents are more susceptible to
become a teen parent themselves. Factors that contribute to teen pregnancy are multifaceted and
tangled. Research has indicated that one such factor related to teen pregnancy is its exposure
through television, yet empirical evidence has yet to be considerably established. What little is
known is that a link exists between televised sexual content and teen pregnancy. The present
study extends existing research by investigating the portrayal of televised teen pregnancy and its
implications among teenage female youth. The hypothesis of this study maintains a positive link
also exists. This literature review will explore identifiable trends regarding teen pregnancy and
television through three major themes and there relevancy. A desired outcome of this study is
that television is certainly recognized as one major factor that provokes results of teen
pregnancy. First to examine is the relationship between television and teen pregnancy.
The American public cites television and news as a primary source of health information
(Brodie & Foehr, 2001, p.192). Given that the media is an important source of information for
young teens, understanding what is relayed through it is even more important. Long-standing
concerns over negative images regarding sexual health have been one particular issue regarding
MEDIA AND TEEN PREGNANCY 4
television and teen pregnancy. Evidence from previous studies suggests that television programs
do not consider themselves in the business of health education (Hust, Brown, &L`Engle, 2008,
p.6). Missed opportunities are therefore created when television programs could approach health
education. In fact studies of sexual health on television reveal that sexual precaution messages
are rare: “only about 10% of sexual scenes in television programs popular among teens in 2005
contained a sexual precaution message” (Kunkel, Eyal, Finnerty, Biely, & Donnerstien, 2005,
p.6). When sexual health messages are presented they do have a positive effect on viewers’
behavior (Collins, Elliot, Berry, Kanouse, & Hunter, 2003, p.21). Television is a major activity
for people, as the average person can spend up to four hours a day watching. Sex sells, this is not
a secret and rings especially true when it comes to the appeal of television and its shows. In
conjunction it was found that in 2004-2005, 70% of programs feature one form or another of
sexual content (Kunkel, et al., 2005, p.6). Clearly television can play a role of peer guidance.
One of the ways television contributes to teen pregnancy is by creating relaxed attitudes
about contraceptive use. In reality 10% to 15% of programs mention the risks or responsibilities
of sex, including pregnancy (Chandra, et al., 2007, p.1047). To examine this portrayal is
especially important because a variety of theories exist that help predict the affect of media to its
viewers. For example, the Social cognitive theory, which states that observers can model the
behavior of someone they see in real life or in the media if the model is attractive and is
rewarded and/or not punished for behaving that way (Bandura, 1977, p.5). In perspective of this
potential consequences such as pregnancy, this could send a false message that little risk is
involved with unsafe sex. An interesting dilemma is present when associating the Social
cognitive theory to the media: Viewers are expected to model the behaviors of like characters
MEDIA AND TEEN PREGNANCY 5
protagonist characters are the least likely to experience enduring negative consequences for risky
behavior (Nabi & Clark, 2008, p.407-408). As a result, even if these characters experience
negatives consequences from such are minimal. What is unfortunate is that a television audience
expects a miraculous “bounce-back” when in actuality the impact of this negative behavior is
reinforced, undermined, and may result in the behavior displayed. Here again we are presented
with a similar understanding: television viewers can experience a form of manipulated control
whether indirect or direct. One way in which this is distinguishable is through televised sexual
A critical difference noticed by the effects television and teen pregnancy play onto each
other is seen among ethnic and racial groups. Studies have indicated a noticeable difference
between televised sexual content exposure and White, Black, and Hispanic teens in a variety of
age ranges. Exposure of such content in television accelerates white adolescents` sexual activity
and increases their risk of engaging in early sexual intercourse (Brown, L'Engle, Pardun, Guang,
Kenneavy, & Jackson 2006, p.1019). Whereas black teens appear more influenced by
perceptions of their parents’ expectations and their friends’ sexual behavior than by what they
see and hear in televised media (Brown et al., 2006, p.1019). Results that are even more
interesting were indicated through the Hispanic race: teens admitted that sex in the media
desensitized them to risks of, and increased their perceived pressure for participating in sexual
activity (Johnston, Rojas, Levitt, & Mika, 2006, p. 51). The perception of sexual content is taken
Contrary to the evidence above is, Chandra et al., (2007) argues to recognize television as
one of many factors that may contribute to girls experience of pregnancy, and that there are
(137.9 pregnancies per 1000 teens 15 to 19 years of age in 2000) and black (64.8 pregnancies per
1000 teens 15-19 years of age) teens have significantly higher rates than white teens (27.5
pregnancies per 1000 teens 15 to 19 years of age). These statistics are not directly related to
television, but indirectly suggested by, Chandra et.al., (2007), as a possible result on the behalf
of televisions contribution to minor sexual behavior. One noticeable comparison is that Hispanic
teens from both researchers resulted in the higher range of media influence. Few results are
known about the sexual scripts and norms relayed through television specifically; in particular
when it comes to the dissimilarities between races. What is a bit more obvious is the difference
Often are male and female stereotypes are displayed in television. Stereotypes are even
more reinforced when it comes to the depiction of sexual behavior between teen male and female
characters. Television programs popular among teens illustrate masculinity with being sexually
active and females as the more sexually responsible between the sexes (Hust, et. al., 2008, p.14).
Television characters between the ages of 12 to 22 have been found to experience negative
emotional, social, and punitive sexual consequences. more frequent in plots where female
characters initiate sexual activity (Aubrey, 2004, p.506). Here the misrepresentations of sexual
health behavior norms are set into place. Research has indicated that consequences relayed
through television for the most part indicate as physical. No research to date has explored the
differences in whether women or men are more likely to receive sexual consequences. Several
MEDIA AND TEEN PREGNANCY 7
themes have support sexual double standards in television programming popular among teens.
One of the most frequent messages relayed, “was that men view women as sex objects and value
them primarily for their physical appearance” (Aubrey, 2004, p.505). Understanding the
association between television and its portrayal of teen pregnancy among teenage female youth
is a difficult research subject to tackle. Lastly, like much of the information above, what is
available is scattered and incomplete. In summary, this has founded a goal of this study:: to help
answer and connect what information has been made available and what has yet to be
discovered.
Incomplete answers.
Central to all present research on the topic of television and teen pregnancy is that little to
relation to just television and its portrayal of teen pregnancy is difficult at this point and time. As
mentioned earlier, what is known is that a positive link exists between televised sexual content
and teen pregnancy. Several suggestions from the authors above claim further research is
needed, ideally over a longitudinal period of time for a couple of reasons. First, to reinforce what
information already exists. Second, to illustrate a clear pattern that suggests television plays a
H1: Female viewers will find the depiction of televised teen pregnancy issues (scripted or
unscripted) relatable.
H2: Female viewers will demonstrate relaxed opinions and attitudes generated from the
H3: Caucasians will demonstrate a higher approval rating of teen pregnancy depiction in
Methods
The data for this study was concluded from a content analysis measuring the effects of
televised teen pregnancy upon teenage female youth. The sample was drawn on two television
shows that maintain an internet fan page. The coding scheme looked at commented users who
posted comments about these shows and analyzed the frequency of their words. No internal
Subjects.
Participants were selected through random sampling. The sampling strategy focused on
just female responses. The first 100 female commented responses in the selected content analysis
A content analysis was conducted examining the portrayal of televised teen pregnancy
and its implication among teenage female youth. Two television shows that maintain an internet
fan page, blog, or discussion board served as the coded text. However, to be included in the
sample, the television show- fan page, blog, or discussion board being discussed had fit the
following criteria (a) the show being discussed features either scripted or unscripted adolescent,
teenage, or college aged characters under the age of twenty; (b) the show deals with issues of
teen pregnancy or brings frequent plot reference to; (c) the fan page, blog, or discussion board
will contain commented posts relating to the issue of teen pregnancy from the show; (d) the fan
page, blog, or discussion board will be considerably established and feature more than three
months worth of commented posts. The texts chosen for this content analysis included ABC
Family’s: “The Secret Life of the American Teenager” Facebook fan page
MEDIA AND TEEN PREGNANCY 9
(http://www.facebook.com/#!/teenmom?ref=ts).
Words posted by the commented user within the fan pages serveds as the unit of analyses.
One of the major goals of this content analysis is to uncover thoughts and opinions of viewers
towards these shows. Utilizing this approach, pointed out and uncovered the frequency of key
individual words when commented posts were reviewed. For example: the words stupid, dumb,
fake, uncool, etc can all be generalized into a larger category such as bashing. Or words such as
cool, love, adore, empathize, etc could also be generalized into a glorification category. For the
purpose of this study the units of analyses (words) will be operationalized into the following
dependent variable categories: individual words relating to glorification of the show’s depiction
of teen pregnancy, individual words relating to bashing of the show’s depiction of teen
pregnancy, individual words relating to or giving of advice to the show’s depiction of teen
pregnancy, and individual words relating to similar past or present experiences as in comparison
to the show’s teen pregnancy. In addition to measuring the category units described above this
content analysis will also include independent variables: the websites host, race of commented
In order to complete this content analysis the television show- fan page, blog, or
discussion board was coded for approximately 100 random commented responses (the first 50
from each show) into a code sheet [see table 1]. The content analysis was designed to measure
the impact of televised teen pregnancy upon its viewers. A desired outcome was to notice a
pattern in favor of the portrayal of teen pregnancy within these shows or against it. Ultimately, to
confirm the earlier mentioned hypothesis. Concluding the performance of this content analysis
the categories were analyzed for trend and frequencies later to be discussed in results.
MEDIA AND TEEN PREGNANCY 10
Limitations.
In some instances the coded fan pages featured more than one unit of analyses posted by
the commenting user; this brought about unexpected results. Examining the race and sex of the
comment post user was at times undisclosed, therefore unavailable for coding. There was also
difficulty assessing words into the proper coding categories due to vagueness.
MEDIA AND TEEN PREGNANCY 11
Results
The content analysis found strong statistical evidence against the first hypothesis and in
support of the second as well as third. Of the 100 teen pregnancy internet fan page commented
responses coded, 81% (n = 81 units) contained at least one glorified word of reference. Of which
included but were not limited to the following words: like, most, love, want, miss, more, favorite,
best, class, awesome, wish, and additional words of similar nature. Twenty-one percent (n = 21
units) posted words that bashed. Of which included but were not limited to the following: dumb,
stupid, sucks, fail, gay, cuss words, refuse, struggle, gross, and additional words of similar
nature. Eight percent, (n =8 units) utilized words that gave advice, such as loving yourself before
others, this character needs this person in their lives, or this couple needs to stay together, and
other comments similar in nature. Five percent (n = 5 units) focused on words that directly
related the user to the show. Of which included but were not limited to the following: I am a teen
mom, my baby’s daddy is the same way, I am a single mom like this character, I struggle just
like this character, and other comments similar in nature. Additional coding revealed 2% (n = 2
units) of no words, bashing, glorifying, advising, and/or relating were present in a single post.
Table 2 presents the data for the units of analysis contained in the content analysis. It will also
show the frequency, and percentage concluded. Table 3 reveals the content analysis
Discussion
The primary goal of this study was to explore the possibility that, on television, teen
pregnancy issues were relatable to young female viewers. Secondly, that the depiction of
televised teen pregnancy creates relaxed attitudes and opinions regarding the consequences of
teen pregnancy. According to the data, the teen pregnancy show fan page content analysis
revealed that the depiction of teen pregnancy in television presented two major themes. First, the
depiction of teen pregnancy within these shows did not directly relate as strongly to female
viewers as originally predicted. Secondly, the depiction of teen pregnancy within these shows
does create relaxed opinions and attitudes towards its portrayal. Lastly, Caucasian races would
post the majority of comments within the fan pages (regardless of difference in words that
The present study extended existing research between the association of television and
teen pregnancy. It affirmed that races do differ in their interpretation of televised teen pregnancy
regardless if the show is scripted or unscripted. The data revealed that Caucasian were the most
readily to report a comment among the internet Facebook Fan Pages: “Teen Mom” and “The
Secret Life of the American Teenager.” As 60% of the 100 coded units were posted by profile
users that publicly disclosed their race as Caucasian. This data supported H3: Caucasians will
demonstrate a higher approval rating of teen pregnancy depiction in television shows than
African Americans, Hispanics, and other minorities. Eleven percent disclosed African American
as their race, while 5% disclosed Hispanic as their race. This content analysis revealed that all
three races were the most evident while coding. This is similar in the sense that, Chandra et al.,
(2007), was able to identify Caucasians, African Americans, and Hispanics as the most
identifiable races in her data. Which contends that teen pregnancy was the highest among
MEDIA AND TEEN PREGNANCY 13
“Hispanic/Latino (137.9 pregnancies per 1000 teens 15 to 19 years of age in 2000) and black
(64.8 pregnancies per 1000 teens 15-19 years of age) teens have significantly higher rates than
white teens (27.5 pregnancies per 1000 teens 15 to 19 years of age).” There is no direct statistical
relationship present between Chandra et al., 2007 and the data from this content analysis.
This study also confirmed H2: female viewers will demonstrate relaxed opinions and
attitudes generated from the depiction of televised teen pregnancy (scripted or unscripted). The
data discovered that 81% of commented responses provided at least one word of glorifying
reference to MTV’s reality show “Teen Mom” and ABC’s show “The Secret Life of the
American Teenager”. Most leading comments stated a love for each show, how the show was the
comment user’s favorite, how the comment user could not wait for an approaching season,
commented users desiring to know if certain main characters were pregnant. As mentioned
earlier sexual precaution messages such as teen pregnancy in television shows are rare: “only
about 10% of sexual scenes in television programs popular among teens in 2005 contained a
sexual precaution message,” (Kunkel, et. al., 2006, p. 6). Yet, when sexual health messages are
presented they do have a positive effect on viewers’ behavior (Collins et al., 2003, p.21).
Collins, et al., (2003), presents an inconsistency with the content analysis data, as 81% of
commented responses glorified the depiction of teen pregnancy. If sexual health messages were
presented as positively as, Collins, et al., (2003), states, why does such positive reinforcement
with televised teen pregnancy exist? The best answer to this question depends upon future
research.
What was not confirmed in this study was H1: Female viewers will find the depiction of
televised teen pregnancy issues (scripted or unscripted) relatable. The data discovered that only
5% of comment users directly stated words that related themselves to the issues of teen
MEDIA AND TEEN PREGNANCY 14
pregnancy and/or its characters among the shows; contrary to the original expected outcome.
One commented user coded in glorifying the issues of teen pregnancy in the content analysis
identified how she could relate to being a recent teen mother. She even described with pride how
she watches MTV’s “Teen Mom” with her two-year old daughter. This particular commented
user even stated how she wished her life was similar to one of the shows characters. A parallel
similarity is present to the social cognitive theory which asserts that observers can model the
behavior of someone they see in real life or in the media if the model is attractive and is
rewarded and/or not punished for behaving that way (Bandura, 1977, p. 5). Again, this particular
commented user desired to model herself as a mother through the televised perception of the
Correlating previous literature to the results achieved in this study is difficult. Previous
research fails to address the portrayal of televised teen pregnancy and its implication among
teenage youth. What information is available is scattered, incomplete, and not directly related to
this study. This study is limited in several ways. These finding are not based on longitudinal
observation, so it may be that the data would illustrate a different pattern of the effects of
televised teen pregnancy if such did occur. The sample analyzed here, however, includes a
diverse nationally representative mix of females as it was collected through, Facebook, which
maintains that its site serves as a global social network. However, this national
representativeness was not directly reported for. It is also possible that some bias may been
introduced, because the content analysis was drawn from only one internet website, Facebook.
This sample also excluded male perspectives. Furthermore, it was unfortunately difficult to
determine the correct unit of analysis for the categories utilized. Often a commented user utilized
several words in a post that described more than one of those categories. Analyzing these results
MEDIA AND TEEN PREGNANCY 15
to previous literature was limited in nature, as little to no research directly exists to this studies
Despite these limitations, this study clearly suggests that televised teen pregnancy
(scripted or unscripted) clearly plays a role in shaping teenage female youth perception. Given
the increasing rates of teen pregnancy in the United States, these findings argue for continued
research to fully understand the relationship of televised teen pregnancy and teenage female
youth. This is one of the first studies (to the best of knowledge) that established such a
connection. Further involvement form the American Academy of Pediatrics and other medical
organizations can improve the power of voice regarding the portrayal of televised teen
pregnancy. Their involvement may help highlight and improve the reality of consequences that
stem from teen pregnancy. It is also suggested that further statistical testing be conducted
to insure reliability of this study the coding scheme should be repeated within three months time
References
Aubrey, J. (2004). Sex and punishment: An examination of sexual consequences and the
Brodie, M., & Foehr, U. (2001). Communicating health information through the
entertainment media. Health Affairs, 20(1), 192. Retrieved February 2, 2010, from
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Chandra, A., Martino, S., Collins, R., Elliott, M., Berry, S., & Kanouse, D. (2008).
Does watching sex on television predict teen pregnancy? Findings from a national
doi:10.1542/peds.2007-3066.
Collins, R., Elliott, M., Berry, S., Kanouse, D., & Hunter, S. (2003). Entertainment
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Appendix
* Some of the comments coded in the content analysis did include more than one unit of analysis
(i.e. a commented user would have provided words that bashed the teen pregnancy show but also
glorified it within the same post)
*Racial demographic was observed if commented post was accompanied by an assessable user
profile in which racial information was disclosed. The category “Cannot Determine” was coded
if commented post user did not disclose racial information.
MEDIA AND TEEN PREGNANCY 19