THACHMK 52 1-2 2008 75-86 ISBN 0583-4961 ‘YVIUK 291.3(495.02) THE CREATION OF THE CULT OF ST. DEMETRIUS IN THESSALONICA: BYZANTINE INVENTION? Mitko B. Panov Ph.D. Senior research fellow at the Institute of national history — Skopie "He lives for us, he intercedes for us with God and obtains for us what is good", the archbishop John of Thessalonica wrote describing the role which the cult of St. Demetrius obtained among the citizens of Thessalonica in the 7" century.' The devotion of Thessalonicans to the cult of St. Demetrius. was so strong that the cleric John Strymbikon in 1337 rebuked the citizens because they honoured St. Demetrius more than the Christ himself The deep connection between St. Demetrius and the Thessalonicans can be understood if we analyse the phenomena of the cult, which embraced in itself the ancient traditions. Paganism and Christianity Inducing the data of the earliest martyrology. named Syriuc Martyrology (¢. 362) and Hieronymian Martyrology (c. 431-451). H. Delehaye naming the town Sirmium as a place were St. Demetrius was martyred, marked the beginning of the long scholarly polemics about the origin of this Christian saint.’ The scholars are still divided between Sirmium and Thessalonica. as places of Demetrius martyrdom as well as the origin of the cult itself? 'P. Lemerle. Les plus anciens recueils des Miracles de saim Démétrius, 1. Le texte (Paris. 1979), 51 * Acta et diplomata graeca medi aevi, ed. F. Miklosich et J. Miller. 1 (Vindobonae, 1860), 175. 7H. Delehaye, Les legendes grecques des saintes millitaires (Bruxelles, 1909), 103-108. “ For Thessalonica as a place of origin of the cult of St. Demetrius, see more recently J. C. Skedros, Saint Demetrius of Thessaloniki. Civic Patron and Divine Protector, f=" Centur 1999), 7-40. T. 1 @rogapidns “Lippiov i Oeaaahovixn: (Exavebetaos pas xpriuniig &etaoea: tig “Aviov Anpmtpien Tupadicews)”, Makedonika (1976), 269-308, also argues that St. Demetrius in Thessalonica who suffered martyr death under the emperor Maximianus Galerius on 26" of October 305 was @ different person from the deacon Demetrius who was murdered on 9" April 304. when Galerius was a Caesar. For Sirmium as place of origin of the cult of St. Demetrius. that preceded Thessalonica, see ®. bapnumh, “vou Ausumpuja Coiyuckor kao ucmopucku is6eopn (beorpaa, 1953), 16-17: M. Vickers “Sirmium or Thessaloniki”, A critical examination of the St. Demetrius legend.”, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 67/2 (1974) 337-350. C. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition (Ashgate, 2003), 69-70 suggests that the cult of St. Demetrius was established in 412/3 by the prefect 7S2 1-2 2008 Mutuxo B. Manos FIACHHK There are strong arguments in favour of the view that the cult of St, Demetrius originated in Sirmium that preceded the cult created in Thessalonica in the mid-S"" century. Demetrius as a martyr from Thessalonica was not mentioned in the earliest martyrologies apart from Demetrius of Sirmium (“év Eippio Anjytptog”. “Sirmia Demetri diaconi”) who is registered as early as 411 A.D. The archaeological findings also indicate that the church in Sirmium devoted to St. Demetrius’ was erected earlier than the church of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica.® In addition to the known arguments I will point to the neglected fact that in all surviving versions of Passions of St. Demetrius, the authors did not mention the Leontius both in Sirmium and Thessalonica. Rather original view was put forward by D. Woods. ~Thessaloinica’s Patron: Saint Demetrius or Emetrius? * Harvard Theological Review 93 (2000). 221-34. who argues that the cult of St. Demetrius developed on the basis of the relies of the Spanish military martyrs Ss. Emeterius and Chelidonius which were transferred to Thessalonica in 379 to honor the emperor Theodosius 1 (379-395). The relics rested in their shrine, which gradually fellsinto disrepair. until a prefect of Myricum Leontius received an unexpected cure there ine. 412/13. Allegedly he cleaned up the surrounding area and built a new church for the relics. which due to the ill-preserved inscription. he identified the martyr as Demetrius rather than Emeterius. However. this thesis is quite speculative and does not give an explanation to the main question concerning the phenomena of the deep connection of Thessalonicans with St Demetrius. It would be difficult 10 presume that the Thessalonicans could accept the foreign saint like Emetrius. since it would be impossible to create @ legend that will haye @ proper association with their religious traditions that also concerned their identity , For other arguments that goes against Woods’ hypothesis, see J. Skedros. “Response to David Woods “Thessalonica’s Patron: Si. Demetrius or Emeterius?™. Harvard Theological Review 933 (2000) 235-39. who sustain that the cult originated in Thessalonica while noticing that the origins of St. Demetrius are “indeed obscure” “Vv. Popovié. “Die Stddanubischen Provinzen in der Spaitantike vom Ende des 4. bis 2ur Mine des 5. Jahrhunderts”. Die! alker Sudostenropas im 6 biy 8 tahrhunclert Stidestewropia Jahrbuch 7 (Munchen. Berlin. 1987) 100-121, argues that the early christian basilica discovered in Sirmium can be associated with the chureh devoted to St. Demetritis erected by the prefect Leontius in 412 13. ML. Jeremic. “Les temples payens de Sirmium™. Starinae LVL (2006), 188-196. follows the assumption that St Demetrius church in Sirminn) was built in the first third of the 5" century over the nuins of the previous pagan temple “ML. Vickers argues for the mid-S' century as a date for the building of the chureh St Demetrius in Thessalonica (M. Vickers. “Sirmium or Thessaloniki”. 337-381: idem. “Fifth- century brickstamps from Thessa-loniki” Zhe Innual of 0 the British School at akens. 68 (1973) 285-204. Other scholars incline to the later date of the erection of the church of St Demetrius in Thessalonica, arguing for the 3" quarter of the S" century (WE. Kleinbaner “Some observations on the dating of S. Demetrius in Thessaloniki” By zantinon. M1 (1970), 36- 44: ODB. 1, 604-605), the last quarter of the 5" century (J. Skedros, Sua Demetrius. 2 the beginning of the 6" century (J.-M. Spieser, Thessalomgue ct ses monument du JV stock conrriburion a Veinde dune ville paléochrétienne (Athenes, Paris, 1984. 168-2141, K. M Hatersley-Smith, Byzantine public architecture henveen the fourth and carly elevemh cemurtes LD. with special reference 0 the towns of Byzantine Macedonia. ‘Thessaloniki |996) Other group of scholars inclining to the indigenous origin of the cult of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica are in opinion that the prefect Leontius in 412/13 actually erected the first three-aisted basilica at Thessalonica upon the place of the primordial Church-Martyrion of the saint See T | “Oroqapiing Lipuioy H Oeaaahoviny|”. 269-308 76 9), oFCosdasametio Ha Ky.tuoit Ka c6. Tusunupuja do Coayie: uaAniucka WnECHMtsE emperor Maximanus Galerius as responsible for the death of Demetrius. The Passio prima which is accessible in Latin translation made by Anastasius Biblioshecarius and the Greek text published by H. Delehaye attribute the martyrial death of Demetrius to the emperor Maximianus (“imperator Maximianus”. “Ote MoEwravos 0 Booed’). The Passio altera which contain considerable more information regarding Demetrius martyr death. designate the concrete full name of the emperor as Masimianus Herculius (Madiicevig 6 xa “Epxovdtog).” The same identification is contained in the Metaphrastic text Passio teria (Moynavis 6 Kai “Epxowatog).'” The evident association of the emperor Maximianus Hercullius with the martyrdom of Demetrius asserted in the Passiones can be taken as an argument for explication of the new hypothesis concerning the origin of the cult of St. Demetrius. It is well-known fact that Maximianus Herculius had never been in Thessalonica and therefore he could not have been responsible for martyrdom of Demetrius in this town. The historical data attest that in the time of the persecutions of Christians in the beginning of the 4” century. Thessalonica was the main seat of the caesar Maximianus Galerius. who became emperor in 305. Accordingly the absence of the name of Galerius in Passions demonstrate that he actually did not murder Demetrius in Thessalonica. Having in mind this clarification as well as the fact that all surviving texts of the Passions were written long afier the creation of the cult, it is highly probable that this apparent historical error occurred given that the authors of the Passions of St. Demetrius were referring to the invented oral tradition that was created and maintained in Thessalonica Further elaboration will show that this local oral tradition was actually the modified legend of the cult of St. Demetrius based upon the previous one in Sirmium which was tailored to suit the religious needs of the citizens of Thessalonica. In actuality the new legend of St. Demetrius was introduced in Thessalonica in the mid-5"" century. with the aim of showing Demetrius as a martyr from Thessalonica. even though he was not martyred in this town, and the emperor Herculius could not execute it. So it is not that the simple error occurred with the accidental switch of Sirmium and Thessalonica at the early stage in the literary tradition. nor that that the authors of the Passions mistakenly designated Maximianus Herculius. instead of Galerius. as is waditionally maintained by the scholars. The creation of the new cult of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica in the mid-5" century was well conceived act as a part of the complex political and ecclesiastical policy of Byzantium in the Balkans. Such an explication requires an analysis of the religious and political situation in Mlyricum in the first half of the 5" century. which can further clarify the motivation for the initiation of the new legend of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica. The Hunnic invasion in the Balkans that resulted in destruction of Sirmium in 441 was only a pretext for the transfer of the cult to Thessalonica.'' The real reason was much deeper and was AASS, oct. IV, 97-89, PG 116, col. 1169. *H. Delehaye, Les legends grecques, 259-263 * ASS. oct. IV, 90-95, PG 116, col. 1173 © KASS, oct. IV. 96-104. 2G 116, col. 1185 "The dominant opinion among scholars is that the transfer of the cult of St. Demetrius from Sirmium to Thessalonica was directly related to the movement of the prefecture of Ilyricum to Thessalonica in 441 as a result of the destruction of Sirmium. See. F. Delehaye. Les 7FAIACHHK 32 1-2 2008 Muiivo B. Manos politically motivated. With the promotion of the Papal vicariate in Thessalonica the Roman church managed already in 412° 10 acquire’ its ecclesiastical: jurisdiction. in Illyricum. That had made it impossible for Byzantium to impose its own ecclesiastical influence in the region. Thus in the years that followed the Byzantine court was sturdily “engaged in bringing: Mlyricum under the jurisdiction of the church of Constantinople. Following this policy. the emperor Theodosius 1! (408-450) issued an edict in the year 421 that granted the patriarch of Constantinople the primacy in the supervision of the ecclesiastical affairs of Illyricum.'” Nonetheless Theodosius I! was soon forced to revoke this law. because of the strong reaction of the Papacy and the direct involvement of the western emperor Honorius (395-423). Shortly afterwards in 424 Theodosius 11 issued another ediet this time on behalf of the “sacrosancta Thessalonicensis ecclesia” exempting it from the tax payments.'* This move was an obvious attempt of Byzantium to incline the ecclesiastical leaders of Thessalonica on the side on the church of Constantinople. It also demonstrate that. Theodosius government was incapable of affecting the domination of the roman Papacy: in Thessalonicg and in Hlyricum Nevertheless the efforts of the Byzantine administration did not impinged the Roman ecclesiastical supremacy in’ Illyricum: That was the principal motive that influenced the decision of Theodosius I. after gaining territorial concessions from the Western emperor Valentinianus III (425-455). to transfer the seat of the prefecture of Illyricum from Thessalonica to Sirmium in 437/8.'' One of the main goals of this administrative reorganisation of Byzantium was through Sirmium to secure in addition to the political the ecclesiastical authority in Hlyricum, Sirmium as a former seat of Illyricum provided the necessary legitimacy to become new political and religious centre of Byzantium in the region. Thus the sharp reaction of the Roman Church that immediately followed even before the official transfer of the prefecture was understandable and focused on defending its legal rights and interests in Hlyricum.'* legendes greeques. 108-109: ®. bapnumh, “da Co. Jtusrumpuja. 1-17: M. Vickers, Sirmium or Thessaloniki. 345-380. However theit argument is hased upon the assumption that Thessalonica only acquired the status of the scat of the prefecture of Illy ricum in 441, However the analysis of the sources shows that Thessalonica became the permanent seat of the prefecture a great deal before 441. See. M. B. Panoy. “Macedonia in the Politics of Theodosius 1°, uimesama wv esponcrama nayxa uw Kyimypa (CKonje. 2008). 105-119 (in priny), with the arguments for the year 392 as a date of official estab-lishment of the seat of prefecture of {lyricum in Thessalonica. ° Ch. XV12.45 © CTAXI3 " For the administrative changes in Ilyricum in the first half of the 5" century, see M. B. Panoy, “Ilyricum between East and West: administrative changes at the end of the fourth and the first half of the fifth century’, Procvedings of the 2/Imternational Congress of Byzantine Studies, lll. Abstracts of Communications (London, 2006). 33-34. “The pope Sixtus III in a letter addressed to the Proclus the patriarch of Constantinople from 437, clearly stressed that the church of Constantinople should comply with the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Illyricum. Sixtus also demanded that in the future Proclus should not receive not a single bishop from Illyricum without the letter signed by the bishop of Thessalonica (Sixtus, Ep. 9, Ad Proclum Constantinopolitanum Episcopum, PL. col. 578 D. 8 :Cosdasuetto Ha Kyattotl Ha cé. Tumuitipuju vo Coayn: eusanitiucKa uneenuuja? However the Hunic invasion in the Balkans and destruction of Sirmium impinged the plans of Byzantium. Consequently already in 40/1, the seat of the prefecture of Ilyricum was returned in Thesssalonica. afier prefect of Hlyricum Apremius fled from the endangered Sirumium.'® In reality the unsuccessful attempt of Byzantium to impose through the church of Sirmium the ecclesiastical counterbalance to the Roman vicariate in Thessalonica was a direct motive for Byzantine authorities to instigate the process of the creation of the cult of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica in the mid-s" century, based on the legend of St. Demetrius in Sirmium Facing with the loss of Sirmium and with the unaffected supremacy of the Roman church in [lyricum Byzantium changed its strategy. Through its prefects in Thessalonica, Byzantine court in the mid-S"” century commenced the creation of the cult of St. Demetrius as a way of inclining the citizens and ecclesiastical leaders towards the church of Constantinople. Since all the versions of Passions directly refer to the prefect Leontius as responsible for the initiation of the cult of St. Demetrius we may argue that the Byzantine administration was directly involved in the creation of the cult of the Saint in Thessalonica, as was initially in Sirmium. This assumption is based upon the episode of the prefect Marianus mentioned in the first Miracle of St. Demetrius, who can easily be identified as a person responsible for the creation of the notion among the Thessalonicans about the miraculous capabilities of St. Demetrius.' The claim of Marianus that St. Demetrius occurred to him in a dream and that he was miraculously cured after being laid in the saints temple'* is an apparent example how the Byzantine authorities instigated and popularised the cult of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica, Marianus was clearly responsible for the creation of an impression among Thessalonicans of the intimate connection between the Byzantine prefects and St. Demetrius. Since Marianus is the first person mentioned in the Miracles performed by St. Demetrius we can presume that he was serving as a prefect in Thessalonica at the same time or not long after the building of the church of St. Demetrius.” Apparently writing the First book of the Miracles in the second decade of the 7"" century, the archbishop John considered important to note specially the episode of the prefect Marianus as the first miracle made by St. Demetrius, since this story was maintained in the oral tradition in Thessalonica. Supporting this tradition. John made an reference to the existence of the mosaic outside the church of St. Demetrius which according to him commemorated the healing of Marianus.”’ Even though John Sixtus was actually defending the legal rights of the Roman vicariate of Thessalonica in lyricum in response to the administrative reorganization. '® Nov. Just., XI "7 Miracula, V1 §10-24. '8 It is very indicative that in the translated Latin version of this Miracle, Athanasius Bibliothecarius note that Marianus was laid on the floor of the “small shrine near the stadium where they say that Demetrius lies”, not in the temple (Anastasii Abatis, Opera omnia, P/, 129, col. 718) !°M. Vickers, Sirmium or Thessalonica, 339-341 argues for the period of the fourth quarter of the 5" century for the date of Marianus’ alleged cure. ©. Bapmmmh, Yvoa Ce. Jumumpuja, 36, n. 12, maintains that Marianus was serving as a prefect of Illyricum in the beginning of the 5" century, based upon his lower chronology of the origin of the cult.” * Miracula, 1:1) § 23. 79TIIACHHEK 5§°? 1-2 2008 Muwxo B. Manos reluctantly spoke favourably for the Byzantine prefects in elaborating the earliest miracles of St. Demetrius he was obviously following the oral tradition that_ was created and maintained from the mid-S'" century. The extensive description of the first miracle concerning Marianus additionally supports this assumption. Thus the contents of the Miracles indicate that the cult in Thessalonica was gradually developed and that the Byzantine administration was directly involved in its creation. The analysis of the novel X1 issued of the emperor Justinian I (527-565) from $35, can further support this assumption. Following the policy. of Theodosius Justinian in his Novel. X1 deliberately undermined and disregarded the position of Thessalonica as the ecclesiastical centre in Ilyricum, Justinian wrote that “the bishopric dignity” of Thessalonica followed only after the transfer of the prefecture from Sirmium in 440/41 underlying that the bishop of Thessalonica “gained sertain advantage not because of his authority. but by the shadow of the prefecture”.”! This approach of Justinian is understandable from the Byzantine perspective. since in that time Thessalonica represented the interests of the Roman Papacy. Actually Justinian | was trying to provide a legal basis for his own intention to transfer the seat of the prefecture from Thessalonica to the newly founded Archbishopric Justiniana Prima in 535, That was possible only through the complete ignorance of the previous status of Thessalonica as a political seat of Hlyricum and the main ecclesiastical centre in the region. > However the attempt of Justinian to transfer the prefecture from Thessalonica to Justiniana Prima failed and he was soon forced to concede the ecclesiastical influence of the Roman church even in the newly founded Archbishopric. Generally speaking the Novel \7is a clear indication of the importance of the role that the Byzantine prefects acquired in the ecclesiastical aflairs in Ulyricum. This argument can further explain the direct involvement of the Byzantine prefects in the process of the creation of the cult of St Demetrius in Thessalonica. The further confirmation can be found in the second Miracle where John mentions certain military commander of the prefecture of Ilyricum. who was miraculously cured by St. Demetrius. In this miracle, John clearly emphasize that it was this commander who argued with the citizens that even though the city of Thessalonica had many protectors. it was St. Demetrius, that was “chosen by the Christ as the first of all”. This episode clearly reflects the intention of Byzantium through its administrative and military representatives to popularize the cult creating at the same time the notion among the citizens of Thessalonica regarding the close connection between St. Demetrius and the Byzantine authorities. However it was John having the authority as an archbishop who was directly responsible for the creation of an intimate and lasting ties between St. Demetrius and the citizens representing him as their patron saint in the troubled times. 2! Nov. lust. XI “...Thessalonicensis episcopus non sua auctoritate. sed sub umbra praefecturae meruit aliquem praerovativam”. * For detailed analysis on the political and ideological policy of Justinian compared to the policy of Theodosius 1], see M. B. Panov, “Justinijana Prima — Tesalonika — Sirmium: Paraleli pomte|t politikata na Justi-nijan 1 Teoaoenj I", /racnenx wa HHIL, $1/1-2 (Cxonje, 2007), 7- 14: Idem, “Iyctumujana Fpiiwa Bo nonnTHs-Ko-NaconoUNKaTA KOHUeTUNja Ha JycrMMNjan Ceonje nomery anmuxkomo uv wodeprome epee. ed. M. 6. Manos, J. ones, 3. Crepxocknt (Cxonje, 2009), 19-33 Miracula, 1:2 § 25 80ia Cosdusareiio na xyaitoil na ce. Lumuiipuja eo Coayn: austntiuicka unberauajia® The conclusion that imposes itself is that in the mid-S"" century the new legend of St. Demetrius was initiated in Thessalonica that was in fact a modification of the previous one from Sirmium. Traditional scholarly approach regarding the origin of the cult is too reliable on the explanation of the actual contents of the Passions and the persons involved. Their efforts were mainly focused on identification of the prefect Leontius mentioned in the Passions as a person responsible for the building of the church in Sirmium or in Thessalonica. The compromised solution proposed by C. Walter that Leontius should be identified as a person who established the cult of Demetrius, both in Sirmium and Thessalonica having the authority as a prefect is unconvincing.”* Walter's suggestion does not provide an explication for the principal motive of the prefect Leontius in initiating the cult of St. Demetrius and moreover it is hard to believe that he was capable for implementing the complex religious programme at the same time in Thessalonica and Sirmium If we assert that the legend of the cult of St. Demetrius was fabricated in Thessalonica, based on the original legend in Sirmium, the modification reasonably affected also the elaboration of the original story concerning the involvement of Leontius. All the versions of the Passions point to the fact that it was the prefect Leontius who thought that it was necessary to erect a church because of his personal experience due to the healing capacities of the place where Demetrius has cured him. This story was conveniently adapted into the new legend in Thessalonica to meet the religious needs of the citizens. Subsequently the notion was created that it was Thessalonica where Leontius erected the first church in honour of St. Demetrius. One interesting data from the Metaphrastic text of Passion of St. Demetrius which is the unique source that refers to the origin of Demetrius himself. can further explicate this hypothesis.** Obviously relying on the earlier sources. Metaphrastes wrote that "with regard to the parents of Demetrius. he was from important and most famous race himself originating from the ancient Macedonians"»" This reference disclose that Demetrius was actually a real historical person. probably born in Thessalonica, and of Macedonian origin, but suffered martyr death in Sirmium. The clarifying of the origin of Demetrius is important for understanding the growing popularity of the cult among the Thessalonicans. the majority of which were Macedonians in the time when the cult “©, Walter. The Warrior Sainis, 69-70. However Walter recognizes that is far from bei a clear how a deacon in Sirmium was metamorphosed into a consul in Thessaloniki. explaining it as a just “another of those ‘chemical operations’ of early hagiography”. However. there is another aspect that arises from the Passio aliera. such as that Demetrius was represented simultaneously as high official and the preacher of the word of God among the Christians. This can be explained with the result of the modification of the original legend that fused the representation of St. Demetrius as a preacher or deacon in Sirmium with the administrative function that was correlated with the invented legend in Thessalonica. "GLE, Tafel. De Thessirlonica eiusque agro dissertatio geographica (Berlin, 1839). 227. commenting this data from Metaphrastes, wrote that “the genus of Demetrius is connected with the ancient Macedonians”. But Tafel only indicated this source. giving no further elaboration on the issue. Simeone Metaphrasie. Passio tertia S. Demetri M.. PGir, 116. col, 1185: “tb ye thy 815 ratépas iiKov éniampos AY. Kai Thy eig TOs Gvw TO yevovs GvugLPEY tev MaKEdovens Em@avéatatos” 81TAACHHK 52 1-2 2008 Mutixo B. Manos was created.” This can also explain the phenomena of the intimate and enduring association of St. Demetrius with the Macedonians and the Macedonian traditions, that was continuously designated in the medieval sources.”* The Byzantine prefects and the ecclesiastical leaders in Thessalonica were well acquainted with the genesis of St. Demetrius and that could be the reason why they integrated the ancient traditions in the cult, with the aim of adjusting it for the affinities of the citizens. For that purpose St. Demetrius was in some way represented as a substitution of the previous popular pagan cult Cabirus.”” The substitution of the previous pagan hero Cabirus with the new Christian hero — St. Demetrius. which represented their traditions and identity, was acceptable for Thessalonicans in the period of global religious transition. In this context C. Mango is accurate in his argument that in Byzantium “the gap left by paganism was filled by the cult of saints on both a practical and an imaginative level” and that the Cult of saints created a new mythology. Mango further clarify that more “popular saints in the Byzantine pantheon were fictious figures from a distant past or so transformed as to have lost any historical dimension”. This explanation is applicable for the origin of the cult of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica. We may assume that the ecclesiastical leaders in Thessalonica were also interested in integrating all citizens into the Christian faith. So it is quite probable that besides the Byzantine prefects, the ecclesiastical leaders in Thessalonica were involved in inspiring the creation of the St. Demetrius legend and helped its popularisation among the citizens of Thessalonica. To institutionalise this new ecclesiastical policy towards Thessalonica, Byzantium initiated the building of the church devoted to St. Demetrius *” For the analysis of the sources that refer to the ethnic constellation in Thessalonica and Macedonia. see M. B. MaHoe. “Adnimmite Makeaonun eo pana Busantija’, Maxedonuja nomeiy Buzaumuckuom kouonse.im u Esponckama vnuja (Cronje. 2008), 33-44, ° The Byzantine satire Jimarion. written in the 12" Century. directly associated St Demetrius with Macedonians, saying that “the day of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica is a great festival as the Panathinei in Athens or Panionii in Miletus; it is a grand Macedonian celebration whereby not only the Macedonian people gather, but people of all sorts and from all directions: Grecks from different regions of Helada, the Mizian tribes that are settling the area up to Istar, and the regions of Scythias. Campanians. Halicas. Iberians. Luzitanians and Celts from beyond the Alps” (Documents on the struggle of the Macedonian people for independence and national state. | (Skopje, 1981). 121). * According to the written sources Thessalonicans honoured Cabirius with “bloody hands” (luli Firmici Materni VC De erore profnarum religiorum, ed. K. Ziegler (Lipeiae, MCMVII), XI. 27, Lactantius also refers that “Privatim vero singuli populi gentis aut urbis suae conditores. seu viri fortitudine insignes eran, seu foeminae castitate mirabiles. summa veneratione coluerunt: ut Aegyptii Isidem, Mauri Jubam, Macedones Cabirum, Poeni Uranum. Latini Faunum, Sabini Sancum, Romani Quirinum (Luci Caecilii Firmiani Lactantii /iviniarum Institution. XN. PL. NI. col, O194A-019SA). E. Lucius. Die Anfange des Heiligenkults Tiibingen 1904. 214-228. was first who argued for the close relation of the cult of St. Demetrius with the previous pagan hero Cabirus. This hypothesis was also elaborated by Ch, Edson, "Cults of Thessalonica” Harvard Theological Review. 41 (1948). 188-204, who noted that it is “very possible that the cult of Cabirus contributed elements to the characteristic form which the worship of Saint Demetrius assumed in the later Christian city” *"©’Mango “New Religion. Old Culture”, in: The Oxford History of Byzantium: Oxford 2002, 113-114 82Cosdasarettio na kyaitioit na ce. Jumuitipuja 60 Coayn: eusanitiucka uneenuuja? that was implemented in the middle or second half of the 5" century. Accordingly the story was introduced that the remains of the body of the Saint were beneath the place were the church was build. As a result, in the oral tradition that was gradually created - in Thessalonica from the mid-5" century, Sirmium was simply altered in the legend of St. Demetrius and replaced with Thessalonica. The fabricated oral tradition has gradually developed affecting not only the story of martyrdom of Demetrius but also the involvement of the prefect Leontius who was represented as responsible for the building of the church of St. Demetrius initially in Thessalonica. In the further elaboration of the new legend, the notion was created that the relics of St. Demetrius were preserved in Thessalonica, because St. Demetrius prevented Leontius in his intention to take the relics to Sirmium. To strengthen this notion, the ecclesiastical leaders also supported the oral legend claiming that Thessalonica was the first town were the church was built in honour of St. Demetrius and that the relics were beneath the church. The analysis of the Passions additionally reveals certain traces of the modification of the original legend from Sirmium. The texts gives an impression of evident closeness between Thessalonica and Sirmium regarding St. Demetrius that comprise the story of the famous gladiator Lyaeus (known in Sirmium before Thessalonica) as well as the building of the church devoted to St. Demetrius in both cities by the same prefect Leontius. There is another neglected data in the Passions that indicates that the original legend in Sirmium was modified with the aim of its appropriation in Thessalonica. The authors of the Passions note that Leontius “deciding to depart for Illyricum™ from Thessalonica, wanted to take with him “some of the relics of the martyr in order to place them in a church which he intent to built there in the saint's name™."! Evidently with the positioning of Sirmium in Illyricum the authors of the Passions were referring to Sirmium as the seat of the prefecture Illyricum. This notion is further reinforced by the reference that Leontius came in Thessalonica from Ilyricum where he returned later. which geographically dislocate Thessalonica from the prefecture of IIlyricum. This misinterpretation could occur only if the authors of the Passions were referring to the oral tradition in Thessalonica that was in fact the adapted version of the legend of St. Demetrius in Sirmium. The obvious connotation of Sirmium as a seat of the prefecture of Illyricum noted in Passions, actually correspond to the period when the cult of St. Demetrius was transferred to Thessalonica. namely shortly after the seat of the prefecture of Illyricum was returned from Sirmium in 440/1. To give a sense of authenticity of the invented legend another elements were added in the local oral tradition in Thessalonica such as the known topographical places (stadium. baths) where Demetrius was allegedly martyred. Galerius was not mentioned in the St. Demetrius’ martyrdom, since his role in the city was well known “among Thessalonicans. This can give explanation why the emperor Maximianus Herculius was designated in the two versions of the Passions as responsible for the martyrs death of St. Demetrius. Because there was no relics and tomb of Demetrius in Passio Altera, ASS, oct. IV, 90-98. PG 116, col, 1182-3. Supposedly Leontius managed to take away only a bloodstained chlamys and a part of his orarion. To make the legend more authentic, the story goes on that Demetrius supposedly helped Leontius in crossing the swollen Danube river. 83TAACHUK 52 1-2 2008 Muitixo B. Manoe Thessalonica, the impression was disseminated among the citizens, that the relics and the tomb were underneath the newly build church.** Therefore all the authors of the Passions and the Miracles of St. Demetrius, were referring to the legend that was initiated by Byzantium and gradually created and orally circulated in Thessalonica from the mid-5" century. This explanation can also give an answer to the old scholarly problem concerning the martyrdom and the absence of the relics and the tomb of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica.* The creation of the cult of St. Demetrius and the building of the church in his honour in Thessalonica was obviously a key element of the new religious policy of Byzantium aimed at acquiring its own influence in the ecclesiastical affairs in Thessalonica and in Ilyricum. It was a successful one, because the Thessalonicans willingly embraced the new cult as their own, since Demetrius was represented as their fellow citizen. The weakening of the role of Thessalonica in the policy of the Roman Church in Illyricum, which is noticeable in the second half of the 5" century, can also be associated with the new Byzantine policy that resulted in the creation of the cult of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica. Paradoxically it was the cult of St. Demetrius that in the 6"7" century period inspired the local patriotism of the citizens of Thessalonica and expressed their separatist tendencies with regard to the Byzantine authorities. In the centuries that followed the cult of St. Demetrius for Thessalonicans became not only the issue of religious practice, but also a question of identity. It was certainly not the inal intention of Byzantium when it initiated the creation of the cult of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica in the mid-5" century. * It was the archbishop John who clearly expressed his ignorance of the existence of the relics and the tomb of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica, noting that “even at the present time it is not known clearly where the tombs of those who were martyred in Thessalonike are hidden. except for the tomb of St. Matrona”, emphasized John (\iracula, 1:5 §50). In the first miracle John also wrote that prefect Marianus was escorted to what is called ciborium of St. Demetrius “where some say his relies repose under the earth” (Mfiracula, 1:1 §22). The same connotation is present in the sixth miracle where John noted that “it is said that it (ciborium) contains the martyr’s tomb” ( Vfiracula. 1:6 § 55). D. Woods. “Thessaloinica’s Patron”, 221-34, notice that the central-cult site for St. Demetrius at a prominent location within the walls of Thessalonica, was unusual, since the Romans did not allow burials within the walls of their towns. That was the reason why the Christians had always buried their dead, including their martyrs in cemeteries outside the towns, ** p. Lemerle, “Saint-Démétrius de Thessalonique et les problémes du martyrion et du transept.” BCH 77 (1953), 660-694; Idem. Commentaire, 205-209, 218. raises doubts that the tomb and the relics of St. Demetrius were in Thessalonica. C. Bakirtzis, “Pilgrimage to Thessalonike: The tomb of St. Demetrios”, OP $6 (2002), 175-192, suggest that the created notion of the lack of relics was aimed at protecting the city against the physical removal of the saint and his cult to Constantinople. C. Walter, Warrior Saints, 79, argue that the Saint’s relics were somewhere underneath the basilica but that they were inaccessible. He explains that Passions were intended to explain why the sanctuary of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica was build on a site potentially so little adapted to the foundation of Christian sanctuary. J. Skedros. Scrins Demewius, 87-88, asserts that the bones of St. Demetrius were not available for veneration, but he does not make it clear whether the relics had ever really existed. “RJ. Macrides, “Subversion and Loyality in the Cult of St. Demetrius”, Byzantino- a. $1/2 (1990), 189-197. slavi 84Coadasurecitio na xyaitoit na ca. Luauupuja ao Coayn: susantiucka uneenuuja? To summarize, therefore, Demetrius was a real historical person. most probably born in Thessalonica, but martyred in Sirmium. Following the martyrs tradition the Byzantine prefect Leontius initiated in Sirmium the building of the church dedicated to ‘St. Demetrius that was implemented in the first third of the 5" century. This act was an adequate response of Byzantium to the imposition of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Roman papacy in Ilyricum through the promotion of the vicariate in Thessalonica in 412. In the mid-S” century, after the transfer of the seat of the prefecture of Illyricum back in Thessalonica, Byzantine authorities initiated the creation of the new legend of St. Demetrius, which was modified and adjusted for the needs of Thessalonicans. To this end, ancient religious traditions were merged into the new Christian cult, representing St. Demetrius as a substitution of the previous pagan hero Cabirus. The oral legend that was gradually developed from mid-5" century was later incorporated in the written tradition. The fact that prefect Marianus was mentioned by archbishop John in the first Miracle of St. Demetrius is a clear indication of the direct involvement of Byzantine authorities in the process of creation of the legend and the cult in Theessalonica. The aim of Byzantium was through the creation of ihe cult of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica to gain local support in acquiring its ecclesiastical influence in’ Illyricum. In actuality it was the rivalry between the churches of Rome and Constantinople for the ecclesiastical domination in Ilyricum. that inspired the creation of the cult of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica. 85TIIACHHK 52 1-2 2008 Muito B. Manos Muiixo 6. TAHOB CO3JABAHWETO HA KYJITOT HA CB. JJAMHTPHIA. BO COJIYH: BH3AHTHCKA HHBEHIIHJA? Peaume Ctatujata ja TpeTupa npoOrematikaTa OKOAY CO3IaRAabeTO HA KYJITOT Ha CB. Tumutpuja. W3poprata anani3a noKaxkysa deka Qumurpuja Gua peanna Au4Hoct, HajsepojatHo pores 60 ConyH, Ho MaueHiuKH yOHeH BO CUPMHYM, BO NOYETOKOT Ha TV sek. Caenejiu ja rpaanunjara, BiaantucKHoT npedext JleonTH) Bo Cupmuym nan uupas W3rpaqOa Ha upkBa nocBeTena Ha cB. JJMuTpHja, Koja Gua uMneMeHTHpaHa Bo Mpsata TpeTHHa o2 V Bek. Ogoj akr Gui cooaBeTeH OAroBop Ha BuzaHTHja BO OAHOC Ha BOCHOCTaBVBalbeTO Ha LIPKOBHata jypucankunja Ha PumcKoTo TMancTBo Bo Haupuk Apeky npomouujara Ha Bukapuijaror Bo Conyk Bo 412 1. Bo cpeannara Ha V BeK, 110 NOBTOPHOTO Bpakalee Ha ceaMUTeTO Ha Npedektypara HaupuK Bo Coays, Busantnja MHMUHpala COIaBalbe Ha HOBa Jerenaa 3a CB. umuTpHja, koja Ou.aa Moauduuupana M MpHaarogzena 3a NoTpeduTe Ha coryHaHuTe. 3a Taa We, penHrHCKHTe TpaawMUNH Ouse choeH BO HOB XpHCTHjaHckH KysIT, mpeTcTasyBajKH ro cB. JluMuTpHja KaKo eyneturyunja 3a nperxorHuoT naraxckH Xepoj KaSupit. Opaanara neretina. Koja Guia nocteneHo KpeipaHa 04 cpeaMHata Ha 5 Bek, nogouHa 61a HHKOpNOpHpana BO ANTe- papuara tpamutja. @akror aeKa npedekToT Mapuijai e chomHar oa apxitenuickonoT Jogan go npsoto uyao Ha ce, Humurrpija ¢ jaca unaMKaunja 3a ANpekTHOTO HHBONBH- palbe Ha BH3AHTHCKHTe BIACTH BO NPOUECOT Ha KpeNpaweTO Ha JereHAaTa H KyTOT BO Conyn. Lleara Ha Busanruja Guia npexy Kpenpaiseto Ha KyaToT Ha cB. JUMMTpHja Bo Coayn aa o6e36e1n noKaaHa NOLAPWIKA 3a BOCIOCTABYBalbe CONICTBEHO LIPKOBHO sauijanue 80 Manpux. Bcyuiioct, pupancTBoto nomery upkeute Ha Pum u Koxetantn- HONOA 3a UPKOBHa AOMHHaUja BO MAXpHK O HHCNUpHpano COz1aBalbeTO Ha KYITOT nace. Jumutpnja Bo Coayn. 86