Pastor. The History of The Popes, From The Close of The Middle Ages. 1891. Vol. 30

LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
•.^^: :-v-
HISTORY OF THE POPES
VOL, XXX
PASTOR'S HISTORY OF THE POPES
THE HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated from

the German Ludwig, Freiherr von Pastor. Edited, as to
of
Vols. I.-VI. by the late Frederick Ignatius Antrobus, and,
as to Vols. VII. -XXIV. by Ralph Francis Kerr, of the
London Oratory, and Vols. XXV.-XXXII. by DoM Ernest
Graf of Buckfast Abbey. In 32 Volumes.
Vols. I. and II. a.d. 1305-1458

Vols. III. and IV. a.d. 1458-1483
Vols. V. and VI. a.d. 1484-1513
Vols. VII. and VIII. a.d. 1513-1521
Vols. IX. and X. a.d. 1522-1534
Vols. XI. and XII. a.d. 1534-1549
Vols. XIII. and XIV. a.d. 1550-1559
Vols. XV. and XVI. a.d. 1559-1565
Vols. XVII. and XVIII. a.d. 1566-1572
Vols. XIX. and XX. a.d. 1572-1585
Vols. XXI. and XXII. a.d. 1585-1591
Vols. XXIII. and XXIV. a.d. 1592-1604
Vols. XXV. and XXVI. a.d. 1605-1621
Vols. XXVII to XXIX. a.d. 1621-1644
Vols. XXX. to XXXII. A.D. 1644-1700
The original German text of the History of the Popes is published

by Herder & Co., Freiburg (Baden).
. APP 13 1940 ,
HISTORY OF THE POPES

FROM THE CLOSE OF THE iMIDDLE AGES
DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER

ORIGINAL SOURCES
FROM THE GERMAN OF THE LATE
LUDWIG, FRUIHERR \0N PASTOR
TRANSLATED BY
DOM ERNEST GRAF, O.S.B.

MONK OF BUCKFAST
VOLUME XXX
INNOCENT X. (1644-1655)
LONDON
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., LTD.
BROADWAY HOUSE : 68-74 CARTER LANE, E.C.
1940
Imprimi potest
Sublaci, ex Proto-Coenobio Stae Scholasticae,
die 23 Julii 1939.
L. Emmanuel Caronti, O.S.B., Abbas Generalis.
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY

STEPHEN AUSTIN AND SONS, LTD., HERTFORD.
To His Eminence
CARDINAL MERRY DEL VAL
the last Roman caller
at the deathbed of my beloved husband,
in token of reverence,
Constance Pastor.
MOTTO.
Comment peut-on etre Chretien sans etre catholique ? Et

comment peut-on etre catholique et refuser au pape I'entiere
soumission qui lui est due ?
Queen Christine of Sweden, Pensees, id. De Bildt, p. 34.

—
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXX.
Foreword to the German Edition ..... PAGE

xi
and Manuscripts
Collections of Archives referred to in
Volumes XXX., XXXI. and XXXII. . . . xiii
Complete Titles of Books in Volumes XXX., XXXI.,

XXXII XV
Table of Contents ....... xliii
List of Unpublished Documents in Appendi.x . . . xlvii
Innocent X., 1644-1655 — Introduction ... i
The Conclave of 1644. Innocent X. and the PamfiH . .

14
Mazarin —
and Innocent X. The Intrigues of the
—
Barberini The Imprisonment of Cardinal Retz
........
—
Relations with Spain and Portugal The Rising at
Naples 48
The Peace of Westphalia and Religious Conditions in

—
Germany and Holland The English Catholics under
—
Cromwell Ireland's Fight for Freedom Her Defeat ;
94
Innocent's Work Within the Church —The Jubilee Year. 177
Jansenism in France and the Netherlands . . . 215
Innocent X.'s Relations with Venice — The Pontifical

States — Death of the Pope . . . . .
351
Innocent X. as a Patron of Art. .... 381
Appendix of Unpublished Documents
....... 415
. . . .
Index of Names. 457
IX
FOREWORD TO THE GERMAN EDITION.
Even one glance at the title page of the present volume

suffices to show that this time the author strove to condense
the vast material much more than had been his wont.
When he had kept his seventieth birthday in l'.»24, he
remarked that after this each year, as it came, would have
to be viewed as a gift, as a kindly favour of Providence,
which one should accept gratefully but on which one could
not count. If many of the latter volumes had embraced the
life of but one Pope, such fullness of treatment had been
justified because there was question of climaxes in the story

of the later papacy. Now, however, less important matter
must be ruthlessly eschewed so as to make it possible to
complete the history of the Popes, for up to the last, the
great historian of the Roman Pontiffs cherished the hope of
being able to complete what had been his life-work. A word
of encouragement from Pius X., whom he held in highest
reverence, gave him courage to undertake the seemingly
impossible and he did his utmost to realize his noble ambition.
Once again he strained his incomparable capacity for work
to the utmost limit from the mountain of material collected
;
during fifty years of tireless toil, he omitted everything that

would have led him too far.
The widow of the deceased historian, Her E.xcellency
Baroness Constance Pastor, has religiously taken up the
and entrusted its pubHcation to competent
literary inheritance
persons. Volume XIV. appears as it was found, in two
sections (in the German original), the only thing missing
being the introduction and in Chapter VI. of Book II. the
section dealing with Alexander VII. 's patronage of learning
together with some concluding remarks on the smaller churches
of Rome, and the secular buildings erected by that Pope.
Both sections were completed by Fr. Kneller (Munich) on
xi
Xll FOREWORD TO THE GERMAN EDITION.
the basis of notes left by the author. Most of the missiological
part based on work by Professor SchmidHn (Miinster).
is
In the second half of this volume, and in all subsequent

ones, the authors of the few sections which are missing in
the MS. will be given, so that the deceased may not be held
responsible for what is not from his pen.
We are greatly indebted to Fr. Kneller and Dr. W. Wiihr
(Munich) for the great care they have bestowed on the
publication of the work.
The publishers will deem it an honour and a privilege to
issue in rapid succession the remaining volumes (XIV^. ;
XV. and XVI.) of which, except for a few gaps, they have
the author's complete MS.
Freiburg in Breisgau. The Publishers.

Autumn, 1929.
— —
COLLECTIONS OF ARCHIVES AND MANU-

SCRIPTS REFERRED TO IN VOLUMES
XXX.. XXXI. AND XXXII.
Aix (Provence) — Mejanes Hague, — Library.

the
Library. Hannover — Library.
Arezzo — Bibl. della Fraternita.
di S. Maria. Innsbruck — Pastor Library.
Ariccia — Chigi Family-
LoDi — Communal Library'.
Archives.
Avignon — Bibl. de la Ville.
London — British Museum.
Lyons — Library.
Berlin— State Library.
Bologna — State Archives.
University Library.
Mantua— Gonzaga Archives.
Bregenz — City Library. State Archives.
Bresci.\ — Bibl. Queriniana.
Massa— State Archives.
Modena— State Archives.
Campello near Spoleto
Monte Cassino — Library.
Campello Archives. Montpellier — Library.
Capua —
Archiepiscopal
Munich — State Archives.
Library. State Library.
—
CoMO Monti Archives.
—National
—
Cortona Communal Librar>\ Naples
Bibl. della
Library.
Societa di
—
Einsiedeln Stiftsbibliothek. storia patria.
Empoli Vecchio Azzolini —
Archives. Orvieto —
Piccolomini
Archives.
Florence —
State Archives. Ottenstein (Schloss)
Magliabecchi Library. Lamberg Archives.
Marucelliana Library.
National Library. Paderborn — Theodorianische
Riccardiana Library. Bibliothek.
Frankfurt a. M. City — Paris — Archives of Foreign
Library. Affairs.
Freiburg i. Br. — University National Library.
Library. Parma — State Archives.
Perugia — Communal Library.
Genoa— Civic Library. PisToiA — Fabroniana Library.
University Library.
GuBBio — L. Benveduti Library Ravenna — Bibl. Classense.
Xlll
XIV ARCHIVES AND MANUSCRIPTS.
Rome — Libraries :
Archives : Albani.
Altieri Archives. Angelica.
Archivio dell' arcicon- Deir Anima.
fraternita dell SS. Barberini.
Nome di Maria. Casanatense.
Azzolini Archives. Chigi.
Boncompagni Corsini.
Archives. S. Croce in Geru-
Costaguti Archives. salemme.
Doria-Pamfili Lancisiana.
Archives. Pignatelli.
Archives of the S. Pietro in Vincoli.
Dominicans. SS. Quaranta.
Archives of the Vallicelliana.
Society of Jesus. Vatican.
Archives of the Vittorio Emanuele.
Greek College.
Consistorial Archives
of the Vatican. Salzburg —
Consistorial
S. Lorenzo in Damaso Archives.
Archives. Studienbibliothek.
Odescalchi Archives. —
Siena State Archives.
Papal Secret Archives. St. —
Gall Stiftsarchiv.
Propaganda Archives. —
Stockholm State Archives.
Ricci Archives. Library.
Archives of the Con- Library of the Academy
gregation of Rites. of Art.
Archives of the
Roman Inquisition.
Archives of the Trent — Communal Library.
Roman Vicariate.
Rospigliosi Archives.
Sacchetti Archives. Venice— State Archives.
Sforza-Cesarini Library of Mark.
S.
Archives. Verona— Communal Library.
Archives of the VicENZA— Communal Library.
Spanish Legation. Vienna — Liechtenstein Ar-
State Archives. chives.
Archives of the Archives of the Austrian
Theatines. Legation at the Vatican.
SS. Vincenzo ed State Archives.
Anastasio Archives. State Library.
COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS QUOTED
IN VOLUMES XXX., XXXI. AND XXXII.
Abhandlungen der Kgl. bayr. Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Munich, 1827 seqq.
Philos.-philol. u. hist. Kl.
Abhandhmgcn der Kgl. bohmischen Gesellschaft der Wissen-
schaften Prague, 1841 seqq.
Acta historica res gestas Poloniae illustrantia. Vols. 3-7 (1674-
1683). Cracow.
Actes et memoires des negociations de la paix de Nimegue. 7
vols., 3rd edit. La Haye, 1697.
Ademollo, A ., Giacinto Gigli e i suoi Diarii del sec. xvii. Florence
1877.
Ademollo, A., La quistione dell' indipendenza Portoghese in
Roma 1640-1670. Florence, 1878.
Ademollo, A., II matrimonio di suor Maria Pulcheria, al secolo
Livia Cesarini. Memorie particolari. Rome, 1883.
Ademollo, A ., I Teatri di Roma nel secolo decimosettimo. Rome,
1888.
Aiazzi, G., Nunziatura in Irlanda di monsignor G. B. Rinuccini.
Florence, 1844.
Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic. Vol. 1-56. Leipzig, 1875 seqq.
Alveri, G., Roma in ogni stato. Rome, 1664.
Amabile, L., II s. Officio della Inquisizione in Napoli. 2 vols.
Citta di Castello, 1892.
Amavden Teodoro, La storia delle famiglie Romane. Con note di
C. A. Bertini. 2 vols. Rome, 1910 and 1914.
Amayden Teodoro, De pietate romana libellus. Rome, 1625.
Analecta iuris pontificii. Dissertations sur divers sujets de droit
canonique, liturgie et theologie. Rome, 1855 seqq.
Analectes pour servir a I'histoire ecclesiastique de la Belgique.
3rd Brussels-Leipzig-Louvain, 1905-1914.
ser.
Anecdotes sur I'etat de la religion dans la Chine (par Villermaule).
7 vols. Paris, 1 733-1 742.
Angeli, D., Le chiese di Roma. Rome.
Angelo, M. D', Luigi xiv. e la S. Sede. (1689-1693.) Rome, 1914.
Annalen des Hist. Vereins fiir den Niederrhein. First and following
numbers. Cologne, 1853 seqq.
Annales de la Societe d'emulation de Bruges. Vol. i seqq. Bruges,
1839.
Annales de la Societe des .soi-disants Jcsuites. Paris, 1 764-1 771.
Annales de St. -Louis des Franâis. Vol. i seqq. Rome, 1896 seqq
Archiv fiir katholisches Kirchenrccht. Vol. i seqq. Innsbruck,
1857 seqq.
Archiv fiir osterreichische Geschichte. Vol i seqq. Vienna, 1865
seqq.
XV
XVI COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Archivi italiani, Gli. Vol i seqq. Naples, 1914 seqq.

Archivio della R. Societa Romana di storia patria. Vol. i seqq.
Rome, 1878 seqq.
Archivio storico dell' arte, pubbl. per Gnoli. Vol i seqq. Rome,
1888 seqq.
Archivio storico italiano. 5 ser. Florence, 1842 seqq.
Archivio storico Lombardo. Vol i seqq. Milan, 1874 seqq.
Archivio storico per le provincie Napolitane. Vol i seqq. Naples,
1876 seqq.
Archivium Franciscanum historicum. Vol i seqq. Quaracchi,
1908 seqq.
Archenholtz, Memoires concernant Christine reine de Suede.
4 Vols. Amsterdam, 1751.
Argentre Carolus du Plessis d'. Collectio iudiciorum. Paris, 1724.
Arnauld Antoine, CEuvres complettes. 43 Vols. Paris, 1783.
Arnauld Henri, Les negociations a la cour de Rome et en differentes
cours d'ltalie. 5 Vols. Paris, 1748.
Artaud de Montor, A. F., Histoire du Pape Pie VII. 2 Vols.
Paris, 1836.
Arte, L' seguito dell' Archivio storico dell' arte.
, Vol i seqq.
Rome, 1898 seqq.
Arte e Vol i seqq. Florence, 1882 seqq.
storia.
Astrdin, A S.J ., Historia de la Compania de Jesiis en
., la Asistencia
de Espana. Vols. 1-7. Madrid, 1902 seqq.
Ateneo Veneto., Rivista mensile. Vol. i seqq. Venice, 18 12 seqq.
Atti della Reale Accademia nazionale dei Lincei. Roma. (Memorie
1870 Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche,
seqq.
1885 Rendiconti, 1901 seqq.)
seqq.
[D'Avrigny), Memoires chronologiques et dogmatiques pour
servir a I'histoire ecclesiastique depuis, 1600, jusqu'en 1716.
4 Vols. 1739.
Bain, F. W., Christina, Queen of Sweden. London, 1890.

Balan, P., Storia d'ltalia. 7 Vols. Modena, 1875-1890.
Baldinucci, F., La Vita di Giov. Lorenzo Bernini, translated into
German and edited by A. Riegl. Vienna, 1912.
Bangen, J. H., Die romische Kurie, ihre gegenwartige Zusam-
mensetzung und ihr Geschaftsgang. Miinster, 1854.
Barozzi, N., e Berchei, G., 'Le relazioni degli stati Europe! lette al
senato degli ambasciatori Veneziani nel sec. xvii. First

series Spain, 2 Vols.
: Venice, 1856-1862 ; 2nd series :
France, 3 Vols., between 1857-1863 ;

3rd series : Italy,
Vol. I, Turin, about 1862 ; Relazioni di Roma, 2 Vols.,
about 1877-9 4th series
; ; England, Vol. i, about 1863 ;
Turkey, i Vol., about 1871-2.

Bartoli, Opere. Vol. 25. Turin, 1838.
Batterel, Louis, Memoires domestiques pour servir a I'histoire,
publiees par A.-M.-P. Ingold. 4 Vols. Paris, 1902-5.
Bdumer, S., Geschichte des Breviers. Freiburg, 1895.
Baunigartner, A., Geschichte der Weltliteratur. 5 Vols. Die
franzosische Literatur. Freiburg, 191 1.
QUOTED IN VOLS. XXX., XXXI. AND XXXII. XVll
Bayle, Dictionnaire historique et critique. 4 Vols. Rotterdam,

1697.
Beani, G., Clemente IX. Notizie storiche. Prato, 1893.
Bellesheim, A., Geschichte dor katholischen Kirche in Irland von
der Einfiihrung des Christentums bis auf die Gegenwart.
2 Vols. 1 509- 1 690. Mayence, 1890.
Bellori, G. P., Le vite dei pittori, scultori ed architetti moderni.
Rome, 1672. (Quoted from the Pisa edition, 1821.)
Benedetti, Mde, Palazzi e ville reali d'ltalia. First and following
.
numbers. Florence, 191 1 seqq.

Benigni, U., Die Getreidepolitik der Papste. Translated into
German by R. Birner. Edited by G. Ruhland. Berlin,
1898.
Benkard Ernst, Giovanni Lorenzo Bernini. Frankfurt, 1926.
Bergtter, H., Das barocke Rom. Leipzig, 19 14.
Berichte des Historischen Vereins fiir Bamberg. Vol. i seqq.
Bamberg, 1834 seq..
Berichte und Mitteilungen des Altertumsvereines zu Wien. Vol. i
seqq. \\enna., 18^6 seqq.
Bernhardy, A. A., Venezia e il Turco nella seconda meta del sec.
xvii. Florence, 1902.
Bernino Domenico, Memorie historiche raccolte da D. B. di cio
che ha operato contro li Turchi il Sommo Pontefice Innocenzo
undesimo. Naples, 1695.
Bernino Domenico, Historia di tutte I'heresie. 4 Vols. Rome,
1705-9.
Berteaiix, E., Rome de I'avenement de Jules II. a nos jours.
Paris, 1905.
Berthier, J. J., Innocentii PP. XI. epistolae ad principes. 2
Vols. Rome, 189 1-5.
Berthier, J J ., L'eglise de la Minerve a Rome.
. Rome, 1910.
Bertolotti, A., Alcuni artisti Siciliani a Roma nei secoli xvi e
xvii. Palermo, 1879.
Bertolotti, A., Artisti Belgi e Olandesi in Roma nei secoli xvi e
xvii. Florence, 1880.
Bertolotti, A., Artisti subalpini in Roma nei secoli xv, xvi e xvii.
Turin, 1877. (Mantua, 1884.)
Bertolotti, A., Artisti Bolognesi in Roma, in Atti d. R. Deput. di
stor. patria d. Romagna, 1886.
Bertrand, Jos., La mission de Madure d'apres des documents
inedits. 3 Vols. Paris, 1 847-1 854.
Biandet Henri, Les Nonciatures apostoliques permanentes
jusqu'en 1648. (Annalcs Academiae scientiarum Fennicae,
serie B, Vol. 2, i.) Helsinki, 1910.
Bibliofilo. Giornale dell' arte antica e moderna. 1 1 Vols. Florence,
1 880-1 890.
Biermann, B. M., Die Anfange der neuern Dominikanermission

in China. Miinster, 1927.
Bigge, La guerra di Candia negli anni 1667-9. Turin, 1901.
Bildt, Baron Ch. de, Christine de Su^de et le card. Azzolino.
Lettres inedites, 1666-8. Paris, 1899.
a\
XVlll COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Bildt, Baron Ch. de, Svenska minnen och marken i Rom.

Stockholm, 1900.
Bildt, Baron Ch. de, Un banchetto al Quirinale nel seicento. Rome,
1901.
Bildt, Baron Ch. de, Christine de Suede et le conclave de
Clement X. 1669-1670. Paris, 1906.
Bildt, Baron Ch. de, Les medailles Romaines de Christine de
Suede. Rome, 1908.
Biographic nationale, publiee par I'Academie Royale de Belgique.
Vol. I seqq. Brussels, 1866.
Biographic universellc ou Dictionnaire historique. Paris, 1847
seqq.
Bischoffshausen S. Frh. v., Papst Alexander VIIL und der Wiener
Hof (1689-1691). Stuttgart, 1900.
Bittner, L., Chronologischcs Verzeichnis der osterreichischen
Staatsvertrage. 2 Vols. (1526-1947). Vienna, 1903-9.
Blok, P. J ., Geschichte der Niederlande. 5 Vols. Gotha, 1912.
Blume, Fr., Iter Italicum. 4 Vols. Halle, 1824 seq.
Boligno, L., La Sicilia c i suoi cardinali. Palermo, 1884.
Bohn, M. v., Lorenzo Bernini Seine Zeit, sein Leben, sein Werk.
:
Bielefeld, 1910.
Bojani, F. de, Innocent XL
Sa correspondance avec ses Nonces.
3 Vols. Rome, 1910-1912.
Bollettino d'arte. Vol. i seqq. Rome, 1907 seq.
Bollettino Senese di storia patria. Vol. i seqq. Siena, 1894 seqq.
Bonamici =
Bonamicius Philippus) Vita Innocentii
( , Rome, XL
1776. (German edition, Frankfurt-Leipzig, 1791.)
Bonanni, Ph., Numismata Pontificum Romanorum quae a tempore
Martini V. ad annum 1699 vel autoritate publica vcl privato
genio in lucem prodiere. 2 Vols. Rome, 1699.
Bonanni, Ph., Numismata templi Vaticani historiam illustrantia.
2nd edition. Rome, 1700.
Bonn, M. J., Die englische Kolonisation in Irland. 2 Vols.
Stuttgart, 1906.
Borboni, Giov. Andr., Dellc statue. Rome, 1661.
Bossi Gaet., La Pasquinata " Quod non fecerunt barbari,
:
fecerunt Barberini." Ricerche storiche. Rome, 1898.

Bossiiet, Correspondance, see Urbain.
Bossuet, J. B., CEuvres. Nouvelle edition. 43 Vols. Versailles,
1815-1819.
Bourlon, /., Lesassemblees du Clerge et le Jansenisme. Paris, 1909.
Bremond, Histoire de sentiment religieux en France. Vols. 1-5.
Paris, 1916-1920.
Briggs, AI. S., Barockarchitektur. Berlin, 1914.
Brinckmann, A. E., Platz und Monument. Berlin, 1908.
Brinckmann, A. E., Barockskulptur. 2 Vols. 2nd edit. Berlin,
1921.
Brinckmann, A. E., Stadtbaukunst. 2nd edit. Berlin, 1922.
Brinckmann, A. E., Barock-Bozzetti italienischer Bildhauer.
Frankfurt, 1923.
Brom, G., Archalivia in Italic. 3 Vols, 's Gravenhage, 1908-1914.
QUOTED IN VOLS. XXX., XXXI. AND XXXII. XIX
Brosch, M., Geschichte des Kirchenstaates. Vol. i. Gotha, 1880.

Brosch, M., Oliver Cromwell und die puritanische Revolution.
Frankfort sur M.. 1886.
Brosch, M., Geschichte Englands. Vol. 7. Gotha, 1891.
Brucker, J {S.J .), La Compagnie de Jesus. Paris, 1919-
.
Bullarium Congregationis de I'ropaganda Fide. 7 Vols. Rome,

1839 seq.
IûUarium Romanum. BuUarum, Diplomatum et Privilegiorum
Sanctorum Romanorum Pontificum. Taurinensis editio,
locupletior facta collectione novissima plurium Brevium,
Epistolarum, Decretorum Actorumque S. Sedis. 24 Vols.
Augustae Taurinorum, 1857 seqq.
Bulletin de la Commission Royale d'histoire de I'Academie de
Belgitjue. Vol. i seqq. Brussels, 1834.
Bulletin de litterature ecclesiastique. Vol.
i seqq. Toulouse,
1877 seqq.
BuUetijn der IMaatschappij van Geschied-cn Oudheidkunde te
Gent. Vol. i seqq. Ghent, 1914 seqq.
Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale. Vol. i
seqq. Rome, 1872 seqq.
Burckhardt, J ., Cicerone. Anleitung zum Genuss der Kunstwerke
Italiens. 8th edit. 1901.
Btissi, Istoria di Viterbo. Rome, 1742.
Cabrol-Leclerq, Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne et de liturgie.

Vol. I seqq. Paris, 1903 seqq.
(Cadry), Histoire du livre des Reflexions morales. Vols. 2-4.
Amsterdam, 1730-4.
Calisse, Carlo, Storia de Civitavecchia. Florence, 1898.
Campana de Cavelli, Les derniers Stuarts et le chateau de St.-
Germain en Laye. 2 Vols. Paris, 187 1.
Campello Giov. Batt., Diario del conte G. B. Campello. Pontificato
di Innocenzo XII., edito dal Conte Paolo Campello in Studi
e documenti di storia edidirittoVIII-XII., XIV. (1887-1893).
Campori, G., CIII. Lettere incdite di Sommi Pontefici scritte
avanti e dopo la loro esaltazione. Modena, 1878.
Cancellieri, Fr., Storia dei solenni possessi dei Sommi Pontefici
detti anticamente proccssi o proccssioni dopo la loro corona-
zione dalla basilica Vaticana alia Lateranense. Rome, 1802.
Cancellieri, Fr., II IMercato, il lago dell' Acqua Vergine ed il
Palazzo PanfiUiano nel Circo Agonale detto volgarmente
Piazza Navona dcscritti. Rome, 1811.
Cancellieri, Fr., Lettera di F. C. al ch. sig. dott. Koreff sopra il
tarantismo, I'aria di Roma e dclla sua campagna ed i palazzi
pontefici dentro e fuori di Roma, con le notizie di Castcl
Gandolfo e de'paesi circonvicini. Rome, 1817.
Canecazzi, G., Papa Clemente IX. poeta. Modena, 1900.
Capece Galeota, N ., Cenni storici dei Nunzii Apostolici di Xapoli.
Naples, 1877.
Cappelli, E., L'ambasceria del Duca di Crequy allacorte pontificia.
Rocca S. Casciano, 1897.
XX COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Carabelli, G., Dei Farnese e del ducato di Castro e di Ronciglione,

Florence, 1865.
Cardella, L., Memorie storiche de' cardinal! della s. Romana
Chiesa. 10 Vols. Rome, 1782-1797.
Carini, Isid., La Biblioteca Vaticana, proprieta della Sede
Apostolica. Rome, 1893.
Carte Strozziane, Le. Inventario. ist Series. 2 Vols. Florence,
1884.
Catholic Encyclopedia, The. Vol. i seqq. New York, 1907 seqq.
Cecchelli, C, II Vaticano. Rome, 1928.
Celli, A., Storia della malaria nell'Agro Romano. Opera postuma,
con illustr. del Dr. P. Ambrogetti. Citta di Castello, 1925.
Cerri, U., Estat present de I'figlise Romaine danstoutes les parties
du monde. Amsterdam, 17 16.
Chanielauze, Le card, de Retz et sa mission diplomatique.
Paris, 1878.
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Ciampi, J., L'Epistolario inedito di Fabio Chigi, poi Papa
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Colombo, G., Notizie biografiche e lettere di Papa Innocenzo XI.

Turin, 1878.
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Conclavi de' Pontefici Romani. New Edition. Cologne, 1691.
Congregationis sac. rituum. Eminentiss. et reverend, d. card.
Ferrario. Romana. Beatificationis et canonizationis ven.
servi Dei Innocentii Papae XL, positio super dubio an sit
signanda commissio introductionis causae in casu, etc.
Rome, 1713. (Citato Proc. Summ.)
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Conring, H., Commentar. historic, de electione Urbani VII I. et

Innocentii X. Helmstedt, 1651.
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1909.
Coppi, A., Discorso sulle finanze dello Stato Pontificio dal secolo
XVI. al principio del XIX. Rome, 1855.
Cordara, Historiae Soc. lesu Pars. 1-2. Rome, 1750.
I.,
Coste, Pierre, Saint Vincent de Paul. Correspondance, Entretiens,
Documents. 14 Vols. Paris, 1920 seqq.
Courrier de I'art. Chronique hebdomadaire. 10 Vols. Paris,
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Coville, H., Ftudes sur Mazarin et ses demeles avec le Pape
Innocent X. Paris, 1914.
Cover, Histoire de J. Sobieski. Paris, 1761.
Cretineau-Joly, J., Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus. 6 Vols.
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Cupis, C. de, Le vicende dell'agricoltura e della pastorizia
nell'Agro Romano e I'Annona di Roma. Rome, 191 1.
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3rd ed. Paris, 1826.
Degert, A., Histoire des Seminaires fran9ais jusqu'a la Revolution.
2 Vols. Paris, 191 2.
Dejean, E., Un prelat independant au xvii* sifecle : Nicolas
Pavilion, eveque d'Alet 1637-1677. Paris, 1909.
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Dengel, Ph. I., Geschichte des palazzo di S. Marco, genannt
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Denis, P., Nouvelles de Rome. i. Paris, 1913.
Denzinger, Henr., et Bannwart, Clem., S.J., Enchiridion
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Desmarais, Regnier, Hi.stoire des desmeles de la cour de France
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Diarium Europaeum. 45 Vols. (1657-1681). Frankfort s. M.,

1659 seqq.
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Dollinger, J. J. J., Geschichte de Moralstreitigkeiten in der
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d'Utrecht, principalement depuis la revolution arrivee
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jusqu'a present. Utrecht, 1765.
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Dupin, Louis Ellies, Histoire ecclesiastique du dix-septieme

4 Vols. Paris, 17 13 se^^.
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Dvorak, Geschichte der italienischen Kunst. Munich, 1928.
Egger, H., Romische Veduten. Vienna and Leipzig (191 1).

Egger, J ., Geschichte Tirols. 3 Vols. Innsbruck, 1872-1880.
Ehrle, Fr., Dalle carte e dai disegni de Virgilio Spada, in ISIemorie
della Pontif. Accademia Rom. di Archeol. Rome, 1927.
Ehses, St., und Meister, A., Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland,
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Eisler, Alex., Das Veto der katholischen Staaten bei der
Papstwahl. Vienna, 1907.
Encyclopajdia Britannica. By a Society of Gentlemen in Scotland.
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Erdmannsddrffer Deutsche Geschichte. Vol. i. Stuttgart, 1892.
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Erythraeiis, lanns Nicius, Epistolae ad Tyrrhenum. Coloniae

Ubiorum, 1645.
Escher, Konrad, Barock und Klassizismus. Studien zur Geschichte
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[Esie, R. d'), Mcmoires de m. le cardinal Reynaud d'Este depuis
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sa mort. 2 Vols. Cologne, 1677.
Estrees, Fr. A.. Mcmoires du marechal d'Estrees sur la regence de
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fitudes (Periodical), 6th ser. Paris, 1856 seqq.
£tudes Franciscaines. Revue mensuelle. Vol. i seqq. Paris, 1899
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Euringer, S., Die Obelisken Roms. Augsburg, 1925.
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Faillon, Vie de M. Olier, fondateur du seminaire de Saint-Sulpice.

3 Vols. Paris, 1873.
Falda, G. B., Le Fontane di Roma nella piazze e luoghi publici
della citta. Rome (1675?).
Farges, Louis, Recueildes Instructions donnees aux ambassadeurs
et ministres de France depuis les traites de Westphalie
jusqu'a la revolution frangaise. Vols. 4 and 5. Poland.
Paris, 1888.
Fea, C. D., Nullita delle amministrazioni capitolari abusive.
Rome, 1815.
Fea, C. D., Storia deU'Acque in Roma e deicondotti. Rome, 1832.
Fenelon, Giuvres, ed. Gosselin and Caron. 35 Vols. Versailles,
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Felix, Ravenna. Vol. i seqq. Ravenna, 191 1 seqq.
Feret, P. La Facultc de thcologic de Paris et scs docteurs les plus
celebres. fipoque moderne. Vol. i seqq. Paris, 1900.
Ferrari, Giulio., La tomba ncll'arte italiana dal periodo preromano
aH'odierno, Milan.
XXIV COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Ferrari, Giulio, Lo stucco nell'arte italiana. Milan (s.a.)

Fester, Die Augsburger AUianz. Munich, 1893.
Fiedler, Jos., Die Relationen der Botschafter Venedigs iiber
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rerum Austriacarum 2nd part. Vol. 27). Vienna, 1867.
Flassan, Gaetan de Raxis, Histoire generale de la diplomatic
franâise. 6 Vols, 2nd ed. Paris, 181 1.
Fleury, Claude, Historia ecclesiastica. 91 Vols. Augsburg, 1768.
Floquet, P. A., Bossuet, precepteur du Dauphin. Paris, 1864.
Foley, H. (S.J.), Records of the English Province of the Society
of Jesus. 7 Vols. London, 1877 seqq.
Fontaine Jacques de la SS. D. N. Clementis Papae XL Constitutio
" Unigenitus " theologice propugnata. 1-4, Rome, 1717-1724.
Pontes rerum Austriacarum. 2nd part :Diplomata et Acta,
edited by the historic Commission of the Imperial Academy
of Sciences. Vienna, 1849 seqq.
Forcella, V., Iscrizioni delle chiese e d'altri edifici di Roma dal
secolo xi. fino ai giorni nostri. 14 Vols. Rome, 1869-1885.
Fraknoi, W ., Relationes cardinalis Buonvisi anno 1686. (Monu-
menta Vaticana Hungarica, 2nd ser.. Vol. 2. Budapest,
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Fraknoi, W., Papst Innozenz XI. (Benedikt Odescalchi) und die
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Franziskanische Studien. Vol. i seqq. Miinster, 1914.
Fraschetti, St., II Bernini. Milan, 1900.
Frey, D., Beitrage zur romischen Barockarchitektur, im Jahrbuch
fiir Kunstgeschichte, 1924.
Frey, D., Michelangelo-Studien. Vienna, 1920.
Friedensburg, W., Regesten zur deutschen Geschichte aus der
Zeit des Pontifikats Innozenz X. (1644-1655). Reprint from
Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven, Bd.
4-7. Rome, 1904.
Fueter, E., Geschichte der neueren Historiographie. Munich, 191 1.
Gaedeke, Am., Die Politik Osterreichs in der spanischen Erbfolge-

frage. 2 Vols. Leipzig, 1877.
Galeotii, L., Delia sovranita e governo temporale dei Papi. 3 Vols.
Paris, 1846.
Gams, P. B., Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien. 3 Vols.
Ratisbon, 1862.
Gams, P. B., Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae quotquot
innotuerunt a beato Petro apostolo. Ratisbon, 1873.
Garampi, G., Saggi di osservazioni sul valore delle antiche monete
pontificie. Con appendice di documenti. s. 1. e. s. a. (Rome,
1766.)
Gardiner, S. R., History of the Great Civil War, 1642-9. 4 Vols.
London, 1893.
Gardiner, S. R., History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate,
1649-1656. 4 Vols. London, 1894-8.
QUOTED IN VOLS. XXX., XXXI. AND XXXII. XXV
Gartner, C, Corpus iuris ecclesiastic! catholicorum novioris quod

per Germaniam obtinet. 2 Vols. Salzburg, 1797-9.
Garzoni, Pietro, Istoria della Repubblica di Venezia in tempo della
sacra lega contra Maometto IV. e tre suoi successori. Venice,
1705-1716.
Gastaldi, Hieron., Tractatus de avertenda et profliganda peste
politico-legalis. Bononiae, 1684.
Gazier, A., Histoire generale du mouvement janseniste depuis ses
origines juscju'a nos jours. 2 Vols. Paris, 1924.
Geijer, E. G., Geschichte Schwedens. German trans. Vols 1-3.
:
Vols. 4-6 by F. F. Carlson ;Vol. 7 by L. Stavenow. Hamburg-

Gotha, 1 832-1908.
Gerberon, G., Histoire generale du Jansenisme. 3 Vols. Amsterdam,
1700.
Gerin, Ch., Recherches historiques sur I'assemblee du clerge
de France de 1682. Paris, 1869.
Girin, Ch., L'ambassade de Lavardin et la sequestration du
nonce Ranuzzi (1687-9) in Revue des quest, hist. Vol. 16
(1874).
Gerin, Ch., Le Pape Innocent XI. et la revolution anglaise de 1688.
Vol. 20 (1876).
Gerin, Ch., Le Pape Innocent XI. et la revocation de I'fidit de
Nantes. Vol. 24 (1878).
Gerin, Ch., L'expedition des Franâis a Candie en 1669. Vol. 25
(1879).
Gerin, Ch., La mission de M. de Lionne a Rome en 1655. Vol. 26
(1879).
Girin, Ch., Le Pape Innocent XI. et I'election de Cologne en 1688.
Vol. 33 (1883).
Girin, Ch., Le Pape Innocent XI. et le siege de Viennc en 1683
d'apres des documents inedits. Vol. 39 (1886).
Gerin, Ch., Louis XIV. et le Saint-Siege. 2 Vols. Paris, 1894.
Giornale Ligustico de archeologia, storia e letteratura. Vols.
1-25. Genoa, 1875-1898.
Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, diretto e redatto da
A Graf, F. Novati, R. Renier. Vol. i scqq. Rome-Turin-
.
Florence, 1883 seqq.

Giussani, II Conclave di Innocenzo XL Como, 1901.
Giustificazione della Bolla della Santita di N. S. Papa
Innocenzo XI. sopra I'abolitione de' pretesi quarticri e
dell'editto con il quale la chie.sa di S. Luigi e stata sottoposta
aU'intcrdetto. (Fdition of the date of Innocent X. in the
possession of the Swedish envoy. Baron de Bildt.)
Gori, F., Archivio storico, artistico, archeologico e letterario
della citta e provincia di Roma. Vols. 1-4. Rome and
Spoleto, 1 875-1 883.
(Gosselin, J. E. A.), Histoire litteraire de Fenelon. Lyons-Paris,
1843.
Golhem, M. L., Geschichte der Gartenkunst. Vol. i. Jena, 191 4.
[Gramont, A.), Memoires du mareschal de Gramont, Due et Pair
de France. Paris, 1716.
XXVI COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Graesse, /. G., Tresor de livres rares et precieux. 7 Vols. Dresden,

1859-1869.
Grauert, W. H., Christina, Konigin von Schweden, und ihr Hof.
2 Vols. Bonn, 1837-1842.
Gregorovius, F., Die Grabmaler der romischen Papste. Leipzig,
1857-
Grisar, H., Geschichte Roms und der Papste im Mittelalter. Mit
besonderer Beriicksichtigiing von Kultur und Kunst nach
den Quellen dargestellt. Vol. i. Freiburg, 1901.
Grottanelli, L., La regina Cristina di Svezia in Roma. Florence,
1890.
Gruber, loh. Dan., Commercii epistolici Leibnitiani P. 12. Hanover
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Griinhagen, C, Geschichte Schlesiens 2 Vols. Gotha, 1884-6.
Gualdo, Priorato Galeazzo, Historia della sacra real Maesta di
Cristina Alessandra regina di Suetia. Venice, 1656.
Guarnacci, M., Vitae et res gestae Pontificum Romanorum et
S. R. E. Cardinalium a Clemente X. usque ad Clementem
XIL 2 Vols. Rome 1751.
Gugielmotti, Alb., Storia delle fortificazioni nella spiaggia Romana.
Rome, 1880.
Gugielmotti, Alb., La squadra permanente della marina Romana.
Storia dal 1573-1644. Rome, 1882.
Gulielmotti, Alb., ausilaria della marina Romana a
La squadra
Candia ed Morea. Storia dal 1644 al 1699. Rome, 1883.
alia
Guhrauer, G. E., Leibniz's deutsche Schriften (s.l.), 1838.
Guidi, Aless., I paesi dei Colli Albani. Roma, 1880.
Guidi, M., Le Fontane barocche di Roma. Zurich, 191 7.
Gurlitt, Cornelius, Geschichte des Barockstiles in Italien. Stuttgart,
1887.
Hamel de Breuil, Comte Jean du, Sobieski et sa politique de 1674

a 1683. In Revue d'hist. diplom. VII.-VIII. (1893-4).
Hammer-Purg stall, J. Frh. v., Geschichte des osmanischen
Reiches. 4 Vols., 2nd ed. Pest, 1834-6.
Hanisch, Erdm., Die Geschichte Polens. Bonn-Leipzig, 1923.
Hanotaiix, G., Recueil des Instructions donnees aux ambassadeurs
et ministres de France depuis les traites de Westphalie
jusqu'a la Revolution fran9aise. Vols. 6 and 17. Rome,
Paris, 1888, 1911.
Hardouin, I., Conciliorum collectio regia maxima. 12 Vols.
Paris, 1 71 5.
Harnack, Ad., Lehrburch der Dogmengeschichte. 3 Vols., 4th ed.
Tiibingen, 1909-1910.
Hase, K. A., Kirchengeschichte auf Grundlage akademischer
Vorlesungen. 3 Vols. Leipzig, 1 885-1 892.
Heeckeren, E. de, Correspondance de Benoit XIV. Vol. i (1742-9).
Paris, 1912.
Heimbucher, M., Die Orden und Kongregationen der katholischen
Kirche. 3 Vols., 2nd ed. Paderborn, 1907-1908.
QUOTED IN VOLS. XXX., XXXI. AND XXXII. XXVil
Hempel, E., Carlo Rainaldi. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des

romischen Barocks. (Diss.). Munich, 1919.
Hempel, E., Francesco Borromini. Vienna, 1924.
Hergenr other, J., Katholische Kirche und christlicher Staat in
ihrer geschichtlichcn Entwicklung und in Beziehung auf die
Fragen der Gegenwart. Historisch-theologische Essays und
zugleich ein Anti-Ianus vindicatus. 2nd section. Freiburg,
1872.
Hergenr other, J., Handbuch der allgemeinen Kirchengeschichte.
Restated by /. P. Kirsch. 4 Vols., 6th ed. Freiburg, 1924-5.
Hermant, G., Memoires sur I'histoire ecclesiastique du xvii^
si^cle (1630-1663). Edited by Gazier. 6 Vols. Paris, 1905-
1910.
Hermelink, H., Reformation und Gegenreformation. Tubingen,
1911.
Herzog, see Real-Enzyklopadie.
Hilgers, J., S.J., Der Index der verbotenen Biicher. Freiburg,
1904.
Hiltebrandt, Ph., Preusscn und die romischc Kuric. Vol. i (1625-
1740). Berlin, 1910.
Hiltebrandt, Ph., Die Anfange des direkten diplomatischen
Verkehrs zwischen dem Papstlichen und dem Preussischen
Hofe. (Quellen u. Forsch. aus ital. Archiven XV., 2.) Rome,
1913-
Hiltebrandt, Ph., Die kirchlichen Reunionsverhandlungen in der
zweiten Halfte des 17. Jahrhunderts. (Bibl. des preuss. Hist.
Instituts in Rom. 14). Rome, 1922.
Hinschitis, P., System des katholischen Kirchenrechts. 6 Vols.
Berlin, 1869 seqq.
Hippeaii, C, Avenement des Bourbons au trone d'Espagne.
Histoire des conclaves depuis Clement V. jusqu'a present. Cologne,
1703-
Histoire des intrigues galantes de la Reine Christine, etc.
Amsterdam, 1697.
Historisch-politischc Blatter fiir das katholische Deutschland.
Vol. I seqq. Munich, 1838 seqq.
Iljdrne, H., Sigismunds svenska resor. Upsala, 1884.
itoffmann, Theob., Entstehungsgeschichte des St. Peter in Jiom.
Zittau, 1928.
Huber, A., Geschichte Oesterreichs. Vol. 5. Gotha, 1893.
Hubert, E., Les Pays-Bas Espagnols et la Republique des Provinces
Unies. La question religieuse et les relations diplomatiques,
in Memoires dc I'Academie Royale de Belgique. 2nd ser.
Vol. 2. Brussels, 1907.
Hughes, Thorn., Histon^' of the Society of Jesus in North America,
colonial and federal. Text, 2 Vols. London, 1907, 1917 ;
Documents, 2 Vols., same, 1907, 1910.

Hiilsen, Chr., Forum und Palatin. Munich (1926).
Huonder, A., Der chinesische Ritenstreit. Aix-la-Chapelle,
1921.
XXVUl COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Hiirben, J., Handbuch der Schweizergeschichte. 2 Vols. Stans,

IQ01-1909.
Hurler, H., Nomenclator literarius theologiae catholicae. 5 Vols.,
3rd ed. Innsbruck, 1903 seqq.
Jahrbuch, Historisches, der Gorres-Gesellschaft. Vols. 1-46.

Mlinster and Munich, 1880-1928.
Jahrbuch der preussischen Kunstsammlungen. Berlin, 1880 seqq.
Jahrbiicher, Preussische. Vol. i seqq. Berlin, 1858 seqq.
Jahrbiicher fiir Schweizerische Geschichte. Vol. i seqq. Zurich,
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Jann, A. O., Die katholischen Missionen in Indian, China und
Japan. Ihre Organisation und das portugiesische Patronat
vom 15. bis ins 18. Jahrh. Paderborn, 1915.
Ilg, Geist des hi. Franziskus Seraphikus, dargestellt in Lebens-
bildern aus der Geschichte des Kapuzinerordens. 2 Vols.
Augsburg, 1876-9.
Imniich, Max, Zur Vorgeschichte des Orleansschen Krieges.
Heidelberg, 1898.
Imniich, Max., Papst Innozenz XL, 1676-1689. Beitrag zur
Geschichte seiner Politik und zur Charakteristik seiner
Personlichkeit. Berlin, 1900.
Immich, Max., Geschichte des europaischen Staatensy stems von
1660-1789. Munich-Berlin, 1905.
Inventario dei monumenti di Roma. Vol. i. Rome, 1908-1912.
iorga, N., Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches nach den Quellen
dargestellt. Vol. 3. Gotha, 1910.
Israel, F., Adam Adami und seine " Arcana pacis Westfalicae ".
Berlin, 1910.
lus Pontificium =
luris Pontificii de Propaganda Fide. Pars i.
Vols. 1-7. Rome, 1886 seqq. (If not otherwise stated, the
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Iiisti, K., Velasquez und seine Zeit. 2 Vols., 3rd ed. Munich, 1922.
Kdrolyi, Arpdd, Buda es Pest visszavivasa 1686 ban a ketszazados

emlekiinnepely alkalmara Budapest fovarosa megbizasabal
irta Dr. A. K. Budapest, 1886.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXX.
Innocent X. 1644-1655.
xliv TABLE OF CONTENTS,
A.D. PAGE
1646 The French attack the States of the Church 60
The Pope, intimidated, pardons the Barberini 61
1647 Mazarin's change of Policy and its results 62
Papal-Spanish relations ....

Further difficulties with France
Attitude of Innocent X. towards Portugal

67
72
74
Anti-Spanish revolt near Naples, which town 79
Declares itself independent of Spain 81
The Papal Policy in Naples 83
Spanish rule re-established 85
1648 Second Marriage of Philip IV. of Spain 88
Difficulties between Spain and the Holy See 91
CHAPTER III.
THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA AND RELIGIOUS CONDrTIONS

INGERMANY AND HOLLAND THE ENGLISH CATHOLICS
UNDER CROMWELL IRELAND'S FIGHT FOR FREEDOM ;
HER DEFEAT.
1644 Chigi's task as Nuncio in Cologne 94
The Emperor's terms

Demands
....
1645 Peace proposals of France and Sweden at Miinster
of the Protestant Princes

96
99
100
Divisions among the Catholics lOI
Increasing concessions to the Protestants. 10^
1646 Inopportune Pamphlet, signed E. de Eusebiis 108
Adds fresh difficulties to Chigi's Task III
1648 The Emperor's command to yield . 118
The Peaceof Westphalia 122
Papal Protests against the Church's Losses 125
The Papal Brief .....

1649 Chigi withdraws to Aix-la-Chapelle . 127
130
....
Yields no practical result
1653 The Diet of Ratisbon
132
133
Hungary ......
Religious conditions in
Conversions to the Church

Bohemia and 134
135
137
In England ......
Catholicism in the Netherlands
....
The Career of Cromwell
141
143
144
1650 His simulated toleration of the Faith 149
1643 Charles I. and the Irish Catholics 153
The Pope's influence in Ireland 156
Rinuccini appointed Nuncio in that country 157
His negotiations with Glamorgan fail 159
1649 Cromwell's campaign

The Massacre of Drogheda
....
The position in Ireland grows worse 163
167
169
The final subjugation of the whole country 171
1
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XIV
CHAPTER IV.
innocent's work within the church- -THE JUBILEE

year.
PAGE
The Work of Innocent X. within the Church 177
Reforms of the Orders . 178
1650 The Year of Jubilee 180
Innocent X.'s Creations of Cardinals 185
His furtherance of Missions 190
Those in the East and in Africa 195
In China and Japan 199
The Question of the Chinese Rites 201
Missions in South America 206
The career of Palafox, Bishop of los Angelos 207
Canadian Missions ....

His Controversy with the Jesuits 208
213
CHAPTER V.
JANSENISM FRANCE AND THE NETHERLANDS

Its tool
IN
—the Press .....

;
217
The influence af Port Royal ....

The heresy becomes fashionable in Paris through
And spreads to the Provinces and abroad

219
221
223
Refutations by Vincent de Paul and Olier 226
Further heretical publications and . 232
The Sorbonne and Jansenism

1650 The intervention of Vincent de Paul
....
Continued rejection of Urban VIII. 's Bull 236
237
252
He seeks the collaboration of the Bishops 254
1 65 They dispatch their letter to Rome .
257
Jansenist retaliation by another letter
Envoys are sent to Rome .... 259
261
A
1653 Its findings
.....
Congregation appointed to deal with Jansenism
.......
Its proceedings and
265
266
277
Evasions and intrigues of the Jansenists but 279
1653 The Constitutions are finallv accepted 285
Bishop Henri Arnauld renews the attack and . 289
Finds support from certain Bishops. 290
Measures taken against them by
Cardinal Mazarin and
Innocent X. .
..... 293
297
299
1645 The course of the heresy in Flanders 300
Hindrances to the publication of the Bull 305
then
Torn down
.......
1646 Which is ultimately published by P)ichis autlioritv
....... 307
308
Protracted obstinacy of the Flemish Jansenists 309
.. .
xlvi TABLE OF CONTENTS.
His goodwill at first

His increasing slackness
....
1647 Archduke Leopold William becomes Governor
1 65 1 The Bull published in all Flemish Dioceses

The intrigues of Archbishop Boonen of Malines
is cited to appear in Rome but
He
Refuses to go and .
Being censured
Recants ....
The evil he has done remains .
1653 Differing receptions accorded to the Bull

The attitude of Louvain University
The position of the Jesuits in Flanders
CHAPTER VI.
INNOCENT X. S RELATIONS WITH VENICE THE

PONTIFICAL STATES DEATH OF THE POPE.
Innocent X. and Venice

The incident of the Inscription
....
More cordial relations established
A subsidy .......
1645 Military aid sent by the Pope, followed by
....
Negotiations lead to
1646 The campaign in Dalmatia ....
Venetian infringements of ecclesiastical immunities
.
The situation in the States of the Church

Famine and flood cause scarcity
Total demolition of that city ....

1649 The assassination of the Bishop of Castro
The decline of the noble families of Rome

The health of the septuagenarian Pope
His sudden collapse and.
1655 Death on January 7th
....
.....
CHAPTER VII.
INNOCENT X. AS A PATRON OF ART.
The parsimony of the Pope in relation to art

Work in St. Peter's
Other buildings ....

Restoration of the Lateran Basilica
1652-5 The Prison Reforms of Innocent X.

Parks and Villas restored
The reconstruction of Piazza Navona and
Bernini's Fountain therein
The Church of S. Agnese designed by Rainaldi
. .
LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS AND

EXTRACTS FROM ARCHIVES IN
APPENDIX.
PAGE
1 The Cardinal Secretary of State to the Spanish Nuncio.
December 17th, 1650, Rome. -415. .
2 The Holy See and the Peace of Westphalia
3 Paolo Casati, S. J., on the conversion of Christine, Queen

of Sweden. November 19th, 1655. . . 420
4 Memorandum of P. Sforza Pallavinico for Alexander VIT.
......
on the benefices bestowed on the nephews.
May 9th, 1656
Instructions for the Swiss Nuncio, Baldeschi. 1665
424
3 .
425
6 The " Vita di Alessandro VII." by Sforza Pallavicino 430
7 Bargellini to Rospigliosi. September 25th, 1668, Paris 436
8 To Bargellini. October nth, 1668, Rome. . .
437
9 Session of the Inquisition, of December 23rd, 1668 .
439
Rospigliosi to Bargellini. January 20th, 1669, Rome. 442
To the Spanish Nuncio. August 31st, 1669, Rome. .
444
To the Spanish Nuncio. August 13th, 1672, Rome. 445
Rome.
Clement X. to Louis XIV.
.......
Cardinal Altieri to Cardinal Nerli.
.....
July nth, 1673,
446
14
15 Biographies of Pope Innocent XI. .... 448
449
16 Instructions to A. Pignatelli (Innocent XII.), Nuncio
in Germany, 1688 . . .451 . .
xlvii
INNOCENT X. 1644-1655.
INTRODUCTION.
ThI'; powerful progress of the Catholic Church in the era of

tlie Catholic reform and restoration, which constitutes one
of the most wonderful spectacles in the whole history of the
Church, comes to a standstill in the second half of the 17th
century,when a period of decline follows. Thus the reign of
I'rban VHI. marks a turning point in the same way as, a
century earlier, that of Paul III. had ushered in such a crisis.
The cause of this decline is not to be looked for in the leaders

movement, the Popes on the contrary, it is
of the religious ;
due to such altered conditions as would have prevented even

a Pius \ or a Sixtus V. from accomplishing what they did in
.
tlieir time. By the middle of the 17th century the state

of the world had undergone a profound change. Germany
which — were it only because of its Emperor — the nations had
looked upon as the hub of the world, no longer counted as a
great Power. Though under Ferdinand II. it looked repeatedly
as if the imperial power were about to reassert itself, the
Peace of Westphalia put an end to all such hopes. The Em})ire
had resolved itself into a couple of hundreds of States and
miniature States which obeyed the Emperor when it suited
them, whilst their isolation and impotence left them help-
lessly at the mercy of their all-powerful western neighbour.
Germany was notably paralysed by its religious divisions.
Lutlier was mistaken when he imagined that his death would
be the death of the paj)acy a large })art of (Germany remained
:
Catholic. However, Luther's opponents were likewise dis-

api)ointe(l in their hope that Germany would return to the
ancient faith. The Peace of Westphalia recognized the religious
cleavage as insurmountable and definitive, and both parties
dropped the principle that full political privileges could only
\ OL. .\\x. I ^
2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
be enjoyed by those who dung to the true rehgion. Contrasts

have now become petrified German Cathohcs and German
;
Protestants now have their own separate territories and face

each other hke two hostile peoples thus when it chanced
;
that foreign co-religionists were oppressed, it might happen

that a Protestant government would practise reprisals on
their own Catholic subjects and vice versa. Moreover, in the
sociological sphere, the humiliating realization of the country's
depopulation and impoverishment after the war weighed
heavily on the nation and stifled all enterprise. If a German
wrote poetry, it was in a French metre ; if a prince raised
some luxury building, at the expense of his impoverished
subjects, France gave the impulse and supplied the model.
When the new learning essayed Germany was
its first steps,
splendidly represented by her Copernicus and her Keppler.

After 1650 she may indeed boast yet another great scholar
and historian in the person of Leibnitz, the co-discoverer of
the infinitesimal calculus, but in the proper sphere of the
natural sciences Otto von Guerike was for a long period the
only inventor whose name history has recorded. The dis-
spirited Germans had lost all self-reliance, all consciousness
of the former greatness of their country. In such a mood

how could they have asserted themselves abroad ? A large
section of the nation was, as it were, under a kind of religious
necessity to look on the Catholic Middle Ages, that is the
great centuries ofGerman hegemony, as an era of darkness
and barbarism, and if the mere name of the Emperor was
still surrounded by a kind of luminous halo, it called forth
no more than vague, melancholy memories and a longing

that its bearer might awake from slumber.
Like Germany, Spain too had fallen from her pinnacle.
Under Charles V. and Philip II. that country had enjoyed
its century of hegemony in Europe, but with the 17th
century there began a period of decline into ever-increasing
political impotence. It is remarkable that it was just then
that with Lope and Calderon, Spanish poetry attained its

highest efflorescence, as did painting with Velasquez and
Murillo. But in Spain literature and art were chiefly rooted
INTRODUCTION. 3
in the deep and intimate Catholic faith of a people which had

decisively rejected the religious innovations as soon as these
sought to strike root, and thus preserved the inestimable
blessing of religious unity no literature or art is so deeply
;
stamped with the imprint of Catholic religious feeling as the

Spanish.
On the whole France also had preserved religious unity.
During the Huguenot wars that country was, as it were, the
tongue of the balance. Had France at that time swerved
towards Protestantism, the consequences would have been
incalculable in that eventuality the Reformation would in
;
all probability have swept over the whole of Europe. This

was not to happen. The French people itself had no love for
the new religion it wanted to be and to remain Catholic and
;
it compelled its reluctant King to become a Catholic. The

horror of the Huguenot wars onlj' served to fan the Catholic
spirit and when the dice had been cast in favour of the old
religion, there passed over the land a Catholic spirit like a

warm breath of spring. Priests, splendidly endowed, energetic
and full of religious enthusiasm, arose the secular clergy
;
became once more conscious of its lofty vocation the ;
religious Orders were rejuvênated new religious institu-

;
tions for educational and charitable purposes arose on all

sides and the laity, too, gathered its strength in the service
of the Church. The achievements of the humanistic age, in
alliance with Catholic mentality, issued in an efflorescence of
French literature which in Bossuet, Fenelon, Bourdaloue,
Massillon, gave expression to Catholic thought. The poets of
the period of Louis XHL and XIV., Corneille, Racine, Moliere,
Lafontaine, are classics even at this day Poussin, Claude;
Lorrain, Le Sueur are the finest flowers of French painting,

Descartes with his new philosophical views, together with
Fermat, and Pascal, is a pioneer in the sphere of
Vîete,
mathematics which he enriched with a new branch, that of

analytical geometry. In the theological field a new science
arose with Petau, that of the history of dogma, which was
carried still further by Morin and Thomassin. Critical
patristic studies owe to Fronton du Due, Sirmond and Labbe
a development which, towards the close of the century, and

thanks to the French Benedictines, laid the foundations of
the modern historical method. Bossuet first sought to carry
light and order into the medley which men call the history
of the world. Distinguished minds of foreign lands, such as
Huygens and Cassini, if they would be put on the candlestick,
must needs repair to Paris where the Academy of Science and

that of Inscriptions, the Observatory and the rich collections,
opened their doors to them. More obvious than these achieve-
ments in the intellectual order was the way in which Colbert
raised France's trade and industry' Louvois created the
;
modern army organization and by feeding troops from

magazines, made possible the mobilization of large masses ;
Vauban laid down the foundations of the modern art of

fortification, whilst under generals such as Conde, Turenne
and Catinat, France marched from victory to victory in the
opening years of Louis XIV. 's reign.
However, the authors of these brilliant achievements, who
thereby made of France the first country in the world, were
only the stars that prepare the rising of the sun itself, at whose
appearance, as willing planets, they ranged themselves in
a luminous setting around one man, the real luminary among
these lesser lights — the youthful Louis XIV. A born ruler, full
of great plans and designs, bent on extending the realm and

humiliating Germany and Spain, a prince who really worked
and governed as his own minister and only allowed the decrees
of his ministers to be issued in his own name, handsome
and energetic, a king in his appearance and in his every
gesture, the twenty-three year old ruler quickly became the
pride and the idol of the French who basked in his glory
and who, because they stooped before him as the expression
and embodiment of France, felt themselves exalted above all
other nations.
was unquestionably an advantage for the Catholic cause
It
that the most powerful King of Europe, the richest country
in the world and the most brilliant literature of the period,
should be on the side of Catholicism. This is proved by the
numerous conversions among the upper classes in Germany
INTRODUCTION. 5
and in tlic ranks of intellectual men. None the less the rule
of the rot soldi proved a calamity for the Church. Louis XIV.
was the most determined representative of State absolutism
and the very brilliance with which he embodied the new
conception of the State led to its triumph, for the other
princes, even the Catholic ones, proved onlj' too ready pupils
of the great Louis. If Louis did not say in so many words,
" L'Etat, c'est moi !
" he certainly said it equivalently and
took it for his line of conduct. According to him all right is
vested in the State and all authority proceeds from the

Sovereign, nay, he even owns all that the country owns,
not excluding the property of the Church.^ The aim of his
policy is the honour of the nation whilst the glory of the
nation is the greatness of the King.^ Accordingly the great
mass of the people and its welfare are of much less conse-
quence. The Sovereign may pour out its blood in endless
wars, provided his greatness is assured ; it may be im-
poverished by crushing ta.xation, so long as the ruler lives
in splendour in castles that surpass all the wonders of the
world. XIV. was the only man who counted
In effect Louis
in France the wars of the Fronde had broken the power
;
of the nobles and the fall of La Rochelle that ot the Huguenots ;
the States General had not been convened since 1614, and
Parliament only dared move after the death of Louis XIV.
Hence there remained only one power that could act as a
brake, the Church, " whose greatest enemy," in view of his
principles, Louis was bound to become, one, too, whose
action was fraught with greater danger than open violence.^
Absolutism was everywhere bent on domination, even in
* Les rois sont seigneurs ahsohis ct ont naturcllcmcnt la

disposition plcine ct libre de tons Ics bicns, tant des seculiers que
dcs ecclesiastiques, pour en user come sages ccouomes, c'est a
(lire selon les bcsoins de leur fitat. \'. in Dkiciss, I,
209 Louis XI ;
li. Lavisse, Histoire de France, VII, i, Paris, 1905, 391.

2 Ch. Koch, Das imitmschrdnktc Kunigtiim Ludivigs XIV.
(Progr.), Berlin, 1888 P. Ssymank in Hist. Vierteljahrschr., II.
;
(1899), 39-71 ; Lavisse, lac. cit., iiq scqq.

' O. Klopp, l-'all dcs Haiises Stuart, I, 346 ; X., 200.
b HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the religious and spiritual sphere. Such aims were all the
more natural in France as Galilean teaching was gaining
ground. Spain too had its Caesaro-papalism, but this was
derived from papal concessions and Philip II. carried it into
effect because he imagined that, in the event of the downfall
of the Roman Curia, he would be called upon to assume the
care of the Catholic Church. ^ French Gallicanism was a
quite different thing. In so far as it looked for theoretical
foundations at all, it based itself not on papal privileges, its
claim was that it preserved the original conditions of the

primitive Church. In the Galilean view the Roman See
had by degrees subjected all the nations to itself, France
alone had preserved the conditions which generally obtained
throughout Christendom in the 6th century ^ ; hence the
genuine Catholic Church was found exclusively on the soil of
ancient Such views explain Louis XIV. 's conduct

Gaul.
towards the Pope. He acknowledged the Pope's precedence
"
in the purely spiritual sphere, but this " purely spiritual
sphere was by him set within very narrow boundaries, and
all that went beyond them he felt justified in resisting as
Roman pretensions. Hence the attitude towards Alexander VII.
and Innocent XL, as if the Pope were a foreign enemy whom
one could not confine too sternly within his own boundaries.
In the other great European courts, and even in the little
ones, this striving for the complete autonomy of the State

found a willing echo, especially when, after the Peace of
Utrecht, the Spanish war of succession, the great civil war
between the Catholics, the Protestant Powers, England,
Holland, Prussia, began to rise. Politics became completely
and justice sank into the back-
secularized, regard for right
ground and the Pope's influence was almost completely
eliminated. No papal delegate was present at the Peace of
the Pyrenees and that of Monzdn. Such a representative
appears for the last time at the congresses of Aix-la-Chapelle
and Nymegen, but thereafter the men in power thought that
^
Cf. P. Leturia in Estudios eclesiasticos, January, 1929, 106-
114.
* Phillips, Kirchenrecht, III., Ratisbon, 1848, ^yj seqcj.
INTRODUCTION. 7
tlicy might dispense with the Pope's mediation.* Rome ceased

to be the centre of gravity of European politics ; in tlie
great crises of modern history she no role

either plays at all
or only a very limited one. Henceforth the importance of the

nunciature rejiorts lies solely in the fact that they proceed
from men well able to judge the c\cnts they record.
Thus by KioO the European situation had undergone a
great change, one very unfavourable to the Church and the
papacy : in the North there was Sweden, the deadly enemy
of Catholicism ; Germany and Spain, with their conservative
principles pushed into the background ; in the centre of
western Europe, France still Catholic but already, under
Richelieu, dangerously near a schism and, moreover, the
second home and the true focus of one of the most dangerous
heresies, Jansenism, one all the more to be feared, as it
not only a\'oided open rupture with the Church but, on the
contrary, by various subterfuges, preserved the appearance
of submission whilst it claimed to be the genuine orthodox
Church, as against the '
Molinists '.
Grievous peril thus brooded over the Church. However,

Providence is never asleep. Youthful Louis XIV. may indeed
have cherished the dream of acquiring Spain by marriage,
winning the imperial crown of Germany and, by establishing
real imperial rule, of paving the way for world power. What be-
came of such dreams ? Louis was to learn by bitter experience
that the sword is not the only weapon. His arrogance arrayed
all Europe against him and he owed it solely to the lack of
miity among his opponents if the last of his campaigns ended
not unsuccessfully. To this must be added the impoverish-
ment of the land, the embittermcnt of the people against the
roi soleil it had at one time idolized, misfortune upon mis-
fortune in his own family, no heir to make it worth while to
toil during a whole lifetime, nor any successors to the men of
genius who had shed such lustre upon the beginning of his
reign.
• At the Peace of Utrecht Passionei was onlv papal agent and

at the Congress of Canihrai the participation of a papal envoy
was imposed f)y force by Dubois.
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Nor did Louis succeed in enforcing his will on the Pope.

Gallicanism was a half-truth and self-contradictory. If in
the early Christian centuries the influence of the Roman See
was less to the fore, it was nevertheless there if Rome
;
gave a free hand to an Athanasius or a Cyril of Alexandria

in the distant East, it was because there was no need to
interfere, whilst all the time she was fully conscious that
she had the right to intervene. Louis XIV. himself had to
experience the inconsequence of Gallicanism : again and
again he had need of the Pope, both in dogmatic disputes
and otherwise, and when faced with insoluble complications
he had to request the Pope to speak the decisive word.^
For all that anti-Roman tendencies and encroachments on
the Church's sphere grew constantly. Things came to such
a pass that in was no rare thing for
the 18th century it
Bishop's letters to be burnt, or the Last Sacraments to be

administered by order of the police, until at last, by the
civil constitution of the clergy, a new ecclesiastical order was
dictated by the authority of the State alone and without

reference to either Bishops or Pope. However, this extreme
1 " Cette domination du roi, cependant, n'etait pas, ne pouvait

etre complete. Le place a mi-chemin entre le
gallicanisme,
schisme et I'infaillibilite papale, etait uu systeme plein d'in-
consequences, qui devait inevitablement un jour se briser contra
la logique d'airain de Rome. Meme a son apogee, il ne savait
pas se passer de Rome. A chaque instant le pouvoir royal
avait besoin de ce pape, qu'il combattait si volontiers et avec
taut d'obstination. II fallait souvent solliciter a Rome, quand
on aurait vouhi commander. On le voyait chaque fois qu'il
s'agissait d'unc question d'hcrcsie ou de doctrine, ou simple-
ment d'un chapeau de cardinal. De la une sourde irritation dans
I'esprit du roi, qui sentait qu'il y avait a I'interieur meme de cet
fitat, qu'il identifiait avec soi-meme, une autre puissance im-
posant des limites a la sienne. De la aussi cette inconsequence
dans les relations avec le pape, melange de menaces et de solli-
citations, de violence et de deference, de corruption scandaleuse
et de persecution mesquine." (Hanotaux, Recueil, I, cix.
Ch. de. Bildt, Christine dc Suede et le Conclave de Clement X.
(1669-1670), 60.)
INTRODUCTION. 9
measure of Caesaro-papalism provided the occasion for the

papacy's supreme triumph. When Napoleon resolved to put
order into the rehgious chaos, he saw him.self impelled to
invoke the Pope, thereby supplying the opportunity for a
display of pontifical power of unprecedented magnitude in the
whole history of the Church.
Even in his political contests with the Popes, Louis XIV.
experienced unforeseen disappointments. True, he forced
Alexander VII. to yield in the dispute over the Corsican
guards, so as to preserve the States of the Church from an
invasion of the King's soldiery, but no one can admire the
brutal conduct of an arrogant youth towards a father and an
aged man. However, this did not put an end to all conflicts.
After a short period of peace under Clement IX. they were

renewed under his successor, eighty-years-old Clement X.,
and they became extremely acute under Innocent XI.
On the other hand this was the moment for the beginning
of an extremely interesting spectacle. On one side Europe's
mightiest King, in all manhood, relying on a
the force of his
trained army and all the arts of policy and diplomacy, glorified
by poets as the one who saw more clearly than the Pope and
who sustained the whole structure of religion,^ and this
' Thus Racine in 1689 in the prologue to Esther has this address
to God :
De ta gloire auiiiK'', hii scul de tant de rois

S'arme pour ta querelle, ct combat pour tes (h'oits . . .
Tout semble abandonner tes sacres etendards.

Et I'enfcr, couvrant tout de ses vapeurs funebrcs,
Sur les yeux les plus saints a jete ses tcnebres.
Lui seul, invariable et fonde sur la foi,
Ne cherche, ne regarde et n'ecoute que toi ;
Et bravant du demon I'impuissant artifice

De la religion soutient tout Tedifice.
Grand Dieu, ju<,'e ta cause. . . .
The fabuli.st Lafontaine also wrote of Innocent XI. (Letter of

August 18, 1689, to Prince De Conti, (Euvres complies, ed. C. H.
Walckenacr, II, Paris, 1838, 743) :
embodiment of all the worldly greatness of the period faced

by an unarmed old man, a Pope in whom, on the whole,
there was nothing of the skilled statesman or the wily diplo-
matist. Simple and straightforward, but consequent, the Pope
defended what he knew to be the cause of right and justice,
ready, if need be, to die a martyr to his cause. ^ " To this we
are called," he wrote to Louis, " and we do not value our
lifemore than ourselves not alone with constancy, but even
;
with joy, we must bear tribulations for justice' sake and

glory in them and in the cross of Jesus Christ." - He would
sooner be flayed alive, like the Apostle St. Bartholomew, than
consent to anything that could redound to the injury of the
Holy See.^ Such speech, no doubt, would meet with but
Celui-ci veritablement
N'est envers nous ni saint ni pere.
Nos soins, de I'erreur triomphants,
Ne font qu'augmenter sa colere
Centre I'aine de ses enfants.
1 " His policy presents no surprising features, on the contrary,
amid the incredible intrigues of the 17th century and the con-
stantly changing relations between the various States, it is
remarkable by reason of its simplicity and constancy. It is
characterized by the sense of justice that inspiredits guide, by
the firmness with which he met encroachments on the pontifical

power and suppressed abuses, and above all by the high aim that
he had set himself ." (M. Immich, Zur Vorgeschichte des
. .
Orleanischen Krieges, Heidelberg, 1898, XVI., seq.).
Neque tamen ullum inde incommodum aut periculum,

"
nullam, quantumvis saevam atque horribilem tempestatem

pertimescimus. Ad hoc enim vocati sumus, neque facimus
animam Nostram pretiosiorem quam Nos, probe intelligentes
non forti solum, sed etiam laeto animo subeundas tribulationes
propter justitiam, in quibus et in cruce Domini Nos unice
gloriari oportet. Brief of Dec. 29, 1679, in Berthier,
I. 330-
* che pill tosto si sarebbe lasciato scorticare, come s. Bartolo-
meo, che fare o consentire a cosa pregiudiciale alia S. Sede
Apostolica et alle ragioni della medesima. Process of Beatifica-
tion, Informatio, Testimony of Maracchi,
INTRODUCTION. II
little it might
understanding on the part of the diplomatists,
even call forth their sneers. But the incredible happened :
it was not the unworldly ascetic who was beaten in the

dispute moral victory would have been his in any case. On
;
other questions also Louis XI V.'s endeavours failed owing to the

opposition of the Pope, as the King's efforts for the Electoral
See of Cologne ; in the dispute over the freedom of the quarter
lie also gave in after the death of Innocent XI. ; he restored
the confiscated papal possessions in Avignon
France, viz.
and \'enaissin ; the convocation of a General Council was

now without point, and under Innocent XII. Louis had to
give up the four Gallican articles of 1()82 the quarrel over ;
the regale met with a solution with which Rome could, on the
whole, be satisfied.
But we have not yet as much as hinted at Innocent XL's
greatest triumphs. From beginning to end his government
was inspired and dominated by the lofty thought of uniting
Christendom for a grand struggle against the traditional
—
enemy in the East at first sight, and judged by appearances,
a hopeless undertaking in view of the utterly secular policy
of the States at the time, an enterprise that must have looked
like a dream of long ago, which only an unpractical idealism
could think of evoking However, though Innocent XL did

!
not realize all he would have wished to accomplish, he could

nevertheless register many successes. The salvation of
Europe and the anti-Turkish league arc for the most part
his work he was the real soul of the opposition against the
;
rising tide of Islam. Great events rapidly succeeded each

other during his pontificate ; the deliverance of Vienna, the
conquest of Ofen, the Grand Alliance. The new Austro-
Ilungarian Imperial State was a result of the wars of the time,
and a stop was put for ever to the conquest of the Osmanlis.^
Even in purely secular matters and in affairs of State the
wisdom was on the side of the unpolitical
greater political
Pope. France had not robbed his plans of complete success,
If
there would have remained no Eastern question and Europe
' Immicii, Zttr Vorgeschichic, X\II.

would have been spared incalculable complications. ^ The

reign of Innocent XI. is the epilogue of the age of the
great reforming Popes of the 16th and 17th centuries.
Whereas under Urban VIII. and Alexander VII. and even
after them, Rome, notwithstanding its continual decline in
the political sphere, still remained the centre of the civilized
world, chiefly by reason of its great creations in the artistic

field, up to the BYench Revolution the Apostolic See knew
indeed excellent priests but no longer any great men. The
most remarkable Pope of the period was Benedict XIV., a
scholar whose works are not yet out of date, a man of high
and liberal spirit, whose ready repartee could be pungent ; he
knew how to yield but likewise how to go cautiously forward.
For the rest the 18th century is one of the saddest in the
history of the Church, and outwardly one of steady decline.
To the three hostile forces of the 17th century, viz.
Jansenism, Gallicanism, Caesaro-papalism, a fourth came

to be added, viz. an infidel philosophy, deism, naturalism,
rationalism, which only worked themselves out completely
in the 19th and 20th centuries. Its aim was to attack
and to undermine Christianity in its foundations. Added

to this was the fact that the other hostile powers became
even more aggressive than in the past. The French Parlia-
ment, which under Louis XIV. had sunk into political
insignificance, acquired new strength during the Regency and
permitted itself, as the guardian of Gallicanism, encroachments
on the ecclesiastical sphere such as the roi soleil would not have
dared to perpetrate. Jansenism seemingly vanished after
Clement IX., but under Clement X., through Quesnel, it
became a fresh and even greater danger under Louis XIV. ;
it had been opposed by the Government, but now it was the
object of the solicitous protection of Parliament. By then

State absolutism had become an established thing ;
it might
1 " II faut le dire, a I'honneur de la diplomatie pontificale,
que
c'est a Rome
qu'on a premierement compris rimportance de
la question de rOrient. Que de maux auraient ete epargnes a
TEurope si la voix des papes avait ete mieux ecoutee " Bildt, !
loc. cit., 4.
INTRODUCTION. I3
he said that the princes vied with one another in makinj^ the
Pope feel liis p<jhtical in"ii)otence ; tluis Clement XL, in the
course of his long and peaceful pontificate, found himself,

during the Spanish war of succession, between France and
Austria as betw'een the hanmier and the anvil ; Benedict XIII.
had to become reconciled to the Monarchia Siciila so long
opposed, whilst Clement XII. was forced to make fresh
concessions. It looked as if the papacy's very power to live
was to be tested and the fact that it stood the test is one of
the most memorable facts of all history. The great pioneers
of royal absolutism, Richelieu, Mazarin, Louis XIV., however
clear and far-sighted they may have seemed, failed to perceive
that by exaggerating the royal prerogatives they conjured
up the revolution, and that by setting at nought the most
legitimate authority of all, that of the Church, they were
undermining all authority, theirs included. Royal absolutism
dug its own grave when it fell, its fall included that of
;
Gallicani.sm and Jansenism. For a time it looked as if the

deluge was about to sweep away the papacy too. However,
the nadir of its depression in the 18th century also marks
the starting point of a fresh and unexpected rise, even though
not in the political sphere. In the 19th century the
papacy remained as a world power with which every State had
to reckon, and though it may no longer intervene in world
})olitics, the nations have nevertheless been taught that it
would be greatly to their advantage if there still existed a

peaceful power, enthroned above the strife of parties, with its
su])eriority and impartiality recognized by all.
When Pius VI. died in captivit}', men wrote the epitaph of
the papacy, for they fancied that it would rise no more. If
ever prophecy was stultilied, it was this one.
^
CHAPTER I.
The Conclave of 1644. Innocent X. and the Pamfili.
When Urban VIII. died on July 29th, 1644, the Cardinals'

first was to remove the mercenaries, French for the most
care
part, who had been enrolled for the recently concluded war
of Castro. This seemed all the more urgent as the Grand-
Duke of Tuscany and the Viceroy of Naples had drawn up
their troops along the borders of the States of the Church
and were threatening to take action unless the foreign soldiery
was disbanded and Taddeo Barberini deprived of his command.
The Emperor's representative, Savelli, worked in the same
sense. In the end it was decided that the foreign troops
should be evacuated towards Bologna whilst Taddeo Barberini
should remain General of the Church, but his authority was
to be limited by two Cardinals who were to be placed by his
side.^ These measures had a calming effect on the people,
for in Rome the situation had taken on so warlike a character
that all the palaces had been put in a state of defence.
On August 9th the Cardinals went into conclave.^ Contrary
^ Report of Cardinal Harrach to Ferdinand III., dat. Rome,
August 6, 1644, State Archives, Vienna.
2 See the report in Petrucelli, III., 91 I. Nicii Erythraei, ;
epist. LXVIII. ad Tyrrhenuni Coville, 3 seq., 13 seq.

;
^
Cf. on the conclave of Innocent X., H. Conring, Comment,
hist, de electione Urbani VIII. et Innocentii X., Helmstadt, 165 1 ;
Conclavi, II., 356-499 ; Petrucelli, III, 95 seqq. ; Wahrmund,

Ausschliessungsrecht, 128 seq. in Sitzungsberichten der Wiener
Akademie, Hist. Kl. 122 and 170 Eisler, 48 seq., 88 seq.
; ;
a diary of Cardinal E. A. Harrach on the conclave of 1644 in

Harrach Archives, Vienna. Cf. F. Mencik, Volba Papezc In-
nocence X., Praze, 1894, where the election capitulation {cf.
Quellen u. Forsch., XII., 299) is given on p. 42. Its date (Sept. 10,
1644) can be ascertained from the copy in Boncompagni Archives,
14
THE CONCLAVK. I5
to what had been planned at tirst,' it was not held at the

Quirinal nor at the Collei^fe of tlie Jesuits, but notwithstanding
the objections of the physician Collicola,who warned against
the " miasmas and the risk of infection ", at the suggestion
of the two Francesco Barbcrini and in accordance with
established custom, it was held at the Vatican. ^ The electoral
hall remained open all day, thus enabling the envoys of the
I'^mperor and those of the Kings of Spain and France to
confer with the Cardinals.-' In view of the great heat the cells
had been made more spacious than usual.'*
The Sacred College consisted of 62 members ^ ; six were

absent, viz. the Spaniards Borgia and Sandoval, the French
Mazarin and La Rochefoucauld and the Italians Spinola and
Orsini. Most of the 56 Cardinals who took part in the
election were There were among them only the
Italians.
and Lugo, the two French-
three Spaniards Albornoz, Cueva,
men Alphonse Louis Richelieu and Achille d'Estampes de
\'alenây and the German Harrach. Sixteen Cardinals were
Romans, viz. Lante, Crescenzi, Pamfili, Rocci, Cesi, Verospi,
Montalto, Panciroli, Mattei, Altieri, Teodoli, Rapaccioli,
Antonio Barberini, Colonna, Gabrielli, Rondinini ; seven
were Florentines, viz. Capponi, Francesco Barberini, Sacchetti,
Machiavelli, Falconieri, Medici and the elder Antonio
Barberini. There were also five Genoese, viz. Spinola,
Costaguti, Durazzo, Donghi and Grimaldi. To these must
—
be added three Milanese Roma, Trivulzio and Monti two ;
Rome, C. 20. A few relevant letters in Marchesan, Lettere

inedile di O. Rinaldo, Treviso, 1896, and Chinazzi, Sede vacante
per la morte di Urbano VIII., Rome, 1904. Register of spese
occorse per il conclave 1644 in Arch. Doria-Pamfili, Rome, 1-5.
* See Conclave di Innocemo A'., Vat. 8781, Vat. Lib.
* Cf. Celli, Storia della malaria nell'Agro Romano, Citta di
Castello, 1925.
' Avviso of August 13, 1O44, lâpal Seer. Arch. ; Avvisi, 96.
* Avviso of August 6, 1644, loc. cit.
" Not 61 as given by Ciaconius (IV., 642-3). Cf. the authentic

data in the Pianta del conclave d'Innocenzo X., ed. Calisto Fer-
ranti, Rome, Piazza Xavona, Vat. Lib.
l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Venetians, viz. Cornaro and Bragadino ; two Neapolitans,

viz. Brancaccio and Filomarino. Siena was represented by
Cennini and Bichi, and Ferrara by Bentivoglio and Rossetti.
The only survivor of Gregory XV. 's Cardinals was Cueva.
Seven owed their elevation to Paul V., viz. Lante, Crescenzi,
Cennini, Bentivoglio, Roma, Capponi and Medici all the ;
others were created by Urban VIII.

Previous to the opening of the conclave the following
were spoken of as papahili Lante, Crescenzi, Bentivoglio,
:
Capponi, Sacchetti, Mattei, Pamfili, Rocci, Maculano,

Altieri,^ and besides them also Spinola, Monti and Roma.
Concerning the latter everybody took it for granted that if
he were elected he would make an end of nepotism, for he

gave nothing to his relatives but bestowed all he had on
the Church and on the poor. In view of his eighty years
Cennini could not be seriously considered ; Pamfili had a
reputation for ability but he was definitely rejected by France
and even in the Sacred College he had many opponents.
Giulio Sacchetti had the best prospects he was a priest of ;
blameless life, liberal and highly cultured, the only thing

against him being the circumstance that he was not yet
sixty years old. Sacchetti was likewise on excellent terms
with Mazarin, a circumstance which everybody thought
sufficient by itself to range the Spaniards against him.^
1 Avviso of Aug. 6, 1644, Papal Sec. Arch. Altieri fa gran rumore

e se non fosse giovine et sano, potrebbe facilmente colpire (Fr.
Mantovani, report of August 6, 1644, Modena State Archives).
2 See O. Rinaldi's letters of July 30 and August 6, 1644, in
A. Marchesan, Lettere inedite di O. Rinaldi, Treviso, 1896,
23 seq., 28 seq. For Sacchetti see Moroni, LX., 100 Palla- ;
viciNO, Alessandro VII., I., 55. Alaleone calls him vir sunimae
virtntis et incomparabilis doctrinae et vitae integritatis (* Diariimi,
Vat. Libr.). G. B. Tarabucci wrote of Sacchetti in 1643 *" Ha :
in grado eminente tutte le qualita desiderabili in un cardinale

papabile eta provetta, bonta di vita, dottrina, cortesia, piace-
:
volezza, prontezza, grande sincerita di spirito, in somma degno

del pontiiicato " (Siato della corte di Roma nel 1643, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). Franc. Mantovani, envoy of Este, says of
Sacchetti :
" Gode un aura grande e forse si parla troppo di
STATE OF PARTIES. I7
On the other hand Sacchetti's most intimate friends were

the Barbcrini. How close these relations were, as well as
the Cardinals' artistic sense, appears even at this day in his
\'illa of Castel Fusano, near Ostia, situated in a magnificent
pine forest planted by himself and now the property of the
Chigi. Andrea Sacchi, Baldassare and
Pietro da Cortona,
Francesco Lauri had adorned it with paintings.* In the
gallery on the second floor, where maps painted on the walls
recall the extensive travels of his highly cultured brother
Marcello, at one time depositary of the Apostolic Camera
under Urban VIII., one may by the side
see in the corners
of Sacchetti's arms, those of Cardinals Francesco and Antonio
Barberini and those of Urban VIII. over the main entrance,
so that one has the impression of being in a property of the
Barberini. The gravity of Sacchetti's character appears from
Oderico Rinaldi's remark to the effect that he did not move
a fmger to secure his election.- The data of the diplomatic
reports on the strength of the various parties differ greatly ;
itwas thought that France could rely on 4-6 votes and Spain
on 8-24 One and the same Cardinal was often reckoned
!
as belonging to opposite parties.^ On the whole the following
lui." Of Pamfili the same writes " Lodano suoi meriti e

: i
I'habilita,ma h si oppongano la rozzezza della natura e 1' [gap]

(lella cognata. Li Francesi poi rescludono apertamente e . . .
"
nel s. collegio ha piii di died cardinali che li sono contrarii
(report of August 6, 1644, State Archives, Modena).
Campori, Lettere artist., Modena, 1866, 505
* Pascoli, ;
\'ite di pittori, II., Rome, 1730; Posse, Einige Gemdlde des

A. Sacchi, in Mitteilungen der sdchsischen Kunstsammlmigev,
III. (19 1 2). According to the * Documents of the Sacchetti
Archives, Pietro da Cortona received 100 scudi on Sept. 7, 1626 ;
Andrea Sacchi 60 scudi on April 3, 1628 Andrea Camassei ;
25 scudi on Nov. 24 and Pietro Berrettini da Cortona 266i scudi

in 1630 for their paintings in casale di Ostia. CJ. the rare work
\'illa Sacchetta Ostiensis cosmographicis tabulis et notis per
loannem 'iomcmti Marnavitiuni illiistrata. Rusticams legibiis
offictnaruni(jiic inscrtptionibtis annotata, Rome, 1630.

* Marchf.sa.n, Lettere inedite di O. Rinaldi, 28.
' CoviLLE, 9-10.
parties may be said to have constituted themselves, viz. the
old Cardinals, Urban VIII. 's Cardinals, those who entertained

French or Spanish sympathies.
The Spanish-Imperialparty was headed by Cardinal
Albornoz who was also the depositary of " the secret of the
Catholic King ". In addition to the Spanish nationals,
Cardinals Medici, Este, Trivulzio, Colonna and Harrach also
belonged to this party, whilst that of the old Cardinals, led
by Cardinal Mattei, was also closely allied with it. The
party of Urban VIII.'s nephews was led by Cardinal Francesco
Barberini, but he could only rely with certainty upon barely
one half of the forty-four Cardinals who owed the purple to
the late Pope.^ All the same he was strong enough to prevent
at any time the elevation of any one candidate unacceptable
to himself. The French party was headed by the youthful
Antonio Barberini, Cardinal Protector of France, and by
Richelieu, Mazarin's confidant.
The two nephews of Urban VIII. fully realized how much
they had exploited to their advantage the exceptionally long
pontificate of their uncle they were afraid of being called
;
to account, hence they were anxious to secure the election

of aPope of whose favour they could feel assured. At bottom
they did not care whether the Pontiff leaned towards France
or Spain, so long as he guaranteed their security. In order
to preserve the greatest freedom of action, the nephews
wrapped their plans in deepest mystery. ^ They were by no
means in complete agreement as to their candidate Fran- ;
cesco's first choice was Giulio Sacchetti and after him Giam-
battista Pamfili, but Antonio Barberini, and with him all
the French, definitely declined the latter whereas they were
1 *" Per certissimo si dice che I'Eminenza Sua non ha seguito

sicuro se non di 26 voti, et se durera nolle sue stitichezze, correra
rischio di provare una ribellione totale e che si faccia il Pontefice
senza di perche insofferibile la sua irresolutezza." Report
lui,
of Fr. Mantovani dated Aug. 20, 1644. Modena State Arch.

2 At the opening of the conclave, Mantovani *reports on Aug.
10, 1644 " Barberini haveva dichiarato la sua intentione con

;
le creature, di chi se dolevano assaissimo." State Arch., Modena.

^
FRENCH POLICY. IQ
very keen on Sacchetti.^ At the imperial court, where there

was much dissatisfaction with Urban VIII.'s attitude during
the Thirty Years' War,^ Httle attention had been paid to the
papal election. In vain Savelli asked for fuller instructions,
neither he nor the Protector of the German nation. Cardinal
Colonna, succeeded in obtaining them. All that Savelli
secured was the dispatch of a special Spanish plenipotentiary,
Count Sirvela, who reached Rome shortly before the opening
of the conclave.^
On the other hand the leader of France's policy, Cardinal
Mazarin, displayed all the more zeal. As early as February 1st,
1644, he had instructed the French envoy in Rome to work,

in the first instance, for Bentivoglio and in the second for
Sacchetti, but to oppose with all his might, secretly, but if
necessary openly, the election of Pamfili.* The instructions

were repeated after the death of Urban VIII., on August 11th.
However, the execution of this programme was hampered by
the circumstance that the French ambassador, the Marquis
Saint-Chamond, was both new to his post and sickly, whilst
Cardinal Valenây could not be depended upon. Only of
Richelieu, Bichi and Grimaldi could Mazarin be quite sure ;
but the wily politician did not despair he sent monej' to

;
Rome and ordered Admiral De Breze to be prepared to appear

before Civitavecchia. He also sent to Rome a report of the
victory near Freiburg (August 3rd and 5th).
1 See Conclavi, II., 357 seq.
; *Report of Marchese Cesare
Guerrieri on his obbedienza embassy in 1645, Gonzaga Archives.
Mantua ; Wahrmund, Ausschliessungsrecht, 130 seq. Cardinal
Antonio Barberini had grievously offended Pamfili (Simeoni,
Francesco I. d'Este e la politica italiana del Mazarino, Bologna,
1022. 55).
"^
See * Consider azioni e prognosiici per la sede vacante di
Urhano VIII. in Cod. 1172, of Bibl. Riccardiana, Florence.
* W.MiKMUND, 129.
Mazarin's hostility towards I'amfdi was not exclusively due
^
to the insinuations of Cardinal Antonio Barberini, but was also

based on the fact that Pamfili was closely allied to Cardinal
I'anciroli whom the French Cardinal considered as a personal
inemy. Simeoni, 55. ' Coville,
5 seq., 12.
An enormous sensation was created when, at the very

beginning of the conclave, the leader of the Spaniards,
Albornoz, openly pronounced the exclusion of Sacchetti.
The old Cardinals, and not a few of those of Urban VIII.,
such as Cesi and Mattel, took the side of the Spaniards.
Barberini nevertheless upheld Sacchetti and sought to induce
Albornoz, though in vain, to withdraw the exclusion. When
asked on what grounds Sacchetti was to be excluded, Albornoz
declared that his sovereign was not bound to give explana-
tions on the subject, that it must suffice that he did not
trust him : all the Cardinals must reckon with this. As a
matter of fact not a few theologians were of opinion that they
were bound to take that fact into account thus the con- ;
fessor of the conclave, the Jesuit Valentino Magnoni, thought

that it was not possible to resist the will of so powerful a
King without imperilling the Church, hence they must choose

the lesser evil. This view was opposed b}^ some of the
Cardinals. For the time being Barberini upheld Sacchetti's
candidature, but Count Sirvela informed the Spanish Cardinals
that if they supported Sacchetti, they ran the risk of forfeiting
the favour of the King of Spain and with it their benefices
and pensions.^
Nothing was more unwelcome to Cardinal Sacchetti from
the first than the ardour of the French in supporting him.
A report circulated in the conclave that money had come
from Paris in furtherance of his election, nay, it was even
affirmed that Mazarin had written a letter to Sacchetti in
which he addressed him as Pope.^
By degrees the difficulties of Sacchetti's candidature had
manifestly become so great that Barberini saw himself com-
pelled to consider that of Pamfili and in this sense he got in
touch, by letter, with the French ambassador. However,
even though Antonio Barberini was now prepared to resign
himself to Pamfili's election, Saint-Chamond declared that
1 EisLER, 93, 95 seq., 97.

*Memorie del conclave dTnnocenzo X. scritte dal
2 card.
Lugo in Barb, lat., 4676, p. 255 seqq., Vat. Lib.
^
PAMFILI S CANDIDATURE. 21
lie could not possibly go against the will of his King.^ Accord-
ingly another elTort had to be made to bring off Sacchetti's
August 30th only twelve Cardinals
election, but at the ballot of
declared themselves in his favour whereas the three-quarters'
majoritj' which was required for the election was thirty-eight.
This failure led to a new phase of the conclave. The
candidature of Pamfili, whose prospects had been serious from
the beginning of the conclave,^ was now definitely put forward.
Cardinal Francesco Barberini got in touch with I.ugo ^ and
the latter removed Antonio Barberini's last scruples so that
thereafter the latter strove to shape circumstances in such
wise as to remove every appearance of the election being
directly aimed against France.^ To
gain time he began by
urging the election of Maculano.^ Meanwhile he sought to
win over Bichi with the promise of a French archbishopric.
Bichi declined. Much depended on the French ambassador,
but the latter declared that he must first consult Paris.
Mazarin replied in a letter of September 19th in which he
emphatically pronounced against the candidature of Pamfili.'
However, Mazarin's objections came too late ; even before
^ CoviLLE, 17. The *Report of Cesare Guerrieri mentioned in

note I of p. 19 knows nothing of this.
2 ElSLER, 98.
3 In a MS. entitled *Cayatteristica del papabile, from an
imperialist source, we read of Pamfili :
" Potra egli correr la
sua fortuna essendo di gran letteratura e di profondo sapere."
State Archives, Vienna.
* *Memorie del card. Lugo, loc. cit.
* CoviLLE, 19.
* Chinazzi,
44 seq. From the letters of Michelino here given,
which are preserved in the Archives Sforza-Cesarini, Rome, it
appears that an attempt was made to overthrow Maculano,
a Capuchin, by recalling a certain trial before the Inquisition
which, however, in no way touched the Prate. Fr. Mantovani
wrote on Aug. 6, 1644 *" Maculano non ha applauso nel senato
•
apostolico, e dicono che Pio v fu eletto per la santita della

vita e Sisto v per la letteratura parti che non militano nel
:
frate presente." State Arch., Modcna.

"
CoviLLE, 19-21.
^ ^
he had penned his reply PamfiH's election had taken place

on September 14th. How was it that events thus precipitated
themselves ?
September has the reputation in Rome of being the un-

healthiest period of the year and the Cardinals were terrified
at the prospect of having to remain together, within the
narrow confines of the conclave, even during that month.
It soon looked as if their fears were to be realized. The first
to fall ill with malaria was Bentivoglio (he died on Septem-
ber 7th) and after him Cardinals Mattel and Gabrielli and
lastly also Francesco Barberini. Like his colleagues, Francesco
had to leave the conclave, but before doing so he passed
on the leadership of the party to his brother Antonio so that
the latter found himself at the head of both the French party
and that of the nephews.
Mazarin's reply to Saint-Chamond's consultation could not
arrive in Rome before September 23rd, but in view of the
great heat and the bad state of health of the Cardinals, it was
impossible to draw out the conclave for so long. In these
circumstances Saint-Chamond suffered himself to be per-
suaded by the Marquis di San Vito, Cardinal Teodoli's
^ and on
brother, to discuss the eventual election of Pamfili
Antonio Barberini forthwith announced that France
this basis
had withdrawn its opposition to Pamfili.
A particular circumstance caused Barberini to hurry his
negotiations in favour of Pamfili. This was that at one
scrutiny old Cardinal Cennini, who was no
friend of his, and
who had supported had secured 25 votes. Antonio
Spain,
realized that further delay would be highly dangerous, hence
he decided to act without waiting for Mazarin's reply.* On
the evening of September 13th a decisive conversation took
^ On Aug. 24, Mantovani reports

1644, Fr. *" Molti scom- :
mettono che non havremo Papa per tutto Settembre." State

Arch., Modena.
- *Memorie del card. Lugo, loc. cit., Vat. Lib. Conclavi, ;
II., 473 seqq. Eisler, ioi.

;
^ CoviLLE, 22, 42 seqq.

* Eisler, 101-2.
ELECTION OF INNOCENT X. 23
place in Spada's cell between Antonio Barberini, Rapaccioli

and Facchinetti.^ was informed in the morning and
I-ugo
Facchinetti treated with Albornoz. The conditions were as
follows The Spanish party would maintain towards the
:
pratica for Pamfili the same attitude as that for Maculano ;
should France feel injured by Antonio's action, the Barberini

would be assured of Spain's protection. Albornoz accepted
these conditions and promptly obtained the assent of fifteen
of his followers. 2 The Cardinal likewise sent word to the
Spanish ambassador, but the latter's distrust was such that
he only saw in the whole thing a manoeuvre the object of
which was to weaken the Spanish party and to push through
Sacchetti's candidature.^ On the morning of September 15th
Lugo repaired to Pamfili's cell, to inform him of his impending
election to the papacy. He recommended to him, in the
first instance, the interests of the Church and peace between
the princes, and lastly the House of the Barberini. In the

ensuing scrutiny Pamfili was elected by a large majority,
only the French Cardinals Valengay and Richelieu as well
as Bichi, Grimaldi and Maculano having voted against him."*
The thunder of the guns of Castel S. Angelo and the clanging
of the bells of the city proclaimed to the Romans that
St. Peter's Chair was once more occupied.^ The new Pope
took the name of Innocent X.® in view of the fact that his
family had settled in Rome under Innocent VIII. ; for his
motto he chose the words of 2 Kings iii, 9 :
" Give to thy
'
servant an understanding heart to judge thy people."
The Romans were overjoyed that a fellow citizen was to
1 *Memorie del card. Lugo, loc. cit.
* EisLKR, 102-3.
' *Memorie del canl. Lugo, loc. cit.
' CoviLLE, 22. Interesting details on the scrutiny in *Memnric

del card. Lugo [loc. cit.).
^ A. Taurklli, De novissima electionc Innoccntii A'., Bononiae,

1640, 24 seq. ; Novaes mentions similar writings.
(X., 8)
It was at first thought that he would take the name of Clement
'•
IX. .see Harrach's report of September 15, 1644, in Mencik, 47.

;
' CiACONius, IV., 643.

wear the tiara. Cardinal Harrach expressed his satisfaction

at the election of a Pope who was not only a great lover of
peace, but likewise well disposed towards the House of
Habsburg ; the Spanish party, he wrote, notwithstanding
its weakness, may paved the
well boast of having not only
way for a France had excluded
good Pope, but one whom
and whose attainment of the supreme dignity looked like
a miracle.^ The coronation took place on October 4th ^
and on November 23rd the Pope took possession of the
Lateran. According to custom many triumphal arches had
been erected and these were adorned with pompous inscrip-
tions, pictures and statues ; one arch was especially admired,
even by the Pope himself had been erected on the Capitol,
; it
from a design of the architect Carlo Rainaldi. Between the

Arch of Titus and the Colosseum the Jews had spread sixty
tapestries bearing texts from the Old Testament.^
Giambattista Pamfili was sprung from a very ancient family
of the delightful hill town of Gubbio. In the last quarter of
the 15th century one branch of the family settled in
Rome. Camillo Pamfili, whose brother Girolamo became a
Cardinal under Clement VIII., married Maria Flaminia del
Bufalo. Four sons sprang from this union : Pamfili, Giam-
battista, Angelo Benedetto, Alessandro, and two daughters,
Prudenzia and Agata who both took the veil.*
1 Harrach's report, loc. cit.

2
Cf. Relazione delle cevemonie per la coronazione di P. Innocenzo
X., Rome, 1644. *" ^^ tanto il concorso del popolo, che non
ci e memoria di cosa simile " (Fr. Mantovani on October 5, 1644,
State Archives, Modena).
^ Cancellieri, Possessi, 208 seqq., 248 seq., 251 seq., 255 seq.
To the reports here indicated must be added an *Avviso of

November 26, 1644, Papal Secret Archives. Evelyn, Diary,
118 also gives a description of the possesso.
seq.,
* OnInnocent X.'s family and antecedents, cf. besides the
Venetian embassy reports in Berchet, Roma, II., 50 seqq.,
67 seqq. A. Taurelli, De novissima electione Innocenti X.,
:
Bononiae 1644 F. F. Mancini, Compendio della vita di Papa

;
Innocenzo X. (copy in Bibl. Casanatense, Rome) ; N. A. Caferrius,

FAMILY AND EARLY STUDIES. 25
The arms showed a dove with an ohvc branch

famil\' coat of
in its beak surmounted by three golden hHes.^ The family
mansion stood near the Pasf]uino in the Piazza Navona. Here
Giambattista Pamlili was born on May 7th, 1574 and three
days later he was baptized in the parish church of S. Lorenzo
in Damaso.- His uncle Girolamo undertook to educate the
brij^ht youth ^ and in all probability it was due to him that
his pupil ended by embracing the ecclesiastical state. After

taking a doctorate in both laws at the Roman University,
he was ordained priest on September 27th, 1597. In 1601
Clement VHI. made him a consistorial advocate. When
uncle Girolamo was raised to the cardinalate, Giambattista
succeeded him, on June 9th, 1601, as auditor of the Rota.
At that time he became an intimate friend of his colleague
Synthctna vctustatis siveflores histonarum, Romae, 1667 ; Ciaconius,

570 seq. ; Ameyden, Bagatta,
ed. Bertini, II., 124 seqq. ; for
Vita di Innocenzo X. (in Platina-Panvinio, Vtie, ed. Venezia,
1730) see Mazzuchelli, III., 63 for his correction of the name
;
of the Pope's mother Lettere di Michele Giiistiniani, Roma,

:
'675' 7 Spicil. ]'at., I., Roma, 1890, 116 seq. (excellent data
;
from Yat. MSS.) ; Ciampi, Innocenzo X., 14 seq. Much is to be

added to the judgment passed by Zwiedineck-Sudenhorst
(in Hist. Zeitschr., LIT., 118 seqq.) and by Ehrle {Spada, 2,
note 2) on the defects and qualities of Ciampi's biography of the

Pamfili Pope. Ciampi is very far from having made adequate use
of the Roman material from the Papal Secret Archives he
;
quotes nothing and from other collections of MSS. for the most
part only secondary details the Doria-PamfiU Archives, which
;
he should have used in the first instance, were closed to him.

Innocent X.'s sister Prudenzia died on April 25, 1650, at S. Marta.
.\lalcone de.scribes her as " femina maxim i .spiritus et incompara-
"
bihs prudentiae et pietatis et erga omnes benevolissima
[lîarium, Vat. Lib.).
'
Pasini Frassoni, Aymonal dcs Papes, Rome, iyo6, 43 seq.
* Bapti-smal register in Archives of S. Lorenzo in Damaso, I.,
170 ; copy in Doria-Pamfih Archives, 93-46.
* These and tlic followint^ dates in MSS. *Xotes to Brusoni,
llistoria d'ltalia in Doria-Pamfili Arch., 93-46, p. 61 seq.
Ludovisi, the future Pope Gregory XV. ^ A mighty quarto

volume in the family archives bears witness, even at this
day, to his as auditor. ^
activity Small wonder that on
March 26th, Gregory XV. appointed the keen and
1621,
skilful auditor nuncio in Naples, a post he retained for four
years.-'' Without sacrificing any of the Church's rights,
Pamlili knew how to avoid disputes with the Government.*
When Urban VIII. sent his nephew Francesco Barberini to
France and Spain, Pamlili was assigned to him as datarius.
In this capacity he won the confidence of the nephew to such
an extent that the latter hardly undertook anything without
his advice.^ The Pope was so pleased with his services that
he gave him the title of Patriarch of Antiochia and on May 30th,
1626, he entrusted to him the difficult Spanish nunciature.^
At Madrid everyone remarked on his reserve and reticence.'
Against the will of the Spanish minister Olivares, Urban VIII.
1
Cf. AccARisio, *Vita Gregovii, XV. [cf. our data XXVII.
Appendix 5).
2 *Decisioni rotali in sua [G. B. Pamfili] poncma, 1605-1617.
Doria-Pamfili Arch., 1-8.
3 See besides, Biaudet, 206 ; N. Capece Galeota, Ccnni
storici dei Nunzii Apost. di Napoli, Napoli, 1877, 50 seqq. The
reports of Pamfili in Barb., 7467-7477, Vat. Lib. An *Inventario
di mobili di proprietd di G. B. Pamfili nella nunziatura di Napoli,
in Doria-Pamfili Arch., 1-5. Ibid., unsigned. *Lettere del card.
G. B. Pamfili (original), among them a number addressed to his
brother Pamfilio, beginning April 3, 1621 (" Hiersera giunsi
in Napoli ") up to 1641. Other *letters, 1621-1646, ibid., 1-4.
Here also the *original of Pamfili's Instruction as nuncio in
Naples signed by Card. Ludovisi ; the same also in Papal Sec.
Arch. Misc. A, II., T and Ottob. 2206, p. 212
177, p. 93 seqq., seqq..
Vat. Lib. ; it treats of immunity, faculties and spolia.

^ A. CoNTARiNi in Berchet, II., 68.
5 Ibid.
^ Biaudet, 207 *reports in Barb. 8326-8343, Vat. Lib.
;
Cf. Papal Sec. Arch., Nunziat. di Spagna, 66^, 71, 274 Nunziat. ;
diverse, 119-121.
' See report in JusTi, Vclasqucq, II., 181, n. i.
^
PORTRAIT OF INNOCENT X. 27
admitted him, motii propria, into the Sacred College.^ At first
Pamfih was retained i)i petto at the creation of August ,30th,

1627 ;his nomination was only pubhshed on November lUth,
1629, S. Euscbio being assigned to him for liis titular church.
He tarried for a time in Madrid and it was only on July Gth,
1630, that he received the red hat at the hands of Urban VIII.
In Rome he worked assiduously in various Congregations,
especially in that of the Council of which he was Prefect.
It was said that he was wont to speak very freely to Urban
VIII. and that he sought to dissuade him from embarking

on the Castro war, the unfortunate issue of which he foresaw.
Already in 1632 he was deemed worthy of the papacy ^
whereas a few years earlier he had had no prospects what-
ever.* As nuncio his rigidity earned for him the nickname
—
of Monsif^nor non va •" Monsignor, it is impossible." As a
Cardinal he became even more strict. He was ever most
cautious and even in the Congregations he would not obsti-
nately maintain his own opinions.^ With the Spaniards
he was on good terms. His prospects of attaining the supreme
dignity rose so high that by 1(540 he was considered one of the
chief papahili.'^ Three years later the Mantuan envoy gave
it as his opinion that Pamftli excelled both in questions of
Canon Law and in affairs of State.'

The new Pope, though seventy years of age, enjoyed the
best of health, thanks to his imperturbable nature. A con-
temporary thus describes his outward appearance " He is :
1 Spicil. Vatic, I., 116, and Bkrchkt, I., 278. Cf. Colleccwn dc
(locum. inJd., LXXXVI., 169.
^ *Xote on Brusoni in Doria-Pamfili Arcli., 93-46, p. ii6b.
' Report of Peter von Quren, Canon of Treves, in Hist. Jahrb.,
X., 562.
Berchet, I., 279.
* A. CoNTARiNi in Berchet, II., 69.
• Berchet, II., 30.
' *" Card. Pamfilio Romano e un soggetto eminente, non
solo nclle matcrie legali, ma anche in quelle di stato." G. B.
Tarabucci, Stato delta corte di Roma net 1643, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
tall and thin, has small eyes, large feet, a thin beard, an
almost olive green complexion, his head is bald " ^
— that is,
he was no less Just as the latter had the

ugly than Leo X.
good fortune to have his portrait painted by Raphael, so
Innocent X. by Velasquez. In 1650 that great master was
treading for the second time the classic soil of the Eternal
City where he witnessed the solemn functions of the jubilee
year and frequented the Roman artists, especially Pietro da
Cortona, Bernini, Algardi, Salvatore Rosa and Nicolas Poussin.
It was on this occasion that Velasquez painted in a short
space of time and without the Pope having given him a single
sitting, the marvellous portrait which at once called forth
the wonder of all Rome whilst it roused the resident artists
to the greatest admiration.
The plan of the picture does not differ from the usual
papal portraits. Innocent X. is seated in an armchair lined
with red plush. The right hand, on which is seen the fisher-
man's hangs over the arm of the chair with extra-
ring,
ordinary plastic effect whilst the left holds a sheet of paper
bearing the name of Velasquez. The dazzling whiteness of
the rochet, the red mozzetta, the red round cap, the so-called
camauro, stand out against the background of a crimson
curtain. The colours are singularly fresh white, grey and a —
symphony of every shade of red ; the characterization is
unsurpassed. Whereas Raphael beautified and idealized the

unpleasing appearance of Leo X, though without falsifying it,
Velasquez gives a realistic portrait of the Pamfih Pope, so
that if one has once seen this jewel of the Doria gallery, it is
impossible ever to forget it it is one of the most magnificent
:
papal portraits. 2 The head is that of a seventy-three years

old man of coarse, unpleasing features, but the fresh com-
plexion and the piercing, searching glance of the blue-grey
eyes show the essential youthfulness of the old man who fixes
on the beholder a keen, thoughtful, questioning glance.
^ CiAMPi, 14, note 3.
^ Gensel [Velasquez^, Stuttgart, 1908, XXII.) calls it the most
magnificent male portrait in existence. Cf. Janssen, Briefe,
ed. Pastor, I., Freiburg, 1920, 226.
PORTRAIT BY VELASQUEZ. 29
There is ;i fascination in this look, proceeding from the depths

of the character of the suspicious, secretive old Statesman
and characterizing the whole man.^ Troppo vero ! too true — !
the Pope is reported to have said however, he was so ;
delighted with the work tliat he bestowed on Velasquez, who

refused to accept money, a gold chain with a medal bearing
his portrait and recommended him to Philip IV. for a Spanish
knighthood. 2 Other aspects of Innocent X.'s character, his
dignity and his coldness tinged with kindliness are faithfully —
reproduced in the plastic works of contemporary Roman
sculptors, especially in Algardi's great bronze statue in the
palace of the Conservatori.^ The Pope's grave, sullen features
also appear in the powerful bust of the Bologna museum,
likewise a work of Algardi. As regards ruthless vividness of
conception and characterization,^ the busts of the Doria
gallery in Rome, executed after a model by Bernini, one in
' lusTi, Velasquez, II., 183 Tomasetti, Velasquez a Roma

;
in the periodical Cosmos catholicus, 1899, October Beruete, ;
Velasquez, Paris, 1898, 118; Calvert, Velasquez, London,

1908, 115 5^'^. ; E. Stowe, Velasquez, 61 ; A. Artioli, // ritratio
meraviglioso in Arte e Storia, XXIX. (1910), 10 seqq. According
to lusti, p. 190 seq., of the copies only the half-length portrait
in Apslcy House is certainly by Velasquez and probably also
the so-called sketch in the Eremitage at Petrograd. luste sees
in the Eremitage sketch a copy by the master, Beruete a pre-
liminary sketch ; Voll [Velasquez, Munich, 1913) is undecided,
as is Gensel ; loc. cit., XXII. (here, plate 82, reproduction of
the Eremitage sketch). Beruete does not think the Apsley House
portrait is authentic. lusti considers as the best copy by another
hand the picture in Lord Bute's gallery in London. An old copy
is also in the museum of Stockholm. Cf. also Aug. Mayer,
Gesch. der span. Malerei, Leipzig, 1922, 414.
* lusTi, II., 231. The *recommendation of Card. Panciroli,
dated December 17, 1650 (Papal Sec. Arch.), in XXX.,
Appendix I.
»
Cf. below, ch. VII.
Cf. Bergxer, 97, who considers Bernini's conception to be
*
more calm and objective and more feelingly rendered than by the
Spanish masters, as regards the forehead, eyes, and nose.
^
marble, another in bronze and a third in bronze and marble,^

vie with the work of Algardo and even with that of Velasquez
himself. The marble bust in particular is a masterpiece of
its kind. It impresses by its simplicity and repose it shows ;
a resigned old man, shut up within himself, but conscious that

he is the master. The beholder has an impression that the
Pope, in the midst of the difficulties created for him by the
great Powers and by his own family, with shrewd deliberation
overlooks many things which he cannot alter, though without
forgoing his own point of view. The eyes, which gaze into
the distance, seem to express the weariness of the old man
and his annoyance at the endless quarrels between the Pamhii.
The contemplative nature of Innocent X., his distrust as well
as his real kindliness, are reflected in that look. The ugliness
is attenuated, yet so that the resemblance does not suffer.
1 Also in the Palazzo Doria a coloured terracotta bust by

Algardi ; cf. Iusti, II., 185. Munoz (in Annuario deU'Accad. di
S. Luca, 1912, Roma, 1913, 43) was the first to make known
Algardi's bust. On the statue in the Capital, see below ch. VII.
The bust of Innocent X. in the museum of Ravenna can hardly
be ascribed to Bernini. Of the London bronze bust (see C. Drurye
E. FoRTNUM, Catalogue of the Bronzes in the South-Kensington
Museum, London, 1876, 7) there is a marble copy in the Palazzo
Doria-Pamfili in Rome, together with other busts of the Pope.
Another bronze bust of Innocent X. also attributed to Algardi,
found its way into the Metropolitan Museum of New York,
in 1907. Among other busts mention may be made of a marble
one in Piazza Navona, a large one, of white marble, in the right
aisle of the Lateran basilica and another in the Villa at S. Martino
al Cimino with an inscription printed by Bussi, 332 cf. Boll ;
d' Arte, VII. (1913), 261. On Algardi's bust in Trinita de'Pellegrini

(see FoRCELLA, VII., 211), cf. below ch. VII. The terracotta bust
of Innocent X. in the Lib. Vallecelliana is a fine piece of work. It
bears the following inscription " loaneus Gambassi civis
:
Volaterranus cecus fecit." On Cieco da Gambassi (Gonnelli),

see Thieme, XIV., 370.
* Reymond, Bernini, 108 and plate XV. cf.
; also Brinck-
MANN, Barockskulptitr, IL, 246. The bust is now in the private
apartments of Prince Doria, which are not easy of access. On
1
CHARACTER OF THE POPE, 3
The masterpieces of Bernini and Velasquez gather together

all the characteristics on which contemporary observers
dwell ; between them we get a full length picture of the ver}'
complicated nature of Innocent X.
Without a doubt the Pamfili Pope possessed many excellent
qualities.* Moderation characterized his manner of life ;
he readily granted audiences and heard everyone patiently.

He assisted punctually and with great dignity at all
ecclesiastical functions, even the Lenten and Advent sermons.
He was genuinely pious and had a keen sense of justice and
order. People saw a happy omen of his great love of peace
in his arms which showed a dove with an olive branch.- The
Pope applied himself diligently to affairs but owing to his
being a late riser he was for the most part forced to work
far into the night, all the more so as he wished to study and
to examine personally all the more important documents,
and he was slow in making up his mind. AH this was in
keeping with his mistrust of everyone, especially his entourage,
a trait by which he himself embittered his existence. This,
Innocent X.'s coins, cj. Sekafim, IV., 238. A beautiful modal of

the Pope by J. J. Kormann in Noak, Deutschtuni in Rom.,
I., Berlin, 1927, 140. In his catalogue, XVIII., p. 108 seq., E. Lange
registers a great number of prints of Innocent X.
' In additif)n to the Venetian embassy reports in Bcrchet and
the reports of the envoy of Lucca in Stiidi e docitmenti, XXI L,
218 on the bright and dark spots of Innocent X.'s char-
seq., cj.
acter the exhaustive *reportof Leonard Pappus to P>rdinand III.,

dat. Rome, September 26, 1652, State Arch., Vienna. See also
*.\vv\so of May 18, 1647, Papal Seer. Arch. (" propriissimo della
Sua Santita il pensar assai et il risolver poco ") Arnauld, ;
Ndgociations, 383 *Fr. Albizzi to Chigi, dat. Rome,

1 1., ;
September 24, 1644, Cod. A. III., 55 of Chigi Library Ciacomus, ;
IV., 660 seq.; Skkvantius, *Diaria for December 12, 1644,

Papal Seer. Arch. De Rossi, *Istoria, Vat. Libr., and the
;
*material of Girolamo Brusoni for a Vita d' Innocenzo A'., in

Doria- Pamfili Archives, 93-46, 4. Fr. Mantovani already com-
plains of Innocent X.'s slowness in his *reports of October 19
and November 5, 1644, State Archives, Modena.
* Sie Harrach's report of Stptcmber 15, 1644, in Me.ncik, 47.
^
no doubt his greatest fault, joined to his violence, made it
difficult to treat with the sulky man with whom favour and
displeasure were subject to rapid fluctuations according to
the impression of the moment. The diplomatists likewise
complained of his obstinacy in debate and the skill with
which he knew how to hide his real opinions. Parsimony,
which the financial situation fully justified, he carried to
great lengths ^ always suspicious, he had the treasure kept
;
not in Castel S. Angelo but in his own apartments.

Innocent X.'s Italian temperament showed itself both in
his parsimony and in his strong attachment to his family ;
of the latter trait he gave public proof during the solemn

progress to the Lateran when, contrary to the ceremonial,
he had the procession halted in front of his parents' house in
the Piazza Navona, to enable him to give his blessing to his
little niece who was held at a window by her nurse.
Innocent X. would not be taught by the difficulties in which

Urban VIII. became involved in consequence of his reckless
nepotism, and it never entered his mind to do away with the
post of a Cardinal nephew reputed indispensable for running
the court. It was the misfortune of the Pamfili Pope that
the only person in his family circle possessed of the requisite
qualities for such a position, was a woman, viz. his sister-in-
law Olimpia Maidalchini-Pamfili, whereas all the nephews

whom he successively adorned with the purple proved utter
failures.^
Donna Maidalchini, born at Viterbo in 1594,* was first
^ *" Ha il Papa soppresso diversi uffici a Palazzo che portavano

via da cento mila scudi, compresovi ancora gli emolunienti che
si sono sminuti al generale di s. Chiesa." Fr. Mantovani on
October 8, 1644. State Arch., Modena.
^ See the Diary of Deone (Ameyden) in Ciampi, n. i.
3 lusTi, II., 182.

* Ohmpia's fortress-Uke Gothic palace at Viterbo is to-day
the Ospizio degli Esposti. On Olimpia's country residence at
S. Martino al Cimino and its decoration, see Ciaconius, IV.,
648; Chledowski, II., 246; Ehrle, Spada, 11, 13; Ciampi,
205 ; Bussi, Isioria di Vi.erbo, Rome, 1742, 331 seq.
OLIMPIA MAIDALCHINJ. 33
married to Paolo Nini. She contracted a second marriage

with the Pope's elder brother Pamfilio Pamfili to whom she
bore a son, Camillo, in and subsequently two daughters,
1()22,
Maria and Costanza. The former was married in 1G44 to

Prince Nicolo Ludovisi.^
Olimpia, whose energetic, resolute but anything but
attractive features are admirably portrayed in Algardi's bust
in the Doria Gallery .^ was a very gifted woman ^ but exceed-
ingly ambitious and domineering.^ She had had a rich dowry ;
she accordingly managed to become the most important person

in the Pamfili family. Her clerical brother-in-law, Giam-
battista, she supplied with the requisite funds to enable him
to rise, thereby putting him under great obligation to her.
The influence she exercised over him continued even when
(jiambattista had to leave Rome both as nuncio at Naples :
and at Madrid he kept uj) a lively correspondence with his

shrewd sister-in-law.^ On one occasion, whilst at Madrid,
* CiAMPi, II seq. The Pope officiated at Costanza's wedding
on December 21, 1644, (Servantius,
in the Sistine Chapel
* Diana, Papal Seer. Arch.). Twenty-six persons were present
at the wedding breakfast, among them being Cardinals Medici,
Barberini, Colonna, Orsini and Este {*Avviso of December 24,
1644, tbid.).
* CiAMPi, 200, and below, ch. VH reproduction in MuNoz, ;
Roma, 319. Perhaps an even more unpleasant impression is

conveyed by the portrait of Olimpia with little Olimpuccia in
the private apartments of the Palazzo Doria-Pamfili, reproduced
by Chledowski, II., 236.
=•
All the insist on this fact
contemporaries it is also ;
emphasized in the *" Instruttione del sig. Baili de Valence,

ambasciatore Christ, a Roma al suo successore " (1653), of which
there exist numerous manuscript copies (Rome, Chigi Library,
N. III., 88. Barb., 53, 32 Ottob., 2175 (also in Bibl. com-
;
niunale of Verona). The Lyons Library has a * detailed report,

in 3 vt)ls., on his Roman embassy, by Henri d'Estampes-Valen9ay.
\'alen<;ay's reports in Gerin, I., and Chantei.auze, II., 315 seqq.
See Venetian reports in Berchet, II., 50, 69 seq., loi seq.
*
* Part of these *letters (original text) in the Letterc del card.

G. li. Pamfili, T. IV., in Doria-Pamfili Archives ; they include
*a letter, partly in code, dated Nai)lrs, I^'cbruary 15, 1625.
VOL. XXX. D
he sent her a gift of hixury articles and some glass-

ware.^
Hence it was not surprising that on the elevation of her
brother-in-law to the papacy, Olimpia should have acquired
considerable importance.^ " Olimpia's influence," so the
Florentine envoy wrote on February 11th, 1645, " grows
daily she visits the Pope every other day and the whole
;
world turns to her." ^ But there were not wanting enemies

who, by word of mouth and in writing, spread such evil
reports that Olimpia lodged a complaint with the Governor
of Rome, whereupon a number of arrests were made. ^ How-
ever this did not put an end to the libels.^ Later writers
have woven divers myths around the Pope's relations with his
sister-in-law, even representing them as criminal these ;
assertions are calumnies the best information goes to show

;
that there is not a word of truth in the whole myth.^ However,
1 *" Invio a V.S. certi galantarie e de' vetri." Letter from

Madrid, dat. May, 1627, ibid.
2 Prince Andrea Giustiniani, husband of her daughter Maria,
became castellan of S. Angelo as early as October 5, 1644 cf. ;
Pagliucchi, II., 77 seq.

^ State Archives, Florence, Lett, di Roma, F. 3373.
* *Report of Florentine envoy dat. June 24, 1645, ibid.
* One of these publications bore the title : La Olimpiade del
governo del Pontefice Innocenzo X. * Report of the Florentine
envoy of June 26 and July i and 23, 1645, loc. cit.
Niceroni {Notices of the Writings of famous scholars, III.,
*
326) already describes Gualdi's Vitadi Donna Olimpia Maidalchini

(Cosmopoli, 1666, and often reprinted, last of all in Rome in
i849[!], translated French by Renoult, Leyden, 1666)
into
as a romance and an extravagant libel. For all that Schrockh
Kirchengesch., III., Leipzig, 1805, 393) thought that the story
was substantially true seeing that it had never been contradicted.
Ranke (III., 172) examined it briefly with the above result.
Cf. also E. Rossi in the periodical Roma, V. (1927), 385 seqq.,
where, on p. 391 light is thrown on Ameyden's inventions {cf, on
Ameyden our data, XXIX., Appendix 25). Ademollo {I natratori)
della vita di Donna O.P., in the Rassegna settimanale, 1878,
No. 6, p. 94 5^^.) has established the fact that not G. Leti but
PANCIROLI SECRETARY OF STATE. 35
(Jlimpia's excessive influence over the aged Pontiff is only

too well established. It did grave injury to his prestige for
soon all Rome knew how much in all temporal matters a
word weighed with Innocent X. The

of the wily intriguer
nobility, ambassadors, Bishops, Cardinals showed the utmost
regard for Olimpia and strove to secure her goodwill by means
of rich presents, an easy matter in view of the woman's great
covetou.sness. Even some of their Eminences adorned their
apartments with Olimpia's portrait. She made frequent
appearances at the Vatican and the Pope on his part often
called on her.^ From time to time the artful woman made
as if she were about to retire, but this she did merely in order
to save appearances. The truth was that the Pope attached
great weight to her opinion, especially in family matters,
yet, self-willed as he was, he would often refuse her most
persistent requests.^
Whilst this strange relationship arose. Innocent X. took an
important step for the development of an institution which
was destined, in course of time, to do away with nepotism,
in that, for the first time, he named as Secretary of State a
Cardinal who did not belong to his own family. His choice
fell on Giovanni Giacomo Panciroli, a former auditor of the
Neapolitan and Spanish nunciature who had only received the
purple in 1G43. Panciroli's talent and accomplished manners
Gualdi is the real author of the above-mentioned I'lta, a fact

also insisted upon by Dubarrv (La belle-sceur d'lin Pape, Paris,
1878). Dubarry wrote a romance about Olimpia and so did
Delecluze, whose work is based on a second revision of Gualdi's
Vita which appeared at Florence in 1781. In France Olimpia
was represented as a poisoner see Renee, Nieces de Mazarin,
;
5th edit., 219. Cf. also the anecdote in J. Racine, GLuvres

completes, ed. Mesnard, V., Paris, 1887, 168. Roman satires against
Olimpia in Ciampi, 142 seq. one such in the library of St. Gall
; ;
see catalogue of its MSS., 409.

'
CJ. *Diary of Ueone (Ameyden) and the *Avvisi in Papal
Sec. Arch. Giov. Giustinian in Berchet, II., 102
; Palla- ;
viciNO, Alessandro VII., I., 190.

* Ehrle, Spada, 5 seq. ; cJ. E. Rossi, loc. cit., 390.
made him an excellent interpreter of the papal policy. Both

he and the datarius Cecchini were assigned apartments in the
Pope's palace. Innocent X. attached great weight to his
opinion.^ Besides Panciroli, who surrounded himself with
excellent secretaries, ^ there also arose a Cardinal nephew in
the person of Camillo, Olimpia's son.^
Camillo had at first been destined for the post of a lay
nephew. On September 27th, 1G44, the Pope had named him
General of the Church, on October 1st Commander-in-Chief
of the papal fleet and the Guards as well as Governor of the
Borgo and the chief fortresses of the Pontifical States.* Soon,
however, Camillo laid aside all these offices in order to become
a Cardinal nephew. On November 14th, 1644, he was raised
to the Sacred College ^ when the full tide of papal favours
poured itself over him. In that same year, 1644, he was
given the legation of Avignon, the supreme superintendence
of the Papal States and an abbey at Capua ; to this came to
be added in the ensuing years a great number of benefices
and other favours. He also became Prefect of Briefs and of
the Ses.uatiira delle "razie.*^
1 CiACONius, IV., 627 ; Venetian reports in Berchet, II.,
52, 71-
'^ *" Ha chiamati a so buoni segretari, onde si spera rinovera
quell'antica e buona scuola e del Feliciani e degli Aguchia."
Fr. degli Albizzi to Chigi, dat. Rome, September 5, 1644. Cod.
A. III., 55, Chigi Library, Rome.
^ The title was no longer Cardinal Padrone but Cardinale
sopraintendente agV affari maggiori ; see Filippo de Rossi,
Istoria giornale della corte de Roma scritta negV anni 1653 e
1654, Vat. 8873, Vat. Libr. Numerous *letters of congratulation to
Camillo Pamfili on the occasion of the election of Innocent X.
in Rospigliosi Archives, Rome, 207, n. 2.
* See *Index bullarum expeditarum ad favorem card. Pamphili,
Doria-Pamfili Archives, i-g.
''
Acta consist., Papal Seer. Arch. It is impossible to control
the assertions of Deone (Ameyden) in his *Diario (see Ciampi,
123) and the *Avvisi on the proceedings at the consistory.
* *Index bullarum ad fav. card. PamphiU, loc. cit.
CAMILLO PAMFILI. 37
The new Cardinal nephew was by no means destitute of

talents he was fond of poetry and the plastic arts and
'
;
iiad such a i^rasj) of technical problems as to enable him

to submit a plan for galleys at Civitavecchia.- In the Secre-
tariate of State was his duty to sign letters and dispatches,
it
as had been done by former Cardinal nephews incoming ;
correspondence came to him and Panciroli, and the ambas-

sadors had to present themselves before both Cardinals.^
At first Camillo performed his duties with assiduity, but
as Innocent X. did not suffer him to have any inffuence,^
his zeal soon cooled •'*
until it gave out altogether. If this
circumstance alone was bound to annoy the Pope, his dis-

pleasure was further increased when he learnt that Camillo
was resolved to lay aside the purple and to marry a beautiful,
wealthy and gifted 3'oung widow Olimpia Aldobrandini, —
Princess of Rossano.^ This plan was vehemently opposed by
Olimpia Maidalchini who feared that her position would be
shaken by a sister-in-law of a higher social rank and of out-
standing intellectual gifts. Accordingly she did all in her
power to thwart the projected and she persisted inalliance
her opposition even after Innocent X. had yielded to his
nephew's importunity. In view of the fact that the Pope
had previously dissuaded his nephew from taking priest's
orders, people surmised that he had from the first looked on
the cardinalate as no more than a transition and that there
had existed between the Pontiff and Camillo a secret under-
standing concerning the match.'
' Portrait by G. B. Gaulli in the Doria Gallery ; see Voss,

Malerei, 587. Another portrait now in the museum of the Hispanic
Society of America, New York ; cj. lusri, Velasquez, II.', 179.
- CiAMPi, 122.
*
CJ. Richard in Rev. d'hist. eccl., XI. (1910), 735.
* *Avviso of January 26, 1647, Papal Sec. Arch.
* See the report of the envoy of Lucca in Studi c docum., XXII.,
2ig.
* C/. Savclli's *rcport to Ferdinand III., dat. January 5,
1647, State Archives, \'icnna.

' See above, p. 30. Cf. reports in Coville, 144 scq.
In a consistory of January 21st, 1647, the Pope granted the

requisite dispensations and accepted Camillo's resignation of
the cardinalate.^ Even
after the marriage contract had
been concluded, on February 2nd,2 Ohmpia continued to give
pubUc expression, in all sorts of ways, to her strong dis-
approval.^ In vain the Pope sought to calm her.* Neither
she nor Innocent X. assisted at the wedding of Camillo and
Olimpia Aldobrandini which took place, very quietly, on
February 10th, 1647, at the Villa Torre Nuova, six miles
outside Rome.^ The young couple immediately withdrew
to the Castle of Caprarola and thence to Frascati, a circum-
stance that gave rise to all kinds of rumours.^ For the time
being the couple had to remain out of Rome as the jealousy
of Olimpia could not endure the presence of her sister-in-law
in the city.''
In the sequel Olimpia's influence grew as much as her
wealth, for the money-loving woman exacted good payment
for the smallest service, and since everyone knew how well
she could manage Innocent X., thanks to her knowledge of
the latter's peculiar character, and that her opinion had great
weight, the whole world turned to her and gold flowed to her
in an ever growing stream. She was frequently closeted for
as long as four to six hours with the Pope who did nothing of
importance without consulting her.^ Even Cardinal Panciroli
^ Ada consist., Papal Sec. Arch. Cf. Camillo's declaration

together with other details regarding this affair in Cod. N. III.,
69, p. 305, of the Chigi Libr., Rome. To escape his having to

surrender the red hat in person Camillo left Rome ; see Savelli's
report to Ferdinand III., January 19, 1647, State Archives,
Vienna.
2 Servantius *Diaria, Papal Sec. Arch.
^ *Avviso of February 2, 1647, ibid.
* *Avviso of February g, 1647, ibid.
^ Savelli's *report to Ferdinand III., dat. January 9, 1647,
State Arch., Vienna ;Ademollo, Gigli, 121.
* *Avvisi of February 16 and March 6, 1647, Papal Sec. Arch. ;
Deone in Ciampi, 131 Gigli in Cancellieri, Mercato, 108.

;
' Arnauld, Negociations, IV., 25 cf. 116. ;
*
Cf. *Avvisi of May 18, June 22 and July 27, 1647, Papal Sec.
ASTALLI SECRETARY OF STATE. 39
kept on good terms with her. The two joined forces when
the question arose of giving a successor to Camillo Pamfili ;
in effect, on October 7th, KVIT, Francesco Maidalchini,

Ohmpia's seventeen years old nephew, was raised to the
cardinalate.^ However, to the Pope's painful surprise,
Francesco proved utterly unfit for the position of a Cardinal
nephew, a fact which created great difficulties in the transac-
tion of business. 2 Even Innocent X. was forced to see that
a more capable person must be found for treating with the
ambassadors. Panciroli induced the Pope to entrust this
post to the thirty years old Camillo Astalli, a distant relative
of Olimpia.^ To the general amazement Innocent, always
hasty and capricious, bestowed on Astalli, on one and the
same day (September 19th, 1(550), the purple, his name, his
arms and all the p)rivileges of a nephew at the same time ;
he made him a present of the palace in Piazza Navona and

the Villa before Porta S. Pancrazio.^ It was generally believed
that Olimpia, who had at one time secured for Astalli the
Arch. *" Be raccontare se volessc i casi della sua nauseante

ingordigia da lei esercitata," says Fr. de Rossi of Olimpia, " se
ne empirebbero i volumi {*Istoria, ]'at. 8873, Vat. Libr.).
* See *Acta consist., Papal Sec. Arch. F. de Rossi, *Istoria
;
Vat. 8873, Vat. Lib.

^ See A. Contarini in Berchkt, II., 72 seq. ; ibid., 126 seq.
Maidalchini's limited intellectual gifts roused the irony of
Pasquino ; but his conduct was blameless and his liberality
great ; cf. besides Steinhuber, I.*, 398, *Scrittura politica
sopra il conclave da farsi (a. 1689), Liechtenstein Archives,
Vienna.
* De Rossi *Istona {I'at. 8873, \'at. Libr.), according to whom
Astalli's elevation was thought of already in 1647. Cf. also
(i. Riccardi's *" dissertation on the College of Cardinals in 1652 ",
in Cod. C. III., 60, Chigi Library, Rome.

* *Acta consist.. Papal Sec. Arch. ; Amevoen, *Diary, Barb.
4819, Vat. Lib. ; Gigli in Can'cellieri, Mercato, log ; Ciampi,
150 ; Giustinian in Berchet, 1 1., 127 ;
* Diary in Cod. 93-46 of
I >f)ria- Pamfili Archives Denis, I., 255 seq.
; Magalotti says
in his *" Osservazioni sopra la futura elezione del S. Pontefice ",
that people could not understand liow Innocent X. could have
post of a consistorial advocate and later on a clericate of the

Camera,^ had brought about the rise of this mediocre personage.
In point of fact Olimpia had had nothing to do with it ;
her prestige, which in June, 1649, was still such as to enable

her, with the help of Panciroli, to bring about the fall of the
influential datarius Cardinal Cecchini,^ had begun to wane
already in the autumn of that year.^ She now fell into
complete disgrace for, roused by her sons-in-law Giustiniani
and Ludovisi, she had allowed herself to be carried away by
perfect fits of fury on account of Astalli's elevation. The
Pope, in consequence, forbade her the Vatican. Even before
this occurrence, had counselled such a step by
Panciroli
dwelling on the scandal which Olimpia's rule created every-
where, especially in Germany.*
In October Olimpia's fall was looked upon as definite.
The Princess of Rossano was triumphant,^ and with good
reason. Three months after Olimpia's fall, at the request
of his sister Agata, a nun in the convent of Tor de' Specchi,
Innocent received Camillo Pamfili back into his good graces.
When, on January 8th, 1651, the latter presented himself
at an audience with his two years old little son, the Pope
was unable to restrain his tears. To the child he gave a silver
statue of his patron Saint, John the Baptist.^ On January
hit on Astalli ; Magalotti sees in it a sudden capriccio, Cod.
C. III., 6o, Chigi Libr.
^ *De Rossi, loc. cit.
^
Cf.FuMi in Arch. Rom.,
X., 317 seq. The resignation of the
Dataria which Cecchini offered at once, was only accepted by
Innocent X. on September 15, 1652, together with a declaration
of complete disgrace ; see Servantius, *Diaria, loc. cit. ; *De Rossi,
loc. cit.
'Denis, I., 154.

*Pallavicino, Alessandro VII., I., 155 seq., whose account
is confirmed by *De Rossi (loc. cit.). Cf. also Giustinian in
Berchet, II., 103, and Arch. Rom., X., 318.
See *Diaro del a. 1650 (by Ameyden) Barb. 4891, p. 118,
''
Vat. Lib.
* Servantius *Diaria, loc. cit., who remarks :
" Post spatium
tandem quinque annorum Camillas Pamphilius nepos Papae
^
DEATH OF PANCIROLI. 4I
20th it was learnt that Camillo's wife had been with the Pope
for three hours and had received rich presents from him ^ ;
shortly before she had given birth to her second child.

Thereafter she visited the Pope almost every week and won a
not inconsiderable influence, whereas Camillo had none at all.^
Old Cardinal Panciroli had hoped, after Olimpia's fall, to

retain his influence with the Pope through Astalli who owed
him everything. In this he was greatly deceived very soon ;
he had to realize that Astalli would not be guided by him,

on the contrary, grown proud by reason of his sudden exalta-
tion, the latter broke with him and in the end became a
successful rival. Together with Camillo Pamfili he intrigued
against Panciroli.^ The latter's bad state of health also
helped to contribute to a gradual estrangement between him
and the Pope.^ No one sympathized with the Secretary of
State, had he not prepared a similar fate for so many others ?
Almost in disgrace, Panciroli died on September 3rd, 16.51.^
It became evident that Cardinal Pamfili could not carry
out unaided the duties of a Secretary of State his inex- ;
perience and indolence were such as to cause Innocent X. to

regret his elevation. Moreover the Pope did not really trust
him and repeatedly reproached him with being far more
ob dimissam card, dignitatem contumax fuit a gratia pontifici.s
ct mode extra urbem exul, modo vcro Romae ignotus privatim

vitam duxit una cum principe.ssa Rossano eius uxore."
' Servantius *Diaria, loc. cit.
According to *records in the Dora-PamfiU Archives the

^
following children were born to Camillo and Olimpia Aldo-

l)randini i, Giov. Battista, born June 24, 1648
: 2, Flaminia, ;
b. January 5, 1631 3, Benedetto (a future Cardinal), b. April 25,

;
1653 4, Teresa, b. October 16, 1654.

; O" the splendid palace
erected by Camillo in 1662 at Valmontonc, .sec Tom.\ssetti, III.,
457-
De Rossi, *Istoria, Vat. 8873, Vat. Lib.
»
See the *Di.ssertations by Magalotti and G. Riccardi cjuoted

*
above, p. 39, nn. 3 and 4 Chigi Lib., Rome.

* Pallavicino, Alcssandro, VIL, L, 156.
' Servantius, *J)iaria, loc. cit. Cf. Giustinian in Berchet,
II., 94 seq. ; Arch. Rom., X., 318 scq.
interested in the affairs of the Pamfth than in those of the

Pope. Cardinal Borghese, he remarked, though sprung from
the House of Caffarelh, became a complete Borghese.^ Out-
wardly, however, Pamfili enjoyed all the prerogatives of his
position ; he occupied the apartments set apart for the
nephews and was given rich benefices.^
Nevertheless a new Secretary of State had to be appointed.
Astalli sought in vain to direct the choice to his cousin
Francesco Gaetani or to the very gifted Decio Azzolini. Cardinal
Spada, whom the Pope often consulted in the most important
affairs, proposed Fabio Chigi, until then nuncio in the Rhine-
land.^ To this Innocent agreed. He did not know Chigi
personally but he set great value on his reports.* In the first
days of October, 1651, Chigi left Aix-la-Chapelle, where he

had lodged with the Canons Regular. Whilst Chigi was still
on the way, Astalli sought to circumvent his appointment and
to prejudice the Spanish ambassador, the Duke of Infantado,
against him, but all in vain.^
1 De Rossi, *Istoria, Vat. 8873, and *Diaro del. a. 1650

(Ameyden), Barb. 4819, Vat. Lib. Cf. Giustinian in Berchet,
II., 127 seq. In the * I nstruttione del sig. Baili de Valence, quoted
p. 33, n. 3, we read :
" II card. Pamfilio e adottivo e adiettivo
nella casa del Papa, e buon per lui, se assieme colla berretta
se gli fosse potuto dare il cervello. Nel principio non era in
grazia, ed in progresso di tempo ha vacillato di tal maniera che
talvolta parse stabilito sicuramente e talaltra, vicino a' precipitii
et alle ruine. Non sono in lui qualita singolari, e certo che sarebbe
stato proclive a' passatempi piuttosto che adattato al negotio,
quando non I'havesse ritirato il genio del Papa. Di amore e
piutosto francese, ma non sa pigliare la congiontura di mostrarlo
aH'occorrenza ; e romanesco ne mai e partite da Roma. Ottob.
2175. P- 7^. Vat. Lib.

^ *De Rossi, loc. cit. On November 21, 1650, Cardinal Pamfili
had received the Avignon legation. *Acta consist.. Papal Sec.
Arch.
2 Pallavicino, I., 157 seq.
*
Cf. De Rossi, *Istoria, Vat. 8873, Vat. Lib.
^ Infantado's conduct was wholly in keeping with the inten-
tions of his sovereign who invited him to support Chigi in a
^
FABIO CHIGI SECRETARY OF STATE. 43
Chigi, who was preceded by an excellent reputation, rcarlicd

Rome on the last day of November.^ At their very first
meeting the Pope was completely won over by him, conse-
quently the minute intrigues against him also failed
last
completely. About the middle of December he took up

residence at the Vatican. Both the party of Cardinal Pamfili
and that of the Princess of Rossano sought to win him over
but Chigi would ally himself to neither. As Secretary of
State, he declared, it was his duty to mind political and
ecclesiastical affairs, not those of a particular family.
When, at the beginning of February, 1652, Pamfili, by order
of the Pope, informed Chigi of his impending elevation to the
Sacred College, the latter replied that he would be far better
able to serve His Holiness in his present condition. On the
same evening Chigi had an audience with the Pope. Of what
Pamfili had told him he never said a word, so that Innocent X.
thought that the Cardinal had failed to carry out his instruc-
tions. When he was informed that this was not so, he ex-
claimed "I have never yet met such a man " On the
: !
eve of his elevation to the cardinalate, which took place

on February 19th, 1652, Chigi remarked to a friend that if
he could strike out his name from the list, he would do so
since dignities merely added to responsibility.
•''
Previous to his nomination as a Cardinal Chigi had rendered

the Pope a signal service when he exposed the shameful
conduct of the Sub-datarius Francesco Canonici, surnamed
Mascambruno, whom Innocent X. held in great esteem.
To enrich him.self Mascambruno had not scrupled to falsify
documents for which he surreptitiously obtained the papal
signature* He was tried together with his accomplices ;
letter in code dated Madrid, November 29, 1651. .\rch. of the

Spanish Embassy, Rome.
' " Person nage discret, sage, spirituel et sans vicieuse ambition,
liomme d'intelligence et do probite," writes Guefficr, the I'Yench
Resident, Chantelauze, Ritz., IT, 340.
* Pallavicino, I., 166-170.
' Ibid., 172.
* See *Scril(iiir co)ili'o Msgr. Mascambruno, Barb. 5323,
^
on April 15th, 1652, severe sentences were passed. Mas-

cambruno was executed and died repentant.
The fall of Mascambruno, who had been hostile to Olimpia,
proved very advantageous to the latter,^ but she benefited
even more by the constant disputes between Camillo, the
Princess of Rossano and Cardinal Pamfili, disputes that greatly
vexed the Pope. Thus it came about that Innocent's attach-
ment to his sister-in-law, which had never been wholly
extinct, came once more to life her shrewdness, so he ;
thought, would restore peace in the family. The majority

of the Cardinals and the other prelates also favoured a pardon,
for, they remarked, Olimpia would have been taught by mis-
fortune and would henceforth keep within becoming bounds.

Chigi alone thought otherwise, but his warnings were not
heeded.^ After the Pope's sister Agata had brought about a
reconciliation between the two rivals, the Princess of Rossano,
on March 11th, 1653, conducted Olimpia into the presence
of the Pope who received her graciously.^ The last state,
p. 188-211, and Chigi Library, N. III., 69, p. 570-595 ; G. B.

RiNALDUCCi, *Prosperitd infelice di Francesco Canonici detto
Mascambruno (Bibl. Casanat., X., VII., 46, Urb. 1728 and
Barb. 4898, Vat. Lib. ; Archives of the Spanish Embassy, Rome ;
Magi. CI., XXV., n. 457, National Lib., Florence), anonymous,

printed with variants in Miscell. di varia
lett., V., Lucca, 1765.
Cf. *Rcmisches Tagebuch in Cod. 93-46 of Doria-Pamfili Arch. ;
Pallavicino, I., 186 seq. Berchet, II., 149 Ciampi, 154 seq.
; ; ;
Reusch, Index, II., Dollinger-Reusch, Moralstreitig-

495, 1225;
keiten, I., 604 ; Chantelauze, loc. cit., 383 seq., 393 scqq., 403
seqq., 435 ^cqq-' 463. 4^5 ^^qq., 469 seqq., 474 seq.
^ "*In atrio Turris Nonae," says Servantius {*Diaria), who
describes Mascambruno as " ingeniosissimus, habilissimus et
cujuslibet licet maximi negotii capax " (Papal Sec. Arch.).
The sentenza of April 15, 1652, in Arch, of the Spanish Embassy,
Rome. Cf. *Decio MemmoH, Relaz. delta ynorie di Fr. Mascam-
bruni, in Barb. 4885, Vat. Lib.
2 De Rossi *Istoria, Vat. 8873, \at. Lib.
' Pallavicino, L, 191 seqq.
* Servantius *Diaria, Papal Sec. Arch. ; Gigli in Cancellieri,
Mercato, no, and Ciampi, 166.
OLIMPIA AGAIN IN FAVOUR. 45
however, was destined to be worse than the first : Ohmpia's

influence waxed greater tlian ever ^ and she exploited it as
before. One of the victims of her intrigues was Cardinal
Pamlili whom the Pope had mistrusted already for some
time by reason of liis relations with the Medici and the
Spaniards. On February 2nd, 1G54, it was decided to remove
him from Rome by offering him the see of Ferrara. When
Pamfili declined, he was forced to leave the Eternal City his ;
disgrace was public and he forfeited everyone of his positions

and dignities. In July, 1654, a similar fate overtook Niccolo
Ludovisi. Cardinal Chigi, who had vainly endeavoured to save
Pamhii, was now entrusted with the duty of signing dispatches
in the hitter's place. However, this extension of power was
only apparent Olimpia was bent on undermining his
for
position after she had unsuccessfully attempted to make this
strong and honourable character subservient to her interests.^
How Olimpia undermined Innocent X.'s
successfully
confidence in Chigi shown by the fact that the final decision
is
concerning the nomination of Cardinals in March, 1654, was

made without the Secretary of State having been consulted,
and since on this occasion the purple was bestowed on Decio
Azzolini,^ Secretary of the cijra, an avowed follower of Olimpia,
itwas thought that he would also obtain the Secretariate of
State. However, Innocent X. could not part with Chigi, but
Olimpia at least secured this much, namely that Azzolini
* "*Erario unico onde uscivano le grazie," says De Rossi

(*Istoria, loc. cit.).
* Pallavicixo, I., 194, whose account is confirmed by De Rossi,

*Istoria {Vat. 8873, Vat. Lib. Cf. also Denis, I., 302 ; Ademollo,
113 seqq.
Ciigli, Ciampi, 169 seqq., 376 Quellen und Forschiingen,
; ;
IV'.,243 PiccoLOMiNi, Corrisp. ira la corte di Roma e I'Inquisitore

;
di Malta, II., Florence, 1910, 7 on Ludovisi's fall, cf. Gugliel-

;
MOTTi, 135.
' AzzoHni, born 1612 (see Moroni, III., 314 seq. ; G. de
MiNicis, Notizic biogr. del card. D. Azzolino, F'ermo, 1858), was also
Secretary of the Epistolac adprincipes since 1653. His predecessors
inthat office were, from 1644-7, Ga.spar de Simeonibus, and from
1648-1653, Franc. Nerlius. Papal Sec. Arch.
should always be present at the audience of the Secretary of

State. ^ Had Innocent's life been prolonged Chigi would
probably have been overthrown, for Olimpia was unwilling
to share her influence with anyone. Innocent X. ended by
painfully realizing that hehad become " a tool of a woman's
greed for power and gold " but how was he, an octogenarian
;
and one who had always found it difficult to make up his

mind, to muster sufficient strength to break these unworthy
shackles, which could not fail to injure the prestige of the
Holy See ? Olimpia's avarice revealed itself in most revolting
fashion after the Pope's demise (January 7th, 1655) : the
woman who owed to the dead man such vast sums of money ^
refused, as did Camillo Pamfili, to pay for the customary
wood and lead coffins so that, after it had been exposed in
St. Peter's, the body had to be kept for several days in a

damp corner of the sacristy and to be buried in the most
simple manner imaginable ^ ; "a stern warning for the
1 Pallavicino, I., 206 seq.

^ See Arch. Rom., IV., 252 Ciampi, 337 seqq., 344
seq., 259 ;
seqq. Cf. *Avviso of May Papal Sec. Arch.

18, 1647.
2 De Rossi, *Istoria, Vat. Pallavicino, I.,
8873, Vat. Lib. ;
213 ;Gigli in Novaes, X., 60, and Cancellieri, Mercato, 115 ;
*Deone's *diary in Cod. 93-46 of Doria-Pamfili Archives,

Rome. On January 13, 1655, Riccardi, the Florentine envoy,
wrote " *I1 Papa non e ancora sotterrato, perch e non si trova
:
chi voglia fare la spesa. D. Camillo dice di non havere havuto

niente da Sa Bê e toccare di farlo alia Sig.a Donna Olimpia ;
et essa dice die ella non e I'herede. E cosi S* Bne se ne sta la

:
in un canto, in una cassaccia." On January 30, 1655, the same

wrote " *Dopo la morte del Papa la Siga Donna Olimpia ha
:
detto che ella resta piu... mortificata del modo che tiene Maidal-
con i suoi nemici, che della morte del medesimo
chini, essendo unito
Papa e delle tante pasquinate e scritture uscite contro di lei.
Che sebbene gli era stato innanzi detto che il card.l^ suo nipote
era stato guadagnato dalli Spagnuoli e dai Fiorentini, non I'haveva
mai creduto, se non quando I'ha visto." The same on the same
day " *[D. Olimpia]) si chiama malissimo sodisfatta del signer
:
card.ls suo nipote che (come si scrisse) ella caccio di case e gli
fece mettere le sue masserizie in casa del signor principe Ludovisio;
HER AVARICE. 47
Popes," says Cardinal Pallavicino, " one showing what

gratitude they may expect from relatives for whose sake they
have often enough risked both honour and conscience." *
e intendo che in conclave egli continui a dir male della zia, come
faceva di fuora." State Archives, Florence.
* Pallavicino, loc. cit. On Olimpia's end, cf. Ciampi in
.V. Antologia, 1877.
—
CHAPTER II.
Mazarin and Innocent X. The Intrigues of the

—
Barberini The Imprisonment of Cardinal Retz —
Relations with Spain and Portugal The Rising at —
Naples.
Innocent X.'s election meant a sensible defeat for Cardinal

Mazarin, the leader of France's policy. He had done his
utmost to procure the tiara for a friend of his and now he
had to witness the elevation of the very Cardinal whom he
had expressly excluded, and it had so happened that the
Cardinal Protector of France, Antonio Barberini, and even
the French ambassador had substantially contributed to
bring it about !
For a moment Mazarin seriously considered whether France

should not refuse to recognize the new Pope on the plea that
his election was illegal, but in the end he shrank from taking
so dangerous a course.^ He began by venting his tremendous
anger on those whom he regarded as the authors of the
election. In October, 1G44, Antonio Barberini was deprived,
in brutal fashion, of his Protectorate of France, an event
which caused an enormous sensation in Rome.^ About the
middle of December the French ambassador, Saint-Chamond,
was recalled from his post. The punishment was excessive
forasmuch as Saint-Chamond was guilty, not of treason, but
merely of grave imprudence. Accordingly the latter thought
that he might successfully invoke the clemency of the King
and Queen, but Mazarin would not be softened. The whole
affair weakened the prestige of Innocent X. inasmuch as it
1 See Mem. du P. Rapin, I., 89 ; Coville, 27 seq. ; cf.
BouGEANT, Hist, des giterres ci negotiat. qui preced. le traite de
Westphalie, IV., Paris, 1759, 59.

2 See *report of Card. Harrach to Ferdinand III., dat. Nov. 19,
1644. State Archives, Vienna.
48
MAZARIN S TACTICS. 49
created a suspicion that he had obtained the papacy through

some intrigue.^ For the rest, Mazarin was soon made to feel
that his punitive measures had isolated France in dangerous

fashion, for the Barberini now turned to Spain.- Thereupon
the promptly changed his tactics.
Cardinal-Minister In
November, 1644, Monsieur de Gremonville, until then
accredited to Venice, was dispatched to Rome for the purpose
of offering to the Pope the homage of the French royal couple.
He was to seize the opportunity to obtain the elevation to the
cardinalate of Michel, Mazarin's brother, on the ground that
by this means the Pope would best refute the accusation of
partiality towards Spain.^ At the same time Mazarin resigned
the Abbey of Corbie, reputed the second richest in the realm
and yielding 12,000 scudi a year, in favour of Cardinal Camillo
Pamfili. The latter accepted the gift, but his uncle remained
deaf to Gremonville's prayers and representations. Michel
Mazarin's candidature for the red hat failed completely, he
himself contributing not a little to this result by his
impetuosity and want of tact.*
At the promotion of March 6th, 1645, eight new Cardinals
were proclaimed, all of them excellent men, but favouring
Spain and hostile to the Barberini.^ France's representatives,
who had already made bitter complaints,^ became still louder
CoviLLE, 37 seqq.
*
Cochin, H. Arnauld, 67.

* Simeoni (abo\-e p. 19, n. i)
justly remarks (p. 56) that Mazarin's policy towards Rome

was from the first " me.schina e personale ".
^ Instruction of Dec. 26, 1644, in Arnauld, Negociations, I.,
128 seqq., 137 seqq. When informing the (jueen-Regent Anne

of his election. Innocent X. had assured her that he would not
forget the honours paid to him by Louis XIII. during his stay
in France. Letter of Sept. 16, 1644, in FiixoN, n. 2457.
* Covii.i.K,
55 seqq. On IMich. Mazarin, cf. C. de IMun in Rev.
d'hist. dipl., IV. (1904), 497 seqq.
'•"
The hostility of the newly elect towards the Barberini is
insisted upon by the Florentine envoy in his *report of March 12,
1645. State Arch., Florence, loc. cit.
* *Avviso of Feb. 23, 1645, Papal Sec. Arch.
VOL. x.xx. E
with their protests.Âs for Mazarin, when he was informed,

his knew no bounds.
fury Henceforth, he muttered, he
would change his tune. Even Queen Anne spitefully remarked
that the Pope was mistaken if he imagined that he could
treat great kings like the small prelates of the Roman court.
In Paris there was talk of a schism. Gremonville was ordered
to adopt a manner that would frighten Rome ; the nuncio
also had to hear many remarks to the same effect.^
Mazarin's speeches and writings of the period bear witness

to his rage. Many people, he remarked, had their own ideas
about the election of Innocent X. until now he had kept ;
silent and enforced silence, but those who roused him would
have cause to regret it.^ Nor was he content with words.
On March 27th, 1646, Gremonville was ordered to betake
himself at once to Venice. This interruption of diplomatic
relations did not as yet imply a complete rupture because
the nuncio stayed on in Paris and a number of French agents
remained in Rome, but they only dealt with secondary
matters, not with affairs of State. Mazarin maintained
contact with Rome only in so far as this made it possible for
him to create difficulties for Innocent X.
Michel Mazarin was indemnified by his elevation to the
become vacant
archiepiscopal see of Aix which had just then
and the Pope was compelled to approve the nomination.*
1 *Avviso oi March ii, 1645, ibid. ; *report of Savelli, April 15,
1645, State Arch., Vienna. Cf. also the *letter of the Secretary
of State to Rinuccini dated April 10, 1645 :
" Fu inviata a
V. S. la Rosa Pontificia, accio ella compiacesse di presentarla
in nome
di Nostro Signore alia Maesta della regina di Francia ;
ma perche sono giunte lettere da quel Monsignor Nunzio, nelle

quali avvisa che si mostri in quella corte molto sentimento per
non esser state posto nella promotione il Padre Mazzarino, sara
bene che ella non pigli in modo alcuno risolutione di presentarla
se non vede acquietato il disgusto, et non sia piu che certo che il
dono potesse essere accettato volentieri. II che si lascia alia
molta prudenza di lei." Papal Sec. Arch.

^ CoviLLE, 57 seqq.
^ Lettres dii card. Mazarin, ed. Cheruel, II., 131, 135.
* CoviLLE, 5o seqq.
THE BARBERINI. 5I
But this was not revenge enough for Mazarin. He sought to

create opponents for Innocent X. in Rome itself. To this
end he resolved to make his peace with the Barberini. This
was not easy because as soon as the latter realized that
Mazarin needed them, they changed their tactics, seeking
to get the utmost in return for as little as possible.^ However,
in the end events comj)clled the Barberini to accept so
powerful a patronage. Besides, they were not united among
themsel\-cs and their counsels were divided.-
Such was the hatred which Urban VHI.'s nephews had
drawn on thcmsehes in Rome that according to a report of
the envoy of l'2ste in October 1()-J4, everyone wished to see
them punished. The Romans witnessed with satisfaction the
depressed air of those who had once been so proud. ^ In
these circumstances it was no small comfort for the latter,
when it was reported that the new Pope was prepared to
forgive them.* But after a long period of suspense between
hope and despair, the Barberini were forced to realize that
they would be called to account for the enormous wealth
they had accumulated during the reign of Urban VTII. In
March, 1645, Cardinal Giustiniani said that the Pope was
bound in conscience to try the Barberini and to punish them
should their guilt be established.^
When in June,an inquiry was begun into the
1645,
administration of public money during
the war of Castro, the
memory of the fate of the relatives of Paul IV. must have
haunted Urban VHI.'s nephews like a nightmare.'' However,
* Ibid.,70 seq.
* See the interesting *report of Walter Leslie to Ferdinand III.,
dated Rome, May 5, 1645, State Arch., Vienna.

' *Keport of Fr. Mantovani of October 5, 1644. State Arch.,
Modena.
* *Report of Fr. Mantovani of October 19, 1644, ibid.
* *Rcport of the Florentine envoy, March 30, 1645, State
Arch., Florence, loc. cit.
* See *the reports of the Florentine envoy of June 3, n, 24,
1645, State Arch., Florence. Cf. P. Linagi: de Vaucienxks,
Ditjerctid dcs Barberini avec le pape Innocent X., Paris, 1678. A
it was very bring home to the Barberini any real

difficult to
defalcations for they had covered themselves betimes with

divers decrees of Urban VIII. Innocent X. himself said as
much to the Florentine envoy who reported that the Pope
was particularly incensed against Antonio Barberini. ^ The
Pope's anger so alarmed the latter that the threatened man,
who of all his brothers had always entertained the strongest
sympathy towards France,^ decided on a desperate step. On
the evening of September 28th, 1645, he let it be known
that he was about to drive to Monterotondo whither his
servants had preceded him. In reality, disguised beyond
recognition, he repaired to Santa Marinella, a small hamlet
on the coast between Palo and Civitavecchia, where,
accompanied by only one servant, he embarked on a small
boat with the intention of sailing for Genoa, but a violent
storm compelled him to seek shelter in the harbour of Leghorn,
from whence, disguised as a sailor, he safely reached the
*Discorso per eccitare Innocenzo X. ad procedere contro i Barbermi

(written shortly after the death of Urban VIII.) in Barb. 5650,
p. 90 seqq. Vat. Lib.
See the *letter of the Florentine envoy, July 5, 1645
1 " Mi :
disse [il Papa] ancora che havea fatto vedere le spese fatte a la
Camera di tanti miUoni, e che non puo ritrovare niente da potere
attaccare i Barberini, havendo bene aggiustato le scritture.
E dicendogli io Bô pe^ gii e una gran cosa quello raconta il
:
sig. Carde Cornaro pubblicamente, che venendo egli a Roma
poco tempo prima che morisse Papa Urbane, egli fu a baciargli

i piedi, e S. S'^ gh disse Sig. Card^^, siamo stati assassinati da
:
nostri nepoti, che ci hanno fatto far la guerra e perdere la vita e

la riputazione da che si vede chiaramente, dissi io, che Papa
;
Urbano fu aggirato ; e per capriccio de' Barberini, e non del

Papa, e stato rovinata la Chiesa Apostolica e Io Stato ecclesiastico.
Mi rispose S. St^ ; V. S. dice bene ; ma si sono aggiustati e
fortificati con brevi, bolle e chirografi, che non si puo far niente
a voler far la giustizia ." State Arch., Florence.
. .
^ *" Cardinal Antonio has French sympathies and imagines

he cannot live unless he becomes reconciled with France,"
W. Leslie wrote on May 5, 1645, to Ferdinand III. State Arch.,
Vienna.
-
MAZARIN BEFRIENDS THE BARBERINI. 53
coast of Provence. ^ He sent his excuses to the Pope for his

disappearance without farewell audience ; the motive of his
departure, he claimed, was the desire to clear himself in
France of the accusations of which he was the object.
Both Cardinal Francesco and Taddeo Barberini made
common cause with their brother when, on October 15th,
they put up on their palaces the arms of France.^ Thus the
alliance of the Barberini with Mazarin, which had seemed
unlikely only a short while ago, became suddenly an
accomplished fact : it also bore an anti-papal character.
In vain Innocent X. admonished the King and Queen of
France and ]\Iazarin not to shelter the Barberini * so far ;
from complying with the request, Mazarin invited Antonio

to Piedmont, after which he sent ironical congratulations to
the Pope on so happy a solution. When the French minister
was informed that Francesco and Taddeo had likewise sought
French protection, he exulted. The Venetian envoy Nani,
who saw him wrote
after the reception of this piece of news, :
I have never seen him so jubilant, not even after the

greatest \-ictories." ^ In effect, nothing could have been
more agreeable to Mazarin, for the Barberini had become his
unconditional allies and this in such circumstances as
compelled them to serve all his interests.
Thereafter the arrogance of the French Government knew
no bounds. On November 16th, IGlo, the French Chancellor,
^ On the flight, see the letter in Gualdo Priorato, Scena

d'hiiomiui illustri, V^cnice,
1659 and Tommaso Raggi, *Fitga
;
dc' Barberini, in Cod. 34S1 of the Bibl. Casanat., Rome also the ;
Avvisi in Arch. Rom., III., 26 scq., and CoUcccion de dociim.

ineditos, LXXXVI., 217.
- Innocent X. told this to Savclli, Ferdinand III.'s repre-
sentative ; see the latter's *report of October 7, 1645, State
Arch., Vienna.
' Only on his official residence in the Cancelleria did Antonio
not put up the I'Ycnch arms; SavelH's *report of October 21,
1645, State Arch., Vienna.
* CoviLLK, 89; Annalcs dc St. Louis, II. (1897), 361 scq.
* See Corresp. de Mazarin, II., 252 Coville, loc. cit. ;
speaking name of the King

in the at a crown council, addressed
to nuncio Bagno a speech full of invectives, which was a
real masterpiece of its kind. He began with the ironical
remark that their Majesties found it hard to understand that
Innocent X. should request them to " oppress " the Barberini,
seeing that these were being so badly treated in Rome. The
Curia was dominated by the Spaniards, the French were
relegated to the background, as was shown by the refusal
of the purple to Mazarin's brother. However, the King was
not embarrassed for there were a hundred ways in which he
could reward Mazarin's faithful services. He then went on
to complain about the intrigues in Rome which included
even the prospect of the assassination of Mazarin. Not
without reason the Spaniards had proclaimed that a blow
would be struck in France. In view of all this it could not be
expected that the French Government should sacrifice the
Barberini. Antonio's secret journey was justified he would ;
not have received permission had he asked for it. The speech
ended with a threat to the effect that their Majesties might
be compelled to seek means by which to protect their good
name. After the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Conde
had expressed their approval, Mazarin concluded with the
blunt and unequivocal statement that the King would know
how to avenge a persecution of the Barberini.^
This pronouncement was also made known to the Venetian
ambassador and to the representatives of Tuscany and
Florence, 2 and copies were circulated both in France and in
Rome. Contemporary Italian and French publications, both
for and against Mazarin, show how excited public opinion
had become. Thereafter the conflict was passionately discussed
in endless publications.^ With a view to alarming the Pope
^ Arnauld, Negociat., I., 141 seq. ; Coville, 90 seqq.

* See Bagno's *report dated Paris, November 24, 1645, in
Nunziat. di Francia, 92, Papal Sec. Arch.
^ Coville, 93. Italian *documents from Cod. I., III., 87 of
Chigi Libr. enumerated by Ciampi (31, n. 2). Partly the same

*documents, but others also bearing on this point in Barb. 4673,
MORE FLIGHTS. 55
Mazarin caused the rumour to be circulated that the Barberini

would be indemnified out of the revenues of Avipnon and
that there was a •jiossibility of con\eninf^ a Council of all the
anti-papal malcontents. * Yet shortly afterwards he told the
nuncio that though he was held but of little account at
the Roman court, he would nevertheless prohibit a book by
Salmasius against the Pope's primacy which was being
circulated in Paris from Holland, so that all might see the
high regard in which the Apostolic See was held in France.^
Meanwhile a Congregation had been set up in Rome,
{^resided over by Cardinal Sforza, for the purpose of examining
expenditure in connexion with the war of Castro. In obedience
to an autograph letter of October 20th and a decree of
December 16th, \M'y, the Barberini submitted their books to
an examination, but there were many gaps and errors in
their accounts. Consequently their bank deposits were
sequestrated and they themselves subjected to surveillance.'
Thereupon Cardinal Francesco as well as Taddeo Barberini,
the latter with his four children, fled in the night of January
16-17th, 164(1, to France where Mazarin had offered them
an asylum. Taddeo remained in Provence. On March 1st
Francesco reached Paris, where Antonio had met with a
solemn reception on the part of Mazarin already on January
(Uh.* Even before the flight of the two Barberini, vehement
51 12, 5257, 5393. The I-'iiga del cardinale Antonio male inter-
pretata c pcggio cahinniata, by the Genoese Raffaelo della Torre,

was printed at Perugia in 1646. Of the *Relazione della fuga
di Barberini nel pontiftcato di Innocenzo A'., in Cod., 277 of the
library of .\ix I have my possession a
in contemporary copy
bought in IQ02 in Rome. A *Discorso contro il card. .4 . Barberini
fnggito da Roma, in Ottob. 1289, p. 27 seqq., Vat. Lil).
Bagno's *report of November 24, 1645, loc. cit.
'
Bagno's *report of December 8, 1645, loc. cit.

*
' See Linage dk Vauciennes, 32 seq., 52 seqq. Coville, ;
96 seqq. The autograph of October 20, 1643, is in Barb. 4903, n. 2,

\'at. Lib.
* Covii.LE, 103 i^cqq. ; I'rati, Una fuga storica (account from
the University library of Bologna), in A'. Antologia, 191 1. As
yet unpubUshcd arc *the report of Servantius {Diana, Papal
^
altercations had taken place at a consistory between the

Pope and Cardinal Grimaldi, when the latter had insinuated
that, if need be, France would give them armed assistance.
Besides Grimaldi, six other Cardinals spoke in favour of the
Barberini. They were Valenây,
: Rocci, Rondinini,
Rapaccioli, Lugo and Colonna.'^
When the Barberini, notwithstanding every precaution,
made good their escape, the Pope fell into the greatest
consternation. 2 He. referred to the matter in a consistory
on February 5th, 1646, when he pointed out that by their
unlawful flight the two Cardinals had spontaneously avowed
their guilt.
Thereafter the Barberini were treated as contumaces ;
accordingly all their possessions were sequestrated, their

palaces seized and their offices disposed of.^ There was little
sympathy for them ; a large section of the nobles and the

majority of the people were against them ; their fate was
deemed a just retribution. Already on February 20th, when
a meeting on the Capitol decreed the abolition of the tax on
which had been introduced by Urban VIII., a suggestion
flour,
was made that the consequent loss of revenue should be

covered with Taddeo's property. If the protest of Anne
Colonna, Taddeo's plucky wife who had remained in Rome,
could not prevent the abolition of the tax, it at least prevented
this use of her husband's possessions.^
Sec. Arch.) of January i8, 1646 ; T. Raggi, *Fitâ dc' Barberini

(above, p. 53, n. i) the *Avvisi of January 20 and 24, 1646
;
(Papal Sec. Arch.) which give many details of the flight, as well
as Savelli's *reports of January 17 and 20, 1646, State Arch.,
Vienna.
1 *Avviso of January 13, 1646, Papal Sec. Arch.
2 *Avviso of January 20, 1646, ibid.
^ *Acta consist, (where the Pope's speech is given in full).
Barb. 2928, Vat. Lib. Cf. also Denis, I., 21 seq., 27.
* Linage de Vauciennes, 72 seqq. Coville, 108 cf. ; ;
Savelli's *report of February 5, 1646, State Arch., Vienna.

* Deone (Ameyden) in Ranke, IIL, 27 and 169, (*on Ranke's
superficial and erroneous use of Ameyden cf. Ademollo, Macinaio

MAZARIN AGAINST THE POPE. 57
On the previous clay a Bull had been published forbidding

the Cardinals to leave Rome without the Pope's express
])crmission ; those who contravened this order were to be
punished with confiscation of their property ; if one of them
stayed away from Rome for more than six months, he would
forfeit all his benefices and and
offices in case of obstinacy,
after the lapse of a further three months, even the cardinalitial
dip;nity, without the possibility of reinstatement.^
Publication of the Bull was forbidden in France, and when
it was nevertheless passed from hand to hand, Mazarin
summoned to the defence " of the rights of the King and the
liberties of the Galilean Church " both Parliament and
clergy ; these bodies proved only too subservient to the
wishes of the Government. There was even question of a refusal
of obedience and a schism. ^ But as Innocent X. remained
firm,Mazarin resolved to have recourse to extreme measures,
namely to armed force. True, the Pope was to be attacked
only indirectly inasmuch as the French advanced on the
fortresses on the coast of Tuscany occupied by the Spaniards.
In this way Mazarin hoped to hit the Pope in a threefold
manner : in his friends, the Spaniards, in his nephew. Prince
Ludovisi who, under Spanish suzerainty, ruled over the
territory of Piombino, and lastly in his own security since it
was an easy thing for the French to invade the States of the
Church from Tuscany.^
Connected with these plans was the mission of the Abbe
St. Nicolas, Henri Arnauld, a brother of the famous
Jansenist. He had been dispatched about the middle of
December, 1645, by Mazarin, with mission to intrigue against
Spain at the smaller courts of Italy. In Rome Arnauld was
to agitate in favour of the Barberini and to induce the Pope,
on the plea of the Church's interest, to recognize the separation
Roma,
(li in Riv. Europ., 1877, II., 442) ; *SavclIi'.s *report of
February 24, 1646, loc. at. ; Denis, I., 26 ; ibu/., 30, on
A. Colonna's successful protest ; cf. also Ciampi, 106.
'
Bull., XV., 441 seqq. ; cf. HiNSCiiius, I., 349.
* CoviLLE, ICQ seqq.
' CoviLLK, 118 seqq. ; Simeoni, 80
2
of Portugal and Catalonia from Spain by recognizing the

episcopal nomination that had been made there. In addition
to all this, not the least duty of Arnauld was to further certain
private interests of Mazarin, especially the extradition of
Count De Beaupuy, who had had a hand in the conspiracy of
the Duke of Beaufort and who had fled into the States of the
Church, and, lastly, the bestowal of the red hat on Michel
Mazarin. 1
At Parma Arnauld achieved nothing. Modena gratefully
accepted Cardinal Rinaldo Este's nomination as Protector
of France at the Curia, but they would await more propitious
times before siding with France. From the Grand Duke
Ferdinand II. of Tuscany Arnauld likewise only obtained
fair words.
Arnauld reached Rome on March where he was
17th, 1646,
given lodgings at the palace of Cardinal Este four days ^ ;
later Este himself arrived. Innocent X. imagined that it was

Mazarin's intention, through Arnauld, to resume the
diplomatic relations which had been interupted, but the
latter had strict orders not to seek an audience. Arnauld at
once put himself at the head of the French party and
established close contact not only with Este and Valengay,
but likewise with Cardinal Grimaldi, who was particularly
hostile to the Pope.* The general excitement is revealed by
an incident which came like a prelude to the war of the
French against the Spaniards in Italy.
On March 24th, 1646, there arrived in Rome as ohhedienza
ambassador, Cabrera, Admiral of Castile.^ From the first
1 Arnauld, Negociat., I., i6i seqq. ; Cochin, H. Arnauld,

68 seqq.
Cochin, 70 seqq.
2
At the end of February, 1646, Card. Este had had the imperial
'
arms removed from his palace, retaining only the French and the
papal ones, a fact which caused a sensation. Savelli's *report
of February 24, 1646, State Arch., Vienna.
* CoviLLE, 123 seqq.
* The Spanish ambassador Sirvela left Rome in August, 1645 ;
Cabrera's wife made her entry into Rome together with her
AFFRAY IN PIAZZA DEL GESU. 59
Cabrera struck a most arrogant attitude ; he caused it to be

rumoured that he would not call on Cardinal Este and would
not greet him should he happen to meet him. The Cardinal
jiromptly replied that he would compel him to do so. Cabrera,
who had had several thousand men dispatched from Naples
to Rome, boasted that he would make a prisoner of Este.
The latter refused to be intimidated. He made arrangements
with the French party and likewise raised a few thousand
armed men.^ Cardinal Grimaldi also took 200 mounted men
into his service.^ Consequently the Pope took measures for
the preservation of tranquillity.^
On April 20th Cabrera decided to call on Cardinal Lante,
Dean of the Sacred College. Innocent X. sought to persuade
Este not to leave his house that day, but the Cardinal would
not hear of it. Thus it came about that, on returning from
his visit, Cabrera fell in with Este in the Piazza of the Gesu.
A bloody encounter took place between their respective
suites, in which the Spaniards were worsted.* The incident
was soon disposed of through the Pope's mediation but
Cabrera, who had become the butt of Pasquino's gibes, had
now but one thought, namely to get out of Rome as quickly
as possible.^ A quite disproportionate importance was attached
husband, " che non piu si e veduta in questa citta " ; she was
greeted by Olimpia Pamfili before Porta S. Giovanni. Savelli's
report of March 24, 1646, State Arch., Vienna ; cf. *Avviso of
March 31, 1646, Papal Sec. Arch.
'
CoviLLF, 124-5 : *Writings on the dispute in Cod. N., III., 69,
of Chigi Lib., Rome.

^ Savelli's *rcport of May 19, 1646, loc. cit.
Arnauld, Negociat., II., 122.

'
* Besides Arnauld, Negociat., I., 155 scq. ; II., 3 seq., 22 seq.,

112 seq., 116 seq., 145 seq., and the reports u.sed by Coville
(125 seq.), cf. also Savelli's letter of May 3, 1646, loc. cit.
' Cabrera journeyed to Loreto on
June 4 on May 2 Count ;
Onate, the new Spanish ambassador, arrived in Rome see ;
*Avvisi of June 9 and July 7, 164O, Papal Sec. Arch. An ironical

poem L' Amir ante fugitivo, in Cod. N. III., 69, p. 255 seq. of the
Chigi Library, Rome, Cf. also Simeoni, 83.
6o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The French in Rome raised shouts

to this trifling incident.
of and there was no less enthusiasm in France
\'ictory ;
Mazarin himself, though as a rule a past-master in self-

control, paid exuberant compliments to Este.^
A more serious drama opened on the confines of the States
of the Church. On May 10th the French took the fortresses
of Talamone and S. Stefano five days later the trenches of
;
Orbetello were forced whilst the fleet advanced as far as

Civitavecchia. These first successes, together with the incident
in Rome, appeared to lend support to Mazarin 's diplomac3^
He hoped to intimidate Innocent X. and accordingly allowed
Arnauld to seek an audience. The latter saw the Pope on
June 7th and 11th, but for the Barberini he could obtain
nothing.^
About the middle of June the military situation of the
French grew worse. Admiral De Brize was killed in a fierce
naval engagement with the Spaniards and the fleet, though
victorious, returned to Provence. The French also fared
badly before Orbetello which was being gallantly defended
by the Neapolitan Carlo della Gatta ^ their ranks were :
decimated by fever. In these circumstances Arnauld, naturally

enough, could do nothing for the Barberini. On July 16th
the French were compelled to raise the siege of Orbetello, to
the huge satisfaction of their enemies in Rome.^
This defeat in Italy gave fresh courage to Mazarin's enemies
in France, so much so that in Rome his fall was deemed
imminent. However, the Cardinal succeeded in stifling the
1 CoviLLE, 126.
2 Negociat., II., 2S7 seqq., 294 seqq. Cheruel, II.,
Arnauld,
196 seqq. Coville, 127 seqq.
;
Cochin, 81 seqq. Orbetello,
;
" guerra propria di Mazarino," Chigi says in *Diario of his stay
at Miinster, Chigi Lib. ; XXXII., Appendix 2.

see
^ Capecelatro, Istoria dcW assedio posto ad Orbetello dal
principe Tommaso di Savoia, edit, by Prince Belmonte, Naples,
1857 ''
Ademollo, L' Assedio di Orbetello dell a' 1646, Grosseto,
1883. *Versi satirici sopra il cainpo c guerra d'Orbetello in Cod. N.
III., 69, p. 597, of the Chigi Library. Cf. also Cerboni, Eritrea, 96.
* Cheruel. II. , 212 seqq. Coville, 130
; Cochin, 84. ;
CHANGE IN MAZARIN's ATTITUDE. 6l
discontent and the upshot of it all was the decision to equip
another and to resume military operations in central

fleet
Italy. ^ The idea was to intimidate the Pope and this was
fully realized. Even before the French troops had effected
a landing opposite the isle of Elba on September 17th,
Innocent unexpectedly sent for Cardinals Este and Grimaldi,
when he informed them that he had made up his mind to
grant a pardon to the Barberini they might repair to Avignon
;
and all that had been confiscated should be restored to them.^

Thereupon Mazarin's attitude underwent a complete
change. His friendliness was such that one hardly knew
him. He protested that he was the most reliable and most
sincere servant of the Holy See, spoke with enthusiasm of
universal peace, of a league of all the princes against the
common enemy Christendom and of the undying glory of
of
the present pontificate.^ Nor was he content with words ;
when Piombo fell on October 11th, 1646, out of regard for

the Pope, Ludovisi was allowed to retain his principality, of
course under the overlordship of the Most Christian King.
Lastly Mazarin promised to send an ambassador who would
be acceptable to the Pope in every respect.* It was not easy
to find such a person. Many undesirable candidates offered
their services, whereas those who were offered the honour
sought to escape it Thus the Cardinal of Lyons and the
Marquis of Noirmoutiers declined. Finally the choice fell
on the Marquis of Fontenay-Mareuil, who demurred at first
on the plea of age and health, but ended by accepting.^

^ CoviLLE, 131 seqq.
Besides the accounts consulted by Coville (137), cf.
Servantius, * Diana (Papal Sec. Arch.) on September 17, 1646,
and September 22,
Savelli's *letter of 1646, to Duke Maximilian
of Bavaria, Epist., Papal Sec. Arch. A *Discorso
II. -III.,
addressed to the I'ope, praying him not to pardon the Barberini,

to the injury of the ApostoHc Camera, in Barb. 5748, Vat. Lib.
' Letters to a Roman confidant, October 13 and 15, 1646, in
COVILLE, 138.
* IhuL, 138-9.
' Ibid., 142-3. Fontenay-Mareuil had been French ambassador
in Rome, 1639- 1644 '<
^f- Baguenot de Puchesse in Rev. des

Mazarin's inquiry whether Fontenay would be agreeable

to the Holy See, promptly met with an affirmative reply,
in fact Rome awaited his arrival with impatience.^ Innocent
had long desired the resumption of normal diplomatic relations
with France and just then he had additional grounds for it ;
inview of the intrigues of the French Jansenists ^ a great deal

depended on the attitude of Mazarin.
Some time elapsed before Fontenay reached Rome. The
difficulties in the mutual relations were happily removed by
concessions on both sides. The first thing to be dealt with
was Ludovisi's position at Piombino, then the full pardon
of the Barberini, towards whom there appeared to have been
a certain cooling off on the part of Mazarin, for in February,
1647, he had written to Arnauld that it was not worth while,
for their sakes, to become involved in fresh complications.
In the end Innocent X. gave leave to Francesco Barberini
to return to Rome.^
On May 24th, 1647, Fontenay made his entry into the
Eternal City, with a magnificent retinue. Cardinal Este
went out to meet him with eighty-four carriages and escorted
him into the presence of the Pope. In order to impress the
Spaniards the greatest possible pomp was likewise displayed
on the occasion of the visits to Olimpia and the Princess
Ludovisi.*
Fontenay met with an all the more friendly reception
from the Pope as shortly before, in connexion with the
Jansenist affair, Mazarin had adopted a line of conduct which
earned for him a special Brief of praise and thanks.^ However,
Mazarin demanded something in return, viz. the red hat for
quest, hist., XVIII. (1875), 160, and the Memoires de Fontenay-

Mareuil, ed. Michaud-Poujolat, 2nd series, V. (1837), though
these are not always reliable.
^ CoviLLE, 143.
2 Particulars in Ch. VI.
* Cochin, 94.
* Servantius *Diaria, Papal Sec. Arch. ; Coville, 149 ;
Cochin, loc. cit.

^ Text in Annates de Louis,
St. II. (1897), 362 seq.
MICHEL MAZARIN A CARDINAL. 63
his brother Michel. Though he was

aware of the obstacles,^ well
lie it was
nevertheless hoped for speedy success, seeing that
precisely Fontenay that had obtained it for himself under
Urban VIII. However, at all times undecided, Innocent X.
hesitated even more in this instance notwithstanding the —
pressure of the French agents for Mazarin's brother was a—
\ery mediocre personality ^ moreover the representatives
;
of the Emperor and Spain opposed the promotion.^ The

Pope complained that the French diplomatists gave him no
peace * but in the end Fontenay, whom the Pope always
treated in the friendliest fashion, obtained his assent to
Michel's promotion ; and since no time limit was fixed, its
execution could be delayed indefinitely. For the rest Michel,
who came to Rome against Mazarin's will, spoilt his cause
by numerous imprudences, and the Spanish party, still very
influential with the Pope, continued to make energetic
remonstrances.
At this time certain agitations at Naples held everyone
in suspense. Mazarin was suspected — assuredly not without
good reason — of having a hand in the risings. By reason of
the feverish excitement which the events of Naples called
forth, every favour done to one party was construed into an
act of hostility towards the other. If Innocent X. named a
Cardinal at the request of France, he must needs appoint
another to please Spain. A considerable time had to elapse
before the answer concerning Mazarin's promotion could
arrive, accordingly the Spaniards did not despair of inducing
the Pope to change his mind.^ Other difficulties were due to
Mazarin himself. He who always protested that he asked
nothing for his own, now insisted that his brother should be
raised to the cardinalate on the recommendation of the
King of Poland, whereas Innocent would rather have a
*
Cf. Venetian report in Berchet, IL, 54 seqq.
CoviLLE, 165, 170 seqq.
*
' See Savelli's *report of August 31, 1647. State Arch.,

Vienna.
* CoviLLE, 172.
' Ihid., 173 seqq.. 175.
^
recommendation from the French Queen-Regent. At the

end of September Mazarin suddenly announced that he
would be satisfied with any mode of promotion that was
agreeable to the Pope accordingly on October 7th, Michel
;
Mazarin was at last raised to the Sacred College. The event

was a considerable diplomatic triumph for Mazarin, whilst
it also satisfied a desire of his heart. He was anxious to
create for his family as splendid a position as Richelieu had
done for his ambition of this kind characterizes the upstarts
;
of every age, but in the 17th century this passion was even
more imperious for it was the only guarantee against the
whims and storms of fate.^ Mazarin himself was not to be
spared the experience.
Disagreements with the Apostolic See by no means came
to an end with the elevation of Michel Mazarin who, in point
of fact, died as early as August 31st, 1648.^ On February 27th,
1648, Cardinal Francesco Barberini had returned to Rome.
His brother Taddeo had died in Paris the year before.
Cardinal Francesco met with a kindly welcome from the
Pope * as did Cardinal Antonio who returned to Rome on
1 CoviLLE, 165 seqq., 175 seqq. On Mich. Mazarin, cf. De Mun

in Rev. d'hist. dipt., XVIII., 497-530.
2 Mazarin succumbed in his palace on the Quirinal
Mich.
to a fever which he caught at Palidoro on his return to Rome.
Servantius *Diaria, Papal Sec. Arch.). "*Quanto s'e travagliato
per vestirlo di porpora, e poi non ha potuto terminare I'anno
delle sue grandezzi," Fr. Albizzi wrote to Chigi as Mazarin lay on
his death-bed, dated Rome, August 29, 1646, Chigi Lib., Rome.
Cod. A. III., 55.
' Taddeo's somewhat plain sepulchre (by Bernardo Cametti,
a pupil of Bernini) in S. Rosalia, close to the family palace, at
Palestrina {cf. Zeitschr. fur bild. Kitnst., new series, XXV.
[1914], 326),shows how much the splendour of the family had
waned. The coffin stands in the adjoining mausoleum.
"*Fuit receptus maxima cum benignitate
^ confabulantes . . .
super mediam horam " (Servantius *Diaria, Papal Sec. Arch.).

Cf. Denis, I., iii.; Arnauld, Negociat., V., 413 Miscell. di ;
sior. ital., XV. (1875), 199.

—
mazarin's unpopularity. 65
July 12th, 1653, when the people greeted him with enthusiasm.^
A painting entitled " The Sacrifice of Diana ", for which
Cardinal Francesco gave a commission to Pietro da Cortona
the most vivid modern representation of a Greek sacrifice
was intended as an allegory of the return of his family from
exile. 2 But as all the wishes of the Barberini were by no
means fulfilled, they repeatedly invoked France's patronage
with the Pope.3 To this annoyance others came to be added.
In April, 1648, the French Government conceived the notion
of publishing the condemnation which Parliament had
passed the year before on a papal censure of certain Jansenist
writings. A strong protest by the papal nuncio followed.
Not long afterwards the French ambassador in Rome gave
grave offence by sheltering a criminal accused of sacrilege
and robbery.*
However, these disputes were not remotely comparable to
the previous ones when Mazarin, by means of brutal attacks,
forced the Pope to a kind of capitulation. The warlike
conflagration which had broken out in Itaty at that time had
done much to increase the minister's unpopularity in France.
Everyone could see how this upstart put his personal gain
before that of the State and it was generally felt that he made
war in his own interest, not that of France.^ To begin with,
the Italian Mazarin was hated as a foreigner whilst the
greed that caused him to pile up gold for himself still further
alienated all hearts. The enormous expenditure on the
army and the consequent intolerable taxation, brought about
the triumph of his enemies, the so-called Fronde, in the
autumn of 1618. Banished as an enemy of the State, at the
beginning of 1619, Mazarin was forced to leave Paris and in
' *Scrvantius, loc. cit. Antonio's audience with the Pope on

July 14 lasted two hours, ibid.
- Voss, Malerei, 545, on the picture in the Barberini Gallery.
»
Cf. the *Brief to Louis XIV. of June 11. 1650, Epist., IV.-VI.,
Papal Sec. Arch.
* CoviLLE, 185 scq.
* GiiRiN, I., 3 seqq.
VOL. .\.\.\. F
February of the following year even France itself. He with-

drew to Briihl, near Cologne/ from where he kept in close
touch with Queen Anne. In the end he came out
triumphantly from the dangerous struggle. ^ During those
troubles Innocent X. did all he could to preserve the Church
in France from injury.^
Innocent X. was fully justified when, at the beginning of
1651, he remarked that from the beginning of his pontificate
Mazarin had been a stumbling block in the relations between
France and Rome from him had proceeded every unpleasant-
;
ness and every dispute that minister would end by ruining

;
both France and the Holy See.^ In December, 1651, the

tension was such that the French ambassador, Valengay,
ceased to seek audiences with the Pope.^
When the Madrid and Paris were
nuncios of Vienna,
changed in the autumn X. named Neri
of 1652, Innocent
Corsini, Archbishop of Damietta, for France. Although the
French ambassador in Rome described the new nuncio as
worthy of confidence,^ Corsini was arrested on landing at
Marseilles and interned in a monastery. In an audience on
November 25th Valenây endeavoured to justify this action
1 By a *Brief of July 8, 1651, Innocent X. approved Mazarin's
leaving France as this would preserve his ecclesiastical dignity

from injury {Epist., IV. -VI., Papal Sec. Arch.). Ibid., under
date of October 23, 1651, *the Pope's congratulations to
Louis XIV. on his assumption of the reins of government, with
an exhortation that he should defend the Church and honour
the Holy See.
- " *S'egli esce con riputazione, sara il compimento delle sue
fortune," Fr. Albizzi wrote to Chig on February 27, 1649,
from Rome. Chigi Lib., Cod. A. III., 55.
^ See the *Brief to the French clergy dated May 20, 1652,
Papal Sec. Arch., loc. cit.
*
See Valen9ay's letter dated Rome, November 13, 1651, in
Chantelauze, Retz., II., 338.
• See Gueffier's letter dated Rome, December 18, 1651, ibid.,
461.
" Gerin, I., 21. On N. Corsini cj. Moroni, XVII. , 280 seq.,
285 seq.
A
—,
CARDINAL DE RETZ. 67
and in doing so adopted a grossly

oftcnsi\'e attitude towards
the Pope.^ It was

due to the unfavourable militarj'
solely
situation —
the Spaniards had just recaptured Barcelona
that Corsini recovered his freedom and was allowed to proceed
to Avignon. However, France's policy towards Rome remained
unaltered and a fresh conflict broke out within the same
year.
October, 1G52, witnessed the restoration of royal absolutism,
before which disappeared both the aristocracy and Parliament.
Only one man remained as Mazarin's competitor this was :
Jean Fran(;ois Paul de Gondi, known as Cardinal de Retz.^

Born in 1G13 and destined, against his inclination, for the
ecclesiastical state, Retz had been given a Canon's stall at
Notre Dame when he was only thirteen. In 1G43 he became
coadjutor to his uncle, the Archbishop of Paris, with the title
of Archbishop of Corinth. Talented and endowed with high
political ability, but restless, immoral and an adherent of
the Jansenists, Retz headed the Fronde between 1648 and
1G49. But it was hoped that he might be won over and the
King proposed him for the cardinalate which he received on
February 19th, 1G52. However, Retz continued an
irreconcilable opponent of Mazarin whom he was anxious to
succeed at all costs. He believed that the purple would
protect him in his intrigues, but Mazarin, who in his disputes
with the Pope had often threatened to free the French from
^ Gkrin, I., 22 seq., for Valen9ay's report of November 25,

1651. *In.struction for Corsini in State Lib., Vienna 5645,
p. 28 seqq.
^ Chantelauze, Le card, de Retz et I'affaire du chapeau, Paris,
1878 ; NoRMAND, Card, de Retz, ibid., 1895 ; Ranke, Franzos.
Gesch., IIL, 71 seqq., V., 199 seq. Fueter, Historiographie
;
156 seq. ; CEuvres de Retz, ed. Feillet, Gourdault, and

Chantelauze, id vols., Paris, 1872-1896. Ch. Cochin, who died
in 191 8, intended to write a new hfe of Retz ; the following
fragment of his papers has been published Suppl. a la corresp. :
du card, de Retz, Paris, 1920, with an appendix on his elevation

to the cardinalate. See also D. Ogg, Card, de Retz, London, 191 2 ;
Battikol, Le card, de Retz, Paris, 1927.

" the Roman phantom

", was not the man to allow himself
by an obstacle of this kind.^ In a secret

to be frightened
memorandum he advised the King to have the Cardinal
arrested. Retz allowed himself to be deceived : on the
occasion of a call at the Louvre, December 19th, 1652, he
was arrested and taken to the dungeon of Vincennes.^ The
Cardinal-Minister wished the public to believe that he had
had nothing to do with this act of violence but there can ;
be no doubt that it was he who had instigated the arrest.

His enemy and rival should be kept in custody for as long as
seemed good to him, irrespectively of the circumstance that
the Pope alone has jurisdiction over the members of the
Sacred College.^
The French ambassador in Rome began by boldly denying
the act of violence it was not likely, he declared, that a
;
Cardinal would throw a colleague into prison.* But the

Pope had been fully informed of the incident by the Paris
nuncio, Bagno, whose report dated December 27th, 1652,^ he
communicated to the College of Cardinals at a consistory
held on January 8th, 1653.^ By special courier the Pontiff
sent a fatherly letter to theyoung King, Louis XIV., urging
him to set at liberty a man who had been unjustly imprisoned
and whom he himself had recommended for the purple.'
Though some of the Cardinals, for instance Capponi, sought
to defend the action against Retz, the majority thought
'
Chantelauze, Retz, I., 477.
- Ibid., 477-8.
* Gerin, I., 27.
* Ibid., 28.
* " *Ristretto delle lettere per il negotiate fatto da Mens.
Cf.
Nunzio Apost. per la liberatione del card, di Retz ", Miscell.
Clement., XL, t. 123, p. 1.06 seqq,. Papal Sec. Arch.
* *Acta consist., loc. cit., Papal Sec. Arch. cf. *Card. Colonna's
;
report to Ferdinand IIL, dated Rome, February 7, 1653, State

Arch., Vienna.
' " *Regi Francorum," dated January 20, 1653, Epist., IX.,
Papal Sec. Arch., ibid., same date, a similar *Brief to the Queen-
Regent Anne.
EFFORTS ON BEHALF OF RETZ. 69
otherwise. Cardinals Colonna and Trivulzio counselled the

severest counter-measures, but Cornaro recommended
moderation ^ and the Pope referred the matter to a special
congregation.
Mazarin, who had returned to Paris in triumph on February
3rd, 1653, became more powerful than ever,^ a circumstance
that was decisive for Retz' fate. To the representations of
the French episcopate, when it spoke up in defence of
ecclesiastical immunity, Mazarin only replied in general
terms. The nuncio, who on March 3rd and 4th was at length
received by the King and Queen, likewise failed to obtain
anything.^ Domenico Marini, Archbishop of Avignon, whom
the Pope dispatched as nuncio extraordinary, was refused
admittance at court. ^ To justify his conduct Mazarin referred
to former imprisonments of Cardinals, as Balue and Klesl.
The nuncio's suggestion to send Retz to Rome to have his
guilt examined by the Pope, Mazarin rejected on the ground
that Retz would go on agitating from there by means of his
skilful pen.^
When, in July, the prisoner declared his readiness to

furnish hostages until he should have reached Rome, Mazarin
came forward with a fresh demand : this was that Retz
should resign his coadjutorship with the right of succession
to the archiepiscopal See of Paris. This Retz emphatically
declined to agree to —he would rather remain in prison for
ten years and die there, he declared.^
Meanwhile the Janscnists had expressed their sympathy
with the imprisoned Cardinal. Mazarin seized the occasion
'
De Rossi, *Istovia, Vat. 8873, Vat. Lib.
- Don AVER,
// card. Mazzarino, Genoa, 1884, p. 274, for
report of Genoese envoy on Mazarin 's return.
^ See Bagno's *reports of January 30, February zS, March 5,
1653, iri *Ristretto, etc.. Papal Sec. Arch.
'
Bagno's *reports of April 4 and May 30, 1653, loc. cit. The
* which the Archbishop was to hand to the King, Queen
Briefs
Anne and Mazarin, in Epist., IX., Papal Sec. Arch.
* Bagno's *Ietters of May <) and 16,
1653, loc. cit.
• Bagno's letter of July 11,
1653, ''''^-
to enforce with all his energy the papal Bull of May 31st,
1652, condemning the five theses of Jansenism. In a consistory
of September 22nd the Pope expressed his satisfaction, but
refused to drop the affair of the imprisoned Cardinal for in
this matter an inalienable prerogative of the Holy See was
at stake.^ On September 24th the Paris nuncio was instructed
to make representations to the King on the scandal and the
injustice of detaining a Cardinal for so long a time in an
unhealthy dungeon, and on the fact that the prisoner had
not even been confronted with his judges ; as for the promise
that in the event of his acquittal, Retz would not return to
France, it could not be given. ^ The nuncio's representations,
though supported by special Briefs to the King, Queen Anne
and Mazarin ^ proved unavailing.* Even the Pope's proposal
to allow Retz' trial to be conducted in France by the Arch-
bishop of Avignon was rejected by the Government. Yet
even so Rome did not desist in its efforts and in March and
April, 1654, the nuncio was again instructed to intervene on
behalf of the prisoner.^
Meanwhile the situation underwent a change inasmuch
on March 21st,
as in consequence of the death of his uncle,
1654, Retz became Archbishop of Paris. A renunciation of
the dignity was now extorted from the prisoner to which
Cardinal Este strove in vain to obtain Innocent X.'s assent.^
On August 8th Retz succeeded in breaking prison and
escaping into Spain.' He now declared his resignation to be
null and void and appointed a Vicar General. The Pope,
' Gerin, I., 32.

2 The *Brief for Bagno, dated September 24, 1653, with the
exhortation :
" Viriliter age," in Epist., X., Papal Sec. Arch.
' Text of * Briefs, ihid.
* See Bagno's *report of December 29, 1653, in *Ristretto, etc.,
loc. cit.
^ Instructions for Bagno, March 16, and April 6, 1654, ibid.

* *Letter of the Secretary of State to Bagno, June 8, 1654, i"
*Ristretto, etc., ibid.
' See L. MAixRE, L'ivasion dn card. Retz hors dii chateau de
Nantes d'apres des documents nouveaux, Nantes, 1903.
J
^
RETZ IN ROME. 7I
who learnt of the escape on September 4th, ^ approved his

step in a letter in which he congratulated Retz on his
deliverance and assured him of his protection.
The report of his opponent's escape hit Mazarin as news of
a lost battle might have done. He now did his utmost to
deprive Retz of his archiepiscopal dignity ; the Cathedral
Chapter, which had at first was forced to
sided with Retz,^
nominate Vicars Capitular as if the See were vacant At the !
same time orders were issued for the rearrest of Retz.*

The French ambassador in Rome, Valengay, had been
recalled at the end of 1653. So as to avoid the semblance of
a diplomatic rupture, Francois Bosquet, Bishop of Lodeve,
was dispatched to the Pope. Bosquet's first audience was
a very stormy one. Unheard of things were happening in
France, Innocent X. exclaimed, for there nuncios were being
expelled and Cardinals imprisoned.^ When, a little later,
the Pope had calmed down. Bosquet entertained hopes of a

compromise ; however, this proved impossible owing to the
fact that the Pope refused to accede to Mazarin's demand
for theremoval of Retz from the archiepiscopal see of Paris.
Mazarin nevertheless hoped to gain his point through the
new Secretary of State, but in this respect he deluded himself.®
Bosquet had already left Rome when Retz arrived there
on November 30th, 1654. The Pope gave orders for his
reception with all the honours due to a Cardinal. On December
1st Retz had an audience lasting an hour and a quarter.'
What he told the Pope confirmed Innocent X.'s bad opinion
of Mazarin. The latter now dispatched to Rome one of his
' On Bagno's *report in code dated August 14, 1654 (Papal

Sec. Arch., Nunziat. di Spagna), we read :
" dccifrato
4 scttembre."
= *Bricf of September 30, 1654, Epist., X., Papal Sec. Arch.
' See Bagno's *rcports, dated Paris, August 14 and 22, 1654,
ibid., Nunziat. di Spagna.
* Bagno's *reports, Paris, August 28, September 4, 1654, ibid.
* G6rin, 153.
* Ibid., 35 scqq.
' Servantius, *Diaria, ibid.
most daring and most unscrupulous agents, Hugues de

Lionne, for the purpose of negotiating the deposition of his
enemy from the archiepiscopal See of Paris. ^ However,
Innocent X. had died before Lionne reached the Eternal
City.
(2.)
Innocent X., in view of the struggle which France and

Spain were waging against each other in every quarter and
with unexampled bitterness, remarked on one occasion that
it was not easy for him to keep his equilibrium seeing that
he had to walk for ever as on a silken thread. ^ The truth of
these words is shown by a glance at the Pope's relations with
Spain. French diplomatists, foremost among them being
Mazarin, never wearied of accusing Innocent X. of partiality
towards that nation whilst in Spain the opposite view
prevailed, viz. that the Pope did not sufficiently consider
the King and was too accommodating towards
Catholic
France.^ Now, as in the days of Urban VIII., the cabinets
of Madrid and Paris were each equally insistent that the
Pope should take its part, an action which could not be
reconciled with his duty as the universal father of Christendom.
'
Gerin, I., 43.
- COVILLE, 148.
^ See Giustinian in Berchet, Relaz., Spagna, II., 182 ;
Basadonna, ibid., 220 seq. Chigi fared like Innocent X. ; on

December 7, 1646, the former wrote to Melzi from Miinster :
" *Giustiniani says you are Spanish lo non mi euro di niente !
per me. Finche visse Urbano, gridavano gli Spagnoli che io era
Francese, per due anni dTnnocenzo gridavano Francesi che io i
era Spagnolo, dipoi ritornan gl'altri come prima et invece di

conciliarsi il Papa e gli altri principi italiani gli irritano. Avanti
quattro mesi si diceva, che per perseguitare i Barberini S. Sta
prolongava le guerre, hora si dice, che per restituirgli guasta la
pace. Io non credo che si guasti, se non col abbandonare la

religione cattolica, come si fa, e vorrei essere in Persia in cambio
d'essere qua." Cod. A., I., 23, Chigi Library.
^
BETWEEN FRANCE AND SPAIN. 73
Each Government watched with Argus' eyes Rome's every

it was in its favour or not. On the occasion
step to see whether
of any important decision, especially when it was a question
of the appointment of Cardinals, a bitter struggle always
broke out at the Curia between the French and the Spanish
diplomatists. To satisfy both parties was impossible and the
Pope had to resign himself to reclamations both from France
and from Spain.
If, on the whole, Innocent X. inclined rather towards Spain,
the reason is not difficult to see. Mazarin's brutal treatment

of him might indeed intimidate him and compel him to
yield for the moment, but it could not win him over. The
cautious, slow temperament of the Pope was in sympathy
with the Spanish character rather than with the restless
nature of the French. Innocent X. had likewise grateful
recollections of the support he had received from Spain ever
since his nunciature in that country. Philip IV. 's pre-
ponderance in Italy lay heavily in the scales. Any Pope
would have to reckon with a King who was master of Milan
and Naples.^ Lastly, notwithstanding the decline of Spanish
power, its significance for the Catholic Church remained very
great.
It is, however, a mistake to think that Innocent X. favoured
the Spaniards unduly. If these, because of the share they
had had in Innocent's elevation, imagined that the new-
Head of the Church would at all times energetically promote
their particularist interests, they were soon undeceived.
.\ signal proof of this is the testimony of the Venetian envoy,
Giustinian, who expressly states in his report of 1651 that
every observer of the Pope's conduct since his elevation,
had to admit that he had shown no undue partiality toward
Spain. ^ Giustinian further relates that every Spanish
ambassador in Rome, beginning with Count Onata, then
' Giustinian in Bkrchet, Roma, II., 131 seq., 151.

• See Maffei's report in Pellegrini, Relazioni inedite degli
lunbasciatori I.ncchesi alia corte di Madrid, Lucca, 1909, 79.
' Giustinian, loc. cit.
Cardinal Albornoz and lastly the Duke of Infantado, had

complained to him of the anything but accommodating
disposition of Innocent X. not only in important but even
in small matters of all the ambassadors those of Spain
:
had received fewest favours. For the prevailing notion that

Innocent X. was Hispanophil, these diplomatists had nothing
but bitter scorn. ^ There were two affairs in particular in
which Innocent X. was supposed to have shown special
preference for Spain, viz. his attitude towards Portugal and
his conduct during the sedition in Naples. In the days of
Urban VIII., Innocent X. had been a member of the Congrega-
tion dealing with Portuguese affairs.^ Accordingly for him
there was nothing new in the question whether the Apostolic
See should recognize King John IV. of Braganza whom, after
eighty years of subjection to Spain, Portugal had put at its
head, and at the same time grant him the right to nominate
Bishops. In Portugal it was said that under Urban VIII.
Cardinal Pamfili had favoured a compromise.^ At the
beginning of 1645 Nicolas Monteiro, Prior of Sodofeita, came
to Rome as representative of the Portuguese clergy in order
to promote John IV. 's nominations to the vacant sees.*
By this means it was hoped to obtain his recognition as King
of Portugal, a step to which Spain offered the most determined
opposition. The Pope was determined to dissociate the
political aspect of the matter from the ecclesiastical one ;
hence he resolved himself, as Head of the Church, to appoint

the Bishops, motn propria, without any reference to the
right of royal nomination. Accordingly, in May, 1645, he
filled,mohi propria, the vacant sees of Guarda, Miranda
and Viseu.^ Spain had no cause to complain of this proceeding
1 Ibid.
Cf. our data, XXIX., 203.

2
See *Cifra of the sub-collector Girolamo Battaglia, dated

'
Lisbon, April 28, 1645, Nunziat. di Portogallo, 24, Papal Sec.

Arch.
Ademollo, Indipendenza Portoghese, 67.
*
See *Acta consist., Barb. 2918, P. i, Vat. Lib.

5 Cf. Fea,
Nullitd delle amministrazioni capitolari abusive, Rome, 1815, 76.
I
DEMANDS OF THE KING OF PORTUGAL. /O
since had likewise been in force during the Spanish occupa-

it
tion of Portugal.^ However, the King of Portugal, who had

recently threatened with a national council ^ and in June,
1645, had arbitrarily appointed Bishops for Lisbon, Evora
and Braga,^ whose confirmation by the Pope was not to be
expected, now, at the instigation of Mazarin, opposed this
solution, which he had seemed willing at one time to agree to.'*
There now broke out a diplomatic struggle at the Curia
on the subject of the recognition of John IV. Whereas the
Spanish ambassador. Count Sirvcla, offered the strongest
opposition to it, the demand found most enthusiastic
a
advocate in the PVench ambassador, Grcmonville, who had
arrived at the beginning of 1645.^ Neither the French nor
"
News of the Pope's action *" fu inteso con qualche comotione
the nuncio of Naples, Altieri, writes on May 23, 1645, Altieri
Archives, Rome, XX., A. 3. On May 29, 1645, the Secretary of
State wrote to Rinuccini on the Pope's action " Hanno pro-
:
curato qucsti signori ministri del ReSpagna di far che N. S.

di
si astenesse da ogni sorte di propositione, mentre non si proseguiva
nel possesso, che tuttavia dicono che civilmente riticne il Re
loro nella provista di quelle Chiesc ; ma N. S. ha voluto in questo
sodisfare alia propria coscienza e al precetto di Christo signor
nostro : Pasce o\es mcas, senza riparare ad altro interesse
humano, ha proposto come di suo proprio moto. Subodoratasi
e le
la risolutione dai signori cardinali spagnuoli, si come poi si
c veduto, dovettero havere per bene di non intervenire quella

mattina nel concistoro, per non esser posti in necessita di appro-
vare (juesta risolutione, che cssi impugnavano, lodando la provista,
come e solito di farsi nella provisione di tutti li vescovati, c dis-
approvandola per non intaccare il rispetto et la riverenza dovuta
a Nostro Signore. Di tutto questo si da parte a Vostra Signoria
per sua notitia." Rospigliosi Arch., Rome.
' See *Cifra Xnntio di Venetia, October
al 14, 1645, Niimiat.
di Venezia, Papal Sec. Arch.
* Ibid.
' Cifra of G. Battaglia, dated Lisbon, June 6, 1645, loc. cit.
* ScHAFER, Portugal, IV., 538. Ismacl BuUialdo's memorial

was printed in 1633.
' Ademollo, 68-9.
the Spaniards were really interested in the affair each party ;
pursued its own particularist political aim and their meddling

could but injure the interests of the Church. What the French
aimed was revealed by Gremonville's demand for the
at
admission of an obbedienza embassy whose members had
already been named by the Portuguese King.^
Fearing lest the Pope should yield to the powerful pressure
of the French, the Spanish party in Rome had perpetrated
an act of violence. days of April, 1645, Monteiro's
In the first
carriage was attacked Ripetta by twenty armed

in the
Spaniards who killed the steward of the Portuguese agent.
When the police intervened all the Spaniards gathered in arms
before the palace of their ambassador. ^ was soon seen that It
the latter had himself had a hand in the Thereupon affair.
the Pope no longer received him in audience and this attitude

he maintained even when Cardinal Medici pleaded on behalf
of Sirvela.3 Thus much did the Pope connive with the
Spaniards' act of violence, though the enemies of the Holy
See at Lisbon sought to persuade John IV. that this was so,
in order to induce him to expel the papal sub-collector
Girolamo Battaglia.*
Even Spain's representatives at Naples had to admit that
the Pope's treatment of Sirvela was fully justified ;
for all
that they sought to excuse the ambassador and to induce

the Pontiff, through the nuncio, to pardon Sirvela. All was
in vain.^ Meanwhile the ambassador had gone to Frascati,
Cardinal Albornoz transacting current business in the mean-
time. Sirvela ended by realizing that his position at the
Curia had become untenable : on August 5th he left Rome
^ Ibid., loc. cit.
Besides the partial and exculpating reports of Ameyden in

2
Ademollo, 68, cf. *Avviso of April 8, 1645, Papal Sec. Arch.,

and Savelli's *report of April 8, 1645, State Arch., Vienna.
^ *Avviso of April 29, 1645, loc. cit.
'
Cf. *Cifva of G. Battaglia, dated Lisbon, June 6, 1645,
loc. cit.
5
Cf. Altieri's *reports, Naples, April 11, May 22 and 23,
June 3, 1646, Altieri Arch., Rome.

DEMANDS OF THE KING OF PORTUGAL. 77
without a farewell visit to the Pope.^ The question of replacing

him at the embassy raised many difficulties. In September
the Bishop of Pozzuoli told the nuncio of Naples that if the
Duke Medina de las Torres were to come to Rome, the
of
Pope would treat him worse than even Sirvela.^ Eventually,
towards the end of the year, Count Onate was appointed
Spanish ambassador in Rome.^
The struggle for John IV. 's right of nomination, which
included his recognition as King, continued during the
following year. The French supported it in every way whilst
the Spaniards fought it no less obstinately. Innocent X.
maintained the principle that his position as common father
of all Christians laid on him the duty of impartiality in the
dispute. Nor could he be made to swerve from his deter-
mination by the circumstance that John IV. sought to force him
to accept an embassy by expelling the Apostolic sub-collector
Girolamo Battaglia from the realm in November, 1646.*
The King also sought the opinion of scholars and universities
on the question of further forcible measures. In 1647 he
presented to the Pope, through his agent Nuno da Cunha,
a memorial in the concluding paragraph of which he stated
that some very learned men had assured him that in a case
of urgent necessity, like the present one, the Chapters were
qualified to elect the Bishops whom the sovereign had
nominated. The Portuguese Inquisition condemned this
thesis which was defended by the one-time Calvinist Ismael
Bullialdo. The Pope, the Inquisition declared, as Head of the
Catholic and Roman Church, possessed full monarchical
' cy. Ademollo, 72. Altieri *reports Sirvela's departure for

Spain from Naples, February 8, 1646, loc. cit.
* * Altieri 's report of September 9, 1645, ibid.
' *Altieri's report of December 31, 1645, tbid.
* Mer curio, VIII.,
Sec SiRi, Ademollo, 73. An attempt
701 ;
had been made before this to remove Battaglia, the Pope's

faithful informant, from Portugal, by proposing to him a mission
to Rome, a task which, failing a command by the Pope, he was
bound to decline. *Cifra of G. Battaglia of June 27, 1645, Papal
Sec. Arch.
power and was the fount of all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which

could only be conveyed to the ministers of the Church by
his express will and consent. Thereupon the King desisted
from his purpose ^ and when in March, 1652, Mazarin provoked
an intervention of the French hierarchy in favour of the
Portuguese right of nomination, ^ the action, in view of the
circumstances, could only do harm. A memorial presented
at Rome by the Estates of Portugal in 1653 also remained
without result.^ Whatever may have been the arrogance of
the friends of John IV. at the Curia, ^ the Portuguese Govern-
ment was shrewd enough to refrain from going to the
extremity of filling the vacant sees independently of the
Pope. There can be no doubt that the Spaniards benefited

by the fact that the Portuguese problem remained unsolved,
though this was certainly not due to any consideration for
them,^ on the contrary, the failure of every attempt at a
compromise must be ascribed to the conduct of the King
of Portugal and his friends the French. For a long time the
Pope hoped for a satisfactory solution. In 1651 the Venetian
envoy, Giustinian, asserted that he knew from an excellent
source that Innocent X. was for ever considering how he
might fill the vacant Portuguese sees and so happily settle
the disputes to which those vacancies had given rise.®
No less anxiety for the Pope arose out of an anti-Spanish
revolt in neighbouring Naples.' Its cause was the intolerable
^ ScHAFER, IV., 540 seq. A *eulogy of the " episc. Aegitanen.

Inquisit. Portug.", of October 15, 1650, in Epist., VII. -VIII.,
loc. cit.
2 The document is in Fea, Nullita delle amminisirazioni

capitolari abusive, 45 seqq.
^ ScHAFER, IV., 540 seq.
* Ademollo, 75.
5 This is stressed by Giustinian in Berchet, Relaz., Rome,
II., 133. Schafer's contrary view based on an
(IV., 536 seq.) is
anonymous report the passionate partiality of which is so manifest

that one is amazed that Schafer should follow it unreservedly.
^ Giustinian, loc. cit.
' G. Priorato, Massaniello, Paris, 1654 ; Palermo, Narraz.
MASANIELLO. 79
burden of taxation arbitrarily laid on the people, so that

Dante's words were applied to the Viceroy, Rodrigo Ponce
de Leon, Duke of Arcos :
" Dopo il pasto ha piu fame che
pria —he is more hungry after eating than before." In con-
sequence of excessive taxation, risings occurred in May,
1647, first at Palermo and in other towns of Sicily. The
movement soon spread to Naples. It was directed not only
against the excessive imposts of the Spanish Government
but equally against the privileged nobility. Its leaderwas
Masaniello, a man of the lowliest origin, a native of Amalfi
and a fishmonger by trade. Masaniello went about bare-
footed, dressed in a white shirt and white trousers the —
uniform of the fisherfolk —without covering on his head.
He quickly became the idol of the people and the terror of
the Viceroy. An armed mob noisily surrounded the Viceroy's
palace who had to fiee for his life into a neighbouring
monastery. The anger of the populace vented itself in an
appalling fury of destruction. In order to avoid bloodshed
the Cardinal Archbishop Filomarino, an excellent man who
was most highly esteemed by the people, intervened
also
in an effort to bring about an accommodation between the
rebels and the Viceroy.^ The Cardinal was soon forced to
realize how difficult it was to calm such an angry sea. The
people's demands grew daily, but Filomarino did not lose
heart. On July 11th he succeeded in wresting extensive con-
cessions from the Government by means of a pact the terms
e documenti, in Arch. stor. Hal., IX. (1846) ; Saavedra de Rivas,

Insurrection de Naples en 1647, Paris, 1849 ; Reumont, Carafa,
II., 109 seq. Capasso, La casa e la faniiglia di Massaniello,
;
Naples, 1893, and the works on Massaniello quoted in n. 2, p. 80.

To these must be added the monograph by E. Visco La poliiica :
delta S. Sede nella rivoluzione di Masaniello. Da documenti dell'
Arch. Vatic, Naples, 1923.

' See Filomarino's report to Innocent X., dated July 8, 1647,
in Arch. stor. ital., IX., 379 seqq., and Visco, 22 seq., 25, 191 seq.
(Altieri's report of July 9, 1647). On Filomarino's attitude see
De Blasiis, in Arch. Napolet., VI., 774 seq., and especially
\'isco, 20 seq., who pays a high tribute to the Cardinal.
of which he pubhshed on July 13th. ^ The

in the Cathedral
fishmonger saw his wildest dreams but he fell a
fulfilled,
victim to megalomania and was assassinated in a monastery

on July 16th. 2 It is not certain whether the bloody deed was
inspired by the Viceroy and a former follower of Masaniello,
the aged Giulio Genoino. The hope of Filomarino and
Innocent X. that the rebellion was now at an end,^ remained
unfulfilled. The up once more. Again Filomarino,
revolt flared
supported by the nuncio Emilio Altieri, took up the task of
mediation, and on this occasion he spoke some bitter truths

to the foolish Viceroy. " I know," Filomarino wrote to the
Pope on July 19th, " that my province is solely the ecclesi-
astical government, but in order to prevent the destruction
of this unhappy city, I have been compelled to venture into
the political arena." * The troubles continued throughout
August, as did the work of pacification of the indefatigable
Filomarino ^ to whom the Pope dispatched a laudatory Brief.
At the beginning of September, 1647, the Cardinal brought
about a fresh compromise, but the excitement would not die
down in Naples. On September 13th a manifesto summoned
the populace not to trust the Viceroy and by means of a
win independence or
fresh rising either to to proclaim the
Pope immediate Sovereign of Naples.^
1 Filomarino's reports of July 12 and 16, 1647, loc. cit., 381
seq., 386 ; Visco, 28 seq.
2 The chief source on the rising is the Diario of Franc
Capecelatro, I., Naples, 1850. Among the more recent writers
on Masaniello, cf. Reumont, Die Carafa von Maddaloni, vol. II.,
the monographs of Capasso (Naples, 1919) and Schippa (Bari,
1925) {Arch. stor. Napolet., 1926, 394 seqq.). See also the article
by NiEHUES in Jahrbiich des westfdl. Vereins fur Wissenschaft und
Kunst, 1874 letter of the Duke of Arcos to the Duke of Parma
;
on the death of Masaniello in Arch. stor. Napolet., XXXII., 4.

3 Visco, 30, 31.
'
Arch.
stor. ital., IX., 387 seq.
*
390 seq. Cf., 351, the report of Vine, de' Medici, Altieri's
Ibid.,
reports in Visco, 196 seqq. The laudatory *Brief to Filomarino,
July 20, 1647, in Epist., II. -III., Papal Sec. Arch.
« Visco, 39-40.
BOMBARDMENT OF NAPLES. 8l
It lias been made a reproach to Innocent X. that he did

not take advantage of so favourable an opportunity. How-
ever, though tortured on the one hand by a fear of the revolt
spreading to the States of the Church, and on the other
grievously afflicted by the injury done to the Church at
Naples,^ he was equally unwilling to abandon the impartiality
which he had hitherto observed and allow himself to be dragged
into so dangerous a venture. Thereupon it was seriously
contemplated at Naples to invoke the help of France.'^ Spain,
however, was first on the spot. In the first days of October,
1647, a Spanish fleet appeared before Naples. It was under
the command Don Juan,
a natural son of Philip IV. But
of
the people of Naples had no intention to surrender, they
accepted battle. During the bombardment of the city the
papal nunciature was hit several times. ^ The Spaniards
bombarded indiscriminately not only the quarters of the
city which were in the hands of the rebels but those also which
had remained loyal to the king. Innocent X. instructed the
nuncio to work for an accommodation, but his efforts were in
vain.'* The upshot was that Naples declared itself independent
of Spain. The royal arms were torn down and in some districts
of the city the cry was raised " Long live France " ^
: !
From the very beginning of the outbreak the Spanish

ambassador in Rome, Ofiate, had requested the Pope to
proceed against the rebels with the penalties of the Church.
His demand fell on deaf ears. Since it was by no means
immediately evident that right was on the side of the Spaniards,
thePope could not unconditionally pronounce in their favour.
Nor did he allow himself to be induced by the representations
of the French ambassador, Fontenay, to assert his right as
feudal overlord of Naples and to claim the kingdom for the
States of the Church, as was desired by many people in Naples,
»
Ibid.. 45 seq., 53, 134 s^'^.
* Ibid., 56 .<icq.
'
Ibid., 59.
* Ibid., 62 seq.
* Sec Hermes Stampa's report of September 27, 1647, in
Arch. stor. ital., IX., 400.

VOL. XXX. G
;
where the Pope was still very popular from the time of his
nunciature.^ However, Innocent X. continued in his impartial
attitude. The bombardment of the city was openly con-
demned Rome. The Pope, so the Secretary of State wrote
in
to the nuncio on October 27th, 1647, was greatly surprised
that the representatives of the King of Spain only sought
salvation by means of guns and rifles and that they had
given free vent to the nobility's thirst for vengeance. Weeks
ago the Holy Father had offered his mediation but the Spanish
authorities would not hear of it all they thought of was to
;
cool their ardour for revenge, heedless of the fact that the
burning of houses and churches, the breaking of the enclosure
of nuns' convents and the profanation and violation of
churches were the order of the day. Yet Catalonia showed
them what came of the use of force ! The Secretary of State
ended by expressing his amazement at the fact that in view
of such conditions in a city not far removed from Rome,
it had not entered the mind any one of Spain's repre-
of
sentatives to invoke the Pope's mediation, which would
obviously have been the proper thing to do.^
The position of the nuncio Altieri, difficult enough in itself,
was rendered still more so by the circumstance that his own
brother was implicated in the troubles.^ The Spaniards were
annoyed with Altieri and reproached him with arbitrariness.
In Rome also the nuncio had given offence. To a letter of
vituperation of the Secretary of State, dated October 26th,
Altieri replied that it was solely at the request of the Viceroy
and of Cardinal Trivulzio that he had sought to mediate,
because the Spaniards were dissatisfied with Filomarino
in future he would refrain from participating in any negotia-
^ See Filomarino's report of July 12,

1647, ibid., 384 cf. also ;
Visco, 70, and the report of A. Contarini in Berchet, Relaz.,

Rome, II., 77.
2 Cifra al Nuntio di Napoli of October 27, 1647, in Visco,
138 seq.
' See N. Capece Galeota, Cennl storici dei Nunzii Apost. di
Napoli, Naples, 1877, 56.
PAPAL POLICY IN NAPLES. 83
tions.i To a fresh exhortation, dated October 27th, Altieri

repliedon November 12th that he had obeyed at once ;
that he had never assumed the smallest obligation in the

Pope's name that he had always been at pains not to
;
offend either party and not to jeopardize the papal

authority.^
Altieri failed to give satisfaction to the Viceroy ^ quite as
much as to the Curia, so that he conceived an increasing
distaste for his post. Already at the end of October he had
asked permission to leave Naples and to betake himself to
some other town of the realm. No sooner was this granted,^
than he changed his mind once more. On January 4th,
]()48, the Secretary of State wrote to him " If you think it :
better to remain at your post, the Holy Father allows you

to do so ; but His Holiness wishes that in future you refrain
from issuing manifestos to the people or, in general, from
publishing anything at all, seeing that this gives rise to false
interpretations and misunderstandings." ^
The Curia's policy was to wait for events to develop, and
it pursued this course even when the situation became
increasingly unfavourable to the Spaniards.^ Maintenance
of this standpoint was rendered very difficult in consequence
of the pressure of the French ambassador Fontenay and the
rest of France's supporters in Rome, and because a number
of Cardinals urged the Pope to intervene.' The French had
openly hailed the outbreak of the revolt and had immediately
' " *Hora mi asterr6 da ogni trattato per conformarmi col

commandamento che V. E. me ne fa." Altieri's report of
November 2, 1647, Altieri Arch., XX., A. 3.
Altieri's *report of November 12, 1647,
- loc. cit.
' See Cifra al Xiintio di Napoli, December 7, 1647, in Visco, 142.

* Ci/ra of November 2, 1647 ; ibid., i^g seq.
' Cifra in Reumont, Carafa, II., 192. In a Cifra of February 15,
1648, Altieri was ordered to defer his departure on account of the
arrival at Naples of Ofiate (Visco, 144).
" See the *reports of L. Allacci to Fabio Chigi, dated Rome,
January 18 and 31, 1648, Cod. A., ITT., 59, of Chigi Lib.
"
Giustiiiian in Berchet, Ronui, II., 132.
established relations with the rebels.^ They pressed Mazarin

to give direct support to the insurrection, but this the Cardinal
Minister deemed too risky open participation, he feared,
;
would induce the Viceroy to become reconciled with the

rebels.^
The Spaniards' bombardment the city from the castelli
of
led to a complete break with Spain and to a powerful increase
of Francophile feeling in Naples. The leaders explained to
the populace that, unless they were willing to submit once
more to the Spaniards, only three courses were open to them :
viz. to offer the crown either to the Pope, their feudal over-
lord, or to the King of France, or to proclaim a republic.^

They chose the latter. They would not hear of the papal
peace mediation proposed by Innocent X.,* instead they
invoked the help of the ambitious Duke Henry II. of Guise
who was in Rome at the time in connection with the dis-
solution of his marriage. Guise has asserted that the Pope
had encouraged him to put himself at the head of the rebels.
Though Siri, who was anything but friendly to the Pope,^
already described this assertion of Guise as a lie, it has been
repeated in our own days.^ In reality at that moment the
Pope was anything but prejudiced was
in favour of France. It
precisely just then (November, 1647) that Innocent X. was
reported to have said that every one of France's gains
was the Roman Church's loss, and only on Spain could the
1 See Savelli's *report of November 2, 1647, State Arch.,

Vienna ; cf. Rome, November 2,
Fr. Albizzi's *letter to Chigi,
1647, in which he says "la monarchia di Spagna divenuta
:
un panno fracido, che s'egli ricuce in un luogo, s'apre in un

altro." Cod. A., III., 55, Chigi Lib.
- Ranke, Franzos. Gesch., V., 176.
' Ranke, Franzos. Gesch., V., 176.
* *Cifre al Nuntio di Napoli, of November
g and 13, 1647,
Papal Sec. Arch. Cf. Visco, 74 seq., 140 seq.
5 Siri, Mercuric, Casale, 1668, 520, against Man. de feu M.
le due de Guise, Paris, 1668.
* Zoppfel-Benrath, in Herzog, Realenzyclopddie IX ,
(1901),
142.
I
^
END OF THE RISING. 85
Holy See securely rely.^ This remark has come down to us

only from Spanish sources and may very properly be
questioned ; for all that it contains a kernel of truth, for
now as always there was no one Innocent X. was more afraid
of than his old opponent Mazarin. Consequently he preferred
Spanish to French domination in Naples. ^ He could only
view with grave misgivings the negotiations which his bitter
enemy, Cardinal Grimaldi, and Du Plessis-Besanôn conducted
at Naples in the spring of 1648 by order of Mazarin. The
object of these discussions was not the consolidation of
the Neapolitan republic or the setting up in authority of the
ambitious, Guise
unreliable Mazarin's scheme was to
;
transfer the crown of Naples from the King of Spain to his

pupil Louis XIV, who, so he asserted, had numerous claims
to it.^ However, this plan which, had it succeeded, would
have altered the whole course of history, was to prove a
complete failure.
On January 3nth, 1648, Spain had signed a treaty of peace
with the Republic of the Netherlands. Secure from that side
she cherished the hope of continuing the war against France
with better prospects of success. On April 5th the Spaniards
succeeded in recovering Naples where the new Viceroy
Onate, hitherto ambassador in Rome, to whom Innocent X.
expressed his high hopes,* re-established the sovereignty
of Philip IV. on easy terms. Guise had committed the
imprudence of leaving the city for an expedition against the
island of Nisida he now thought of fleeing into the Abruzzi,
;
but he fell into the hands of the Spaniards near Capua.
'
Deone (Ameyden) in Ci.^mpi, 38.
- Giustinian in Berchet, Spagna, II., 182 ; cf. Visco, 72.
' Ranke, loc. cit., ijg ; Visco, 73.
'
Visco, 94.
^ LoiSELEUR et Baguenault pe Puchesse, L' expedition du
due de Guise A Naples, Paris, 1875, and Carutti in Arch. stor. ital.,
3rd series, XXII., 497 seq. How anti-Spanish most of the
Cardinals were is shown by the fact that only live of them were
present at the Tc Deum sung at S. Giacomo on the occasion of the
^
Mazarin, however, did not consider this occurrence sufficient

reason for giving up his intentions with regard to Naples.
As Rome spoke of a new fleet
early as May, the French in
about to sail for Naples
view of the scarcity of provisions
; in
this caused the Spaniards not a little anxiety.^ At Naples
a real famine prevailed. Innocent X. sanctioned the export
of provisions both for the Spaniards and the French. Now,
as always, he would not side with either party.
For the success of his enterprise against Naples Mazarin
reckoned particularly on the nobility of that city, for he
imagined that nothing but fear of the preponderance of the
popular party had driven them back into the arms of Spain.
In this he was mistaken for now both the nobility and the
upper middle class felt that they were once more under
obligation to the Spanish Government.^ When in September
Prince Tommaso of Savoy appeared before Naples with a
French fleet, no one stirred. When French troops were landed
at Salerno, they received no support and were defeated by the
Spaniards.* The revolutionary fire was spent and Philip IV.
found himself freed from the fear of losing his South-Italian
possessions.
Innocent X's joy over the end of the Neapolitan com-
plications is intelligible enough.^ How easily these troubles
might have spread to the Papal States Moreover the revolu- !
tion had had a paralysing effect on trade and industry in

Rome.® But the mere fact that Spain retained Naples gave
capture of Naples (viz. Cueva, Montalto, Cesi, Lugo, Colonna).
Deone, *Diario, in Cod. XX., III., 26., Bibl. Casanat.

^
Cf. L. Allacci's *letter to F. Chigi, dated Rome, May 9,
1648, in Cod. A., III., 59, of Chigi Lib.
• - Giustinian in Berciiet, Rome, II., 132 seq.
2 Ranke, loc. cit., 184 seq.
•*
Garignani in Arch. star. Napolit., VI., 661 seq. ; cf. IX.,
485 seqq.
^ Servantius *Diaria, April 8, 1648, Papal Sec. Arch. ; cf. also
*Brief to Philip IV. of May 20, 1648, in Epist., IV.-VL, ibid. ;
also Visco, 104 seq.

* Deone *Diario, 1648, in Cod. XX., III., 21, loc. cit.
^;
END OF THE RISING. 87
satisfaction to the Pope inasmuch as in the circumstances,

the choice lay between French and Spanish hegemony in
Italy, hence the Pope was bound to prefer the weakened
domination of Spain to France's rising and disturbing power.
Moreover, Catholic interests were, on the whole, better safe-
guarded by Spain than by France. ^ On the other hand
Innocent X. could not approve the cruel severity with which
the Spaniards re-established order in a land ruined by the
rebellion.'
On the conclusion of the exhausting struggle with the
Dutch Republic and the reconquest of Naples, a new period
opened for Philip IV., so sorely tried, even in his domestic
life. On October Gth, 1644, the King had lost his wife Elizabeth
Bourbon, daughter of Henry IV. Though pressed by the
Cortes, Philip did not, for the time being, contemplate a second
marriage. Ever since 1645 Innocent X. had been endeavouring,
through his nuncio Giulio Rospigliosi, to persuade the King
1 A picture of the relations of the ItaUan States with Spain

is drawn in " *Lettera di confidenza scritta in cifra della IMaesta
di Filippo IV., Re della Spagna, alconte Ognate vicere dii
Napoli, fedelmente tradotta dallo Spagnuolo in Italiano,"
dated Madrid, September 18, 1649, in Cod. lat. 12547, p. 355 seq.
of the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. The letter, which is also
found in Cod. ital. 341 of the City Library, Munich, with date of
September 27, 1649, is interesting in itself, but apocryphal
cf. Reumont, in Arch. sior. ital., N.S. XVII. (1863), P. 2, 140 seq.
'
Cf. the * letter of Fr. Albizzi to F. Chigi, dated Rome,
September 7, 1647, in Cod. A., III., 55, of the Chigi Lib.
' Visco 11-12) examines Innocent X.'s conduct during
(p.
the Neapolitan troubles and expresses the opinion that on this

occasion the Pope showed true greatness :
" Non solo prova
dolorc alia vista del popolo oppresso, quanto sdegno, nel dover
riconoscere cosi abbietto e feroce quel governo straniero, sotto
il quale sono costretti a vivere i miseri Napoletani. Innoccnzo X,
non voile Napoli per sfe n6 per i Francesi, poiche vide che Tunica
soluzione momento era il ristabilimento del governo
per il
spagnuolo, ma
ne desider6 sempre un vero e profondo migliora-
mento. La sua voce ficra di protesta si cleva sola tra tutti
i principi d'Europa contro i crudeli rigori usati dal conte d 'Ognate
to overcome this reluctance.^ The Pope had in view, in the

first instance, the daughter of the Archduchess Claudia of
Innsbruck but when, in February, 1646, the Council of
State discussed the marriage of his son Baltasar Carlos, the
King would not have his own re-marriage mentioned. How-
ever, the heir to the throne died unexpectedly on October 9th,
1646, after a short illness. Thereupon the King felt compelled
to contract a new alliance in order to prevent the extinction
of the Spanish Habsburgs in the male line. On November 19th,
1646, the nuncio, after a previous understanding with the
minister Luis de Haro, represented to the King in such
forcible fashion the complications that were bound to arise
should he die without an heir, that Philip IV. yielded^
The had been betrothed to Marianne,
heir to the throne
daughter of the Emperor Ferdinand III. and Princess Maria,
Philip IV. 's sister, born in 1635. The imperial ambassador

suggested that the King should step into his son's place, but
against this proposal there militated the princess' tender age
and the near kinship. However, all the ministers whom the
King consulted spoke in favour of an alliance with the
Emperor's daughter for which there existed also political
motives of the greatest weight. The King was attracted to
such a union by his great affection for his sister Maria who,
twenty years earlier, had gone to Vienna as a bride in :
Calderon's words, Germany was now to make a return to

Spain for this gift.^
The marriage treaty was signed on April 2nd, 1647, and the
wedding celebrated, by proxy, at Vienna in November of
the following year. In December, 1648, the new Queen repaired
to Trent where she was delayed until the spring of 1649 by
verso i ribelli e la fede mancata da Filippo IV. alle giurate

capitulazioni e al per done generale."
1 For what follows cf. La Spagna
the work of Viti Mariani :
e la S. Sede. I : II Spagna con D. Maria

matrimonio del Re di
Anna arciducissa d' Austria, 1646-9, Rome, 1899, 21 seqq. This
work is based on documents in the Papal Sec. Arch.
2 Ibid., 28 seqq.
* Ibid., 30 seqq. ; cf. Iusti, Velasquez, II., 137, 285.
SECOND MARRIAGE OF PHILIP IV. 89
the circumstance that the Master of the Ceremonies, the

Dnke y Maqueda, only arrived with her suite at
of Najera
the end of April. Count Lumiares brought to the Queen a
portrait of Philip IV. adorned with twenty-two diamonds.
On June 23rd she finally arrived at Milan whither Cardinal
Montalto had repaired by order of the Pope.^
Innocent X., who had taken the liveliest interest in the
match, was anxious to give expression to his joy by sending
a legate a latere. For this mission his choice fell on Cardinal
Ludovisi who was also the bearer of the Golden Rose for
Marianne. Wearisome and protracted disputes arose with
the Spaniards with regard to the legate's entry into Milan,
for the former were unwilling to pay to the Pope's repre-
sentative the honours which the Holy See had to insist upon.
In that era of conflicts over questions of etiquette enormous
weight was attached to matters of this kind. The affair was
further complicated by the jealousy that existed between the
Duke of Najera y Maqueda and the Governor of Milan,
Marchese di Caracena.^
Cardinal Ludovisi set out from Bologna on July 9th. No
sooner had he arrived on Spanish territory, at Cremona, than
it was seen that the Spaniards were unwilling to abide by the
terms of their agreement with the Pope concerning the
reception of the legate. They only yielded when the Cardinal
threatened to return to Bologna. On August 3rd the Cardinal
legate was at length able to make his solemn entry into the
capital of Lombardy. The Spaniards now courted oblivion
for their former conduct by heaping honours on the legate.
The Cardinal offered to the Queen, in the name of the Pope,
not only the Golden Rose but other presents also, among
them the relics of St. Beatrice in a silver shrine.^ Queen
Marianne set out from Milan on August 9th and on the
25th she embarked at Finalmarina. A fleet of forty-four ships,
commanded by Don Juan, escorted her. She landed at
' Sec Collcccion de dociim. inechtos, LXXXVI., 641 scq. ;
ViTi Mariani, 32 seqq., 39 seqq.

2 ViTi Mariani,
44 seqq. Friedensburg, Regesten, V., 63.
;
' ViTi Mariani, 55 seqq., 61 seqq., 67.

go HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Denia and reached Navalcarnero on October 6th, two and

a half years after her betrothal. On the following day the
Cardinal of Toledo celebrated, in the utmost privacy, the
marriage of the fourteen years' old princess with the king,
twenty-six years her senior.^ The external celebrations were
reserved for the entry into Madrid which took place on
November 15th. According to the reports of nuncio
Rospigliosi, the magnificence displayed on that occasion
surpassed anything ever seen before. Architects, sculptors
and poets had vied with one another the scheme for the
;
triumphal arches which glittered with gold, each of which

cost 25,000 scudi, had been suggested by Calderon. The
statues and paintings which adorned them represented
Spain's possessions in the four quarters of the globe. " The
court was determined to show," so we read in a report of
Basadonna, the Venetian ambassador, " that they could
still perform miracles at a time when everybody thought they
^
lay prostrate."
In view of the financial straits of the Spanish State, Madrid
had always been anxious to obtain revenues from ecclesiastical
sources, from subsidies by the clergy and from the so-called
cruzada under Philip IV. this tendency was stronger than
;
ever. In this respect Innocent X. granted all that could be

conceded ^ consequently he could not but feel all the more
;
deeply hurt by the constant encroachments on the Church's

sphere and the manifold injuries done to ecclesiastical juris-
diction and immunity which the Spanish authorities allowed
themselves especially at Milan and Naples. Complaints on
this subject began as early as 1645 * and they continued
throughout his pontificate, though a settlement was usually
secured.^
1 Ihid., 42-3, 81-2.

" Ibid., 84 and lusxi, Velasquez, II., 286 seq.
seqq.,
3
Cf. Bull, XV., 331 seqq., 342, 347 seqq., 350 seqq., 377 seq..
465 seqq., 559 seqq., 661, 665.

* *Brief to Philip IV., September 30, 1645, in Epist., I., Papal
Sec. Arch.
*
Cf. besides the *reports of Rospigliosi in Nunziat. di Spagna,
2
TENSION BETWEEN ROME AND SPAIN. QI
A more serious conflict arose towards the end of

Innocent X.'s pontificate. After the Spaniards had recon-
quered Barcelona in 1G52, they demanded from the Pope that
Philip IV. should once more have the right of nomination to
vacant bishoprics. In view of the fact that the struggle for
Catalonia was by no means at an end, Innocent X. refused,
on the ground that it was necessary first to see who would
secure the mastery there, France or Spain. As a result of
this incident and various fresh encroachments on ecclesiastical
jurisdiction, especially at Naples/ a tension existed between
Madrid and Rome which was further increased by a fresh
incident.
Francesco Gaetano, Archbishop of Rhodes and a nephew
of Cardinal Pamfili, had been nuncio in Spain since September,
1652, in succession to Rospigliosi. Gaetano proved unequal
to this difficult post.^ Complaints reached Rome concerning
the conduct of the nunciature and Gaetano failed to carry
out the Pope's instructions with a view to the recovery of the
ecclesiastical revenues of Cardinal Barberini. Consequently
.Innocent appointed a new nuncio for Spain in the person of
Camillo Massimo to whom he granted the title of Patriarch
Papal Sec. Arch., ibid., 347, the *letters of the Secretary of

State to Rospigliosi, especially those of December 16, 1645,
January 5, March 23, May 11, June 8, July 19, August 30,
1647,
June 18, October 30 and 31, 1651, as well as the *Cifre al Nuntio
di Napoli of June 6, 1647, July 25, 1648, and December 21,
1650, Nunziat. Napol., 39 A., ibid. Cf. also Arch. stor. ital.,
IX., 344. Also a *dissertation of Carolus Maranta, " pro libertate
ecclesiastica," against an ordinance of the Spanish
directed
authorities at Naples, January 4, 1652, dealing with the conflicts
of jurisdiction with Archbp. Filomarino of Naples, Cod. 12547,
p. 365 seqq., in National Lib., Paris; see De Blasiis in Arch,
stor. Napolet., VI., 758 seq.
' See *warning Brief of March, 1653, to Philip IV. in which
the blame is laid on the King's ministers (" Acria timemus, sed,
ut ait etiam Bernardus, quia acriora (divine chastisements)

timemus "). Epist., IX., Papal Sec. Arch.
Denis, I., 207, 286.

'
Cf. Meister in Rom. Ouartalschr., VII., 466 seq.
of Jerusalem. However, Cardinal Trivulzio, at that time

Spanish ambassador in Rome, was a strong opponent of the
new nominee, owing to his being a partisan of Olimpia and
the Barberini ; he declared the appointment null because it
had been made without previous agreement with the King of

Spain. Innocent X. would not admit the existence of an
obligation in this respect and ordered Massimo to set out for
his post.^
On his arrival in Spain in February, 1654, ^ the new nuncio
was informed that the King would not receive him. Though
every prince was perfectly free in the choice of his ambassadors,
the Madrid Cabinet declared, the Spanish nuncio was no mere
political official ; in view of the wide range of his faculties
in regard to ecclesiastical administration and jurisdiction
the King could only accept a person agreeable to himself.
Innocent soon learnt that this action was Spain's revenge
for his conduct in respect to the Catalonian bishoprics as well
as for the fact that on March 25th, 1653, he had married his
niece Olimpiuccia Giustiniani to Matteo Barberini and granted
the purple to Carlo Barberini on June 23rd. ^ Moreover it
was evident that France's bad example " had also con-
"
tributed to this result, the latter having just then refused

to accept Domenico Marini as nuncio.* More than by all
this the Pope, who on October 31st had appointed a new
nuncio for Spain, in the person of Francesco Mancini,^ was
greatly annoyed by the conduct of nuncio Gaetano who was
determined to remain at his post at any cost and who, accord-
ingly, was secretly in league with the Spanish Government.
The Pope's command to hand over to Massimo a third of the
1 Pallavicino, I., 306 seqq. On C. Massimo see Moroni,

XLIII., 230 seq.
2 His *correspondence in Niinziat. di Spagna, 107 and 108,
Papal Sec. Arch.
3 *Cijra del Fiscale (of the nunciature), dated Madrid,
February 18, 1654, in Nunziat. di Spagna, 107, Joe. cit.
* See above, p. 69.

5 *Brief to Philip IV. of October 31, 1654 {duplic. et tripl.,
Nov. 2, 1654), Epist., X., Papal Sec. Arch.

SPANISH NUNCIATURE CLOSED. 93
revenues of the nunciature he executed only very imper-

fectly. ^ Thereupon the Pope gave orders for the Spanish
nunciature to be closed. On December 13th Mancini informed
Gaetano of this decision ^ the command to take his departure
;
which he received at the same time, Gaetano likewise refused

to obey, notwithstanding the exhortations of Cardinal
Sandoval ^ ; he was, however, compelled to close the nunciature
since his jurisdiction had been withdrawn. Massimo now hoped
to be received at least as nuncio extraordinary,* but the
Spanish Go\ernment put oft a decision in the matter for it
had been informed of Innocent X.'s fatal illness.
Pallavicino, loc. cit. Gaetano affirms in a *letter of June 3,

'
1654, that hehad done everything to remove the " impediments "
against Massimo but Massimo himself, in a *letter of March i
;
1654, declares that Gaetano had worked against him in order

to maintain himself at his post. Niinziat. di Spagna, 107, Papal
Sec. Arch.
- See Mancini's *report, dated Madrid, December 16, 1654, ^bid.
^ See JMancini's *report, Madrid, December 25, 1654, ibid.
* *Letter of Massimo, January 3, 1655, ibid.
CHAPTER III.
The Peace of Westphalia and Religious Conditions

IN Germany and Holland The English Catholics —
under CromwellÎreland's Fight for Freedom ;
Her Defeat,
Of all the diplomatic representatives of Urban YIIl. the

Cologne nuncio, Fabio Chigi, Bishop of Nardo, had the most
difficult task of all, for it was his duty to represent the Holy
See in the supremely important peace negotiations at
Mlinster.i A skilful diplomatist and an accomplished gentle-
man, Chigi won for himself an honourable position in that
assembly which eventually grew into a European congress,
but the Spaniards were at first dissatisfied with his attitude
because his foremost concern was always the good of the
Church, not the particularist interests of individual States.
With the election of Innocent X. the Spaniards believed
^ For Chigi's *reports and correspondence during the period

of the congress (in the Papal Sec. Arch, and the Chigi Lib.,
Rome), see XXX, Appendix 2. At Miinster Chigi lodged at

the Convent of the Friars Minor, as an inscription recalls to this
day see Zeitschr. des westfdl. Gesch. Ver., 3 series, II., 372. The
;
dwelling was damp and dingy and as a southerner he suffered

not a little from the German climate (Tourtual, 25 seq.). *Viaggio
che fece Msgr. 111. da Colonia a Miinster, 1644 (departure from
Cologne, March 14) in Q., II., 48, p. 183-7 of Chigi Lib.
" *Discessi aspero coelo et infirmo corpore, convalui utcunque . . .
Huius tractatus a divini numinis imploratione facto exordio

feliciter atque alacriter fundamenta iacere videbamur, cum
repente cessatum est ab eo fervore et lente coeptum progredi."

Chigi to Erycius Puteanus, Miinster, May 26, 1644, Barb. 2575,
Vat. Lib.
94
^
INSTRUCTIONS TO F. CHIGI. 95
the time had come when they might use the papal diplomacy
for their own ends, but Chigi was not the man to lend himself
to such manoeuvres. A partisan neither of Spain nor of
France, he deemed it his first duty to labour for the Church.^
The Spanish ambassador in Rome, Count Sirvela, at the
instigation of the Spanish plenipotentiary at Miinster, Diego
Saavedra and the one-sided Hispanophile Cardinal Rossctti,
pulled every imaginable string in order to get the new Pope
to remove Chigi from his post. But it was precisely this
passionate persistence which set the Pontiff thinking. He
asked to see the reports of the Cologne nuncio ; after studying
them he remarked to the Secretary of State, Panciroli :
" Chigi is the right man !

" and to Sirvela he said that the
Holy See had no better nuncio than Chigi. ^ A Brief of
October 5th, 1644, confirmed Chigi in his position as the
Holy See's representative at the peace congress. That
document describes his task negatively rather than positively :
he was to further peace with all his might, yet so that religion
and the Church suffered no injury he must neither consent ;
to, nor even merely connive at, what might be in any way
incompatible with the prerogatives and the welfare of the

Church, on the contrary, he should boldly and with all his
might stand up for her defence and, if necessary, withdraw
from the deliberations, for human considerations must give
way when one's duty to God is at stake.
Chigi's patience was put to a fresh test even after the
imperialists had at last opened the way for the beginning
of the discussions properly so called by their proposals of
November 23rd and December 4th to the Swedes and the
French. " Here," he wrote to a friend at the close of 1644,
" labour, discussions and sittings are on the increase but we
make no progress ; often I go home at night my head burning
with the discussions and the heat of the stove, so that I am
• Sec Chigi's letter of February ii, 1645, in Brom, III., 391.
Cf. above, p. 72, n. 3.

* Pallavicino, I., 126 seq.
» Brom, III., 388-g.
^
g6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
only able to write a couple of lines. May the name of the

Lord be blessed." ^
From the first Chigi kept in close touch with the repre-
sentative of Venice, Alvise Contarini, his fellow mediator.
Their mutual relations were so friendly that between them
they frequently displayed greater harmony than the pleni-
potentiaries of one and the same Power, who often quarrelled
among themselves.
On a motion of the imperial delegates, the sole object of
the discussions was to be peace between the Empire and
the Kings of France and Sweden, and the determination of
boundaries. However, very soon the Swedes, in concert with
the French, demanded not only an increase of their territories
but likewise effective influence on the new internal con-
stitution of the German Empire, hence they insisted on all
the Estates of the Empire being invited to take part in the

peace negotiations. The Emperor resisted this demand but
in the end he was forced to give way and to summon to the
peace congress all the Estates entitled to vote. As a result
business, the slowness of which Chigi lamented, was bound to
become even more involved.^
In the first days of June, 1645, Chigi wrote to his friend the
Jesuit Sforza Pallavicino " We have reached port
: three ;
days hence the French and the Swedes will come out with
their peace conditions. Great dangers will then arise for the
Church for I foresee that the Swedes will reveal the purpose
for which they went to war, because so long as they needed
France's money and support, they pretended to have none
but political motives. Pray " * !
The peace proposals which the French delegates presented

at Miinster on Trinity Sunday, 1645 (June 11th), through
Chigi and Contarini, whilst the Swedes presented theirs to
the imperialists at Osnabriick, are justly described by Chigi
^ Chigi to Albizzi, ibid., 390.
2 See Contarini's report in Pontes rev. Austr., II., 26, 28.
^ *Letter to Pallavicino, April 28, 1645. Cod. A., II., 28,
Chigi Lib.
* *Letter of June 9, 1645, ibid.
PEACE CONDITIONS OF 1645. 97
as the high demands of a victor.^ Both Powers demanded

a general, unHmited amnesty, including Bohemia, the restora-
tion of all the Estates of Empire to the condition of 1618, a
guarantee of the constitution of the Empire, abolition of
the custom hitherto observed of choosing a successor to the
Emperor under the title of King of the Romans during the
lifetime of the Emperor, the preservation of all the liberties

of the Estates of the Empire, especially in respect of their
right to enter into alliances with foreign Powers for the purpose
of their security, lastly an indemnity for expenses incurred,
guarantees for the future and payment for their armies as
well as for their allies, especially for Hesse and Transilvania.
The French left it to the Swedes to present the demand made
in the interest of the Protestants for a definitive settlement
and the
of all ecclesiastical conflicts over the religious peace
holding of Church property. The Imperialists were well
justified when they remarked that by peace conditions such
as these the Empire would not be reformed but destroyed.
The Swedes openly avowed that they had waged a religious
war and that now they were resolved on making a peace
that would redound to the damage of the Catholics. Chigi
felt obliged to delay expressing his opinion for fear of losing
France's confidence in his capacity as a mediator, the more
all
so as just then relations between Rome and had become

Paris
such that an interruption of diplomatic intercourse had
ensued.-
Most of the summer of 1645 was spent in endless disputes
over preliminaries in connection with which the ceremonial,
titles and visits gave rise to no small difficulties.^
Special difficulties arose for Chigi as the Pope's delegate

with regard to immediate contact with Protestants. During
his six years' stay in Germany he had made it a strict law
unto himself, especially out of consideration for his dignity
^ *Letter to Pallavicino of June 23, 1643, ibid.

* Ibid., cf. also Chigi's *letter to Ropigliosi, nuncio in Madrid,
June II, 1645, Cod. A., I., 25, Chigi Lib., and ibid., A., I., 22,
*Albizzi's letter of June 16, 1645.
' *Chigi to Sf. Pallavicino, June 19, 1645, ibid.
^
as representative of the Apostolic See, to avoid all contact

with people who denounced the Pope as Antichrist. By this
rule he resolved to abide now also, for attempts to approach
him had been made, from political motives, first by the
delegates of the Duke of Brandenburg ^ and after them by
those of the Dutch Republic who had arrived in 1646 for the
peace negotiations with Spain. However, Chigi very skilfully
avoided giving offence by brusquely repehing the above-
named Powers, for such conduct might have done grievous
injury to the Church. He likewise avoided intercourse with
those who had fallen away from the Church, lest they should
be able to say afterwards that he had angered them by threats
or cajoled them by promises and flatteries. He knew his
History, hence he was well aware of the accusations of which
his predecessors, Cardinals Contarini and Cajetan, had been
the objects in this respect. Accordingly he decided on a middle
course, that is, neither to allow himself to be carried too far
by the Protestants— conduct that might have been mis-
—
interpreted later on nor to repel them altogether. He was
careful to remove, by his general attitude, any offensiveness
there might have been in this reserve. He avoided most
scrupulously any offensive expression and showed a
conciliatory disposition. If a non-Catholic delegate wrote
to ask a favour he replied, not indeed in writing but by ful-
filling the request. If a Protestant man of letters, duly recom-

mended, expressed a desire to have speech with him, he
granted the request on condition that controversial questions
were not discussed and that the interview took place in
presence of witnesses. By this prudent and conciliatory
which clearly evidenced both his devotion to the
attitude,
Church and his freedom from hatred or contempt for those
who did not share his religious convictions, he won the
respect and even the veneration of many Protestants.
However, this reserve which he had imposed on himself,
^
Cf. HiLTEBRANDT in QuelUn u. Forsch., XV., 360 seq. ;
Pallavicino, I., 132 seq. ; Brom, IIL, 482 seq.

2 Pallavicino, loc. cit., cf. Tourtual, 23.
THE EMPERORS TERMS. 99
robbed him of any influence he might have had on the Pro-

testant delegates, and 1 e would surely have been better
advised had he unhesitatinglj^ treated with them, as did the
Jesuits of Miinster.^
Though the Turkish peril counselled haste, the negotiations
at Miinster made no progress,- the real cause of the delay
being the hope cherished by each party, that the military
its own favour.
situation might shift in
On September 25th, 1G45, the delegates of France and
Sweden were made acquainted with the Emperor's answer
to their demands. It fixed 1630 as the year of the amnesty,
Bohemia and the imperial Hereditary States being excluded.
Witii regard to the cpiestion of religion, the Emperor declared
his readiness for an amicable settlement, only it must be
brought about in conformity with the Constitution of the
Empire. He would tolerate alliances of the Estates of Empire
with foreign Powers in so far as these were not directed against
himself and the Empire and injured neither the pubhc tran-
quillity nor the oath which bound each Estate of Empire to
the Emperor and the Empire. The proposal not to choose
a successor during the Emperor's lifetime was irreconcilable
with the Golden Bull and the rights of the Electors. With
regard to Spain, before concluding peace, the Emperor must
have a guarantee that neither France nor Sweden would
lend help to his enemies ; only then could he give the desired
promise not to intervene in Franco-Spanish disputes. It was
not the affair of France or Sweden to demand compensation,
but rather the Emperor's, for the violent and unprovoked
invasion of the Empire and his Hereditary States. A com-
promise was being negotiated with the Landgravine of Hesse,
but as for the Prince of Transilvania, he was neither one of
the Estates of Empire nor a German ally of Sweden.
So as to be prepared for any emergency in respect of the
religious questions, Chigi drew up in December 1645, a
protest against any direct or indirect injury to the Church
'
DUIIR, II., I, 488.
-
Cf. Chigi's *letter to Sf. Pallavicino, August ir, 1645, loc. cit^
2
As a model he made use of

as a result of the treaty of peace.
a similar document with which Cardinal Truchsess had pro-
tested, on March 23rd, 1555, against a religious settlement
within the Empire which favoured the Protestants.^ As for
the proper moment at which to make his protest, Chigi
determined it in concert with Contarini who promised his
support.
Not long afterwards, the Protestant princes and towns
presented to the Councillor of Empire at Mayence and to the
imperial delegates their very considerable demands, styled by
them " religious grievances ", to which the Catholics, on
February 8th, 1646, replied with their counter-claims.^ The
Protestants demanded from the Catholics unprecedented
sacrifices, viz. abolition of the ecclesiastical reservation which
represented the best bulwark against further secularizations ;
the abandonment by them of all Church property usurped

after the treaty of Passau in 1552 the free practice of their
;
religion by the Protestant subjects of Catholic princes,

whereas the same right was to be denied to Catholic subjects ;
lastly in regard to religion and property, restoration of the

situation as it existed previous to the outbreak of the great
war in 1618.
One thing was in favour of the Catholics, namely the
circumstance that in this question the two most powerful
Protestant princes pursued opposite aims. The Elector of
Saxony did not wish to go beyond the Peace of Prague,
would not hear of linking himself to the Swedes and refused
to assume the presidency of the Protestant separate assembly.
Nor was the Duke of Brandenburg prepared to take his
place for heknew well how much the Lutherans were opposed
tohim by reason of his being a Calvinist moreover he was ;
bound to consider the Emperor because the Swedes threatened

^
Cf. our data XIV., 339.
2 Chigi's letter to C. Pamfili, December 15, 1645, in Ciampi,
55. The text of the *protest (undated) in Cod. A. I., 45, p. 60^-61,
Chigi Lib.
3 Meiern, Acta, II., 522 seqq , 540 seqq. ; Gartner, VII.,
237 seq.
,
CATHOLICS DIVIDED. 101
his interests in Pomerania. Consequently the Protestant

princes, and towns saw themselves compelled to
counts
stand up for their demands without the support of the two
Electors. However, the advantage the Catholics might have
derived from this circumstance was neutralized by the fact
that they too were not united and that the Swedes gave uncon-
ditional support to all the demands of the Protestants.
Although, in the great question as to how far they might
go in their concessions to the Protestants, the Catholics
firmly held to the fundamental principles, in regard to their
application to German conditons, the opinions of the princes,
Statesmen and theologians diverged considerably.' The more
intransigent clung firmly to the lofty but by then unattainable
ideal of unity in the Catholic faith and they condemned any
concession of importance to the Protestants, even at the risk
of wrecking the peace. This group, which had found a resolute
spokesman in the Dillingen Jesuit Henry Wangnereck and
strong backing from nuncio Chigi, included in the first
instance the Bishop of Osnabriick, Franz Wilhelm von

W'artenberg, a cousin of Ma.ximilian of Bavaria, the delegate
of the Bishop of Augsburg, Henry von Knaringen, the first
Spanish delegate. Count Pefieranda, the Benedictine Adam

Adami who represented the threatened monasteries of
Wiirttemberg and the delegate of the Catholic council of
Augsburg, Dr. Johann von Leuxselring.
This intransigent group was faced by another set of men
more opportunist, yielding and conciliatory, who, taking
into account existing circumstances, were for peace at any
price, even that of wide concessions in the religious sphere.
This view was defended by the Elector Maximilian of Bavaria,

his confessor, the Jesuit Johann Vervaux, a native of Lorraine,
and by Count Maximilian von Trauttmansdorff, first master
'
Cf. for what
follows the work (based on extensive research
in archives), of L.Steinberger, Die Jesititen unddie Fricdensjrage
1 635- 1 650, Freiburg, 1906. This work adds considerably to our
knowledge also Ritter in Hist. Zeitschr., C. (igo8), 253 seqq.
;
See also F. Israel, Adam Adami und seine Arcana pads VVest-
falicae, BerHn, 19 10.
^
of ceremonies and a trusted councillor of Ferdinand III.,
who arrived at Miinster, on November 29th, 1645, at the

head of the imperial delegation and armed with the most
ample powers.
The divisions among the Catholics, the slow progress
of the negotiations, Trauttmansdorff's tendency to influence
the Swedes by satisfying the Protestants so as to isolate
the French, the great dangers for the German Catholics which
became increasingly threatening, and lastly the unfavourable
turn of the war after the battle of Alerheim in August, 1645,
and even more so after the junction of the French army
with that of the Swedes which was effected in August of the
following year — all this filled Chigi's heart with bitter grief.
In confidential letters to friends he poured out his heart.
He expected no good from this peace, he wrote to Sforza
Pallavicino on February 9th, 1646, and wished himself out
of Miinster.i In a letter of April 6th to Francesco Albizzi
he wrote that there was truth in what the people were saying
just then namely that hell must be empty since all its
;
denizens had come to Miinster to prevent a true peace.

Again and again he begs Pallavicino's prayers ; this he did
with special insistence duiing the conferences, with a view
to a compromise, which were held at Osnabriick from
April 12th to May 5th, 1646, between the representatives
of the Catholics and the Protestants. Chigi did his utmost
to induce the Catholic delegates to oppose a determined
refusal to the Protestant demands, but he found that many
of the adherents of the ancient Church had become greatly
dispirited.^ The course of the negotiations was such that
on April 27th the nuncio came to the sorrowful conclusion
that all his representations and protests were unvailing to
prevent a most grievous injury being done to the Catholic
religion.* In a letter of the same date Chigi laments the great
1 *Letter in Cod., A. II., 28, Chigi Lib.

2 Ibid., *Cod., A. I., 22.
' Chigi's *report to the Secretary of State, April 13, 1646, in
Paci, 20, Papal Sec. Arch.
* *Cod., A. II., 28, loc. cit.
CONCESSIONS TO PROTESTANTS. IO3
readiness with which people spoke of the necessity of throwing

everything overboard to save what remained.^ Chigi's fears
grew when, on ]\Iay 19th, Count von Trauttmansdorff was
charged to continue the negotiations with the Protestants
at Osnabriick. Tlic Count was full of the best goodwill in
the world but he was only moderately endowed, credulous,
timorous, and burning with a misguided keenness for a
settlement which Chigi sought in vain to moderate. ^ Trautt-
mansdorff showed excessive readiness to yield the Bishop —
of Osnabriick was one of those who bitterly lamented the
fact —with regard to the definitive cession of Catholic dioceses
to the Protestants.^ Chigi had hopes that on this point the
Elector of Bavaria, Maximilian, would support him against
the imperial delegate, but he was mistaken : about the
middle of May, Maximilian took the side of his imperial
brother-in-law in this matter. In view of the fact that both
princes based their conduct on the judgment of their respective
spiritual advisers, Chigi and together with him the nuncio
in Vienna, Melzi, made powerful but fruitless efforts to
exorcize from the courts of Vienna and Munich this excessively
accommodating spirit.* The French delegates had promised
to support Chigi in the matter of the dioceses, but from the
first the nuncio felt very doubtful whether, in view of her
' " *La prontezza che si chiama necessitate a far gettito per
salvar il resto." Cod. A. I., 22, loc. cit.
• F.^LLAViciNO,
I., 134 seqq. Cf. Chigi's views in his reports
to Rome
quoted by Steinberger, 58, n. 10, and 61, n. 6. The
Spanish reports (Colecc. de docum. ine'd., LXXXII scq.) depict
Trauttmansdorff as a man of sanguine disposition who was
all too easily deluded by the false promises of his opponents and
who allowed them to see far too much of his own game. Chigi
wrote in his *Diarium " Trauttmansdorff e Volmar due neofiti
:
[both had been Protestants] non si curano di religione che

fredissimamentc, solo del patrimonio Cesareo sono zelanti,"
Chigi Lib.
' Chigi's *report to the Secretary of State, May 18, 1646,
Pad, 20, Papal Sec. Arch. Cf. Baur, Sotern, II., 157.
* Steinberger, 60-2.
close alliance with the Swedes, France would be able to

obtain anything in the face of their opposition. ^ His fears
could but be confirmed when he had to witness the fact
that France's representative, the Duke of Longueville, who
before Chigi posed as a supporter of staunchly Catholic
principles, simultaneously endeavoured to bring about the
nomination to the coadjutorship of Paderborn of a son of the
Calvinist Landgravine Amalia.^
When on May 19th the Catholics entrusted to Count
Trauttmansdorff the task of continuing the negotiations
with the Protestants it was arranged that any terms arrived
at should be But how
submitted to them for confirmation.
did the imperial Without consulting the
delegate act ?
Catholics he guaranteed to the Protestants, for a hundred

years, the possession of whatever ecclesiastical property they
had held since 1627. This weakness so whetted the appetite
of the Protestants that they promptly renewed their demands
for possession of all Church property held by them since
1618.^ " The danger for the Church," Chigi wrote after
presentation of the Protestants' demands at Osnabriick on
July 29th,* " grows daily, but I am helpless soon no ;
Catholic will be able to feel sure that his nephews, if not his
sons, will not become Protestants, so bad has the situation
become.^
To Chigi's moral sufferings there were added physical
ones for he suffered from the climate of Westphalia. He
speaks of it in his letters as early as 1646,^ but since he says
1 " *Non so gia, se quando lo vogliono, lo potranno fare, se

gli Suedesi prevaglino con le armi." Letter to the Secretary of
State, May 26, 1646, Pad 20, loc. cit.
2 Baur, Sotern, II., 167.

' Israel, Adami, 43 seq.
* Chigi's *report to the Secretary of State, June 29, 1646,
Pad, 20, loc. cit.
* *Cod. A. I., 22, Chigi Lib. Cf. ibid., A. IL, 29, *letter to the
nuncio in Venice, June 22, 1646.
* *Letter to Fr. Albizzi, July 13 and 27, 1646, ibid. Cf. above,
p. 94-
MORE CONCESSIONS. I05
nothing about German cooking, the story that he dispatched

to Rome a huge loaf bearing this inscription : Ecce pants
Westphalorum, is probably an invention.
Whilst the real peace negotiations were in a state of stagna-
tion during the summer of 1646, because everyone was
waiting for the issue of the operations in the field, ^ the
went a step further in the path of concessions
imperialists
upon which they had entered, when they decided to con-
sider as the norm for the practice of religion in the Cities
of Empire and the ownership of ecclesiastical property the
year 1621, that is, a year in which the restoration of con-
fiscated Church property had not yet been enforced. They
were prepared to leave Church property in the hands of the
Protestants for a hundred years, before the lapse of which
a friendly settlement would have to be made. Chigi gave
all the support he could to the counteraction of the intran-
sigents, ^ nevertheless in a declaration of November 19th the

year 1624 was conceded to the Protestant delegates who had
come over to Miinster.^ was beside himself. Notwith-
Chigi
standing all the which Trauttmansdorff
assurances with
sought to calm the nuncio, the former had so encouraged
the Swedes in the course of his private negotiations, that they
cherished the hope of retaining the Church's property not for
a hundred years only but for all time ; as a matter of fact
this too was granted by the Count on November 30th. He
started from the point of view that peace alone could save
the Catholic Church in Germany, hence peace must be secured
at any cost,* and he was prepared more and more con-
for
cessions. In view of this fact Chigi and the more determined
among the Catholics sought to save the little which it seemed
' Chigi 's *reports in code to the Secretary of State, June 15

and July 27, 1646, Pact, 20, loc. cit.
* Chigi's *rcport in code to the Secretary of State, November 23,

1646, ibid. Cf. Chigi's *Diarium for September 17, 1646,
Chigi Lib.
^ Israel, Adami, 45 seq.
* Chigi's *report in code to the Secretary of State, November 30,
1646, Pad, 20, loc. cit.
^
I06 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
possible to save.^ Chigi never ceased to warn the Emperor's

representatives. 2 He often wondered that he did not break
down under the weight of his labours and an.xieties, he wrote
on December 7th. ^ His one comfort was that Rome was
perfectly satisfied with his conduct. Just as the Secretary of
State had approved his timely protest,* so he repeatedly
expressed his unreserved satisfaction with his line of action.
It was realized in Rome that the nuncio strictly maintained
the point of view of the Holy See, which was to preserve
established rights and conditions and where these could not
be saved, at least not to sanction their loss. Particular
instructions were deemed all the more unnecessary as Chigi
possessed so much sound judgment and such wide experience
that details could very well be left to his discretion.^
Rome fully shared Chigi's opinion as to the Emperor's
deplorable weakness. With him the Secretary of State con-
demned a state of mind which caused men to drop that for
which they had so long fought arms in hand,'' and that
a political theology sought to find a theoretical justification
for this ruinous policy of concession.^ was under no Chigi
delusion as to the magnitude of the peril which was bound to
arise out of a peace bought at any price. ^ With deepest grief
1 Chigi's *reports in code to the Secretary of State, December 7

and 14, 1646, ibid.
2 Chigi's *Dwrium, December 3, 1646, Chigi Lib.
3 *Letter to Albizzi in Cod. A. 22, ibid.
I., On the same
day Chigi wrote to Pallavicino :
" *Agli Suedesi offeriscono gU
imperiali grandi stati, e quel che peggio e a costo della rehgione

cattolica. lo grido aJle stelle e le chiamo a vendetta contro
questi pregiuditii." Cod. A. II., 29, loc. cit.
" *PamfiH to Chigi, January 6, 1646, Cod. A. II., 47, loc. cit.
^
Cf. especially Pamfili's instructions of January 13 and 20,
May June 30, and December 22, 1646, ibid.
5,
•*
Pamfili emphasizes the Pope's confidence in Chigi especially
in the *instructions of December 15, 22 and 29, 1646, loc. cit.
~
*Pamfili to Chigi, August 11, 18, 25, 1646, ibid.
* Pamfili to Chigi, July 7, 1646, in Brom, III., 404.
'
Cf. Chigi's *Diarium, December 21, 1646, loc. cit.
CHIGI S WARNINGS. IO7
he watched the continuous dechne of the CathoHc Church

which was about to lose for good to the Protestants three
archbishoprics and thirteen bishoprics, that is, sixteen large
territories with thousands of churches, monasteries and pious
foundations.^ The decision was drawing near, Chigi wrote
to Pallavicino on December 14th, perhaps it would come
suddenly as long as it had been possible he had issued his
;
warnings and he would continue to do so, regardless of

persons ; since the cause of God had been abandoned by all,
he could only grieve and protest. ^ Chigi's indignation against
Trauttmansdorff rose so high that in a moment of exasperation
he remarked that the Count would give up St. Peter's in
Rome to the Protestants should they ask for it. In the
course of his representations the nuncio did not fail to
observe that the policy of the imperialists was a mistake
even from a political point of view, inasmuch as the endless
concessions merely served to sharpen the Protestants'
appetite.^
Chigi's ceaseless warnings were exceedingly awkward for
Trauttmansdorff ; accordingly he attempted to silence the
tiresome mentor by informing him that his elevation to the
cardinalate had been proposed in Rome
both with a view
to doing honour to the Congress and to rewarding the nuncio's
labours in the cause of a general peace. Chigi bluntly replied
that he would not hear of such an honour, for the cause of
God was being so greatly injured by the proposed peace that
he would consider it a sacrilege to receive any recognition of
whatever kind. To a French delegate Chigi observed that
I what he deserved was not reward but punishment since
he had achieved nothing on behalf of the Catholic cause
which was being neglected by one party and injured by the
other. In Rome the nuncio pleaded for his recall ; after
vainly working day and night to bring about a tolerable peace
he did not wish, by prolonging his stay, to create an impression
' Sec letter of Dcccnibcr 11, 1646, in J3rom, III., 407.

- *Cod. A. II., 28. loc. ciL
^ Letter of December 19, 1646, in Brom, III., 407-8.
I08 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that he approved a settlement which inflicted the most grievous

wounds on the Church. Innocent X. refused to hsten to his
pleading. He bade him hold on forasmuch as his departure
would hearten the Protestants whilst his presence would at
least lessen the evils that threatened.^
A was thrown on the contrast between the
glaring light
intransigent and accommodating parties in the Catholic
body by a pamphlet published at the end of 1646, under the
signature of one Ernestus de Eusehiis. This pamphlet submits
to a close and searching analysis the question how far one
might in conscience yield to the demands of the Protestants.
For a time the identity of the author remained a secret ;
eventually it became known that he was none other than the

Jesuit Henry Wangnereck of Lindau. The pamphlet was sent
to press without the author's knowledge, probably by the
Bishop of Osnabriick, Franz Wilhelm von Wartenberg, as
a counterweight to the concessions in the question of the
peace by the Munich and Vienna divines, and in order to
rouse the conscience of the Catholic princes by means of an
uncompromising statement of the principles which had been
considered authoritative during the era before the religious
divisions. 2
The publication of the treatise came as a complete surprise
for Chigi. For reasons of opportuneness he disapproved of its
publication, though not of the contents, although as repre-
sentative of the Church he rejected more than one con-
cession accepted by de Eusebiis. With a view to preserving
the Holy See from the slightest stain, Chigi had striven from
the first to prevent even such concessions as the strict Catholic
party was prepared to make. He was anxious thereby to
strengthen their attitude as much as possible, for he knew
only too well how ready human weakness is, in circumstances
1 Pallavicino, I., 143-4, who here quotes, in part textually,

a *letter of Chigi of December 15, 1646, which I found in Cod.
A. II., 28, of the Chigi Lib.
2 Steinberger, 63 seq. ; Ritter in Hist. Zeitschr., CI.,
265 seq. ; Sommervogel, VIII., 982 seq.

2 ^
ERNESTUS DE EUSEBIIS. IO9
of such difficulty, to be content with what seems at least

tolerable.^
Chigi's view was also that of Rome. The Secretary of
State, Cardinal Panciroli, expressed the hope that the
pamphlet would strengthen the resistance of such Catholics
as were too ready to yield to Protestant demands. When
he had been informed of the contents of the publication,
Innocent X. expressed his approval by sending his blessing
to the author.
How well founded Chigi's misgivings were as to the oppor-
tuneness of the publication was soon made evident when the
Swedes began to use it in order to rouse Protestant feeling.
In effect, not content with defending the Catholics' claim to
the ecclesiastical possessions of which they had been robbed
through an infraction of the religious peace of Augsburg,
a claim which could not be legally contested, Ernestus de
Eusebiis also condemned that peace itself, and from this
he argued that it was morally wrong to agree to a fresh con-
firmation, not to speak of an extension, of the treaty. The

\
way in which de Eusebiis sought to explain away the awkward
fact that even Peter Canisius had declared it lawful to tolerate
the religious peace of Augsburg, drew down on him the just
blame of a highly placed member of his Order.
^ See Chigi's letter of January 25, 1647, to Panciroli in Stein-

BERGER, 196 seq.
* Steinberger,
75.
' Ibid., 76 Wangnereck's irreconcilable attitude as an
seq.
uncompromising protagonist of canon law, is severely condemned
by the historian of the German Jesuits. This shows, he says,
" the confusion and disaster which the upholding of medieval
opinions in an entirely altered situation was bound to cause.

Where there existed but the one Catholic religion, such principles
might have been defended but once the force of circumstances
;
had secured for non-Catholic confessions vast and permanent

possessions, opinions of this kind could no longer be maintained,
unless there was a willingness to declare a war of all against all
and so to put weapons into the hands of other confessions against
Catholics. If, in Wangnereck's opinion, it was unlawful for
—
no HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Naturally enough Count Trauttmansdorff was exceedingly

annoyed by de Eusebiis' pamphlet. When the Protestants
suggested that the Inquisition should proceed against the
unknown author, he expressed the opinion that the book
was only scholastic nonsense, that it was, in fact, an
extravagance Bachantenwerk. His colleague and successor
Isaac Volmar described such writings as " lauter sofistische
all
cavillationes und narrische Traume "—nothing but sophistries

and foohsh dreams. But the imperial court, where the
influential Capuchin Quiroga condemned the pamphlet in
the most severe terms, ordered the learned Abbot of the
Cistercian monastery of Prague, Johann Caramuel y Lobko-
witz, to write a reply, the publication of which Chigi vainly
strove to prevent. ^ De Eusebiis' pamphlet had had an
enormous circulation and it had swept many fresh adherents
into the camp of the intransigents from the ranks of those
Catholics who, until then, had been of a more accommodating
disposition, 2 but neither this nor any other literary production
produced any substantial change in the decision of Miinster.
At the beginning of 1647 Chigi did all he could to encourage
Catholics to conclude a lasting peace with Protestants, the latter

were bound to conclude that any peace might be broken by the
Catholics as soon as they were strong enough to oppress the
Protestants with some prospect of success." This opinion of
DuHR (II., 482) refers to Wangnereck's " Responsum
I,
Theologicum written against the Jesuit Vervaux and printed

",
at the beginning of 1648 by the Bishop of Osnabriick, though

not in a public press but in a private one, so that it only circulated
among Catholics. On the strife between the Jesuits of moderate
opinion and the extremists, in which the moderates were in the
majority, cj. Steinberger, 76 seqq. In the end the General of
the Society imposed a penance on Wangnereck but the Curia's
pressure forced him to revoke it [ibid., 136).
1 Steinberger, 78 seq., 80 seq. Steinberger had no access to
the Chigi Library Cod. A. III., 69, contains *Caramuers letters
;
to Chigi from 1647 to 1649, which cannot be further considered

here.
2 Steinberger, 73.
-
FURTHER EFFORTS BY CHIGI. Ill
the more intransigent Catholics to resist the imperialists'

policy of concessions so as to save at some
least of the
threatened bishoprics. The cession of Bremen and \'crden
was to be condemned for its own sake, he said, but even more
so because of the deplorable precedent it established. In his
direct appeals to Trauttmansdorff the nuncio observed that
such trafficking with bishoprics was an infamy, quite as much
as if Swedes the Emperor were to deny the
for fear of the
Catholic faith. ^ When Trauttmansdorff and the French
promised to save at least the bishoprics of Osnabriick and
Minden, the nuncio, who was accurately informed by Warten-
berg, knew only too well the value of such comfort.
The Catholic position became worse when, at the negotiations
which opened at Osnabriick on February 7th, 1647, not only
the Catholics yielded to the imperialists but the Protestant
delegates acted in the same way towards the Swedes, where-
upon the latter took charge of the discussions whilst remaining
all the time in close touch with a committee of Protestants.
Chigi had persuaded the strictly Catholic deputies to go to
Osnabriick in order to restrain the imperialists from making
concessions.^ He remained in close touch with them through
Wartenberg,'* but he soon learnt that they were able to do
so little that in their disappointment they had withdrawn
once more. on March 9th the Swedes renewed their
In effect,
demand for the unconditional surrender of all Church pro-

perty which had been in Protestant hands in 1624 on this ;
they insisted with the utmost obstinacy.^ Trauttmansdorff,

for his part, maintained that the success of the Franco-
Swedish arms forced him against his will to give way, whilst
he pointed out that by their treaties of neutrality Cologne
and Bavaria had deserted the Emperor.^ The Elector
* See Chigi's *report in code, January i8, 1647, Pad, 21,
Papal Sec. Arch.
* See Chigi's *report in code, February 8, 1647, ibid.
'
Cf. Chigi's *report in code, January 18, 1647, ibid.
*
Cf. Chigi's *report in code, March 8, 1647, ibid.
* RiTTER, loc. cit., 263 ; cf. Israel, Adami, 57 seq.
* Chigi's *report in code, March 8, 1647, Pad, zi, loc. cii.
Maximilian of Bavaria had imagined that with the conclusion

of an armistice with the Swedes, on March 14th, at Ulm, he
was furthering the cause of peace, but in reality that treaty
rendered it more remote, for now the demands of the Swedes
and the Protestants grew beyond all bounds. ^ They now

hoped to wrest from the Emperor freedom to practise their
religion for the heretics of the Imperial Hereditary States,
viz. the so-called autonomy, by which, according to a remark
of the Swedish delegate Salvius, the roots of Austria's power
would be gradually eaten into.^ This danger of a political
order did not escape Trauttmansdorff ; he declared that he
would refuse to sign a contract of the kind even if he were a
prisoner at Stockholm ;the Emperor could not possibly
forgo in his Hereditary States the right embodied in the
axiom :Cujus regio ejus religio, to which even the most
insignificant lords laid claim. ^ When the Swedes stuck to their
demands, Trauttmannsdorff left Osnabriick for Miinster on
April 24th. However, negotiations were not broken off. In
May an agreement was reached concerning the religious
situation of the subjects within the Empire. In the first
days of June the representatives of Sweden and the

Protestants repaired to Miinster for further negotiations.
The draft of the peace treaty which the imperialists drew
up in the chancellery of Mayence on June 3rd, represented
their definitive concessions to the Protestants : the year
1624 was to be considered as the norm for the ownership of
Church property. The eight monasteries in Wiirttemberg
and the diocese of Minden which, like Osnabriick, still had a
Catholic Bishop, were now sacrificed though in November
they had been excepted from the cession made by the
Catholics. Other concessions followed. As late as November
the right had been insisted upon for the Catholic authorities
to expel their Protestant subjects. This right was now
^ Steinberger, 98 seq.
2 Odhner, Dje Politik Schweden's im westfdl. Friedenskongress,
Gotha, 1877, 203 note.
3 Menzel, VIII., 186 seq. Huber, V., 605.
;
I
3-
A FRESH PEACE DRAFT. II3
subjected to a threefold limitation :

1° Those subjects
who had had the exercise of their rehgion at any period of the
year 1G24, were to retain it 2° those who uj) to the year of
;
the peace had been subjects of Cathohc princes, without the

right of practising their rehgion, were to enjoy freedom of
conscience but without the practice of rehgion ;
3° those
who only adopted the Protestant confession after the year of
the peace, or who came into the country as Protestants,
might be banished, but only after a time limit of ten years
which in cases of exceptional difficulty, could be prolonged
for a further period of five years. These three limitations were
not to apply to the Imperial Hereditary States and the whole
agreement was to be in force not only until the restoration of
religious unity at some future date, but " for ever ".^
This draft was submitted for examination to the Catholic
Estates on June Tith. The more intransigent among the
Catholics, headed by Wartenberg and Adami and warmly
supported by Chigi, naturally refused to assent to the
arbitrary procedure of the imperialists, though they feared
already then that, as at Prague, the head of the Empire
would force them to yield. Trauttmansdorff declared that
his master was the Emperor of the Protestants as well as of
the Catholics, hence he was bound to consider his non-
Catholic subjects.
Chigi's efforts to strengthen the Catholics in their resistance
received support from the Spanish ambassador, and even
from the French. The latter sought to delay the conclusion
of peace until such time as the Emperor should have dropped
the Duke of Lorraine and promised, not only as Emperor but
as Sovereign of Austria also, to' give no further assistance
to the Spaniards.
If all Catholics were united, Chigi wrote on June 14th, they
• RiTTER, loc. cit., 275-6.

* Chigi's *report code, June
in 14, 1647, Pad, 21, loc. cit.
Cf. Adami's *report to Chigi, June 29, 1647, in Cod. A. III., 69,
Chigi Lib.
' HuBKU, v., 605.
VOL. xx.\. I
^
would influence the deliberations to a considerable degree ;
they could force the Portestants to drop some of the demands

which Trauttmannsdorff had already conceded.^ Presently
the Count himself was to realize whither his weakness was
leading him, when the Swedes came forward with fresh and
impossible demands as, for instance, that their Queen should
be given the first place on the secular princes' bench and
that they should have an Elector of their own. They likewise
meant to on their demand for private Protestant
insist
services in the Emperor's Hereditary States. Thereupon

Trauttmansdorff threatened his departure, a step for which
he had long ago obtained Ferdinand III.'s permission.
From Trauttmansdorff's son Chigi learnt that the Count
had remarked that he would not be able to show himself at
court unless he had concluded peace ^ accordingly he sought
;
to bring pressure to bear on the intransigent Catholics not

only by means of promises but likewise by threats, a pro-
ceeding to which Wartenberg offered strong opposition.*
On July 16th the Count carried out his long standing
threat to take his departure. The Protestants would have
liked all the envoys of the Electors, princes and cities to press
him to remain, but this the strict Catholics would not do ^ ;
the latter in fact now began to hope if not for complete

success, then at least for a considerable lowering of the
Protestant demands, a thing which in their and Chigi's
opinion, had to be secured, if necessary, by force of arms.
A favourable turn for the Catholics did not seem impossible
now that Cologne and Bavaria stood once more by the
Emperor's side and the Swedes had been forced to evacuate
Bohemia. In August Chigi exerted himself more than ever
in order to fan the opposition to the Protestant demands, on
the basis of the arguments expounded by Ernestus
1 *Paci, 21, p. 274, Papal Sec. Arch.

- HuBER, v., 605-6.
3 Chigi's *report in code, June 14, 1647, loc. cit.
^ Chigi's *report in code, June 28, 1647, ibid.
* Chigi's *report in code, July 19, 1647, ibid.
^ 5
FERDINAND III. AND MAXIMILIAN I. IT
de Eusebiis ; these efforts were eagerly seconded by W'arten-

berg and Adami.^ A memorial, in the drawing up of which
Adami had the principal share and which the Catholics
presented on October 7th, rejected a notable part of the con-
cessions made to the Protestants up to that time.^ " More
could not be secured," Chigi wrote to Rome, " because the
Catholics are not united and are no less threatened by their
co-religionists than by their enemies."^ He had previously
reported, in August, that the delegates of the Bavarian
Elector and the Bishops of Salzburg, Bamberg, Wiirzburg
and Fulda, had been instructed to yield to the imperialists
as much as possible.'* The Catholics experienced a sensible
loss through the death, on October 9th, of the Elector of
Mayence, Anselm Casimir von Wambold, whose repre-
sentative, notwithstanding all the efforts of Bavaria, had
hitherto sided with the stricter party.
However, a decision could only be brought about by the
attitude adopted by the Emperor and Bavaria. On
October 15th Ferdinand HI. directed his envoys Lamberg
and Crane to explain to the Catholics that he intended to
abide by the concessions already made ; should they refuse
to yield he, ashead of the Empire and in virtue of his supreme
imperial power, would take such steps for the tranquillity of
the Empire as he would be able to answer for to God and the
world he had done all that was possible, but in view of the
;
superiority of the enemy it was necessary to give way. The

Elector Maximilian was of the same opinion though one of ;
the chief promoters of the edict of restitution he now threw

away all the advantages it had hitherto yielded. He counselled
the Emperor to come to terms with France, Sweden and the
Protestants, assuring him that the more important among the
Catholic Estates would side with hini.'^ In a subsequent
' Chigi's *rcports in code, August 9, 16, 23, 1647, ibid.

• Israel, Adami, 65.
^ Chigi's *report in code, October 25, 1647, Pad, 21, loc. cit.
• Chigi's *report in code, August 9, 1647, ibid.

'•
Meiern, IV., 816 seq. ; Israel, Adami, 66 seq.
• Meiern, IV., 777.
^
Il6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
letter to Ferdinand III., dated October 21st, Maximilian's

exhortations to peace were mingled with undisguised threats.^
When the imperial plenipotentiaries at Miinster, the Count
of Nassau and Isaac Volmar, in obedience to their sovereign's
command, urgently pleaded with the Catholic delegates to
yield, they pointed to the fact that the Catholic fighting
forces were hopelessly inadequate, notwithstanding a few
isolated successes, and that if they continued the struggle
they would have to expect far worse conditions ; since
everybody was weary of the war, let them also change their
minds, else the Emperor would have to act in the fulness of
his personal power.
Though taken by surprise by this declaration the stricter
Catholic party did and maintained its
not lose heart
opposition. The representative of Cologne declared " We :
are subject to the Emperor in worldly matters but not in

ecclesiastical questions." ^ This firm attitude infuriated not
only the Protestants and the Swedes, but even the imperialists.
Volmar so far forgot himself as to exclaim that " for the sake
of a few stinking Abbots " one could not delay the peace any
longer !
* On November 14th he left Osnabriick for further
negotiations. By Chigi's advice the Catholics followed him
for the purpose of restraining the imperialists from making
too sweeping concessions.^ However, this turned out to be
impossible. Bavaria, utterly exhausted, pressed for peace
at any price quite as much as the Emperor, for both Powers
saw the hopelessness of any attempt to reduce the demands
of their opponents to more reasonable proportions b}^ force
of arms. For all that the intransigent Catholics, who hoped
for a favourable turn from a fresh military enterprise,
Sattler, Gesch. Wurttenihergs, VIII., Beil. 62.

1 Riezler
" Maximilian, for the sake of peace, sacrificed
v., 647) observes :
(
to France and the German Protestants both his national senti-

ments and his religious convictions."
2 Israel, Adami, 67 seq.
^ Chigi's *report in code, November i, 1647, loc. cit.
* Israel, Adami, 69.

^ Chigi's *report in code, November 15, 1647, Pad, 21, loc. cit.
PEACE AT ANY PRICE II7
continued their opposition. To compel them to yield, recourse

was had, without scruple, to any means, even the worst.
When threats failed Volmar did not shrink from a clumsy
lie. To some Catholic delegates he declared that the papal
nuncio was not against concessions being made to the
^
Protestants !
At that time the staunch Catholic deputies Adami,

Leuxselring, together with Wartenstein ironically styled the
triumviri} saw themselves threatened even in their personal
safety the Swedish envoy Salvius declared that these
:
zealots might be silenced with a musket-shot. ^ In order,

as it were, to add weight to these threats, the servants of
Adami and Leuxselring were subjected to severe ill-treatment ;
after that the intransigents, feeling no longer safe, returned

to Miinster.* It was an evil omen for them that at that time,
through the influence of Bavaria, the Bishop of Wiirzburg,
Johann Philipp von Schonborn, was raised to the archi-
episcopal see of Mayence, for Schonborn was exceedingly
compliant in matters of religion. ^ Already in 1643 his repre-
sentative, Vorburg, had said at Frankfort that the ecclesi-
astical reservation must be allowed to lapse in regard to its
retrospective effects, whereas at that time Maximilian was
ready to go on with the war for another hundred years rather
than make such a concession.^ Now, however, the ruler of
Bavaria told Chigi and the Pope that it was better to save
what could be saved than to run after what was lost at one's
' Chigi's *report in code, November 29, 1647, ibid.

* PuFENDORF, De rebiis gestis Frederici Wilhehni electoris
Brandenburgensis. Berolini, 1695, i?^ Mitteil. des Hist. Vereins zri
;
Osnabrikck, XII., 328 Odhner, Schwedens Friedenspolitik, 122.

;
' Chigi's *report in code, November 15, 1647, loc. cit.

* Israel, Adami, 70, 73.
* Chigi's *report in code, December 6, 1647, Pad, 21, ibid. ;
CoNTARiNi in Pontes rer. Aiistr. Dipl., XXVI., 328. Cf. JMentz,

Schonborn, I., 34 seq., 41 ; also Pallavicino, II., 187.
' Mentz, loc. cit., 34. In 1646 Schonborn was also in favour
(jf abandoning to the Protestants what had been conceded to
them by the religious peace and the peace of Prague see ibid. ;
^
Il8 'HISTORY OF THE POPES.
present risk.^ At the beginning of May the Emperor and

Bavaria had the support of the Hectors of Mayence and
Treves as well as that of the delegates of Salzburg, Bamberg,
Wiirzburg, Liege, Freising, Miinster, Ratisbon, Hildesheim,
Eichstatt, Worms, Bale, Spires, Paderborn and Fulda ; some
others, such as the delegates of the Teutonic Knights and those
of Strassburg and Passau, were still undecided. The only
ones who remained intransigent were, in addition to Warten-
berg and Adami, the envoys of Neuburg, Augsburg, Trent,
Brixen and the representatives of a few of the lesser Catholic
Estates of Empire.
After the Emperor's command, by letter of February loth,
1648, to yield all along the line, humanly
Chigi too felt that,
speaking, there was no longer any hope.^ In November,

1647, he had written to a friend that he was resigned and ready
to bear with patience the cross God laid on him, however
heavy it might be. However keenly he longed for his Tuscan
home, he would prefer to it, if it were God's will, the swamps
of Westphaha as if they were so many jewels.* Without
considering the protests of the strictly minded Catholics who
had returned to Miinster, the imperialists negotiated with the
Swedish envoys at Osnabriick from February 28th onwards,
whilst plenipotentiaries of the Protestants and of those
Catholics who favoured a compromise waited in an adjoining
room.^ In view of the fact that the Swedes displayed great
arrogance and threatened to have recourse to arms,^ a com-
promise on the ecclesiastical questions was arrived at already
on March 24th : deed was entered, almost unaltered, in
this
the peace treaty. Ina few concessions were made to the
it
Catholics.' It was an important clause that in the Emperor's
^ December, 1647 Rietzler, V., 648.

; cj.
"
January 11, 1648, Pad, 22, loc. cit.
Chigi's *report in code,
^ Chigi's *report in code, February 28, 1648, ibid.
^ Letter of November 22, 1647, in Campori, CIII. Lettere

inedite di Sommi Pontefici, Modena, 1878, 47 seq.
•'
Israel Adami, 79 seq.
^ Chigi, *Dia'rinm on February
14, 1648, Chigi Lib.
' Ritter, III., 635 seq. cf. Hist, polit. Bldttev, LI., 570 seq.
;
CATHOLIC LOSSES. II9
Hereditary States the normal year was not to be in force,

whilst for Silesia the Peace of Prague was to remain sub-
stantially operative.^ On the other hand a serious retreat
of the Catholics before the demands of the Protestants was
implied in the settlement in respect of parity in the com-
position of the Diet of deputies, of the tribunal of the Imperial
Chamber and the Imperial Court Council, in disputes con-
cerning questions of religion. ^ The Catholics could view with
some indifference the inclusion of the Reformed in the religious
peace which was carried through notwithstanding the
opposition of the intransigent Lutheran element.^ But an
enormous loss for the adherents of the old faith was implied
in the fact that with regard to possession of ecclesiastical
property, the year was fixed upon, with supreme
1624
arbitrariness,^ as thenormal year, instead of the Peace of
Passau of 1552. Thus all the bishoprics, abbeys and canonries
which the Protestants had seized up to that date, were
irrevocably lost. Of what use was it that the ecclesiastical
reservation was recognized as operative for the future ?
itno longer had any practical meaning.
In Rome, Chigi's conduct met with complete approval.^
Bitter regret was felt at the fact that Bavaria pursued its
own private interests in preference to those of religion and
that Ferdinand and Ma.ximilian were prepared to accept a
peace which did such grievous injury to religion when together
they might have driven the Swedes from Germany.^
In November, 1647, Chigi had asked for copies of the
documents attesting the Holy See's protest against the
' Mf.nzel, VI IL, 190

scq. Huber, Y., 607 5^^.
;
RiTTER, III., 637.

-
* H. RicHTER, Die V erhandlungen iiber die Aiifnahme der

Reformierten in den Religionsfrieden auf dent Friedenskongress zu
Osnabriick, 1645-1648, Berlin, 1906.
*
Cf. Hist.-polit. Blatter, LI., 567.
*
Cf. the *instructions of the Secretary of State of 1647 and
1648 in Cod. A. II. , 47, Chigi Lib.
*
Cf. the * instructions of November 2 and December 14, 1647,
uiifl March 28, 1648, loc. cit.
Interim and the religious peace of Augsburg. He evidently

wished to make use of them which he had
for the protest
prepared long ago ; however, the documents were not to be
found in Rome.^
After the compromise on the religious questions in the
spring of 1648, the Swedes haggled throughout the summer
with the imperialists about the payment of their troops and
the extension of the amnesty to the Emperor's Hereditary
States. The discussions were so violent that time and again
there was reason to fear that the entire work for peace would
be wrecked at the last moment. At last, on August 6th, an
agreement was reached, and thus the treaty of peace with
Sweden could be confirmed at Osnabriick, with a handshake,
by the representatives of the Emperor, the Estates of Empire
and those of Sweden. ^ However, Oxenstjerna and Salvius
refused to sign until peace should have been made with
France also. In this respect the chief difficulty lay in
Ferdinand UI.'s unwillingness to leave Spain in the lurch.
But on this point also both the Elector of Mayence,
Johann Philipp von Schonborn,^ and Maximilian of Bavaria
pressed him to yield ; they even threatened to come to
terms with the Swedes on their own account should he make
difficulties.^
Thereupon, on September 22nd, the Emperor commanded

hisenvoys to sign the treaty immediately. But at this juncture
the of France and Sweden raised fresh
representatives
Only after these had been cleared out of the way,
difficulties.
did it become possible to proceed, on October 24th, 1648,

to the solemn act with which the peace negotiations were to
be closed, namely the signing and exchanging of the
documents. Chigi had seen to it that neither his own name
* *Instruction of December 14, 1647, ibid.

" See Chigi's *letter to Abbate Altoviti, August 7, 1648, in
Cod. A. II., 28, Chigi Lib.
^ Mentz, Schonborn, I., 39.
* This was communicated by Chigi in his *report in code of
January 10, 1648, loc. cit. On the pressure exercised by
Maximilian, cf. Odhner, 281.
THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA. 121
nor that of the Pope appeared in the instrument of a peace

by which, as he lamented, a deep wound was inflicted on the
it was mentioned.^
Catholic religion every time
was not only the compliance of the Emperor, Bavaria
It
and the Elector of Mayence which caused the religious and

political clauses of the treaty to turn out to so great a dis-
advantage for the ancient Church. Of no less consequence
was the fact that the hopes which many fervent Catholics
in Germany had placed on Catholic France turned out to have
been in vain.- In this connection a remark of the French
ambassador. Longueville, speaks volumes. When there was
question of giving the rich abbey of Hirschfeld to the Land-
gravine Amalia of Hesse-Kassel, a lady who was the object
of the ambassador's particular goodwill, Wartenberg repre-
sented to him that it did not redound to the honour of the
Most Christian King to rob Christ and His Mother of their
garments in order to deck out with them a heretical woman.
Longueville replied that it was impossible to do too much
for so virtuous a lady.^ The French diplomatists only thought
of their political interests and in this respect they secured
—
nearly all they wanted the Rhine frontier, the utter weaken-
ing of the imperial federation and the reduction to impotence
of the imperial power. The fate of their German co-religionists
left them cold. The Swedes were more far-sighted whilst :
pursuing their political ends no less keenly than the French,

they at the same time lent the strongest support to their
Protestant co-religionists.
^ *Chigi to Marcello Virgilio Malvezza, December 4, 1648,

in Cod. A. IL, 29, Chigi Lib. Cf. ibid., the *letter to nuncio
Bentivoglio at Florence, November 13, 1648. In Cod. A. II.,
28, 350 seq.

p. *Elegia Chisii super pacem Westphal, sent to
Altoviti on September 18, 1648. To Albizzi Chigi wrote on
November 29, 1649 " Del resto gli fautori dellinfausta pace
: . . .
si avvedran, crcde, di aver donate piu con essa agli Svezzesi x

volte tanto di quel che non potevano havere con la guerra. '
[A ccad. '
dei Lincei. Mem., class, di scienze mor. 3, Series I [1877], 395).

" Israel, Adami, 60.
^ See Adami, ed. Meiern, Lipsiac, 1737, c. 27.
The Peace of Westphalia, " the worst humihation Germany

had ever experienced nntil then," ^ meant the definitive
wreck of the Cathohc restoration the triumph of which had
seemed so near at hand only a score of years earlier. It set
the seal on the system, first introduced by the Protestant
party, of the princes' dominion over religion and con-
science.^ The fresh confirmation of the so-called religious
peace of Augsburg meant the solemn recognition of the
fundamental principle of the new system of territorial
Churches :
" Who owns the territory orders the religion,"
a principle with no other check except the basic year 1624.

Apart from the fact of possession guaranteed by this time
limit, every Estate of Empire, even the smallest, secured
the right to determine the faith of its subjects so that every
Catholic could be compelled by his Protestant lord, every
Protestant by his Catholic lord, either to change his religion
or to emigrate. This " right to reformwhich in 1555 had
",
been guaranteed only to the Catholic Estates of Empire and

to those of the Confession of Augsburg, was now extended to
the followers of Calvin. That which the peace treaty secured
for the victors, the Swedes and the French, in the political
sphere, viz. an extreme weakening of the Empire through
territorial losses and its disintegration into several hundred
small States, was completed by the religious divisions. The
German people, once so strong in the oneness of its faith,
was now definitely split up into Catholics, Lutherans and
Calvinists the price of the juridical existence of the new
:
was the impotence of the Empire.^

religion
An enormous injury to the Church and her rights was
implied in the fact that the peace treaty included the ratifica-
tion of the treaty of Passau and the religious peace of Augsburg
and that January 1st, 1624, was fixed as the norm for the
practice of religion and the ownership of ecclesiastical goods.
^ Kaser, Das Zeitaltev der Reformation und Gegenrejormation,

Gotha, 1922, 204.
- DoLLiNGER, Kirche und Kirchen, 58 seq.
2 Opinion of Stegemann, Der Kampf itm den Rhein., Berlin,
1925, 236.
THK CHURCH S LOSSES. I23
In consequence of the latter disposition only the following

free cities remained Catholic in their entirety : Cologne,
Aix-la-Chapelle and a few small towns of Empire in Swabia.
As against this the Protestants became sole masters at
Hamburg, Liibeck, Goslar, Miihlhausen, Nordhausen, Worms,
Spires, Wctzlar, Swiibisch-Hall, Heilbronn, Reutlingen,
Wimpfen, Schweinfurt, Nuremberg together with its con-
siderable territory, Ulm and Lindau. Frankfort on the
Main remained almost wholly Protestant but the Collegiate
Church of St. Bartholomew, in which the election and
coronation of the Emperors was wont to take place, as well
as a few other churches, were left to the Catholics. The same
thing happened at Ratisbon where Protestants were in the
majority. In the religiously mixed Cities of Empire, Augsburg.
Dinkelsbiihl, Ravensburg, Biberach and Kaufbeuren, the
posts of councillors and other offices were to be equally
divided between the Catholics and the Protestants.^
Even more sensible were the losses of the Catholic Church
with regard to ecclesiastical property with which, as Chigi
lamented, the congress trafficked in a manner that cried to
heaven, 2 so much so that a contemporary could write : "To
pass the time, these gentlemen play with bishoprics and
monasteries as boys play with nuts and marbles." ^ Only
the four archdioceses of Mayence, Treves, Cologne and Salz-
burg were saved from the wreck, together with the dioceses
of Bamberg, Wiirzburg, Worms, Eichstatt, Spires, Strass-
burg, Constance, Augsburg, Freissing, Ratisbon, Passau,
Trent, Brixen, Bale, Liege, Chur, Hildesheim, Paderborn,
'
Whilst at Augsburg ^Maximilian insisted on the execution
of the clauses of the peace treaty concerning religious parity
and withheld his protection from recalcitrant Catholics, he
resisted with the utmost energy the Swedish demands for the
free exercise of their religion by the Protestant subjects of the
Upper Palatinate which had only been re-Catholicized since
January i, 1624. Riezler, V., 652 seq Doeberl, I. (1906),
;
567 seq.
• Chigi to Abbatc Altoviti, August 28, 1648, Cod. A. II., 28,
Chigi Lib. ^ Adami, ed. Meiern, c. 26.
Miinster and Osnabriick, though for the latter place the truly
monstrous arrangement was made that the see should always
be held alternately by a Catholic and a Protestant Bishop ^ !
Of the abbeys the following remained in Catholic hands :
Fulda, Stablo, Korvei, Priim, Kempten, Ellwangen, Berchtes-

gaden, Weissenburg, and the two principalities of the Teutonic
Order and the Order of St. John. On the other hand the
Catholics lost besides the vast bulk of the " mediate " ecclesi-
astical which had been appropriated by the
possessions
princes and the towns, the " immediate " archbishoprics
of Magdeburg and Bremen and the bishoprics of Liibeck,
Halberstadt, Verden, Meissen, Naumburg, Merseburg, Lebus,
Brandenburg, Havelberg, Minden, Kammin, Schwerin, the
Abbeys of Hirschfeld, Walkenried, Gandersheim, Quedlin-
burg, Herford and Gernrode.
In presence of these gigantic losses, which were now legally
sanctioned by the treaty of peace, the Pope and his repre-
sentative would have failed in their duty had they remained
silent. The fact that Chigi had stayed away from the decisive
negotiations ^ achieved as little as did the protests of about a
score of Cathohc Estates.^ Consequently, foreseeing what was
1 " Scelerata alternativa," Chigi calls these dispositions in
his *report in code of October 1648 (Papal Sec. Arch.). Cf.

i6,
F. Freckmann, Die capitulatio perpetua ttnd ihre verfassungs-

geschichtliche Bedeutiing filr das Hochstift Osnabriick (1648-1650),
Osnabriick, 1906.
- See Chigi's *report in code, October 25, 1648, loc. cit.
^ Israel, Adanii, 81 ; Widmann, Salzburg, 297 seq. Chigi

would have liked the Catholics to refrain from signing this he;
says himself in his *report in code of October 16, 1648. On

October 30 he wrote to Rome " Quanto a questa soscrittione,
:
io nel male godo che tanti buoni cattolici habbiano protestato,

i quali saranno forse due dozzine. Ho obligatione a Monsignore
vescovo d'Osnaburgh, che ha tenuto saldo, e a quel di Trento
e di Brissenone, che son dependuti da me espressamente. Ancora
I'arciduca Leopoldo per quello di Argentina e di Alberstat, ha
rimesso il suo agente al consiglio di Mgr. vescovo d'Osnaburgh,
et con questo ha fatto le sue proteste, le quali tutte si puo sperare
in Dio che gioveranno in qualche tempo ." Chigi Lib., loc. cit.
. .
PAPAL PROTESTS. 125
to come, Chigi had drawn up from the bcginnirif^ a general

protest against every injury that might be done to tlie Church
and to her rights ^
; its definitive form had been left to his
discretion by Rome.^ Even before the conclusion of the
negotiations, on October 14th, 1G48, Chigi made a solemn
protest which he repeated on October 26th. ^ In it the nuncio
called to witness the delegates of the Catholic Powers, and
Contarini in particular, that lest by his presence he should have
seemed to give some kind of approval to the negotiations,
he had mostly absented himself from them and had refused
to sign them.
The first protest, that of October 1 1th, was approved by
the Pope as soon as he received the text of it, in fact the
Pontiff exhorted Chigi to repeat it publicly on some future
occasion seeing that, as a result of the deplorable compliance
of the Catholics, the agreements were doing grievous injury
' See above, p. 119.

* Pallavicino I., 137. Cf. Brom III., 451, 456.
' Both protests are printed in Conring, De pace perpetiia,
Helmstadii, 1657, ^^^ seqq. De pace civili, ibid., 1677, 371 seqq.
;
The protest of October 26, 1648, in Italian, in Pallavicino,

I., 138 seq., in Latin, in Brom, III., 448 seq., and previously in
PoLLiDORUS, Vita F. Chisii, in A". Raccolta d'opusc. scientifici,

1\'.,Venezia, 1758, 3:5 seq. On October 16, 1648 {decif. Nov. 6)
Chigi reports to Rome " *PubIicandosi assai chiaramente
:
i pregiuditii fatti alia religion cattolica dagli Stati cattolici in

Osnaburgh, sotto la guida del Magontino e del Bavaro, ho stimato
bene far nuova protesta con solenne istromento nella forma, che
rappresentcra la copia autentica che mando, riserbandomi a fame
altra, se qua ancora siano i medesimi ratificati o soscritti, come
par che siano pronti a fare." On 30 Oct. he writes " *Mando :
i fogli, CO quali mando anco la nuova protestazione che ho stimato
bene reiterare per altro pubblico instrumento ch'e I'unico rimedio,

che dopo ogni opera adoperata, pcrch6 non seguano pregiuditii i
alia s. religione, potiamo adoperare con gli huomini che per

preservare la ragione e per consolare in parte il zelo sanctissimo
(li S. B"^, gia che per altro non potra godere intiero di questa
pace . .
." Pad 24, Papal Sec. Arch.
to the Catholic rehgion.^ For these reasons, the Secretary of

State wrote on November 14th and 21st that the Pope could
derive no pleasure from the settlement, though he appreciated
Chigi's conduct most highly. ^ There is as yet no mention in
these Briefs of a protest by the Pope. Rome precipitated
nothing. It was only in January, 1649, that a congregation
of Cardinals, presided over by the Pope, decided that Chigi's
protests should be confirmed by a solemn Bull though the
nuncio was instructed to keep this document secret for the
time being.^ Chigi made a third protest on February 19th,
1649, on the occasion of the ratification of the treaty of
peace.* All three protests were approved in Rome by all the
Cardinals,^ and this approval was renewed in March. *^
1 " *E alia S'^ Sua sommamente deplorabile il danno che alia
religione cattolica reca la facilita de' cattolici nelle continue

cessioni che sempre con augmento si stabiliscono a favore degli
heretici per il capitolato della pace fra le corone coUegate e
rimperio, e V. S. ha corrisposto al desiderio del sue ministerio
nell'astenersi dalla mediatione e nel fare solenne protesta a
pregiuditii della nostra s. fede. Egli dove proseguire," etc.
Panzirolo a Chigi, dated November 7, 1648, Cod. A. II. , 47,

Chigi Lib.
* letter of November 14, 1648, in Cod. A. II.,
The
~
47 {loc. cit.) ;
that ofNovember 21, in Brom, III., 449 seq. The peace was at
once universally condemned in Rome, see Servantius, *Diaria,
Papal Sec. Arch., and Deone, *Diario, 1649, Cod. XX. III., 21,
Bibl. Casanat. The reproach passivity here made against Chigi
was quite unjustified.
3 " *Nella congregazione fu col parere di 9 cardinali deliberate
da S. S'^ di confermar con una bolla apostolica in amplissima
forma li protesti di V. S., questo pero finch e non si mandi ad
effetto, dovere ella tenerlo in se." Panzirolo a Chigi, January 9,
1649, Cod. A. II., 47, Chigi Lib.
• Text in Garampi,
94.
^ " *Nella congregatione di stato tenutasi avanti N. S. furono
lette le proteste fatte e reiterate costi e commendate da tutti

signori cardinali, come prima erano da N. S. state approvate."
Panzirolo to Chigi, January 9, 1649, loc. cit.
^ Panzirolo a Chigi, *cifre of March 6 and 13, 1649, Cod. A. II.,
47, loc. cit.

CHIGI LEAVES MUNSTER. I27
In view of the fact that most of the delegates, even Con-

tarini himself, had left Miinster, Cliigi also begged to be
allowed to return to Italy. Permission was given him on
September 11th, 1649, but it was at once cancelled,^ inas-
much as the French desired the presence of a papal repre-
sentative in view of the peace negotiations between France and
Spain, a happy issue of which Innocent X. also had very much
at heart. Consequently Chigi decided to go to Aix-la-Chapelle,
but a serious illness prevented him from doing so at the
beginning of November, as he had intended, so he only got
there a month later. ^ In consequence of the peace being so
unfavourable to the Church, he left very quietly on
December 13th, 1649.^ The famous baths and the mild
climate of the imperial city agreed with him so well that
he decided to stay. * But though his great diplomatic skill
won him the continued confidence of both hostile Powers, all
' P.M.L.AViciNO, I., 145 scq., where theiê is also Chigi's letter
to the Emperor, dated May 7, 1649, refusing the present intended

for him, since was a principle with him to decline even the
it
smallest gift Brom, III. ,454 seq. Cf. also Chigi's *letter to
; cf.
M. V. Malvczzi, dated Aachen, December 24, 1649, loc. cit. Cf. a

letter of the same date to Albizzi in Atti dei Lincei, Scienze
Dior. Mon., I., 396.
- Macchia. Relazioni del P. Sforza Pallavicino con Fabio
Chigi, Torino 1907.
' See his letter of December 24, 1649, in IMacchia, loc. cit.,
and in Ciampi, Epistolario, 395. Cf. Reumont, Fabio Chigi
(Papst Alexander VII.) in Deuischland, Aachen, 1885, 15 seq.
*
Cf. besides the letters published by Campori [CIII. Lettere,
52 seq.), Chigi's *reports to Panciroh, 1650-1651, in Pad, 26-8,
Papal Sec. Arch. These reports substantially supplement
Keumont's data in the work quoted in the preceding note, who
for Chigi's relations with Mazarin and the Dane Corfits Ulfeldt
also uses the letters in Ciampi. Chigi's recall to Rome only
occurred on September 9, 1651 (Brom, III., 475). Chigi *reports
on his journey in a *letter to Albizzi, dated Frankfort, October 14,
1651. Cod. A. I., 22, loc. cit. On memories of Alexander VII.
at Aachen cf. J. Laurent, Aachener Stadtrechnungen aiis dcm.
14 Jahrb., .Aaclicn, 1866, 45.
^
his efforts to reconcilethem failed. ^ The papal intervention

was completely put in jeopardy when Mazarin requested the
Dutch to mediate. 2 Although the situation looked hopeless,
the Pope, to leave nothing undone, issued on November 26th,
1650, a fresh exhortation to peace to the Kings of France and
Spain, to Olivares, Mazarin and other influential persona-
lities.^ Chigi's happy solution of the difficulties in connexion
with the election of a co-adjutor for Treves was a fine success

for him,* but his pleasure was completely spoilt for him by
his having to witness the execution of the fatal peace of
Westphalia. His letters of the period are full of bitter laments
over the " tragedy of Germany ", an ever recurrent theme

in them being his grief that it was chiefly Bavaria which, by
its readiness to yield, induced the Protestants to demand ten
times more than they had dared at first.
Meanwhile the Bull protesting against the peace treaty was

being withheld, for its pubhcation would have raised grave
still
dangers so long as the Swedish troops remained in Germany.

The imperial ambassador Savelli, in defence of the Emperor,
Pallavicino, I., 148. Cf. Macchia, 65. On March, 1650,

^
Chigi * wrote to L. Allacci " Dissi, nisi videro et tetigero. Cosi

:
e stato, perch e dope tre mesi non se ne parla piu e le parti non
pensano che alia campagna." Arch, of Greek College, Rome.
2 Brom, III., 465.
^ *Epist., VII. -VIII., Papal Sec. Arch. On December 30,
1653, Innocent X. renewed his exhortations to peace in *Briefs
addressed to the Kings of France and Spain (ibid.).
* Pallavicino, I., 150 seq. Baur, Sotern, II., 286 seq., ;
335 seq. ; Reumont, loc. ctt., 28 seq.

*
Cf. Chigi's *letters to Albizzi, dated Aachen, January 14,
March 12, and September 17, 1650, Chigi Lib. On June 24,
1651, Chigi *vvrites to Albizzi from Aachen {ibid., Cod. A. I., 22) :
" Quella infame pace di Munster che tanto cede agli heretici,
dopo haver essi eseguito eccessivamente tutto cio che era a lor
pro, e dopo haver impedito I'esecutione di quel poco che era a
favor dei cattolici restate, ecco che hanno rotta sfacciatamente
assalendo Brandeburg gli stati di Giuliers all'improvviso.
O tempora, o mores !
" On July 29, 1651 he writes to *Albizzi :
SAVELLI EXCUSES THE EMPEROR. I29
pleaded liis whilst at tiie same time he

diflicult ])osition ^
drew a forceful picture of the strength of the enemy and the

weakness of the Catholics who, he told Innocent X., would
presently appeal to Rome for assistance. In order to get the
Bull suspended he had recourse to the support of Cardinal
Capponi whom the Pope held in high esteem at that time.
The Cardinal drew attention to the advantages which would
accrue to religion in the Imperial Hereditary States out of the
peace ; these would outweigh the loss of the North German
dioceses which could only be held by means of an endless war.
Savelli believed that in this way the Pope would become
reconciled to the peace treaty for the unfavourable clauses
of which Bavaria was held chiefly responsible, as a result of
" Ho fatto una solenne risata in leggere, che si trovasse prelati,

che faccssoro condoglienza, con Papa Urbane VHI.
la S*^ di
per la morte del Re di Suetia parendomi una scempiaggine
dcllo stile di quelli che diceva mi Papezzo, mi Papezzo,
:
e non \'oIendo sospettare di altro sense maligne che havesse

il complimentatore sotto la niaschera di quella semplicita.
Certo e che io trovai in Germania 12 anni sono religiesi gravi
che havevano prestato fede a relationi di lioUanda, che ivi si
fosse un reggimente cen le chiavi e con le api tanto seno stolidi :
anco i men mal .sensati. Ma quanto al lodare rimperatore ed

il Duca di Baviera, c che hanno fatto bene a far questa pace e
che non potevano far altrimenti, e che Caramuel parla da S. Tom-

maso, si sparge che siano prelati e cardinali, e molti^ e cosi si
scri\e poi in Germania, centre le quali voci ie sgride e centradice
piii (li prima, come ho pur accennato a Palazzo piu velte. Sia
liencdetto il cardinal di Cueva che si serviva di vomitorie il
leggere le due paci di Miinster." On October 25, he writes :
" *ln Francoforte mi scusai di dar audientia a quei deputati

principali auteri della pace di Munster." On Maximilian's deter-
mined attitude towards the execution of the peace in the Upper
Palatinate and at Augsburg, see Rikzler, V., 651 scq.
* " *Di che S. 11 se ben non contenta non ha ricusato affatto
di appagarsene, sapende t|uant() sia il zelo di \'. M. Ces. e di

tutte I'august. sue sangue verso la religione ct rispetto verso
la S. Sede." Savelli to Ferdinand HI., dated Rome, March 6,
1649, State Arch., \'ienna.
VOL. XXX. K
its forcing the Emperor to yield. ^ Grave accusations were

also made at the Curia against the Elector of Mayence.^
After the evacuation of Germany by the Swedes had begun,
as a result of the decree for the execution of the peace treaty
published at Nuremberg on June 26th, 1650, the Pope gave
orders, on August 20th, for his protest against the peace
treaty to be sent to all the nuncios so that they might publish
the judgment of the Holy See.^ However, this was not done in
the form of a solemn Bull, as had at first been intended, but
by a simple Brief.* Chigi's proposal of the publication of a
fourth protest was declined by Rome.^ The Brief, retrodated
to November 26th, 1648,® did not condemn the peace as such,
nor all its articles, but only those which injured the Church.
The agreements and decisions arrived at at Osnabriick and
Miinster, the document states, have given great pain to the
Pope because they gravely curtail and injure the Catholic
religion and its exercise, the Apostolic See, the Roman Church
and its subordinate Churches, the ecclesiastical state, the
1 This according to a hitherto unknown *report of L. Pappus to

Ferdinand III., of September 20, 1652, in State Arch., Vienna.
2 Deone *Diario, 1649, Cod. XX. III., 21, of Bibl. Casanat.
3 Panciroli to Chigi, Brom, III., 463.
August 20, 1650, in
* The frequently made statement, the most recent instance
being Mirbst [Quellen, 202), that Innocent X. had protested
with a Bull, is erroneous the document is a Brief dated Romae
; . . .
sub annulo piscatoris.

^ " *Io proposi 3 settimane fa di fare una quarta protesta
contro la esecuzione della pace, come havevo fatte le tre ante-
cedenti contro la sottoscrittione di Osnabruk, contro altra di

Munster e contro la ratificazione dei principi stessi, e ne chiedeva
la formula a palazzo ben e vero che voleva attendere che fossero
;
gli Suedesi usciti di Germania per liberarne che doppo essa non
facessero renuntiare gli stati cattolici anco a questa, come ultima-

mente si fecero renuntiare a Norimberga alle altro tre." Con-
fidential letter of Chigi to Albizzi, assessore del S. Officio,
September 17, 1650, Cod. A. I., 22, Chigi Lib.
* Meieren, Acta pacts execiit. publ., II., Gottingen, 1737,
781 seq. Bull., XV., 603 seqq. (with several misprints which
;
alter the meaning), and elsewhere see Menzel, VIII., 242.

;
THE PAPAL PROTEST. I3I
jurisdiction, liberties, privileges, possessions, goods and

rights of the Catholic Church. They surrender for all time to
the heretics and their successors the property of the Church
seized by them. In a number of localities the adherents of the
Confession of Augsburg obtain the free exercise of their
heretical religion and the right to erect churches ; they share
with the great many dioceses and other
Catholics a
and benefices as well as the right of
ecclesiastical dignities
first requests {jus primarum precum) which the Apostolic
See had granted the Emperor Ferdinand. As against this

We are precluded from our rights in regard to the Annates,
pallium fees, the papal months and reservations in the
ecclesiastical property of the followers of the Confession of
Augsburg ;
confirmation of elections or postulations to the
confiscated archbishoprics and bishoprics and prelatures is
attributed to the secular authorities of the aforesaid

Confession ; many archbishoprics, bishoprics, abbeys,
bailiwicks, commendas, canonrics, and other ecclesiastical
benefices and properties are granted in perpetuity as secular
fiefs to heretical princes and their heirs, the ecclesiastical right
of nomination being revoked." The extension of the College

of Electors and the bestowal of a new electoral title, the
eighth, to a Protestant prince, is disapproved and a protest
lodged against it by reason of its having been done without the
consent of the Holy See. Finally the Brief declares null and
\oid the clause by the terms of which no law, be it ecclesiastical
or civil, general or particular, no conciliar decree, monastic
Rule, oath, concordat with the Pope or any secular or
ecclesiastical decree, dispensation, absolution or exception of
any kind could be adduced, heard or received against the peace
and any of its articles.^
Other princes also raised their protests, as for instance
Duke Charles of Mantua, Duke Charles of Lorraine, the King
of Spain, the Archbishop of Salzburg and others. All these
protests, like that of the Pope, had not for their object the
• Research in the archives was made on this point in Rome ;
Arch. Rom., HI., 27 seq., 30 seqq.

I3!2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
peace but merely some of its clauses.

itself Since these
inflicted enormous an injury on the Church, its Head
so
could not have remained silent without failing in his duty,
hence the blame to which Innocent X. was subjected by
reason of his protest ^ was quite unjustified ^ and even non-
Catholics have slowly come to see that in his position the
Pope could not have acted otherwise.^ The papal protest
yielded no practical result. The Emperor Ferdinand forbade
its publication,* the Archbishop of Treves being the first, but
also the last German Bishop to pubhsh it.^ A number of

theologians also were of opinion that in practice the papal
condemnation of the peace amounted to no more than a
censure or a disapproval.®
^ List of polemical writings in Conring, loc. cit. Schrockh,

;
Kirchengesch., III., Leipzig, 1805, 402 seq. The Examen Bullae

of John Hoornbeeck (Ultraiecti, 1653) comprises 300 pages.
2 Phillips, Kirchenrecht, III., 450 seq., 476 ;
Dollinger,
Kirche u. Kitchen, 49 seq. ; Hergenrother, Kirche und Staat,
703-711 ; Malet, Hist. dipl. de l Europe au 17^ et IS^ siecles,
I., Paris, 161. Cf. also Grauert, Konigin Christine, I., 251 seq.
The protest was likewise justified on the ground that since the
peace there existed the possibility of a Protestant Emperor ;
see GxJNTER, in Hist. Jahrbuch, XXVII., 380.

^ K. A. Menzel writes (VIII.,
244) that " the Pope was only
anxious to fulfil the duty of his office and to do, as Head of the
Church, what no head of any other body could have omitted in
similar circumstances without rendering himself liable to the
reproach of neglect of duty." Hiltebrandt {Qiiellen tmd For-
schungen, XL, 321) says that " from the standpoint of view of the
Curia Innocent X.'s protest was a natural step." See also
Erdmannsdorffer, Deutsche Gesch., I, Stuttgart, 1892, 6 seq.,
and Pflugk-Harttung, Weltgeschichte, Neiizeit, II., loi seq.

* Meiern, VI., 794. When the Vienna nuncio handed the
protest to the Emperor, it seemed to the Venetian ambassador
" che non malvolentieri la riceve " {Fontes rer. Austr. Dipl.,
XXVI., 395).
Baur, Sotern, I., 291.
'•
Dollinger, Kirche iind

« Kirchcn, 62 ; Hergenrother,
Kirchengesch., IIP 744. .,
PROTESTANT GRIEVANCES. I33
Notwithstanding the enormous gains wliicli the Peace of

Westphaha guaranteed to the Protestants, the latter remained
unsatisfied. They regretted, on the one hand, the maintenance
of the ecclesiastical reservation which put a stop to further
secularizations, and on the other the decision in regard to
the Protestants in the imperial Hereditary States. When the
Emperor began to carry the latter into effect by means of the
edict on religion of January 4th, 1652,^ strong complaints and
protests were raised by the Protestant party and these came
up for discussion at the Diet of Ratisbon, the first to be held
after the conclusion of peace.
The Pope's representative at that assembly was the new
nuncio in Vienna Scipione d'Elce, Archbishop of Pisa, a
splendid man,^ whose task it was to prevent further injury
to the Catholic cause.'' In April, 1653, a warning letter in the
same sense was dispatched to the Emperor.* Before the
Diet opened the discussion of questions of religion, the nuncio,
toward the end of August, issued yet another solemn protest
dated May 17th, 165.3, against those clauses of the Peace of
Westphalia which were to the disadvantage of Catholics.^
Wiedemann, V., 25
^ scq. Menzel, VIII., 277
; seq. ;
Grunhagen, II., 318 scq. ; Stieve, Abhandlungcn, 293 scq. ;
Lehmann, Preitssen, I., 55 seq.

*
Cf. Ponies rer. Aiistr. DipL, XXVI., 406. Since some time
already Ferdinand III. had kept no ambassador in Rome ;
relations between the two courts were not lively see ibid., 395. ;
'
Cf. Elce's *report, dated Ratisbon, April 28, 1653, Barb.
61 1 2, p. 41 seq., Vat. Lib. all Elce's *reports from
Copies of
1652-1657 aLso 19-20 of Corsini Library, Rome
in Cod. 33 D.,
[cf. Lammer, Zur Kirchengcsch., 170 seq.) and Barb. 6109-61 12,
loc. cit. In the latter codex, p. 132 seqq. : *Osservazioni hist,
dclle cose piii notabili occorse in Germama et alia corte dell'impcratore

durante la numiatura di Msgr. arcivescovo di Pisa. See also
Imuedensburg, Regestcn, VI., 103, 105, 107, no seq. Elce's
*Diarium nuntiat. apud imperatorem, 1652-1658, in Vat. 10423,
p. 105-318, Vat. Lib. ; *Letters of Elce during his nunciature in
\'at. 10440, ibid.
* See Elce's *rep()rt of April 7, 1653, Corsini Lib.
* On September i, 1653, IClcc *reports from Ratisbon to
^
Besides the situation within the Empire, rehgious conditions

in Bohemia and Hungary also claimed the nuncio's anxious
attention just then. In Bohemia, where merchants from
Hamburg sought to spread Protestantism, the Capuchin
Valerian Magni and the Jesuits showed great zeal, in the
^
spirit of the Catholic restoration. The Jesuits counselled

gentleness in the attempts at conversion ; so did Cardinal
Harrach, but the latter's adviser, Caramuel y Lobkowitz, and
the lieutenants were for stern measures. Though the Emperor
Ferdinand gave his approval to the lieutenants' proposals,
he nevertheless substantially altered some of their provisions.
Like the Peace of Westphalia, the religious compromise
Cardinal Pamfili Ancorche non si sia ancora stabilito in

:
'
Dieta punto della deputazione per le cose ecclesiastiche, non-

il
diraeno potendo essere che segua ad ogn'hora e si dia principio

al trattato di questa materia, stimai bene due giorni sono di fare
la mia protesta alia presenza di due notari et di quattro testimonii
nella forma che mando qui acclusa a V. Emza e perche mi e
state confermato da molti che nelle capitolazione giurate dal
Re de' Romani in Augusta e non pubblicate pero sin'hora in
Dieta, vi sia stata tra I'altre cose aggiunta Tosservanza dell'instru-
mento della pace di Munster e di tenerla per leggi fondamentali
dell'imperio, mi I'Emza Vra
e parse d'inserirvi quelle parole che
vedra lineate, senza venire a maggier specificatione dell'atto
cesi consigliato da questi bene affetti alia Santa Sede, per nen
esservi esempio che nelle capitolatieni passate li ministri
apostelici habbine mai interpeste simili proteste, non ostante vi
fussere inscritti punti pregiuditiali alia religione. Ma, se giudi-
chera bene Vostra Eminenza che se ne debba fare maggier
dichiaratiene, stare attendende i suoi comandamenti, gia che
conserve appresse di me la protesta, senza haveria per anche
publicata. Barb. 6112, p. 66^-7, Vat. Lib. Cf. Lundorp, VII.,
717 ; F. Garampi, 94.
^ Lammer, Zur Kirchengeschichte, 170.
2 ScMiDL, v., 661 seqq., 668 seqq., 672 ; Rezek in Mitteil. des
Vereins fiir die Gesch. der Deutschen in Bohmen, XXXI., Lit. 16 ;
Radda, Zur Gcsch. des Protestantismus in Teschcii, Teschen,

1885 ; Redlich, VI., 219 seqq. ; Kross in Zcitschr. fiir Kath.
Theologie, XL., 772 seq.
THE CHURCH IN HUNGARY. I35
realized in Hungary by means of the Peace of Linz and the

Recess of Empire (Rcichsabschied) of 1G17, satisfied neither
Catholics nor Protestants. It guaranteed to the Protestants
and Calvinists and considerably extended the
a legal status
concessions already granted to them but failed to meet all
their wishes inasmuch as the Catholic Church preserved her
dominant position, whilst the most dreaded of their enemies,
the Jesuits, whom it had been hoped to uproot, also retained
their possessions and all their strong positions. The clergy,
trained as they had been by the Jesuits, co-operated with them
whilst the Primate, George Lippay, was resolved to work in
the spirit of Pazmany. In 10 li) Lippay founded a general
Seminary for the Hungarian clergy at Tyrnau, its direction
being entrusted to the Jesuits.^ The Jesuits displayed great
acti\-ity not only at 'I'yrnau, the heart of Catholic Hungary,
but likewise at Pressburg, Odcnburg, Raab, Warasdin, Agram,

Trentschin, Neusohl, Kaschau and I'ngvar. Despite every
obstacle they were indefatigable in strengthening the faithful,
supporting the waverers and bringing back the apostates.
They even succeeded in getting a foothold in the Turkish
territory of Fiinfkirchen, and their missionary activity also
extended itself to Moldavia.- Innocent X. had shown his
concern for the Catholics of that province already in 1()15 ^ ;
he also supported the Franciscans in Wallachia.'' Amid the

appalling misery and decay (;f the ravaged German Empire,
the Jesuits, with undismayed courage, were busy rebuilding
what had been destroyed and, notwithstanding e\-ery difficulty,
they continued their pastoral, educational and scientific
* Krones in Archiv. fi'tr ostcrr. Gesch., I, XXIX (1893), 281 seqq.,

307 seqq. On Lippay sec Frikdknsbukg, Regesten, V., 68, 100,
102.
* Krones, loc. cit., 311 scqq., 321 seqq., 324 seq., 339 scq.,
345 5^^. Cf. id., Zur Gesch. dcs Jesiiitenordens in Ungavn scit dem
Linzer Frieden, Vienna, 1893.
^ *Brief to " princeps Moldaviae ", May 20, 1645, Epist., I.,
Papal Sec. Arch.

* *I^ricf to " i)rinc('p.s Walachiac ", ^hly 20, 1646, F.pist., I.
loc. cit.
^
work. The most recent research has shown liow, true to their
old wherever they laboured, they worked most
ideals,
beneficially for the well-being of a generation that had sunk to
a very low level.
Innocent X. gave particular support to the Jesuit seminaries
at Braunsberg, Vienna, Prague, Olmiitz, and Dillingen,^ for
he knew how much depended on the formation of a well-
trained clergy. With a view to a general regeneration of the
German clergy he addressed, on April 4th, 1652, a circular
letter to the German Bishops, exhorting them, by means of
synods and visitations, to see to it that the reform decrees of
Trent were carried into effect.^ During the latter stages of the
Thirty Years' War the ecclesiastical authorities had sought to
stem the moral decay of the population by means of popular
missions ^ now that peace had been restored, missionaries,
;
especially Jesuits, with the encouragement of the Bishops,

zealously devoted themselves to the unobtrusive and exacting
task of giving such missions.^ Ecclesiastical restoration began
on all sides. In the dioceses of Miinster, Paderborn and the
part of the diocese of Cologne situate on the right bank of the
Rhine, the Franciscans established new convents and wherever
this was at all possible, they likewise founded mission stations
in the Protestant districts.^
1 See the documented presentment in Duhr, Geschichte, III.,

660 seqq.
- *Chirografo d' Innocenzo X. con Tordine fermo per le provi-
sioni de' seminarii, Arch, of Propaganda 362, p. 17.
June 12, 1646,
^Deutsche Geschichtshldtter by Tille, XVI, (1915), 10 seqq.
The reform was also furthered by the efforts of the Swiss nuncios
to secure for the stricter Order of the Jesuits in the Canton of
Lucerne some of the rights enjoyed by the Cistercians, which
led to dissensions that brought to light Innocent X.'s opposition
to France cf. V. Liebenau in Jahrbitcher fiir Schiveiser Gesch.,
;
XI. (1886), 167 seqq., 184.

* Duhr, Gesch., II., 2, 38 seqq.
5 Duhr in Hist. lahrh., XXXVII. (igi6), 601 ; id. Gesch.,
III., 660 seqq.
^ Hist.-poUt. Blatter, LXXXVII., 312; Woker, Gesch. der
novddeutschen Franziskanermissionen, Freiburg, 1880.
CONVERSIONS. I37
One of the most remarkable phenomena of the period

following the Peace of Westphalia is the return to the ancient
Church of many distinguished and influential men in Germany.
In the course of a few 3'ears the followingwere converted :
the Silesian Christoj^h, Count of Rantzau, the Westphalian

Johann von der Recke, George Christian, Landgrave of Hesse,
John Frederick, Duke of Brunswick-Liineburg, Duke Ulrich
of Wiirttemberg and his daughter Mary Anne, Ernest,
Landgrave of Hesse-Rheinfels, a great-nephew of bigamous
Philip of Hesse, the Governor of Silesia, Count von Wetzhausen,
George Frederick Philip von Griesheim, Gustaf Adolf, Count
zu Nassau-Saarbriickcn, the Chancellor of Majênce, Johann
Christian von Boynebnrg, the archaeologist and historian
Hcinrich Julius Blume, the Countesses Palatine Elizabeth
.\malia and Anna Sophia, the celebrated poet and contro-
versialist Angelus Silesius, author of the lofty didactic poems
of the " Cherubinische Wandersmann ", Count Johann Ludwig
of Nassau-Hadamar, the Lutheran preacher Heinrich Schacht
and many others.^
Thus the converts were for the most part highly cultivated
men and members of the upper clases,^ of whom many lived
^
Cf. Rass, VI., 366 seq., 401 seq., 449 scq., 456 seq., 465 seq.,
501 seq., 513 seqq., 526 seqq., 536 seqq., 558 seqq., 572 seqq. ;
VII., I seqq., 528 seqq., 551 seq. Also Erdmannsdorfer, I.,

480 seqq. ; Allgem. Deutsche Biogr., III., 222 seq., X., 187, XIII.,
157 seq., XIV., 177 seq. ; Heinemann, Braiinschiveig, III., 130
seq. ; Hist.-polit. Blatter, XCVII., 790 seq. ; Kocher, Gesch. von
Hannover, I., 351 seq., II., 32 seq. W. Kratz, Landgraf Ernst ;
von Hessen-Rheinfels iind die deutschen Jesuiten, Freiburg, 1914 ;
on A. Silesius see the monographs by Lindemann (1876),

Seltmann Kralik (1902), and G. Ellinger (1927).
(1896),
Cf. RiCHSTATTER Stimmeu der Zeit., CXI. (1926), 377 seqq.,
in
and in Zcitschr. fur Aszese und Mystik, III. (1928), 79-85. A
Brief of September 13, 1651, to George Christian of Homburg,
Landgrave of Hesse, congratulating him on his conversion, in
Friede.nsburg, Regesten, V., 91 ; ibid., 114 on the Princess of
Darmstadt.
- Harnack [Dogmengesch., III., 691) gives as one reason of
in circumstances that rendered conversion not easier but more

difficult ; thus Alexander Heinrich, son of Duke Alexander of
Sonderburg, who came over with his wife, forfeited his
inheritance and became so destitute that he had to appeal to
the Pope for help.^ In the case of Boyneburg, a man
distinguished both as a statesman and a scholar, it was the
idea of the necessity of the unity of the Church that led to his
conversion ^ ; he was also influenced by certain efforts to
bring about reunion such as those pursued at that time by
George Calixt. That scholar and professor at the University
of Helmstedt, who in the course of four years' travelling for
purposes of study, had become personally acquainted with
Catholic countries and who had made a thorough study of
Christian no longer stood on the platform of
antiquity,
orthodox Lutheranism. In 1645 he openly advocated his
views at the peace conference convened at Thorn by Ladislaus,
King of Poland they were to the effect that all those who
;
held fast to the Scriptures and the Apostles' Creed, or more

accurately to the faith of the first five centuries, must be
considered as brethren in the faith and cannot be excluded
from salvation.^ In the case of more than one German convert
Prince of that period, especially in that of John Frederick,
Prince of Brunswick, and the Landgrave Ernest of Hesse-
Rheinfels, the change of religious conviction was furthered
by travel in Catholic countries, especially in Italy, where
they saw Catholic personalities and Catholic institutions in a
these conversions the fact that at that period CathoUcism kept

better pace than Protestantism with the progress of cultivated
circles.
Friedensburg, Regesten, V., 80.

1
Mentz, II., 279, who insists that Boyneburg was moved by

2
real conviction and not by any personal consideration.

^
Cf. E. L. Th. Henke, Georg Calixt nnd seine Zeit., Halle,
1853-1860 ; Freib. Kirchenlex., IP., 1711 seqq. On the
colloquium of Thorn, cf. the specialized works of Ikier (Halle,
1889) and Iacobi (Gotha, 1895). Reasoned decision of Pro-
paganda on disputations with Protestants in Collect. Propag.,
I., 30 seq.
CONVERSIONS. I39
light that differed greatly from wliat they had been taught in
tlicir youth.*
When whom the Pope
Prince John Frederick of Brunswick,
recommended Emperor in a special Brief,^ informed his
to the
brothers in a letter from Rome, dated December 29th, 1652,
of his reception into the Catholic Church which had taken
place secretly in February, 1651, he gave as his reason his
realization of the unity of the Catholic Church, aChurch that
was agreement with the ancient teaching of the Fathers and
in
the Scriptures in her moral teaching, her customs and her
Sacraments, under one visible supreme Head, whereas in the
opposite camp, disunion prevailed and each day witnessed
fresh divisions which were bound to lead to the utter destruc-
tion and ruin of their beloved German fatherland. John
Frederick was refused permission to practise the Catholic
religion in private so that he had to resign himself to live
abroad.^ In like manner Landgrave Frnest of Hesse-Rheinfels,
intellectually the most distinguished prince of his time, was
shaken in his convictions by his repeated stays in Catholic
countries, though he had been brought up along strict Calvinist
lines and his tutor had taken the utmost care that he came
under no Catholic influence. He laid his scruples before three
di\ines, viz. Calixt of Helmstedt, Crocius of ^Marburg,and
Haberkorn and summoned them to enter into a
of Giessen,
disputation with the Capuchin Valerian Magni on some of the
controverted questions. Haberkorn alone consented to do so
but broke off the discussions because of Valerian's attacks on
Luther. Thereupon,
in his joy at luning found in the old
Church sure teaching as against the divided opinions of
Protestantism, Ernest, together with his wife, made profession
' Menzel, VI I r., 208.

^ Friedensburg, Regcstcn, V., 95 cf. ; 103, on the bestowal
of canonries. This shows the erroncousness of Kocher's assertion
{Allgcm. Deutsche Biographe, XIV., 178) concerning Innocent X.'s
utter indifference towards these converts.
'J. K. ScHLEGEL, Kirchcngesch. von Norddcutschlaud, HI.,

Suppl. 14 ; KocHKR, II., 372 seq.
of the Catholic faith on Trinity Sunday, 1652.^ He wrote to

the Pope him that he had openly professed the faith
to inform
from which his fathers had strayed and that he had returned
to the Lord to whom they had become disloyal. Innocent X.
congratulated him in a Brief, exhorting him at the same time to
persevere in his resolve. ^ The conversion of the Landgrave,
who admitted the Jesuits into the county of Katzenelnbogen,
nearly cost him his territory ; though he escaped this extremity
he forfeited his rights as a sovereign.^ The nuncio in Vienna,
Scipione d'Elce, energetically intervened on behalf of Ernest.*
These conversions could have no substantial bearing on the
religious situation in the Empire, were it only that since the
Peace of Westphalia the year 1624, which had been agreed
upon as the norm, had force of law. Landgrave Ernest told the
celebrated Lukas Holste in February, 1654, that his efforts to
bring the Lutheran and Calvinist preachers to a better frame
of mind had proved fruitless alone Georg Calixt had deigned
;
to send a reply. The Landgrave nevertheless resolved to get

book entitled Invitation to the Catholic
his confessor to publish a
Faith. He was however, of opinion that the Holy See should
concede Communion under both kinds as well as the marriage
of priests after the manner of the Greeks. In his letter he
likewise expressed thehope that the King of Denmark and
the Queen of Sweden, " both potentates of extraordinarily
high gifts," would come to see the futility {inept ias) of the
Protestant teaching.^ In the case of Queen Christina of Sweden
that hope was fulfilled but Innocent X. lay on his death-bed
when news of that event reached Rome.
1 Strieder, Hessische Gelehrtcn-Gcschichte, III., Gottingen,

1783, 413 seq. ; Menzel, VIII., 301 seq. ; Rommel, Leibnitz und
Landgraf Ernst von Hessen, 2 vols., Frankfort, 1847 Rass, ;
VI., 465 seq., and especially Kratz, loc. cit.

- Brief of February 17, 1652, in Friedensburg, Rcgestcn,
v., 98.
' Mentz, II., 205.
^ Seethe *Osservazioni, 188, Vat. Lib., quoted above, p. 133, n. 3.
5 Original of *letter, dated Rhcinfels, February 16, 1654, in
Barb. 3631, n. 64, Vat. Lib.
CATHOLICS IN THE NETHERLANDS. I4I
On January .'JOth, 1(1 1<S, a peace treaty between Spain and

the United States of the Netherlands was signed at Miinster,
but that settlement was so disadvantageous for the Catholic
Church in Holland that on this occasion also the nuncio lodged
a protest in the name of the Pope.^ The Spaniards had almost
completely kept the negotiations from the knowledge of the
representative of the Holy See,^ because they could obtain no
advantage for religion. As a matter of fact Spain ended by
renouncing its full sovereignty over the almost wholly Catholic
parts of Brabant, Flanders and Limburg, which it ceded to
the States General, and for its own territory it consented to
silent toleration of Protestantism. This situation was ruthlessly
exploited by the States General. Scarcely had the Treaty of
Miinster been signed when the Bishop of Ghent saw his diocese
swept by a flood of preachers, whereas at the very same time
Holland refused to admit Spanish priests, even though they
were duly provided with passports.^ Already in May, 1648,
an order of the States General had been issued throughout the
newly acquired provinces for the removal from the churches of
images, statues and other ornaments. At BoisTe-Duc all
Church property was confiscated and the expulsion of priests
and religious was a daily occurrence. All the remonstrances
of the Spanish Government on the subject proved as
unavailing * as the protest against the illegal oppression of the
Catholics in the county of Lingen. Nevertheless nuncio Chigi
continued to work in favour of the Dutch Catholics by
diplomatic means •''
but the results amounted to next to
nothing.
In July, 1648, a synod of Dutch preachers expatiated on the
dangers threatening from Rome and demanded fresh measures
against the Catholics, but the States General declared that the
'
This protest, which was .strictly kept secret for the sake of
llie Dutch Catholics who were already hard pre.ssed enough,
has only become known through Brom (III., 437 seq.), ibid., 489.
- Brom, III., 425 seq.
' HUBKRT, I 13, 158.
HuBF.RT, 115 cf. Brom, 439 seqq.
*
;
' Brom, IIL, 446 srq., 451 seq.

ordinances of August 30th, 1G41, were adequate, in fact they

agreed to a few " mitigations " of the decisions taken at that
date : thus collections for Catholic purposes were no longer to
be punishable by death and arrested Jesuits were not to be
whipped out of the country ; they were merely banished.^
In 1651 the preachers raised fresh cries of alarm on the plea
that there was reason to fear that, as in Ireland, the Catholics
were planning a massacre of the Protestants accordingly they
;
demanded the withdrawal of the few privileges still enjoyed by

the former as well as new penal laws and compulsory
attendance at Protestant services. However, the States
General rejected these measures as impossible of execution.
Though the preachers never ceased to clamour for the
destruction of the Catholics, the Government refused to stir ;
there can be no doubt that this was due to consideration for

the interests of trade. ^ The condition of the Catholics in the
Dutch Republic nevertheless remained an anxious one and it
became increasingly difficult to minister to their spiritual
needs. When, in 1649, James de la Torre, Archbishop of
Ephesus and Coadjutor of Rovenius, the Vicar Apostolic,
wished to hold a confirmation at Zijdewind in North Holland,
the Catholics had to guard him from insults. The consequence
was the banishment of the Archbishop and the Catholic
priest, the destruction of the chapel and a fine of 8,300 florins
for the burgher who had upon the Catholics to protect
called
their chief pastor.^ The tribulations of the Dutch Catholics
continued during the ensuing years.*
(2.)
Far worse were the sufferings of the Catholics in many

parts of Great Britain, but there also they maintained
1 Even the representative of the pro\-ince of Holland protested
against this measure cf. Knuttel, I., 251.
;
- Hubert, 250, 253 seq.

* See Bijdragen voor de geschiedenis van het bisdoni Haarlem,
HI., 161 seqq. On Jesuit missions in Holland, cf. Poncelet,
Les Jesuites en Belgique, 33 seqq.
* Block, V., 53, 133.
CATHOLICS IN ENGLAND. I43
themselves with " wonderful fortitude ".^ In the first years of

Innocent X. that unhappy monarch, Charles I., had given his
some hope of religious toleration, as he had
Catholic subjects
done under Urban \'III. On one occasion, in the year 1646,^
he observed to his Catholic wife that if the adherents of the
would stand by him with all their hearts, he would
old faith
promise them freedom of conscience on his royal word. At
the beginning of June, 1647, he caused a letter to be presented
to Innocent X. through Somerset, in which he prayed for
pecuniary assistance and hinted at recognition by himself both
of papalsupremacy and the Catholic faith. ^ The Pope replied
was chiefly given to Catholic princes,
that since his assistance
he prayed that God would enlighten the King so that he might
find the way to the true Church.^ When a rapprochement took
place between Cromwell and the King, Charles I. and his
army were inclined to extend the general religious freedom to
those Catholics also who were prepared to take a modified oath
of allegiance. A it had been
draft for an oath of this kind, after
examined by some Catholic theologians, was dispatched to
Rome for the Pope's approval, together with a petition bearing
> This is the opinion of tlie strict Protestant Mevkk {Propa-

ganda, II., g).
- March 12, 164C, Gardixf.r, Civil War, II., 443.
' LiNGARD, X., 418 seq. In 1645 Glamorgan showed to the
Irishnuncio Rinuccini the heading of a rojal letter which reads
thus " Beatissimo Patri Innocentio Decimo " (AiAZZi, 81).
:
A royal letter of recommcndantion for Glamorgan to Rinuccini

of April 30, 1645, ibid., 82. Already on May 10, 1645, the nuncio
of Naples was told in a *letter that the English oath was being
studied by the Inquisition [Nunziat. di Xapolt, 39 A., Pap. Sec.
Arch.). A letter from London, July 19, 1647, according to which
the Independents were ready to grant limited religious liberty
also to the Catholics, is found in Rankk, Eiigl. Gcsch., IIP., 281.
* Brief of June 29, 1647, in Innocentii X. Epist., II. -III.,
188, Pap. Sec. Arch. The hope of the conversion of Charles is
also expressed in Servantius, *Diaria of March 12, 1649, Pap.

Sec. Arch. The Catholic zeal of the Duchess of Buckingham
is commended in a *Brief of June 24, 1647, in linwccutii X.
Fpist.. II. III., 186, xfnd.
^
the signatures offifty laymen.^ Rome, however, could not

countenance the fact that laymen should presume to decide
whether in certain circumstances the Pope could absolve
subjects from their oath of allegiance to the secular power,
hence the Roman Congregation rejected the petition.
On the other hand after Urban VIII. 's death, Charles I.
no longer counted so far as the destiny of England was
concerned. Shortly before Innocent X.'s elevation the
battle of Naseby, June had dealt a decisive blow
14th, 1G45,
to English kingship. From that moment Cromwell gradually
became the real master of the country and though he lacked
the royal title, he gathered more power in his hand than any
English King had ever wielded ^ in fact the title " Emperor
;
of the British Isles " was actually suggested as an appropriate

one.*
Cromwell's conduct after his victory could but fill the
Catholics with anxious forebodings. On October 14th, 1645,
his victorious army stood before the magnificent, strongly
fortified castle of Basing House. Its owner, the Catholic
Marquis of Winchester, had remained loyal to the King ;
" Loyalty House " was the Marquis' favourite name for
his castle whereas his enemies nursed a particular hatred for

it as
" a nest of Romanists " as for Cromwell, he looked upon
;
himself, during the siege, as God's champion against the

powers of darkness, against the idolaters sheltering behind
these walls with their idols. " Let them that make them become
like unto them, and all such as trust in them," he quoted from
the psalm, in order to justify what followed the storming of
the place. After the fall of the place there was no longer
question of sparing the lives of either men or women. Six
out of the ten priests who had found a refuge in the castle
were on the spot, the others were reserved for the gallows
killed
and the knife and about a hundred of the defenders of the
^ Gardiner, Civil War, III., 187.
- Gardiner, Commonwealth, I., 90 Reusch, Index, II., 335.
;
' Sagredo in Lingard, XL,

55.
* A. D. Meyer, in Quellen xmd Forschttngen aus italienischen
Archiven, X., Rome, 1907, 235.

?
CATHOLICS IN ENGLAND. I45
castle were massacred.^ A

contemporary newspaper says that
" the enemy desired no quarter and
I beheve that they had
but httle ollercd them you must remember what they were
; ;
they were most of them Papists therefore our muskets and ;
our swords did show but httlc compassion "

On the other hand tlie fears to wliich these events were
bound to give rise were only partially realized in the sequel.
In 1G4G three priests were indeed executed because of their
priesthood but after that, up till 1()79, only the years 1G51
and 1654 witnessed the death of one priest each, out of all the
Catholic clergy.^ But the position of the Catholics remained
an exceedingly diihcult one. To what extent they had been
impoverished, as a result of the plunderings and violences of
the Civil War, is shown by an appeal addressed by the English
Jesuits to the other Provinces of the Order in IGlo. Their
friends, we read, had been robbed by Parliament either of a
large part of their property or even of the whole of it, so that
they were no longer in a position to give the assistance on
which they had to depend both at home and in Flanders ;
though 200 Jesuits still exercised their sacred functions,

as best they could, from their hiding places and amid great
privations, there was no possibility of i)ro\-iding for the
maintenance of the remaining eighty hence the foreign ;
Provinces were asked to find employment for them either as

teachers or in ministering to English Catholics abroad.*
Ten years later, in the year of Innocent X.'s death, we learn
from a Jesuit report from Lancashire and Staffordshire that the
Fathers could be sure neither of revenue nor alius, by reason
of the bad times and because the Catholics were ruined.^
^'et, as another report informs us, notwithstanding the
inhuman robberies committed by the heretics, and the
utter destructi(jn of tlicir possessions, the faithful continued
1 Gardiner, Civil War, IT., 344-7.

* Ihid., 347, n. 2.
' Spili.mann, I\"., 3o<), 319, 320 scqq.
* Foley, \1I., i ; ("XLIIL, seq.
^ Ibid., CXL\I1.
VOL. .X.XX. L
:
most loyally to do their duty to God and His ministers.^

In 1G53 the College of Saint-Omer ^ still numbered 126 pupils,
mostly from the best families, " so little
do English Catholics
allow themselves to be deterred by the unhappy times from
procuring the best education for their children."
Meanwhile the religious divisions among the Protestants
were taking the most ominous forms. time of law- " At this
lessness," Baillie wrote in 1643, " the disunion of the people
grows week by week. The party of the Independents is on the
increase, that of the Anabaptists is even more so, and both
are surpassed by that of the Antinomians." ^ A publication of

the time enumerates the following contemporary sects
the Independents, Brownists, Millenarians, Antinomians,
Anabaptists, Arminians, Libertines, Familists, Enthusiasts,
Seekers, Perfectists, Socinians, Arians, Antitrinitarians,
Antiscripturists, Sceptics.* As early as 1641 ^ the Venetian
ambassador, Giovanni Giustiniani, expressed the opinion that
in point of fact the religious disorders could hardly grow worse ;
persons from the dregs of the populace and even women

appeared in the pulpit ; there were as many religions as there
were heads and any opinion is tolerated so long as it is not
Catholic. The idea of universal toleration was bound to arise ^
but it is characteristic that a publication which went furthest
in its demand for religious freedom nevertheless excludes
Catholics,and this on the plea that they were idolaters, though
the writer was in favour of the fines for non-attendance at
Anglican services being remitted.' Among all the contemporary
advocates of liberty of belief Jeremy Taylor is the only one to
1 Ibid.
Annual report, ibid., 11 69.
^
Gardiner, Civil War, I., 314.

^
* LiNGARD, X., 192 note.

Brosch, Cromwell, 211.
'^
* A. D. Meyer, Der Toleranz gedanke im England der Stuarts :
Hist. Zeitsch., CVIII. (1912), 254-294 Gardiner, I., 324-344

; ;
II., 136-140.
Thus the author of Liberty of conscience or
''
the sole means to
obtain peace and truth, in Gardiner, I., 342.

CROMWELL AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM. I47
concede to Catholics a qualified toleration.' In 1G49 General

Fairfax and his officers demanded from Parliament the
abolition of all penal laws in connection with religion, with the
exception, however, of Catholics, Anglicans and such sects
as despise God word however, a petition of Cromwell
or His ;
of the same period makes no mention of a limitation of this

kind.2
There are other reasons for thinking that in point of fact
Cromwell was by no means opposed to the concession of
liberty of religion. ^ Even as a military commander he had for
ever the name of God and Scripture texts on his lips, after the
manner of the Puritans, but if a man could serve his purposes
he did not narrowly inquire into his religious opinions.*
On one occasion, in 1652, he observed that he would rather
see Islam tolerated than a child of God persecuted,^ though it
is not clear what he understood by a child of God. This
observation was made by him during the discussion of a bill
which, contrary to custom, did not expressly mention

Catholics and Anglicans as excluded from religious toleration.
However, the bill was conceived in the spirit of John Owen who
was unwilling to grant to Catholics the right of freely holding
religious assemblies.^ In order to calm Protestant excitement
which had arisen in consequence of rumours of fresh
conspiracies by the Catholics, Cromwell had a priest executed
in 1654, precisely because of his priesthood,' and on occasion
he would indulge in violent language against the Pope.^
* Meyer, he. cit., 269. To the question of his opponent

Cheyncll, whether he admitted that anyone can be saved whether
he Hves and dies as a Turk, a Papist or a Socinian, ChiHingworth,
the champion of Tolerance answers : That he neither condemned
nor absolved. Gardiner, I., 332.
* Gardiner, Commonwealth, I., 192.
=•
Ibid., II., 223 ; III., 107.
* Gardiner, Civil War, II., 217 scq., 295.
' Ibid., 30.
* Gardiner, Civil War, II., 26.
' Ibid., 462 ; LiNGARD, XL, 23.
* LiNGAKD, XL, 79, 108.
As a matter of fact on more than one occasion his words and

actions behed all he had said in favour of religious toleration.^
Whatever may have been Cromwell's personal opinions,
Parliament refused to grant toleration to the adherents of the
old religion. When after Charles I. 's defeat a compromise had to
be negotiated between the Presbyterians and the Independents,
Cromwell brought in a bill which the House of Lords passed
on October 13th, 1647 by its terms Presbyterianism was to
;
have a privileged position though in such wise that those who

held other opinions were not interfered with, so long as they
did not disturb the peace, but even so toleration was withheld
from those who professed the " popish religion ", all those
who did not take the standpoint of the Apostles' creed and the
adherents of doctrines whom the law barred from the Com-
munion. The lines for non-attendance at Church were to be
maintained.^
The bill failed to pass through the Lower House, though it
gave rise to a curious discussion. ^ The Independent Selden
demanded toleration even for Catholics, since they too believed
in Jesus Christ, whilst his sympathizer Marten asked why
Catholics should not be tolerated, seeing that the Presbyterians
were. They were told that Catholics were idolaters and
acknowledged a foreigner as their Head. Whereupon Selden
^ W. HoLDEN HuTTON {The English Church from the accession
of Charles I. to the death of Anne, London, 1903, 150 seqq.) thus

judges the tolerance of Cromwell " It is difficult to avoid the
:
dilemma of either convicting him of gross inconsistency or

regarding him Passage after passage
as a pure opportunist.
from his letters and his speeches may be quoted to show his
assertion of the right to complete freedom in belief. But, on . . .
the other side, there are words as strong and acts much stronger.
. . . The possession own was
of religious ideals different from his
an intolerable crime in his eyes. He could never really allow
freedom of belief to Irish Romanists, or Scottish Presbyterians,
or English Churchmen. The Puritan position, as he himself
. . .
saw it, was the only real Christianity for him."

2 Gardiner, Civil War, III., 210 seqq.
3 Ibid., 212 seq.

SEEMING TOLERATION. I49
observed on the next day that veneration of Saints was not

the same thing as adoration of Saints, whilst Marten told the
Presbyterians that he preferred a single tyrant in a distant
country to one in every parish and that the Protestant clergy
fought the Catholic clergy solely because of their superior
morality.^ It goes without saying that these arguments proved
unavailing. The Catholics, who had flocked in large numbers to
the sitting, had presented a petition in which they sought to
refute one of the most odious calumnies against their religion,
that is, they protested against the accusation that according
to Catholic teaching it was lawful to resist or to kill an
excommunicated King. The petition was not even accepted.^
Nevertheless some hope seemed to dawn for the adherents
of the ancient faith when on September 27th, 1650, Parliament
repealed the penalties for non-attendance at Protestant
services. Henceforth no one was to be fined for such neglect,
provided he attended some religious service or other on
Sundays and on holy days established by law, but in view of
the fact that the prohibition of the Mass was maintained, this
alleviation could not be of any great value for Catholics.^
In February of that year the oaths of supremacy and allegiance
were replaced by an assurance of loyalty to the Republic but
the oath of 1643 was maintained by this oath all those ;
doctrines were denied which were considered as specifically

Catholic dogmas, namely the Pope's supremacy, transubstan-
tiation, Purgatory, adoration of the Host, veneration of the
crucifix and the Saints, justification by good works.'* When the
^ That the Protestant clergy detested the Catholic priests

simply on account of their superior chastity. Ibid., 212.
* Ibid.
' Gardiner, Commonwealth, I., 396.
* " I, A. B., do abjure and renounce the Pope's supremacy
and authority over the Catholic Church in general, and over
myself in particular. And I believe, that there is not any Trans-
substantiation. And I do also believe, that there is not any
. . .
Purgatory, or that the Consecrated Host, crucifixes or images

ought to be worshipped. . . . And I also believe, that salvation
cannot be merited by works ; and all doctrines in affirmation
royalists attempted a rising, a proclamation of April 26th,

1655, demanded the oath not only from the laity but from the
priests also and the Jesuits ; anyone refusing it was held to
be a papist, forfeited two-thirds of his property and nearly all
civil rights.^ Consequently no advantage that the

it was of
laws against non-attendance at church no longer existed
since the Catholics' money was taken from them on the ground
of their refusal to abjure papal authority.^ In 1650 the
Government's revenue from confiscated Catholic property
amounted to £62,000, the revenue from thirteen districts not
being included in this total. ^ The possessions of the Catholics
were considered a fruitful source from which the Government
might relieve its need of money.* By a law of the same year,
1650, the same reward was promised for the discovery of
priests or Jesuitsand those who sheltered them as for the
capture of a highwayman. Judges and accusers were once
more busy Catholics might have their houses searched at
;
any hour of the day or night however, only one of the

;
arrested priests, Peter Wright, died at the executioner's hand,

the others were deported.^ In 1655 a fresh decree ordered all
priests,under pain of death, to leave the Kingdom, and all

Catholics were banished to within twenty miles of the capital.^
In the so-called " Instrument of Government " which estab-
lished Cromwell's Protectorate in 1653, the adherents of the
old religion were excluded from toleration ' ; the same applies
also to the Constitution of 1657.^
of the said points, I do abjure and renounce, without any equivoca-

tion, etc." RusHWORTH, Historical Collections, V., 141 The ;
Month, LXXXIV. (1895), 191 Aiazzi, 482-6.

; Cf. Pollen
in The Catholic Encyclopedia, XL, 179 Bridgett in The Month,
;
loc. cit. Gardiner, Commonwealth, II., 322 Lingard, X., 128.

; ;
1 Gardiner, loc. cit., III., 225 Lingard, X., 393.

;
2 Gardiner, Commonwealth, III., 224.

3 Lingard, X., 399.
^ Ibid., 397.
* Ibid., 399.
« Ibid., XL, 53.
7 Ibid.. 18. » Ibid., 97. Cf. Hughes, II., 55.
CHARLES II. AND THE CATHOLICS. 151
When after a ten years' inlciru{)tion, Venice sent an

ambassador to London, from September, 1(555, till February,
1G5G, the latter reported home that the intention of the
l^nglishGovernment was to rob the Catholics of their property
them have as many Masses as they might wish
whilst letting
for.^ Thus under ("romwell's Government the situation of the
Catholics seemed to have become somewhat easier. In the

following year ^ the French ambassador, Bordeaux, inferred
from the forbearance of the Government, the number of
priests in London, the crowds that attended the Embassy
chapels, that it appeared that under the Protector, Catholics
were better treated than under the governments that had gone
before. This did not prevent the arrest, on one occasion, of
100 Catholics as they left the Venetian Embassy ChapeL^
Inroads into the possessions of Catholics continued even
beyond Innocent X.'s pontificate. When, in 1657, they were
threatened with a fresh enforcement of the laws of 1655, they
ended by offering to buy themselves off with a gift of ;^50,000
a year however, Cromwell demanded ;^80,000.*
;
After the execution of Charles I., his son, the future

Charles II., disputed the Protector's power for some time.
Towards the Pope and the Catholics he adopted at that time
the same attitude as his father. In 1649 he dispatched to
Rome Robert Meynell, with letters of recommendation ^
to all such persons as, in his judgment, might further his hope
of recovering the throne. In a letter of Lord Cottington to
Cardinal Capponi, the young prince promised to show favour
to his Catholic subjects if the Pope were willing to lend him
pecuniary assistance as a matter of fact he also hoped to
;
influence the Catholic Powers in his favour through the Pope.*
^ Sagredo in Gardinkr, loc. cit., 225.

- October 5 (September 25), 1656, ibid., 226.
' Ibid., 225.
* The successor of the \'enetian ambassador Sagredo, the
agent Giavarina, on October 5, 1657, i" Brosch, Cromwell,
429, note.
" Of July 28 (August 7), 1649, in Gardiner, I., 79.
» Ibid., 219.
However, these efforts proved unfortunate for the young

pretender, for a memorial apparently addressed to Innocent X.
by Meynell, fell into the hands of the republicans and its
publication ^ damage the royal cause
could not but grievously
in the eyes of the Protestants. ^ The document stated that it
was a well-known fact that Charles had cherished sincere
leanings towards the Catholic faith, even whilst his father was
alive he had accordingly promised to the Irish Catholics
;
not only freedom to practise their religion but even the

restoration of their property.^ At that time the young prince
was under the most diverse influences and it cannot be said
that he stood like a rock among these contrary currents.
In 1650 the royalists of London advised him to give to the
Catholics a secret promise of religious freedom * whilst the
Scottish divines described such a step as sinful.^ Charles fell
back on equivocations to the Cavaliers, who took up his

:
cause, he promised freedom of conscience ^ but to the Scots

the execution of the anti-Catholic laws, with the exception
of the agreements with the Irish.'' After his defeat by Cromwell
at Worcester in 1651 and during his flight, he had some
discussions with a Catholic priest to whom he gave to under-
stand that he would return to the ancient Church if the
Pope would take up his cause. Innocent X. did not allow
himself to be deluded, though Charles renewed his promise to
protectthe English Catholics and the Irish, if the Pope
and the Catholic Powers would intervene on his behalf.^
1 On July i6, 1650.

Gardiner, Comynonivealth, L, 299
2 seq. On the authenticity
of the document, ibid., 300, note.
* LiNGARD, XL, 70 seq.
Gardiner, I., 217 seq.

*
5 Ibid., 220.
« Ibid., 221.
->
Ibid., 226.
Ibid., II., 95. Cf. Lingard, XL, 70, note. According to the
8
contemporary testimony of the archfeologist Thomas Blount

{ob. 1679), it was the Catholics who helped the young King
on his adventurous flight for safety "To which I shall add

:
CHARLES I. AND THE IRISH. I53
Even before this he had held out similar promises to the

CathoHcs.^
(3.)
The opening years of Innocent X.'s reign were decisive

ones both for the fate of Charles and for Catholic Ireland.
I.
Until then the fortune of arms had smiled on the Irish ;
apparentl}' little was to be feared from a divided England, and

Catholic worship was once more publicly celebrated. But
instead of commanding England's respect by a firm and
decided attitude and thus compelling her to concede religious
liberty, as the Old-Irish and the papal envoy Scarampi
desired, recourse was had to the weakly contrivance of
negotiations with the King and the Viceroy.- These negotia-
tions continued even after the armistice of Castlemartin in
1643. At Oxford Charles I. had only given vague promises,
and on September 6th, 1644, the negotiations were resumed at
Dublin with his representative, the Viceroy Ormond. The
but this one circumstance, that it was performed by persons for

the most part of that religion which has long suffered under an
imputation (laid on them by some mistaken zealots) of disloyalty
to their sovereign." Blount, Boscohel, I., edit, by C. G. Thomas,
London, 1894, 78. Cf. The Month, CXLVII. (1926), 212.
^ Gardiner, I., 270.
*
Cf. Vol. XXIX., 337 seqq., of this work and the Report of
" lo
Rinuccini, in Aiazzi, 391-3. 397 we read
Ibid., on p. :
trovai nel ingresso le cose spirituali in buonissimo termine e

I'esercizio della religione splendido e bene ordinato." Cf. " *Rerum
Hibernicarum ab initio postremi belli gestorum et praesentis
status epitome ad Innocentium X. auctore Carolo Francisco
Invernitio Mediolanensi," 1645, Barb. 2242, Vatican Library.
There it is stated, p. 51 that after the cessation of the persecu-
1',
tion a great many religious returned to Ireland 1,000 (?) :
Franciscans, 400 Dominicans, 40 calced and 20 discalccd Carme-

lites, 40 Capuchins, 80 Augustinians, 10 Benedictines, 60
Cistercians ; the Jesuits worked with great success, especially
among the young. The Pope is asked to help Ireland he would ;
sufier great loss if Parliament and the Scots were victorious.

Irish demanded the repeal of all the laws against theit

religiousfreedom and against appeals to Rome, as well as the
suppression of the Statute of Praemunire. Meanwhile one
party headed by Muskerry was of opinion that the anti-
religious laws would fall into abeyance of their own accord
once Charles had again a free hand, hence all they demanded
I.
was a guarantee for the safety of Irishmen's life and propert}'.

Thereupon Charles instructed Ormond to promise that, to
begin with, the penal laws would not be applied and as soon
as he should have recovered his throne, with the help of the
Irish, he would abolish them altogether, but the Statute of
Praemunire would have to remain.^ Ormond did not relish
the risk of acting as a go-between in negotiations of this
kind, consequently he offered his resignation to the king, but
all was to appoint Herbert,
that Charles would consent to
Earl of Raglan, as hisWith Raglan a fresh
assistant.
personality appears on the stage which once more involved the
Pope in the Irish complications.
Raglan, since the beginning of 1G45 Earl of Glamorgan,
was a fervent Catholic and like his father, the Marquis of
Worcester, an enthusiastic champion of the King, convinced
as he was that in serving the latter, he was defending a
righteous cause against the forces of revolution. To free his
Church from the fetters of anti-religious laws, to equip an

Irish army for the support of the King in England, to arm
half Europe on his behalf —these were Glamorgan's chivalrous
plans, or rather dreams. Charles I. approved his efforts :
through this Catholic mediator he hoped to win the confidence

of the Irishand once they were won over by his promises, his
Irish regiments would be free for employment in England.
For the realization of his plans Glamorgan set his hopes on the
Pope and the Catholic princes, for Charles I. himself had no
money for such far-reaching plans. However, if the King's
position was hopeless, were it only because of his lack of
money, it was made worse by the circumstance that the task of
raising an Irish army was entrusted by him to Ormond, who
1 Gardiner, Civil War, II., 114 seq.

CHARLES I. AND THE IRISH. I55
was hopelessly unequal to the task, as well as by his constant

fear of offending the English by his reliance on the Irish.
This was made Urban VIII. 's death.
evident shortly before
On May 13th, 1644, the commander
of the English and
Scottish troops, Monroe, had taken Belfast. To oppose him
the supreme council of the allied Catholics placed the whole
of its fighting power at the disposal of the Viceroy Ormond,
but the latter did not dare to accept the offer without being
ordered to do so by the King and Charles lacked the courage
to give the order. ^ Thus were the Irish taught that they had
nothing to hope from negotiations with the King.
On I. appointed
April 1st, 1044, under the Great Seal, Charles
Glamorgan commander which were to consist
of three armies
of Englishmen, Irishmen, and foreign mercenaries. He was
authorized to raise money from the royal domains and to
bestow titles of nobility at his discretion, his son was to be
given the hand of the Princess Elizabeth, with a dowry of
three hundred thousand pounds, whilst Glamorgan himself
would become Duke of Somerset and a member of the highest
Orders. For his negotiations with the Pope and the Catholic
princes, who would have to contribute thirty thousand pounds
a month for the maintenance of the army, Glamorgan was
given royal letters in which he himself was to insert the names :
this precaution would enable the King to deny his servant,

should the affair come to light, a subterfuge of which Charles
did c\cntually avail himself.^ On January 12th, 1645, the
King granted an even wider concession any faculty, even if :
conveyed by word of mouth alone, was to have the same

efficacy as if it had been given under the Great Seal, even if it
should go beyond the letter of the law.^ The Supreme Council
of the Irish Confederates were satisfied with these powers :
at Kilkenny, on August 25th, 1645, they entered into a

secret understanding with Glamorgan which guaranteed to the
Irish Catholics freedom of religion and the possession of all
' Ibid., 109-iir.

- Ibid., iiy seqq. ; Ling.vkd, X., 1O3, 410.
3 LiNGARD, X., 411.
^
churches not actually in the hands of the Protestants ; in
return theybound themselves, and that openly, to raise ten

thousand men for the King and to devote two-thirds of the
Church's property to his defence.^
It is possible that when he made these concessions Glamorgan
exceeded his powers ^ ; however, be this as it may, they would
not be considered adequate in as much as, for one thing, they
rested on a secret, not a public treaty and, secondly, because
they did not settle the burning question of the Church's
property. Moreover Ormond raised objections against the

agreement which led to the further concession that future
royal guarantees in respect of religion would be considered as
an integral part of the agreement just conduded and that
instead of any formal guarantees the Irish should be satisfied
with Ormond's written assurance that the Catholics would not
be molested in their possession of the churches they held at the
time, until Parliament should give a definitive judgment.
The papal envoy Scarampi attached no value to these agree-
ments, on the contrary he now despaired of the possibility of
obtaining anything for the Catholics by political action ;
accordingly he made it his chief concern to further the religious

life in Ireland, and this he did with success.* In Rome also
the agreement was criticized on the ground that it only bore
the King's signature.^
Meanwhile the situation had undergone a change in so far
as the Pope's influence in Irish affairs had become more
effective. On the other hand Queen Henrietta's pleadings with
Innocent X. met with but small success. From Paris she did
all she could for her husband, pleaded with Queen Anne and
Mazarin for support, promised freedom of conscience to the

English and Irish Catholics in Charles I.'s name and dispatched
* LiNGARD, X., 166 Bellesheim, Irland, II., 403.
;
- According to Gardiner (II., 119) the plenipotentiary powers

did not refer to the conclusion of peace but to the negotiations
with the Pope and the Catholic Powers.
3 LiNGARD, X., 167.
* Bellesheim, II., 405.
5 Ibid., 425.
^;
RINUCCINI ON IRELAND. 157
Kenclm Digby to tlic Pope as her personal envoy. In R(^me,

Digby raised hopes of the King's conversion, but all he
obtained from the Pope was twenty thousand crowns to buy
ammunition for the army.^ The Irish were more successful
already at the end of 16-14 they had dispatched Richard Bellings
to Rome to request the Pope and Propaganda ^ to send a
formal nuncio to Ireland. Thereupon Scarampi was recalled
on May 5th, 1045, though at the Pope's request he remained
until the middle of 164G as adviser to Battista Rinuccini,
Archbishop of Fermo, who had been appointed nunrio.^
Rinuccini set out in the first days of April, 1(545, but he only
landed on Irish soil on 21st October. He was detained for a
long time in Paris where Queen Henrietta, advised as she was
by friends of Ormond and full of prejudices against the Irish,
refused to give audience to the papal representative, whilst
Mazarin putoff paying the subsidies destined for the Irish.
Twelve days before his departure from France the nuncio

dispatched to Ireland a ship with a cargo of arms, whilst he
personally took charge of considerable sums of money.
Later on, too. Innocent X. supplied the Irish with considerable
subsidies ® and Spain also lent them aid.''
* Gardiner, II., 121, 127, 378.

- On November 23, 16^4, Bellksmeim, II., 409.
' Ibid., 406.
* Ibid., 415 seqq. About Rinuccini. Cf. G. Ai.^zzi, Numiatura
in Irlanda di Monsignor G. B. Rinuccini, Firenze, 1844. His
Instruction (Aiazzi, XXXV. seqq., LIII., seqq.) was written
by Albizzi, as the latter inforrned *Chigi on July 7, 1644 (Bibl.
Chigi, Rome, A. III., 55). *Letters of recommendation for
Rinuccini to the Bishops and clergy of Ireland in the Epist.,
I., p. 18, Pap. Sec. Arch., to the Governor of Belgium of March 2,
1645, ibid. It was feared in Rome that Queen Henrietta would not
accept the present of the Golden Rose (the Secretary of State to
Rinuccini, July 3, 1645, Rospigliosi .\rcliives, Rome).
' Bellesheim, II., 420.
' Ibtd.,
440, 450. Cf. Aiazzi, X\'. On the readiness of the
I'ope to support Ireland see *Brief of March
25, 1644, to the
Spanish imncio in Sitnziat. di Spagna, 347, Pap. Sec. Arch.
*
See p. 158.
Rinuccini's reports give a very clear idea of the Irish

situation ; they draw a gloomy picture of division and discord.
Two parties stood face to face : on the one hand the Old-
Irish, keenly religious and puttingall their hopes solely on
decisive action and the exploitation of the successes so far

achieved on the other hand there were the Anglo-Irish, that
;
is, the descendants of Englishmen who had come into the
country during the Middle Ages, had acquired Church property

during the period of the religious troubles which they were
afraid they would have to surrender should the Church in
Ireland be once more publicly recognized. Englishmen in
thought and feeling, what they wanted before all else was
peace and reconciliation, and their influence, Rinuccini
reports, was great. The Supreme Council of the Confederates
consisted almost exclusively of Anglo-Irishmen it was due
;
to their influence that the armistice came about during which

the war fever abated, though in its place the strife between the
two parties raged all the more fiercely in meetings, sermons
and pamphlets. One of the two leading Irish generals, Eugene
O'Neill, was on the side of the Old-Irish whilst the other,
Preston, sided with the Anglo-Irish.^
The arrival of the nuncio,though seemingly so ardently
longed for, came as a heavy blow for the less intransigent
party, so much so that Bellings, whose secret instructions
ordered him to request the dispatch of a nuncio, remained
almost speechless for several days on hearing that a nomination
had actually been made.- On the other hand the real cause of
The *Letter of the Secretary of State to Rinuccini on July 3,
1645, lays stress on the fact that the Pope does not pursue
political aims in Ireland, but " solamente la propagazione della
religione cattolica senza un minimo pensiero di pregiudicare al
dominio temporale di chi si sia ". Rospigliosi Archives, Rome.
' Bellesheim, II., 450.
1 Report of Rinuccini after his return from Ireland in Aiazzi,
391-4. Limerick remained outside the Catholic confederation ;
ibid., LV. Innocent X. *commends the city on March 19, 1646,

for giving up its neutrality. Epist., II. -III., 31, Pap. Sec. Arch.
2 AiAZZi, 394 seq.
RINUCCINI ON IRELAND. I59
the dissensions had been fully grasped in Rome and the

nuncio was accordingly empowered to drop the restoration of
Church property.^ However, a great many Irishmen were not
interested in dispensations and spiritual favours. The Old-
Irish, Rinuccini wrote, saw in the nuncio the minister of God
and the Young-Irish the dispenser of a prince's money ^ and

they would rather have had papal subsidies than a papal
lumcio. They did not dare to publish the armistice with
Urniund till after Rinuccini's arrival for fear the papal envoy
might return at once to Rome with the money of which he
was the bearer.^
Another serious difticulty, according to Rinuccini, arose out
of the fact that the Supreme Council of the federated Irish
included forty persons, unanimity of votes was required for the
validity of its decisions, and small matters as well as big ones
were submitted to its decisions, with the result that its members
were overwhelmed with work, and since the Council was
bound to deal with Ormond, it showed a tendency to send as
envoys men that were acceptable to him, hence only friends
of Ormond were admitted into the Council ; in consequence of
this conduct the Old-Irish were further irritated and the
cleavage between the two parties grew steadily.*
On reaching Ireland the nuncio had some serious representa-
tions to make, in connection with the peace negotiations.
To the Supreme Council he pointed out what a bad impression
would be made throughout the whole world if, in the published
peace conditions, the Catholic Irish did little more than
liglitly allude to religion.^ He found Glamorgan willing to fall
in witli liis views. The Earl was prepared to promise in the
* " Per istimolare viepiii i cattolici alia concordia e proseguire

ncirimpresa, assicuri tutti colore che posseggono beni ecclesiastici,
che non li verranno tolti, nc per motivo di essi soffriranno veruna
molcstia, nia anzi saranno loro confermati . .
." Secret Instruc-
tion of Rinuccini in Aiazzi, LV. ; cf. XL\ 11.
" Ibid., 395.
» Ibid., 396.
* Report of Rinuccini of .March i, 1646, ibuL, io.\ sccj.
^ RcjKirt of December 23, 1O45, ibui., 76 se(f.
name of the King that in future the Viceroy of Ireland would

always be a Catholic, that the Bishops would sit in the Irish
Parliament, and many more things of this kind.^
However, the conversations soon came to an unexpected
termination. This was due to the agreement with Glamorgan
coming to the knowledge of the English Parliament. About
the middle of October, 1G45, the titular Archbishop of Tuam
was killed in an affray. In his carriage was found a copy of
the agreement. To save appearances Ormond had the Earl
arrested,- whilst in a message to both Houses of Parliament,
Charles I. told the falsehood that he had given Glamorgan no
powers beyond the levying of troops, nor authorized him to
enter into any negotiations without Ormond's knowledge; that
he acknowledged no agreement with the Irish Catholics and had
ordered proceedings to be taken against Glamorgan. When
Ormond reminded him of the wide powers granted by him to
the Earl of Glamorgan, the King replied that he had no
recollection of his having done so he may possibly have ;
accredited Glamorgan with the Irish but he had never

authorized him to enter into negotiations without Ormond's
knowledge.^
Whilst this letter was being written by the King to Parlia-
ment, Glamorgan had already been set at liberty on bail.
In order to justify himself, he made public a secret clause of

the treaty which stated that the King was not to be bound
beyond his own good pleasure.
Even now Glamorgan continued to negotiate with the
nuncio. The discussions turned round a peace project devised
by Kenelm Digby, Queen Henrietta's envoy, and Innocent X.*
The draft demanded for the Irish complete freedom to practise
their religion, restoration of Church property, an independent
Parliament and the admission of Catholics to all offices.
1 Ibid., 76 ; Gardiner, Civil War, II., 406 scq.

- Rinuccini, January i, 1646, in Aiazzi, 85 ; Bellesheim,
IT., 424 seq. ; Lingard, X., 167.
^ Lingard, X., 171 scq. ; cf. 40S-419, where the proofs of
Charles' duplicity are grouped together.
* Aiazzi, 459 seqq., 462 seq. ; cf. 96.
.
FAILURE OF GLAMORGAN'S PLANS. l6l
A yearly subsidy was guaranteed to the King but religious

libertywas likewise demanded for English Catholics.
Glamorgan allowed himself to be persuaded to withdraw
his draft in favour of that of the Poi)e,^ in fact he even wished
to go to Rome in order to lay the Irish situation before the
Pontiff.^ Meanwhile, no decisive result could be reached in
Glamorgan's negotiations with the Supreme Council, because
Rinuccini was not in possession of the original text of Digby's
peace plan ; none the less the Supreme Council insisted,
notwithstanding the nuncio's arguments to the contrary,^ on
concluding peace before the arrival of the papal formula.*
On March 18th, 1046, Glamorgan learnt that the King had
publicly disavowed both his person and his peace proposals.^
Thus there was an end to his role as a mediator even though
for the time being he himself did not take the King's declaration
too seriously. In any case there could be no question of
sending an Irisharmy to England as Glamorgan had planned.'
The King had practically lost all authority, so that nothing
was left to Ormond except to choose whether to throw in his
lot with the Puritans in England or the Catholics of Ireland.
He adopted the latter alternative accordingly, on March 28th, ;
1046, peace was concluded between him and the Irish Supreme
Council. By its terms the Catholics were relieved from the oath
of supremacy and from all such penalties, fines and such
disadvantages as profession of the Catholic faith entailed.
Thus was peace at last realized after endless discussions and
plannings, but it was a peace that could not gi\-e universal
satisfaction. The concessions in the religious sphere only
eased the situation of individual Catholics, as a body. Catholics
were not guaranteed the possession of their churches and other
Churcli ])r(;perty, in fact, the final settlement of the religious
question was deferred until a message should have come from
the King. It is easy to .see the reasons why such a peace was
kept secret, especially from the nuncio ; it was only made
' Ibid., ij4 SCI]. ; cf. <M
- Ibid., 159 ; Gahdinkk, 1L, 421.
* AiAZzi, 99. * Ibid., 98. ' Gardimcr, IL, 422.
• Ibid., 423, 425 scq.
^
public on July 3()th, 11)16, when it was criticized from all
sides.
The disappointment of the clergy was all the more bitter
as during the whole of 1646 the Catholic cause had prospered
and as recently as June had won a brilliant
5th, 1646, O'Neill
victory over the Scotch at The Archbishop
Benburb in Ulster.-
of Dublin and Cashel, together with six Bishops and six
Provincials of Orders lamented the event in a letter to
Louis XIV. who had sent important contributions/' The Irish
people would not allow the treaty to be read and the clergy
refused to pay its taxes.
In view of such a situation the Supreme Council had
to make very large promises in the hope of winning over
Rinuccini,^ but it was in vain that it invoked the help of
Ormond, now its confederate. Kilkenny indeed gave the
Viceroy a solemn reception, but the assembly of nobles
convened at Cashel refused to admit him, and Clonmel shut
its gates against him. On the other hand the nuncio entered
Kilkenny at the head of an army, the peace treaty was
declared null and void, the Supreme Council thrown into
prison and another elected in its place on 26th September.^
This attitude of the Catholics was to a large extent the result
of a convention of the clergy which had opened at Waterford
on 12th August that assembly declared that the peace
;
treaty was incompatible with their previous oath, namely

that they would do all that was in their power for the preserva-
tion of religion. Rinuccini dispatched his auditor, Massari,
Dean of Fermo, to Rome, to report to the Pope.^
1 Gardiner, II., 540 ; Report of Rinuccini about the peace,

Waterford, August 16, 1646, in Aiazzi, 153-7.
2 Bellesheim, II., 433. Rinuccini sent the captured standards
to Rome where they remained in St. Peter's till the pontificate

of Alexander YII. ; ibid., 434.
* Ibid., 427.
* Gardiner, II., 541 seq.
'•
Ibid., 543 seq. ; Aiazzi, 158.
^ Rinuccini, August 16 and September 12, 1646, in Aiazzi,
155 seq. ; Bellesheim, II., 435.
ormond's treaty. 163
Thus was Ormond forced to realize that his attempt to lean

on the Catholics had failed. Accordingly he passed over to the
parliamentary ready either to prosecute the war or to
side,
withdraw from his post at a sign from Parliament, should the

King consent to his resignation. This clause delayed his
retreat for a considerable time.^
1646 the position of the Irish was a favourable one,^
If in
it grew steadily more and more desperate in the following

year. It was a bad omen when an advance on Dublin failed
in December, 1646,^ and this not least in consequence of the
lack of concord between the two army leaders Preston and
O'Neill, in fact the former went so far as to contemplate
sending O'Neill and the nuncio as prisoners to Dublin.^
A grave danger likewise arose out of the fact that since
February 6th, 1647, Ormond was negotiating with the English
Parliament with a view to surrendering to the latter Ireland's
strong places. On June 28th, 1647, he surrendered Dublin to
the enemies of his King in return for a large sum of money ;
having done so he left Ireland. Henceforth Catholics were

forbidden, under pain of death, to spend were it only one
night in the Irish capital, and death and confiscation of
property was to be the penalty for harbouring a Jesuit or a
priest.^ To fill the cup of misfortune Preston suffered a defeat
near Trim in the second half of the year Taafe was defeated ;
at Knocknamus * and the Province of Munster was ravaged

with fire and sword by the parliamentary troops under
Inchiquin. Appalling horrors marked the storming of Cashel ;
Cork all Catholics were forced to leave the city

after the fall of
and none might buy the right to stay even at the price of
apostasy.' To save itself the Supreme Council conceived the
'
Gardinkr, II., 545 seqq.
" Rinuccini in Aiazzi, 287.
' Report on this of December 29, 1646, in Aiazzi, 177-183.
Cf. Gardiner, II., 576; Lingard, X., 191.
* Bei-I-esheim, II., 437.
' Ibid., 440, 442.
• Ibid., 442, 447.
' Ibid., 442 scqq., 444 seq.
idea of looking for a patron abroad. To this end it was decided

to dispatch envoys, of course in vain, to Innocent X.,
Louis XIV. and Phihp IV. Rinuccini neither favoured nor
discountenanced the plan of papal patronage, but the Secretar}'
of State instructed him ^ that in view of the jealousies of the
Princes, the great distance and the exhaustion of the pontifical
exchequer, the plan could not be carried out. The Ormondists
desired a French protectorate in the hope of bringing over to
England the Prince Wales who was staying with Queen
of
Henrietta in France, and towhom Ormond would have acted
as companion and guide. ^ Rinuccini was but little pleased
with the choice of the envoys who were to go to France
because two of their number, Muskerry and Browne, were
opponents of his and only the third, Antrim, belonged to his
party however, he obtained a promise from the General
;
Assembly that no decision affecting religion would be made

without the Pope's consent.^
Meanwhile Muskerry and Browne were pressing Queen
Henrietta to appoint Ormond lieutenant without waiting for
the Pope and to sanction an understanding between Inchiquin
and the Confederates. The Queen gave her consent and pawned
jewels to the value of thirty thousand pounds for the support
of Ormond.* Shortly before this Inchiquin, until then a bitter
enemy of the Irish, had unexpectedly gone over to the King's
side accordingly Ormond's party resolved to conclude an
:
armistice with him. Vainly did the opposite party urge that
this was precisely the right moment for attacking Inchiquin
and rendering him harmless if this were done the other
;
commanders of the parliamentary troops would not be able

to hold the field for long. Rinuccini, who was unwilling to be
^ On July 22, 1647, in Aiazzi, 475 seq.
Bellesheim, II., 447.

-
^ Gardiner, III.,
355, 413. The nuncio did not expect any-
thing from the Queen " Quanto alia Regina non bisogna sperar
:
mai de lei se non concetti perniciosi alia religione, poiche e

totalmente in mano di Germen [Jermyn], di Digby e d'altri
eretici." January 29, 1648, in Aiazzi, 294.
* Gardiner, III., 414.
DISCORD AMONG THE IRISH. 165
present at the negotiations at Kilkenny, vainlj' urged his

objections in writing : the fatal treaty was concluded, which
four Irish Archbishops and ten Bishops described as the
ruination of the Catholic religion and their native land. The
Supreme Council countered their further declaration that
the armistice could not be observed with a safe conscience by
ordering General Preston to take forcible proceedings against
the recalcitrants.^
The course of events made it evident that the ruin of Ireland
could not be long delayed. None of Rinuccini's counsels and
warnings had borne fruit ; believing his personal safety
threatened, he took to flight and onMay 27th, 1648, he
pronounced a sentence of e.xcommunication and interdict
against the adherents of the armistice. ^ The Supreme Council
appealed against this sentence, the immediate result being
that the national defect of the Irish, lack of unity, broke out
into enmities which created irretrievable confusion. Seven
of the Bishops supported the nuncio, seven were against him,
some defended the justice of the censures whilst others
condemned them. The dispute spread to the Orders divines ;
and canonists argued for and against the nuncio whilst the
common people no longer knew whom to believe.^ Rinuccini
had to flee a second time from Preston he crossed the ;
Shannon by night in disguise and sought a refuge in Galway.^

His attempt to convene a synod there was frustrated by the
Supreme Council who barred the roads and threatened him
with imprisonment.^ Galway had to endure all the horrors of
a siege until it surrendered, and its besieger, Clanricarde,
withdrew after payment of a ransom.® In addition to all this
Irishmen now turned their weapons against Irishmen. O'Neill
concluded an armistice with the parliamentary generals,
Jones and Monk respectively, in Dublin and I'lster, Preston
1 Belleshf-IM, II., 451 scq.

2 Ibid., 452.
3 Ibid., 452-S.
* Ibid.. 453.
» Ibid., 457.
• Ibid., 458 ; LiNG.xRi), X., 289.
allied himself with Inchiquin in support of the Supreme

Council against O'Neill, in fact things came to such a pass that
the ablest of all the Irish generals, O'Neill, was denounced as a
rebel and a traitor.^
The Holy See had good grounds, in a Brief of August 18th,
1648, to exhort the Supreme Council to concord.^ An embassy
composed of the Bishop of Ferns and Count Nicolas Plunkett
which had set out for Rome in February, brought this message
from Rome to Ireland towards the end of November. It came
much too late,^ the ground was prepared for Ormond. On
September 29th, 1648, the latter returned to Ireland. At
Kilkenny he was solemnly received by the Archbishops of
Tuam and Cashel and by them installed in his office as Viceroy.*
Rinuccini, who had been ordered by the Supreme Council to
leave Ireland, now announced that since the Holy See kept
no nuncios with Protestant rulers, his nunciature was at an
end. He left Ireland on March 2nd, 1649 ^ his mission had :
been a complete failure. Innocent X. nevertheless gave him

a kindly reception ^ whilst a few Irish Bishops proposed him
for the cardinalate ' and the Bishop of Clonfert described
him to the Pope as " the luminary and pillar of the struggUng
Irish ".^
On January 19th, 1649, the Catholic Confederates concluded
a treaty of peace with Ormond in which the latter guaranteed
liberty of conscience and an independent Irish Parliament.
In return the Confederates were to furnish Ormond with an
army of fifteen thousand foot and five hundred horse, to be
employed, in the first instance, in the conquest of Dublin.^
1 LiNGARD, X., 289.

2 *Epist., IV. -VI., n. 41, Pap. Sec. Arch.
^ Bellesheim, II., 459 seq.
* Ibid., 458.
^ Ibid., 459, 461.
* Ibid., 462 ; cf. 466.
' Ibid., 468 seq.
8 Ibid.
° Gardiner, Commonwealth, I., 14 seq., 23 ; Lingard, X.,
290.
-
CROMWELL IN IRELAND. 167
Of the rifjhts of the Church in Ireland there is no mention in

the treaty ; all that it grants to the Catholics is the possession
of their churches until such time as the King would give a
judgment. The Archbishop of Tuam and seven other
definitive
Bishops forthwith proclaimed the peace by means of pastoral
letters.^
Thus the whole of Ireland had taken sides against Parlia-

ment and in favour of the King. The commanders of the
parliamentary army, Jones at Dublin, Monk at Belfast, Coote
in Londonderry, were almost completely confined within the
area of these towns, nearly the whole of the rest of Ireland

stood by the King and a considerable army was about to be
j^lacedunder the command of the royal lieutenant. The
Prince of Wales was invited to cross over to Ireland and he
seemed not unwilling to accept the invitation.
The English Parliament anxiously watched these develop-
ments. In close pro.ximity to England a dangerous Power
seemed to be rising and the threatening spectre of the invasion
of the country by the hated bands of wild Irishmen appeared
to take a tangible form. The peril had to be conjured and
Ireland so utterly crushed that she would never rise again.
Parliament indeed adopted a resolution that the natives of
Ireland were neither to be exterminated nor deprived of their
possessions,^ but the mere fact that such a resolution was
deemed necessary speaks only too eloquently. For the sub-
jection of Ireland choice was made of England's most tried
military captain, Oliver Cromwell, and Cromwell was pre-
pared for every violence, nor did he for a moment entertain
the notion of restoring peace by means of negotiations and
treaties with the Irish Catholics. He assumed the supreme
command on March 30th, 1649, but refused to embark until
'
Bellesheim, II., 460.
- LiNGARD, X., 201.
' Gardiner, I.. 30.
he had assured himself that adequate suppHes had been pro-

vided for his troops. This entailed a delay of several months
during which Parliament, by a series of negotiations, prevented
the Irish from striking an immediate blow. A Catholic of
the name of Winter, who was loyal to the King, was dispatched
to the Confederates with promises of freedom of religion on
condition that they rejected the Pope's claim to intervene
in secular matters and raised an army of ten thousand men
for the RepubHc.i The proposals of the envoy of the Catholics
of Ulster, the Cistercian Abbot Crelly, got at least a hearing,
though end Parliament rejected the proposal of religious

in the
toleration for the Irish Catholics. ^ So the decision was left
to the sword. On August 15th, 1649, Cromwell landed at
Dubhn ^ ;
Ireland's doom was about to be sealed.
Shortly before this time the royalists, under Ormond,
had undertaken an attack on the Irish capital, but they were
defeated in the neighbourhood, at Rathmines, by the parlia-
mentary general Jones.* However, Ormond did not despair.
In order to keep open the road to Dublin, he strengthened the
garrison of Drogheda, hence Cromwell's first blow was
directed against that unhappy town. At the third assault his
troops penetrated into the city after promising to spare the
lives of all who surrendered.^ However, once the place was
in their power, and whilst a remainder of the garrison was
climbing the near-by hill, Cromwell ordered a general massacre.
Thereupon sword and pike raged against the dense masses of
the fleeing garrison. About a thousand fell near St. Peter's
church whilst eighty sought refuge in the tower. Fire was set
to the tower when some thirty unhappy men perished in the
flames whilst the rest, who had escaped to the roof, met with
a violent end there. The heads of the friars in particular were
smashed indiscriminately. It is not known how many among
the civilian population fell under the sword. Even on the
1 LiNGARD, X., 292 ; Gardiner, I., 92.
2 Gardiner, I., 92 seq., 104.
3 Ibid., 118.
* Ibid., 113 seq.
' Ibid., 131, note.
MASSACRE OR DROGHEDA. 169
following day a few surviving officers were massacred in cold

blood.* Cromwell justified these horrors with the plea that
such severity would deter others from offering resistance and
thus bloodshed would be avoided, moreover this butchery was
a judgment of God on those who, in 1641, had killed so large
a number of Protestants. ^ Howev'er, so appalling a slaughter
was calculated to fill the rest with a stronger determination
than ever to sell their lives as dearly as possible.^ In the
opinion of a weighty historian,* " it is most unlikely that even
one of the defenders of Drogheda had had a share in the Ulster
butchery." Some of the survivors who had sought a refuge
in two towers were more mildly treated by Cromwell. When
they were at last forced to surrender only the officers of one
of the towers were put to death whilst every tenth man of
the rest and the entire garrison of the second tower were
shipped to the Barbados islands.^
After this Cromwell turned to the coastal town of Wexford
whose inhabitants had inflicted severe damage on English
maritime trade. After the capture of the town the horrors of
Drogheda were repeated. At Wexford priests and friars were
massacred without pity and a general butchery followed
which Cromwell and his officers refused to stop. A number
of the unhappy people sought to escape by water but the
overcrowded boats overturned and three hundred of the
helpless fugitives were drowned. In his revolting Puritan
jargon Cromwell threw the responsibility for his deeds of
horror on divine justice.^
Cromwell then turned South, to Munster, where the
Protestants were strong whilst Inchiquin's trnojis only
' Ibid., 131-7.

= Ibid., 138 seq.
'
Cf. ibid., 140, 175.
* Ibid., 139.
* Ibid., 134 seq. On the evidence of Anthony Wood, ibid., 135,
note I.
* Ibid., 140-8. " The horrors of the Irish war turn the judg-
ment of even well-meaning biographers against the general,"
says Woi.F Mever-Erlach (Croniwell, Munich, 1927, 28).
^
reluctantly fought by the side of their Catholic allies and

many officershad a traitorous understanding with Cromwell.
The first place he encountered in his advance was the small
town of New Ross. Its commander declared his willingness
to admit him on condition that the garrison might freely
withdraw together with such citizens as chose to accompany
them, and that those who remained should enjoy freedom of
conscience. " I don't meddle with anyone's conscience,"
Cromwell replied, " but if by freedom of conscience is meant

freedom for the Mass, there can be no such liberty wherever
the Parliament of England is in power."
When Cromwell left Ireland on May 26th, 1650, the subjuga-
tion of the whole island was only a question of time. The
English were amply provided with everything whereas
the Irish lacked indispensables ; thus, for instance, during the
siege of Clonmel the Irish garrison fought heroically but in
the end it had to make its escape under cover of the night
because its stock of powder was exhausted. ^ Moreover on
November 6th, 1649, the Irish lost their best general, O'Neill,
by death. ^ Cromwell's successor Ireton, and after the latter's
death on December 2nd, 1651, Ludlow, took one strong place
after another, and by the beginning of 1653 nearly all the Irish
army leaders had surrendered.'* By then Ireland had suffered
the loss of a third of its population not only by the sword but
probably quite as much through lack of food, a situation
which was systematically brought about ^ by the English
cutting down the growing corn in the fields on one occasion :
eighteen thousand sickles were dispatched to them for that
purpose.^
Besides hunger and pestilence England's mightiest ally was
the lack of unityamong the Irish. Their one rallying centre
was the Bishops but even they were divided in consequence
1 Gardiner, I., 105 seq.

2 Ibid., 174.
3 Ibid., 155 seq.
* Ibtd., II., 36-63.
5 Ibid., 62.
* Bellesheim, II., 532.
SUBJUGATION OF IRELAND. I7I
of tlicir attitude for or against Rinuccini. In the long run

the prelates could not fail to realize the disastrous consequences
of such a situation, hence at a meeting at Clonmacnoisc they
issued a manifesto to the nation which they declared that
^ in
henceforth there would be no discord among them where the

rights of the Church were concerned, and that in future they
would stand as one man for the King and their people.
Shortly before, the assembly had warned the i)eople against
("romwell as the latter aimed at no less, so they declared,
than the destruction of the Catholic religion by means of
massacre, banishment and expropriation of the Catholics.
By the terms of a parliamentary resolution their possessions
were already forfeit and it was only a question of carrying
the decision into effect for considerations of prudence the
;
common people were being spared for the time being, but
once the conquest was completed, they too would be dis-
placed by English immigrants. The number of those who
had been transported to Barbados provided an eloquent
commentary on the last point.-
No one knew better than Cromwell that this language was
the plain truth, without any exaggeration whatever, but
perhaps for that very reason he decided " to enlighten a
deluded and misguided people " by means of a public explana-
tion.^ According to him the English were peaceful lambs
who had come over to Ireland, bringing with them nothing
but blessings. Profound peace had reigned in the land until
the wild natives suddenly fell upon and massacred their
benefactors and thus brouglit upon Ireland all the calamities
that have befallen it e\er since.
Whether by such phrases Cromwell succeeded in cpiieting
his own conscience is an idle question words from his;
mouth had long ceased to impress the Irish and to this day
his name is held in execration in Ireland."* Unfortunately the
* Of December 13, 1649, ibid., 486; Gardiner, Connnonwcallh,
I., 162.
* Ibid.
' In January, 1650, ibid.
* Bonn, II.. 21.
words of the Bishops remained hkewise without effect. Once

again the prelates intervened in the destinies of Ireland when
at an assembly at Jamestown, on August 12th, 1650, they
dealt with the evil genius of the Irish rebellion, Ormond, the
equivocal representative of the King, by forbidding, under
pain of excommunication, all intercourse with him.^ In
effect Ormond was compelled up his post and to leave to give
the country, his place being taken by Lord Clanricarde, a
Catholic. 2 However, this change of personnel could no more
alter the fate of Ireland than the appeals for help to the
Duke of Lorraine.^ The subjection of Ireland went on apace
and on its completion there took place what the Bishops had
predicted for the unhappy land.
As the prelates had reminded their flocks, a parliamentary
resolution had been passed in the course of the year following
the rising of 1641, by the terms of which two and a half
million acres of Irish soil were declared forfeit in favour of
the men who would advance money to the Government for
the conquest of Ireland.* As the triumph of Parliament was
drawing near, the execution of this measure was being studied.^
On April 17th, 1652, a meeting of officials and citizens prayed
that action be taken, otherwise they would have to fear the
anger of God inasmuch as England had treated the Irish too
leniently.® Accordingly, on August 12th, 1652, Parliament
passed an act of expropriation ' which, assuredly, was well
calculated to allay all the scruples of these tender consciences.
The act was Ireland's death warrant. It divided its inhabitants
into eight classes ; the first five included all who had
those
been in any way concerned in the rising and the bloodshed of
1641 ; as such the following were singled out before the rest :
1 Gardiner, loc. cit., II., 40.

2 Ibid., 44.
' Ibid., 44 seq. ; Bellesheim, 498 seqq.
* Bonn, II., 7.
^ Since 1651 ; Gardiner, III., 297.
^ Ibid., 303.
' Table of contents, ibid., 298 seqq. ; Bonn, II., 29 seqq. ;
text in Lingard, X., 422-8.

IRELAND S DOOM. I73
the members of the General Assembly of Kilkenny, the

Jesuits and other priests instigated by the Pope and a list of
others mentioned by name. Other classes included those who
had killed or had had a share in the killing of any man, not
in battle, especially if the victim was an Englishman, and
lastly those who did not lay down their arms within twenty-
eight days. These five classes were condemned to lose life
and property in this way sentence of death was passed in
;
cold blood on over one hundred thousand persons.^ Of

persons not included in these five classes a small number,
who had held higher ofhces, were condemned to banishment
and the loss of two-thirds of tlveir landed property ; in
exchange for the remaining third, land of equal value would

be assigned to their families at Parliament's pleasure. The
soldiers of the regular army were also allowed to exchange
the third of their property in the same way, on condition
that they laid down who had resided in
their arms. Persons
Ireland since the rebellion and had not taken sides with
Parliament between August, 1649, and March 1st, 1650, were
assigned land in some part of Ireland to the value of two-
thirds of what they had owned until then. Lastly there came
a milder disposition for those whose possessions amounted to
less than ten pounds. They were to forfeit neither life nor
goods provided they did not fall into any of the above classes
and that they laid down their arms. The preamble of
the Act contains the not superfluous remark that it was not
Parliament's intention to destroy the whole Irish nation and
that this was the reason why the common people were more
leniently dealt with.
However, considerations such as these could scarcely benefit
anyone except those whose only crime was that they had
served in the Irish army.^ But it was precisely these people
whom it was hoped to get rid of by the offer of emigration.
In effect some 34,000 Irish soldiers chose to leave a country
* " No such deed of cruclt)' was ever contemplated in cold blood

by any State with pretence to civilization," says Garuinek
(III., 299). Bonn tries to find excuses (II., 31 note).
wliicli was no longer theirs and to take service with the

armies of France, Spain, Austria and Venice.^ On January
6th, 1653, a decree was pubhshed ordering all priests to
leave the country within twenty days, under pain of being
treated as traitors.Â reward of five pounds was promised to
anyone capturing a priest. " Three beasts we have to destroy,"
Major Morgan observed in Parliament in 1657, " the first is
the wolf, the second the priest, the third the Tory." ^ The
name "
Tory "
was given to those Irishmen who, when
driven from their own homesteads, withdrew into the bog
and joined forces with robber bands they became objects
;
of such terror for those who had deprived them of their

property that a price of fifty pounds was placed on the head
of a Tory.^ In order to get rid of yet more Irishmen, they
were packed in large numbers on boats that carried them off
to the West Indies, more particularly to Barbados. From
a Government ordinance of March 4th, 1655, we learn that
in the course of the four previous years 6,400 men, women
and children were taken across seas poor people, we read
;
in this document, should be attracted into lonely places and

then taken aboard ship by force. ^ Ostensibly only tramps
and beggars, workless and unemployed were to be transported
to America,^ but a similar fate befell even persons of the more
privileged classes.' Once arrived in the colonies the victims
of transportation were first compelled to work for some years
in order to pay for the cost of the voyage ^ after that they ;
were put out to service, but for a time at least their lot was
worse than that of real slaves.^ Recourse was had to yet
1 Ihid.,
297 LiNGARD, X., 365
;
seq.
- Bellesheim, II., 517.
2 Ihid., 519.
* LiNGARD, X., 369.
^
Bellesheim, II., 530 seqq.
"
Gardiner, III., 331 seq.
'
Bellesheim, loc. cii.
' Ibid., 162, note. Gardiner denies that those thus deported
could be regarded as slaves ; but from the texts quoted by him
-
TRKT.AND S DOOM. /.I
another means with a vit'w to iirocuring a preponderance of

Protestants and Jtnf^hshnicn in Ireland. In 1654 all the
Catholic inhabitants of Kilkenny, Wexford and Clonmel, with
few exceptions, were compelled to take up their abode outside
the city walls. In IGf)."} a decree was published ordering all
" papists and other superfluous Irishmen " to be driven from
Dublin, and in the same year every healthy Irishman was

ordered to leave the city of Galway.^ In addition to all this
the greater part of the cost of the subjection of Ireland,

which amounted to 509,390 pounds, namely the sum of
.'i,
1,942,548 pounds was to be raised by the Irish themselves,

that is, by the Irish who, on the Royal Commission's own
evidence,^ were reduced to feed on herbs and carrion in their
uncultivated, ravaged land, who died of hunger on the high-
ways, and whose abandoned children fell a prey to the wolves.
" Taxation," a contemporary writer of the name of Gookin
reports,* " takes all they possess, and when want has turned
them into robbers and Tories ', they are hunted with fire
'
and sword. Failure to denounce a Tory leads them to the

gallows at the hands of the English, denunciation brings them
death at those of the Irish, and if anyone with a heart in his
breast shows them the small meed of pity that the law allows,
he is accused of favouring the Tories."
For a time the colonization law of 1652 presented the
English Statesmen with almost insuperable difficulties. It
{ibuL, i6i, note z) it is clear that traders sold Irishmen in America

whom they had bought in Ireland at 20 shillings per head (Bellf.s-
HEiM, II., 527). Richard Bagwell {Encyclopaedia Britannica,
XIV.", 778) reckons that 9,000 Irishmen were deported to the
West Indies " practically into slavery ". The texts in Belleshkim
prove nothing as to the conditions beyond seas, but they do
prove the atrocities committed by the Government in Ireland.
Gardiner, III., 335. " To weaken Papists and to strengthen
'
Protestants was tiie chief object of the Government in Dublin

and Westminster," .says Gardint.r {ibid., 335 !êq.).
- Ibid., 30O scq.
' Ibid., 307 seq.
* Ibid., 307.
was easy, on paper, to condemn one hundred thousand

people to the gallows, but was not possible to carry out the
it
sentence in practice. A was set up for the purpose

tribunal
of punishing those involved in the murders of 1641, and this
body shed blood enough on its tour of the country, ^ though
it is unlikely that the number of the victims went much
beyond a few hundreds. ^ Colonization itself made no progress

until Cromwell took the matter into his own hands. Besides
the " Knights of fortune " it was necessary to provide land
for the soldiers of the British army which was breaking up ;
to make room for them, the natives of Ulster, Leinster and

Munster were to be transported to barren Connaught and
Clare, in the West of Ireland. ^ However, this plan also could
not be carried into effect for Connaught and Clare could not
absorb such a multitude of exiles and though the new
proprietors from England were afraid of their Irish neighbours,
they had to admit that without native labour there could
be no agriculture in Ireland accordingly the authorities
;
contented themselves with settling in Connaught the Irish

landowners and the few remaining soldiers of the Irish army,^
though this was no real solution of the problem. The ghost
of murdered Ireland was about to haunt the murderer for
centuries to come.^
1 Ibid., 296 seq.Lingard, X., 364 seq.

2 Perhaps " 200-300 notorious criminals ", says Gardiner (III.,
3 Acts of Parliament of September 26, 1653. Gardiner, III.,
311 Bonn, II., 45 seqq.

;
* Gardiner, III., 306-341.
5 Since the end of the Middle Ages, says Kattenbusch in

Studien iind Kritiken, the story of Ireland is the " story of great
miser}', of the gradual but conscious destruction of an ancient
and rich civilization by a people in whose way that ci\'ilization
stood ".
CHAPTER IV.
Innocent's Work Within the Church — The Jubilee

Year.
'1.1
With regard to Innocent X.'s purely spiritual activities^

mention must be made, in the first instance, of his efforts on
behalf of the religious Orders. The reform of the Benedictine
Congregation of Montccassino falls into the opening period of
his pontificate.' The Society of the Clerics Regular of the
Pious Schools founded by Joseph Calasanzio was subjected
to a visitation and approved as an Association of secular
clerics. In 1647 Innocent dissolved the union between the
Doctrinarians and the Somaschans so that the former became
once more an independent body.^ The Pope also approved
the reform of the Calced Carmelites of Monte Santo in Sicily.
In France he united, in 1646, the Congregation of Val des
Ecoliers with that of St. Genevieve of Paris. In 1647 he
approved the Congregation of Priests of the Blessed Sacrament
founded in 1623 by Christoph d'Authier at Marseilles these ;
priests devoted themselves to the work of popular missions

and the conduct of Seminaries. The founder of the Eudists,
' About the additions of feasts in the Calendar made by

Innocent X., see Baumer, Brevier, 511.
« See Bt<//.. XV.,
329.
' See Heimbucher, II., 274, 341. On April 14, 1646, the nuncio
in Poland was informed that the measure concerning the Scnole
pie had been taken by a Congregation after mature consideration ;
on June 9, 1646, the Secretary of State writes that the Jesuits

have had no part in it (Nunziat. di Napoli, 39 A., Pap. Sec.
Arch.). On the interests of Poland in the clerics of the Scuole
pie, see A. Checcucci, Alcune leitere di S. Giuseppe Calasamw,
Roma, 1852, 5 seq., 13 seq.
VOL. xx.\. N
177
Jean Eudes, received the Pope's encouragement in his under-

takings.^ He also warmly praised and encouraged the
Congregation of secular priests founded by Bartholomew
Holzhauser {obiit 1658), the object of which was to repair
the ruins of the Thirty Years' War by renewing and furthering
the priestly life, but the Society never received canonical
approbation. The Cologne nuncio Sanfelice and the Elector
of Mayence, Johann Philipp von Schonborn, gave their
encouragement to the Association. ^ The Jesuits received a
Brief on January 1st, 1646, shortly before the election of the
new General Vincenzo Carafa ;
this document ordered the
holding of a General Congregation every nine years whilst it
restricted the Superiors' term of Office to three years, with

the sole exception of the novice master.^
In Italy there existed a great many monasteries which no
longer fulfilled their original purpose owing to the small
number of their inmates. The Pope sought accurate
information on the situation which was fraught with serious
drawbacks, and he set up a special Congregation to deal with
the matter.^ Reforms began in 1649.^ In 1650 and 1651 a

number of Societies were suppressed, among them the Clerics
Regulars of the Good Jesus which had shrunk to only ten
members,^ and on October 15th, 1652, a Bull was published
ordering the suppression of such Italian monasteries as,
owing to reduced membership, no longer fulfilled the aim of

their original founders their property was to be applied by
;
1 See ibid., I., 413 ; II., iS, 3G4, 371, 373.

"
See HuNDHAUSEN in Freib. Knchenlcx., VI. °, 1S5 seq.
3 See Bull., XV., 436.
* See Bull., XV., 647 ; De Rossi, *Istoria, Vat. 8873, Vatican
Library. On this matter, cf. also the " *Relatione dello state
della religione de' chierici regolari Teatini fatta I'anno 1650 ",
Theatine Archives, Rome, Cass., 38, compiled in consequence of
the Bull of December, 1649.
^ See Deone, *Diario, 164Q, Cod. XX., III., 21, Bibl. Casanat.,
Rome.
* See Bull., X\'., 372, 670, 677 seqq.
REFORM OF THE ORDERS. 179
the Bishops to other pious purposes.^ Tliere can be no doubt

that the measure was fully justified, yet it failed to please
the various Italian Governments whose Caesaro-papalistic
ambitions had involved them in many disputes with the
Pope. 2 The Republics of Venice and Genoa offered open
resistance and some heated remonstrances ensued. To
the Genoese ambassador the Pope bluntly declared that the
Republic was not at all interested in the reform of the
monasteries all it aimed at was to make itself independent
;
in the ecclesiastical sphere, as Henry VIII. had done in

England. When the Genoese ambassador referred to the
" proverbial piety " of the Genoese, Innocent X. interrupted
him with the words " What piety ? We are not speaking of
the churches, pious foundations and other external manifesta-
tions, but of submission to the Apostolic Authority to which
your Government seeks to subtract itself by all manner of
pretexts and artifices ".^
Though the Governments of Florence, Savoy, Parma,
Modena and Lucca outwardly submitted to the Bull, they
left nothing undone to frustrate its effect.^ At Naples the
measure had already been carried into effect and the Bishops
had taken over the property of the suppressed monasteries,
when the Viceroy unexpectedly intervened and claimed the
property for the State on the plea of the lack of the Exequatur.^
In the sequel there were those in Rome who demanded that
' See ibid., 696 Rom., XXXII., 218.

srqq. Cf. Arch.
- Cy. Bkrchet, On the conflict with the nuncio
II., 136, 152 seq.
in Florence, see Reumont, Toskana, I., 515 for that of Genoa, ;
see Riv. Europea, 1878, V., 692. See also *Cifre al Nuntio di
Torino of 1645 in Nunziat. di Napoli, 39 A, Pap. Sec. Arch.,
and the Brief to Duke Carlo Emanuele of September 18, 1649,
Epist.. IV. -VI., ibid.
' See Nkri, Corrispond. di F. Raggw, in the Riv. Europea,
1878, \'., 691. Cf. also Pai.lavicino, Alessaudro VII., I.,
408 seq.
* See De Rossi, Istoria, Vat. 8873, \'aliran Lilirary.
" See ibid. Cf. Padigi.ionk, Bibl. di Musco Xaz. di S. Martino,
Naples, 1876, 349.
^
l8o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Naples should be laid under an interdict.^ However, things

did not go so far and Philip IV. promised the nuncio to
remedy the situation.
(2.)
The jubilee of 1649, proclaimed by the Bull of May 4th,

1649,^ and carefully prepared for,^ opened on Christmas Day.
It proved an inspiring manifestation of Catholic life. The
Pope opened the Holy Door at St. Peter's in person whilst a
similar ceremony was being carried out at St. Paul's by
Cardinal Lante, at the Lateran by Cardinal Colonna and at
St. Mary Major by Cardinal Maidalchini. Such was the
concourse at St. Peter's that the military had to be called
out to maintain order, whilst at St. Mary Major, where this
precaution had not been taken, Cardinal Maidalchini was in
danger of being crushed by the crowd. ^
Innocent X. eagerly participated in the exercises prescribed
for gaining the Indulgence :he visited the four prescribed
churches on no less than sixteen occasions and not even bad
weather deterred him from making these visits. In order to
set a good example all the Cardinals, even the eighty years
old Lante,made their visits to the churches on foot. Cardinals
Giovan Battista Altieri, Francesco Rapaccioli, Juan de Lugo,
Vincenzo Maculano and Luigi Capponi preached at S. Marcello,
1 See De Rossi, *Istoria, loc. cit.
2 *Letter of the Spanish nuncio, dat. Madrid, 1653, August 6,
Niinziat. di Spagna, 105, Pap. Sec. Arch.

* See Bull., XV., 628 seqq. {cf. 632 seqq.) ; G. S. Ruggieri,
Diario dell' anno del S. Giuhileo 1650, 2 seqq. On October 15,
23 and 25, 1649, respectively, Briefs were sent to the Emperor,
to all the Catholic Princes and to the Bishops exhorting them to
promote Jubilee pilgrimages to the utmost of their power.
Epist., IV.-VI., Pap. Sec. Arch.
* See Deone, *Diario, Cod. XX., IIL, 21, Bibl. Casanatense,
Rome.
* See Servantius, *Diaria, Pap. Sec. Arch. Cf. also the copper-
plate engravings of Fr. Bosoni.
^ -
THE JUBILEE OF 1650. 181
and the Pope also summoned distinguished preachers from

outside Rome.^
On January 20th, 1()50, the Pope received in solemn
audience the Duke of Infantado, Phihp IV. 's ambassador,
who displayed characteristic Spanish pomp on the occasion.
His suite consisted of 300 carriages whilst the extraordinary
envoy of the Spanish King's wife, Marianna of Austria, came
with a suite of 100 carriages when he presented himself for
his audience on January 28th.
Notwithstanding the continuation of the war between
France and Spain and the tension in Italy arising out of
Spanish military preparations, crowds of pilgrims came from
all parts, among them even princely personages. Thus spring
saw the arrival of the sons of the Grand Duke of Florence,

Princes Matthias and Leopold, who travelled incognito. The
Princes spent some time in Rome and for five days (20-25th
April) they lodged at the Vatican.* Princess Margaret of
Savoy arrived in May ; she was dressed and travelled as an
ordinary pilgrim and lodged at the Convent of Tor de' Specchi.
It is related that it was with difficulty that Olimpia succeeded
in persuading the Princess to receive her.^
During the Holy Week and Easter services the splendour
and majesty of the Church's liturgy were seen in all their
1 See the *Avvisi of 1650, especially that of December 3,

Pap. Sec. Arch. Cf. Deone, January 12, 1650, in Ciampi, 74,
and *Diario, Barb. 4819, March 12, 1650, Vatican Library ;
Manni, 200 seq.

"
Cf. Deone, *Diario, loc. cit.
See RuGGiERi, 36, 38. Cardinal Albornoz, who had represented

'
Spain up till then, died towards the end of 1649, as also the repre-
sentative of the Emperor, Duke Federigo Savelli ; Deone
writes :
" *ambedue i piu esperti ambasciatori che vcdcssc mai
Roma " {Diario, loc. cit.).
See *Report of Vine. Rosco, dated 1650, April 9, Gonzaga

*
Arch., Mantua Servantius, *Diaria, Pap. Sec. Arch., and

;
Alaleonc, *Diaruim, Vatican Library.

* See Servantius, loc. cit., *Alaleonc, loc. cit. Ruggieri, ;
134 ; .\dkmollo, G. Gigli, 123 scqq.

^
overwhelming grandeur. The Pope took a personal part in

all the functions on Maundy Thursday he performed the
;
ceremony of the washing of the feet in the Sala Ducale but

he likewise washed the feet of poor pilgrims in the hospital of
Trinita de' Pellegrini.^ The many Confraternities of the
Eternal City vied with one another in the adornment of
their churches. The altar of repose in the Spanish national
church of Giacomo surpassed even that of the Vatican
S.
basilica hundreds of lamps and candles formed a resplendent

;
crown of glory around it. The Pantheon, the interior of which

was adorned with religious pictures and thousands of lights,
presented a fairylike spectacle. At the Good Friday procession
the magnificent new banners of the Campo Santo attracted
much notice ; 12,500 pilgrims were counted in the procession
of the Confraternity of Trinita de' Pellegrini.
Universal admiration was aroused by the decoration of
Piazza Navona for the procession which was held there by
the Spanish Confraternity of the Resurrection in the early
hours of Easter Sunday morning (April 17th). This ceremony,
in which the Spanish ambassador was wont to take a
conspicuous part, had fallen into abeyance during the
pontificate ofUrban VIII. The Roman Carlo Rinaldi turned
the ancient circus of Domitian into a court surrounded by
columns entwined with garlands of foliage and illumined by
1,600 lights. Choirs of singers were stationed in the centre.
At each end rose a magnificent pavilion given by the Castilians
and the Aragonese in one was seen a figure of the risen
;
Saviour, in the other that of His Blessed Mother. A con-

temporary declared that this exhibition, of which a copper
engraving by Dominique Barriere has preserved a faithful
picture, was by itself alone worth the journey from Spain to
Rome.^
1 See RuGGiERi, 75, 78 seq.

2 See De Rossi, *Istoria, Vat. 8873, Vatican Library ; Deone,
*Diario, Ruggieri, 78 seq., 81.
loc. cit. ;
' See *De Rossi, loc. cit. Deone, *Diario, ; loc. cit. ;
Ruggieri,
88 ;
JusTi, Velasquez, II., 166 seq. ; Hempel, Rainaldi, 26 seqq.
PILGRIMS IN ROME. 183
Already by Easter the nunib.'r of pil/L^rims was reckoned at

70,000.^ May witnessed the arrix'al of Confraternities from
allparts of Italy, each with its own insignia and accompanied
by the clergy and the ci\il authorities the insignia of the ;
Orvietans were the most admired of all.^ Unfortunately some

regrettable quarrels and collisions occurred between the
various Confraternities on account of questions of precedence
and even here the great political divergences manifested
themselves ;
thus the Archconfraternity of the Madonna del
Gonfalone was favoured by the French wliilst that of S
Marcello enjoyed the support of the Spaniards. Regrettable
incidents were also provoked b}^ the conduct of Spanish
recruiting agents. When these interfered even with some of
the pilgrims, the latter beat them with their own silver-
mounted sticks off St. Peter's square and dragged them to
prison. The following threat was posted up on Pasquino :
" Masaniellos are born in Rome also ".^ The resentment of
the Romans against the Spaniards rose so high that the

latter scarcely dared to show themselves in the streets and
the Pope experienced the utmost difficulty in maintaining
order and tranquillity.'* Though such incidents were bound
to disturb the devotion of the pilgrims, they did not spoil
the general impression of the jubilee. " If the innovators
could see the devotion of the crowds, which included many

men of education, as they went their way to the various
shrines, they would not attack the institution of the jubilee,"
we read in the diary of a Roman of the time ^ ; in fact more
' Sec *De Rossi, loc. cil.

* Deone in Ciampi, 75. Ruggieri (103 scqci.) has very detailed
accounts of all the entries. Cf. Rivetti, ]'iaggio di tin prctc
Bresciano a Roma ncl 1650. in Brixia sacra, W . (1913), 32 seqq.
' See De Rossi, loc. cit. ; Ademollo, G. Cigli, 84 scqq. ;
JUSTI, II., 165.

* the detailed description in Servantius, * Diana on
Cf.
July 28, 1650, loc. cit., and the *I)iano of Amevden, loc. cil.,
p. 84 seq.
' *I)iario in Barb. 481Q, p. 56^ Vatican Library. Cf. also
Manni, I'jO, 202 seq.
;
than one non-Catholic visitor to Rome, such as Duke Johann

Friedrich of Brunswick and Count Christoph of Rantzau,
were so favourably impressed that they returned to the
ancient Church.^
The total number of pilgrims was estimated at 700,000 ^
everyone of whom stayed in the Eternal City for at least a

fortnight. The consequence was that prices rose at first, but
the Pope intervened in order to save the pilgrims from being
imposed upon. For poor Bishops he had set aside a special
hospice in the Borgo.^ As at former jubilees, this time also
the hospice of Trinita de' Pellegrini distinguished itself
eventually a bronze bust of Innocent X. by Algardi was put

up in the hostel in memory of the Pope's benefactions.^ Even
Olimpia put herself at the service of benevolence ; she got
forty-two ladies to collect money for the maintenance of the
pilgrims between them they collected 16,582 scudi, a sum
;
sufficient and entertain in the above-mentioned

to shelter
hospice, for the space of three days, 226,711 men, 81,822
women and 25,902 convalescents.^ The other Roman
Confraternities also provided so generously for the entertain-
ment of outside Confraternities affiliated to them, that a
contemporary observed that on occasions like this the Romans
did not only gain much, but they likewise expended much.®
The Pope did all in his power to assure the importation of
^
Cf. above, p. 137.
2 *Avviso of December 31, 1650, Pap. Sec. Arch.
' See RuGGiERi, 15 seq., 19 seq., 21 ; Noack, Deutschtum in
Rom, 56.
* RuGGiERi, 75.
^ See NovAES, X., 32. According to the list in the appendix
amounted to 28,808
of Ruggieri the total expenses of the hospice
scudi, of which 26,539 scudi could be covered by alms. An
engraving of Fr. Bosoni represents the " funzioni principali,
che si esercitano dalla arciconfraternita della S. Trinita di Roma
nel albergare i peregrini 1650 ".
* De Rossi, *Istoria, loc. cit. The engraving of Fr. Bosoni

represents " il modo che tengono le arciconfraternite e compagnie
spirit, di Roma in alloggiar le compagnie aggregate, 1650 ".
NEW CARDINALS. I05
provisions. On the occasion of his visits to tlie churclies he

showed such wilhngness to listen to those who drew near to
him that the pilgrims were filled with admiration.^ On
November 24th, 1650, he reduced the number of the prescribed
visits to the churches and at the conclusion of the jubilee he
extended it to the whole Catholic world for the following
year. 2
(3.)
In nine creations Innocent X. raised forty prelates to the

purple most of them Italians. ^ At his first creation, on
;
November Mth, 1(544, the red hat was bestowed on his
* De Rossi, loc. cit.

- See Servantius, Pap. Sec. Arcli.
*Diaria, Îanni, 20S
;
(here also particulars on the Jubilee coins). Cf. also Barbier

DE MoNTAULT, Uiic mMaUle du Jubile de 1650, Beauvais, 1900.
The publications on the Jubilee are enumerated in IManni (208
seq.). On the directors of the pilgrimages and on the publications
on the Jubilee, see Schudt, Mancini, 126 seq. Zcitschrift ;
fiir Kiinstgesch. of Sauer, 1928, as also Nogara, Anno Santo,
Roma, 1928, 1092 seq. In the year 1650 appeared the following
interesting work from the point of view of the history of art :
" *Descrittione delle pitture piu insigni che si trovano nelle
chiese di Roma come nelli palazzi e faciate di essi con li nomi

deir ecc. pittori che I'hanno depinte, compresovi il palazzo
Pontificio Vaticano con la dichiaratione di alcune statue e nomi
d' architetti," Ottob. 2975, Vatican Library. Here we read :
" A mezzo Borgo Nuovo vi h una facciata di chiaroscuro con una

Venere — e disegno di Santio."
'
Cf. for what follows, Ciaconius, IV., 667-705 Cardella, ;
VII., 51-120. For G. C. Medici, see Reumont, Toskana, 1 1.,

435, and G. Pieraccini, La stirpe de' Medici di Cafaggiolo,
11-. 553 5f^. Quite void of historical value is La balance des
cardinaux vivants, Paris, 1652 (see about this satire, Lettres de
Richelieu, IL, 558, n. 2), in Italian Genevra, 1650, under the name
of G. Leti, Castellana (Ginevra, 1656) cf. Ciampi, 398. Rctz'
;
opinion on the Cardinals of Innocent X. in his Mcnioircs, IL,

314-
nephew Camillo Pamfili and Gian Carlo Medici, the art-loving

brother of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, evidently because
Tuscany had furthered Innocent X.'s election. Medici had
previously nursed very different plans ; his worldly sentiments
and loose morals made him so unworthy of this high distinction
that he was eventually compelled to leave Rome. At this
first creation the Datarius Domenico Cecchini was named in
petto his elevation was not published till March 6th, 1645.^
;
Seven Cardinals were created on the same occasion all of :
them were thought to be decided supporters of Spain but

undoubtedly worthy of the high dignity to which they had
been raised ; they were the Bolognese Niccolo Albergati, a
kinsman of Gregory XV. and Archbishop of his native city ;
the Roman Tiberio Cenci, Bishop of lesi the Neapolitan ;
Pier Luigi Carafa, who had for many years successfully held
the nunciature of Cologne under the pontificate of Urban
VIII. ,^ after which he had done excellent work in his diocese
of Tricarico ; the Genoese Orazio Giustiniani, at first Bishop
of Montalto, then of Nocera, a warm friend of the Oratorians ;
Alderano Cibo, a scion of the princely House of Massa-

Carrara,^ Innocent X.'s maggiordomo ; the Roman Federigo
Sforza and Benedetto Odescalchi of Como. Francesco Maria
Farnese, reserved in petto, was proclaimed on December 14th,
1645.
The Pope's former relations with Poland as Cardinal he —
—
had been Protector of that Kingdom explain the elevation,
on March 28th, 1646, of John Casimir, King Sigismund III.'s
son who, however, had to lay aside the purple on July 6th,
1648, when he was elected King of Poland.*
1
Cf. Arch. Rom., X., 308 seq. On Tuscany 's good relations
with Innocent X., see the * Report of the Florentine ambassador
of February i, 1645, State Archives, Florence.
"
Cf. the present work. Vol. XXVIII., 162 seqq.
^
Cf. L. Mussi, // Cardinal A Iderano dei principi Cibo-Malaspina,
Massa, 1913 E. Jovy, Les archives dii card. A. Cibo a Massa,
;
Paris, 191 8.
* See Theiner, Mon. Pol., III., 439 seq., 457 ; Ciaconius,
IV., 678 Appendix to Ciaconius, 26
; seq. Cf. Pallavicino,
NEW CARDINALS. 187
Another great creation of Cardinals took place on October

7th, 1047. On this occasion Mazarin, after protracted efforts,
at last obtained the red hat for his brother Michel, since 1045
Archbishop of Aix.^The Spaniards had opposed him up to
the last, all they secured was the nomination of
but in vain ;
Antonio d'Aragona, a candidate agreeable to their King

though for the time being reserved in pcttor Of those raised
to the Sacred College on this occasion only the Roman
Francesco Savelli and the Venetian Cristoforo Vidman could
be described as adherents of the House of Habsburg ; the
rest were politically neutral : they were Francesco Cherubini,
formerly Innocent's auditor during his nunciatures at Naples
and Madrid ^ ; the Genoese Lorenzo Raggi, and the youtliful
Francesco ]\hiidalchini. Camillo Astalli's elevation to the
Sacred College on September lOtli, 1050, has already been
mentioned.^
All these creations were, however, insufficient to fill the
gaps in the Church's supreme senate for from the time of
Innocent X.'s election to the beginning of 1052, the death had
taken place of no less than twenty Cardinals.^ Accordingly,
I., 293 ; Darowski, in the periodical Przcgl'ad polski, iSgj,

II., iii.See also Lammer, Ziif Kiychcugesch., 150 seq.
1
Cf. above, p. 63.
= Published March 14, 1650.
' GiusTiNiAN calls Cherubini " un' angclo di bonta ". Berchet,
II., 157-
*
Cf. above, p. 39.
'-
1645 died
In F. do la Rochefoucauld, P. P. Cresccnzi,
:
Fr. Cennini, G. Borgia in 1646 Valen9ay, D. Spinola, A. ; :
Barbcrini in 1647 Fr. M. Farnese

; in 1648 M. Mazarin : ; :
and L. Falconicri (on the latter's marble tomb, see I-'orcella,

ÎF. 39); in 1649: A. Spinola, D. Giustiniani and Egidio
Albornoz in 1650 G. Mattei, M. Teodoli, C. Monti and Ant. de
; :
Aragonia in 1651 Panciroli and C. Rocci

; in 1652 (January
: ;
20) : See Ciaconius, IV., 706, who aLso gives the

G. V'erospi.
names of those who died later. (On the tomb of Cardinal Bichi,
who died in 1657, see Taurisano, S. Sabina lav.. 20.) Not a
few of these Cardinals left an excellent reputation behind them.
Scrvantius, who is often very severe {*Diaria, Paj). Sec. Arch).,
February 15th, 1652, Innocent X.

in a large scale creation of
sought to complete the Sacred College once more.^ A few
foreigners among the new members of the College of Cardinals
owed their elevation to consideration for the Great Catholic
Powers. To France's and Spain's recommendation was due
the bestowal of the purple on the Archbishop of Paris, Gondi,
and on the Spanish Dominican Domingo Pimentel whose
tomb, designed by Bernini, may be seen in the church of the
Minerva in Rome.^ The Emperor succeeded in forcing through
the nomination of the Landgrave Frederick of Hesse, a great-
nephew of Philip, the author of the religious cleavage in his
territory.^ The remaining seven Cardinals were all Italians,
and among them the Secretary of State Chigi and the Auditor
of the Rota Pietro Ottoboni were by far the most distinguished
figures the former was destined to ascend the See of
:
Peter under the name of Alexander VII., the latter under

that of Alexander VIII. Gian Girolamo Lomellini, Luigi
Alessandro Omodei and Marcello Santa Croce had rendered
distinguished services in the administration of the Pontifical
States. Jacopo Corrado of Ferrara was distinguished both
praises Falconieri as " vir prudentissimus at maximae expecta-

tionis " of Spinola he says
;
" eius integerrima vita, qua ipse
:
magis cardinalatus dignitatem illustravit quam purpura ipsum

decorasset." Of Mattei he says " Vir fuit summae virtutis,
:
maximi ingenii et prudentiae et non mediocris doctrinae.

Maioribus potitus est Sedis Apostolicae oneribus, et numquam
lassus, semper autem vigilans adhuc in minoribus Status ecclesi-
astici quietem sustinuit ab omni perturbatione totis animi
et
viribus defendere studuit maxime dum
pestis anno 1630 totam
fere depopulabatur Italiam tunc enim tanta fuit eius diligentia
;
et virtus, ut ex ipsius vigilantia maior pars ecclesiastici Status

propriam usque adhuc recognoscat integritatem."
^
Cf. CiACONius, IV., 686. See also the *dissertation of
G. RiccARDi of 1652, in Cod. C, III., 60, Rome.
Chigi Library,
2 See Berthier, L'eglise de la Minerve a Rome, Rome, 1910,
257 seq Reymond, in.
;
^ See Friedensburg, Regesten, V.,

95, 97 seq., 99, 106 ; Noack,
in Zeitschr. fur die Gesch. des Oberrheins, LXXX. (1928),
341-386.
^ ;
NEW CARDINALS. 1 89
for his knowledge of the law and the holiness of his life.'
Baccio Aldobrandi owed his elevation to his being a kinsman

of Olimpia Aldobrandini. Two Cardinals reserved in petto
were proclaimed on March 2nd, 1654 they were the Genoese
:
Lorenzo Imperiali who had forced seditious Fermo to

surrender, after which he had become Governor of Rome,
and Gilberto Borromeo, Secretary of the Consulta. On June
2;}rd, lG.j3,2in order to seal his reconciliation with the Barberini,
the Pope bestowed the purple on Carlo Barberini.
Innocent X.'s last creation, on March 2nd, 1G54, added
sevennew members to the Sacred College. Unfortunately
among them there were two whose elevation to so high an
honour was as worthy of blame as the disastrous nominations
of papal nephews. Carlo Gualtieri of Orvieto, a protege of
Cardinal Pamfili, was too young, whilst Decio Azzolini,
sponsored by Olimpia, was indeed richly endowed,* but his
moral conduct was not irreproachable.^ On the other hand
the remaining five were excellent men. Prospero Caffarelli
and Ottavio Acquaviva d'Aragona had successfully worked
in the administration of the Pontifical States ; Carlo Pio of
Savoy, a nephew of Cardinal Carlo Emmanuele, had served
Innocent X. in the capacity of treasurer. Giambattista
^ See Berchet, Relaz. Roma, II., 270 seq. The King of Poland,
John Casimir, had used his influence on behalf of INI. Santa Croce
see Theiner, Mon. Pol., III., 475.
* Not on February 19, 1652, as Cardella states (VH., 83) ;
see *Acta consist., Pap. Sec. Arch.

* " *I1 Tobia. Composizione musicale per Oratorio," was
dedicated to Carlo Barberini by Benedetto Salvetti. Barb. 3661,
Vatican Library.
* De Rossi {*Isioria) e.xtols his " vivacita innarrabilc del
suo spirito e leggiadro intclletto ". ]'at. 8873, Vat. Library.
' See Pallavicio, I., 206. For Azzolini, cf. Bildt, Christine
de Suede et le For the medals of
card. Azzolino, Paris, 1899.
Azzolini, see Bildt, Les mcdailles Romaines de Christine de
Suede, Rome, 1908. A bust of Gualtieri from the Cappella del
Corporale is now in the museum of the cathedral of Orvieto.
^
IQO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Spada ^ had been recommended to the Pope by Cardinal

Francesco Barberini Francesco Albizzi's excellent
whilst
qualities were recommendation. Under Urban VIII.
sufficient
the latter had held the post of an assessor of the Inquisition
and had accompanied Cardinal Ginetti on his legation to
Germany. Innocent X.'s attention had been drawn to him
by his great services to the Church as Secretary of the
Congregation set up to deal with Jansenism.
(4.)
As regards missionary work throughout the world, the

pontificate of Innocent X. is less important than the reign
of his predecessors Gregory V. and Urban VIII., but the
Pamiili Pope nevertheless earnestly watched and furthered
the cause of the apostolate to the heathen, hence the missions
were able to register considerable progress during his reign.
With the foundation and endowment of Propaganda under
his two predecessors, the foundation had been laid down, as
far as Europe was concerned, of a new orientation and a more
powerful development of missionary enterprise, but under
Innocent these beginnings were to attain a much wider
expansion. In this respect there was no pause even when, in
1G49, the death occurred of Francesco Ingoli, the indefatigable
secretary of Propaganda and its quickening spirit. His
inspiration opened the new paths along which itwas desired
to develop missionary activities. Ingoli's plan was to place
the missions under the immediate direction of Propaganda,
to render them independent of the Colonial Powers, to employ
secular priests and to create a native clergy in missionary
countries.^ Propaganda's vigilance over the missions extended
likewise to the papal Colleges for the training of priests ;
^
CJ. our account about him in Vol. XXVIII, 51. Extensive
biography by Sardi, // cardinale G. B. Spada c il conclave del 1670,
Lucca, 1920, 6 seq., 20 seq.
^ Exact data about the Cardinals of the promotion of 1654
are given by Do Rossi, *Istoria, loc. cit. About Albizzi, cf. also
below, Ch. VI.
3 See KiLGER, in Zeitschr. filr Missiotiswiss., XII., 27.
PLANS FOR THE MISSIONS. igi
these institutions were to remain subject to canonical visita-

tions.^ Innocent X. appointed Dionisio Massari to succeed
Ingoli as Secretary to Propaganda. During the stay in France
of Cardinal Antonio Barberini,^ Urban VIII. 's nephew,
Ludovico Capponi became Prefect of Propaganda, but on his
return Antonio Barberini resumed that position and retained
it until his death in K)?!.^
Although we do not hear of any financial assistance of
Propaganda by the Pope, he nevertheless strengthened its
authority and confirmed its powers. In the Philippines the
decisions of Propaganda had been described as no more than
the opinions of some Cardinals thereupon Innocent X. ;
confirmed anew Urban \'III.'s decision that the decrees of

the Prefect Propaganda possessed the weight
and Secretary of
of Apostolic Constitutions and were to be strictly observed
by all concerned.^ The palace which served as Propaganda's
headcjuarters was further enlarged.^ A number of ordinances
' See Archives of Propaganda, Rome. Cf.

* Visile, 26 seq.
" *Instruttione Nuntii per visitare i collegi soggetti alle
per 11
loro Nunziature conforme all' ordine di S. S'^ e della congreg.

di Propag. ", dated 1645, February 25, Cod. A. II., 48, p. 136 seq.
lîhl. Chigi, Rome. " *Chirografo di N. S. Innocenzo X. con
I'ordine fermo per le provisioni de seminarii sotto li 12 giugno

1646: Al collegio Inglesc in Duaco, gia in Reims, scudi 175
moneta il mese." For the seminaries at Fulda, now in Cologne,
146 sc. and seminary at Braunsberg 97 sc. and 10
3 soldi, for the
soldi ; poor students of Propaganda 24 sc.
for the for the ;
seminaries in \'icnna, Prague, Oimiitz, Dillingen, \'ilna T15 sc.

respectively (Arch, of Propaganda, Rome, 362, p. 17). " *Stato
<klla s. congregatione de Propaganda fide of September lu,
1649 " (E.xpenses and Receipts), Cod. Barb. 5086, p. 25'", \'at.
Library.
*
Cf. aljove, p. 52.
'
Cf. Moroni, X\T., 256 .-ieq.
* Sec decree of June 30, 1652, in Ins potitif., T., 2S0 ; cf.
Colleclio S. Congregat. de Prop. Fide, 35 seq., n. 119.

I.,
'
Cf. Castf.llucci, in .\lwa Mater Collegium Urbauuui de
Prop. Fide, K127, III. (1921), and 1\'. (1922) ;
Hkmpkl, Borromini,
157 seq.
«
were issued for the internal consolidation of the institution :
thus the oath of the pupils who were ordained ad titulum

missionis (for the missions) was to bind them perpetually to
Propaganda ; in accordance with an ordinance of 1654, the
money for their journey was to be handed to them only on
completion of their studies.^
The Pope likewise intervened in the development of the
Carmelite Missionary Seminary in Rome when in 1647 he
approved the decision of the General Chapter to unite the
Seminary and the Provincial house of studies however, in ;
1650 he demanded their severance. ^ The centralization of

the missions to the heathen was decisively furthered by the
foundation of the society of secular missionary priests which
was already preparing in Paris. ^ The first impulse was given
by a Jesuit missionary from the Far East, Alexander Rhodes,
who petitioned Innocent X. to give Bishops to the Church of
Annam for, in the event of the expulsion of the missionaries
by the native Kings, that Church ran the risk of extinction.*
At one moment the Pope felt inclined to make Rhodes himself
a Bishop but the latter declined the honour on the ground of
his being a Jesuit consequently Innocent X. instructed him
;
to look for suitable men who might be sent as Bishops to the

Far East.^ Propaganda amplified this scheme in the sense
that in 1650 it laid before the Pope a scheme for the erection
of twelve dioceses, under one or two Archbishops, and the
training of a native clergy for the Far Eastern Churches.
After a vain search for suitable candidates for the episcopate
in Italy and Switzerland, Rhodes visited Paris in 1653. There
1 See lus poniif.. I., 97, 109, and Collect., I., n. 1 12-122. About
the studies in the colleges see Alma Mater, 55 seq.
2 See lus pontif., I., 250 seq. Cf. Kilger, in Zeitschr. fiir
Alissionswiss., 1915, 213.

3
Cf. Cerri, Estat present de I'Eglise, Rome, 1677, 300 seq. ;
Jann, 215 s^g., and Kilger, in Zeitschr. fiir Missionswiss., 1922,
27 seq.
* Launay, I., 8.
5 Ibid., 9.
« Ibid., 10.
^
REORGANIZING THE MISSIONS. I93
his fellow Jesuit, Bagot, introduced him to his small sodality

of the Blessed Virgin,whose members declared their readiness
to work for the spread of the faith and the foundation of
new churches.^ Innocent X., informed by Propaganda, ordered
Bagno, the Paris nuncio, to choose from among the French
clergy three priests whom he judged the most worthy of the
episcopate. Bagno's choice fell on Pallu, De Laval and
Pique, whilst the yearly endowment
of 600 francs for each
of them was soon mainly through the generosity of
raised,
Richelieu's niece, the Duchess of Aiguillon.^ Portugal strongly
opposed the appointment of French Bishops in territory
included in its Patronage. With a view to circumventing
this difficulty, the Archbishop of Rheims, together with St.
Vincent de Paul and some other priests, petitioned the Pope
from erecting new dioceses in the
in July, 1653, to refrain
Far East, and whilst having the selected secular priests
consecrated Bishops, to send them forth merely as delegates
of the Apostolic See.^ The proposal was favourably received
in Rome effect owing to a campaign
but remained without
against the French secular priests and the Pope himself was
reported to have said, when commissioning Rhodes, " Above
all, no Frenchmen " * Innocent X. died in 1655, leaving
!
the execution of the project to his successor Alexander VII,

On the other hand the foundation of another missionary
Society, which was likewise to contribute to the shifting of
the centre of gravity of missionary activities towards France,
viz. the Lazarists, still falls into the pontificate of Innocent X.
' Ibid., 13.

* Ibid., 15.
' Ibid., 19 seq. On the protest of Portugal, ibid., 15 seq., and
Jann, loc. cit.
* Launay, I., 20.
^ Ibid., 21 seq. Rhodes went to Persia in 1654, without having
achieved anything in Paris for the execution of the command of
the Pope, so that he cannot be regarded as the founder of the
Missionary Society of Paris. Cf. the controversy about this
between Huonder and Schwager, in Zeitschr. fiir Missionswiss.,
1911, 291 seq.
VOL. XXX. O
4
for their founder, St. Vincent de Paul, sent missionaries to

Algiers in 1640 and to Madagascar in 1048.^ Missionary
work was likewise greatly furthered when in 1049, at the
request of the General of the Jesuits, Innocent X. granted a
Plenary Indulgence to all persons who either converted an
idolater in the Indies or overseas, or prayed for the conversion
of infidels in a Jesuit church after receiving the Holy Eucharist,
whilst the Pope also gave extensive faculties to the missionaries
of the Society of Jesus. ^ To this period also belong the
decisions of Propaganda authorizing missionaries to administer
without leave of either Bishops or parish priests, those
sacraments the dispensation of which was not the exclusive
right of the latter (1647) ^ ; another forbade missionaries to
abandon their posts even in times of persecution, seeing that
it was then that their flocks had most need of their presence
(1646) finally it was decreed that the Prefects of Provinces

;
might recall their missionaries to their respective convents

after three years so as to preserve the religious spirit
(1648).
How firmly the religious Orders, not only the Jesuits but
also, and that in a special manner, the Franciscans, clung to
their missionary duties and privileges, may be gathered, to
give but one instance, from the book of the Franciscan
Raymond Caron on the work of evangelization by religious
missionaries, in which he discusses the technique of the
apostolate.^ Statistics, obviously incomplete, of the year
1649, enumerate forty-six missions or prefectures subject to
Propaganda with over 300 missionaries.^
In the East, Jesuits, Franciscans, Capuchins, Dominicans
and Carmelites, in conformity with the Pope's efforts for
1 See below, p. 197.

- lus pontif., I., 276 seq. ; cf. ibid., iii.
^ Collect., I., n. 116.
* Ibid., n. 109-115.
* Apostolatus evangelicus Missionarioritm regularium per
universum orbem expositus, Antwerpiae, 1653. Cf. Schmidlin,
in Zeiischr. fiir Missionswiss., I. (1911), 225 seq.
" See KiLGER, in Zeitschv fiir Missionswiss., XII. (1922), 27.
MISSIONS IN THE EAST AND IN AFRICA. I95
reunion, continued to labour for the preservation of unity

and the return of the schismatics.^ Innocent X. confirmed
the Constitutions of the Basihans in 1(347 ^ ; the Jesuits
estabhshed new houses Ruthenian Poland, as for instance
in
at Kieff in l()4r),3 and in Syria many Jacobites were brought

back to Roman unity by Archbishop Andrew Abdelgal of
Aleppo, himself a convert.* The Patriarch of the Maronites
Joseph III. (1622-1647) had pronounced a sentence of
excommunication against those Maronites who received the
Sacraments at the hands of the missionaries of the Holy See,
but in 1646 the Archbishop of Aleppo withdrew the sentence
and the dispute itself was settled through the intervention
of the French consul.^ In order to preserve the loyalty of the
Maronite people to the Holy See, Innocent X., with the help
of a donation of the Maronite Victor Scialac, of Accon,
founded and endowed a pontifical Maronite Seminary at
Ravenna and placed it under Propaganda.^ In 1655 the
Catholicos Philip did homage to the Pope in the name of the
* The Visitation of the residence of the Jesuits in Constanti-

nople ordered by Propaganda (April 22, 1647), showed that the
Jesuits laboured much among the Catholics and also among the
Greeks, who liked to go to confession to them. {*Visite, 29
[1648], Archives of Propag., Rome.) On January 22, 1648,
Propaganda bestowed great praise on the Jesuits who had
residences also in Smyrna, Naxos, Santorin and Paros. The
Visitation of their residence in Chios (May 8, 1648), testifies to
the excellent work of the Fathers but also to their poverty ;
they were supported only by contributions from the Pope which

they received since the time of Clement VIII. (ibid.).
- Ins pontif., I., 273 seq.
^
Cf. Hergenrother-Kirsch, III.*, 416.
'
Cf. ibid., 413. A " *Relation
de ce qui s'est passe es missions
de Syrie de la Comp. de Jesus de leur commencement [1625]
jusques au bout de I'an 1651, in Cod. Z. 104 of The Hague
Library.
^ Ins pontif., P. II., 102, n. 197.
" I us pontif., I., 260 seq. ; Bull. Prop. A pp., I., 237 seq. ;
Bull. Taiir., XV., 575 seq.

Armenians.^ Among the Persian Chaldeans 40,000 families

were still Catholic in 1653,^ whereas the Indian Chaldeans,
the so-called Christians of St. Thomas, at the instigation of
the Dutch, expelled the Jesuits in 1653, when they went over
in large numbers monophysite Jacobites.^ In 1645, on
to the
the advice of Propaganda, Innocent entrusted the administra-
tion of the Churches of both Circassias, and of those in
Mingrelia and Abbatia, to a neighbouring Bishop.*
In Africa the Copts and Abyssinians had relapsed into
schism so that the Reformati and the Capuchins dispatched
thither by Propaganda suffered a Martyrs' death. ^ For the
Christians of Barbary, on the recommendation of Propaganda,
the Pope appointed the French Lazarist Philip Le Vacher,
as Vicar Apostolic of Algiers where this disciple of St. Vincent
de Paul displayed the greatest zeal in ministering to the
Christian slaves and in converting the Mohammedans.^ On
the coast of Guinea, in addition to the Augustinians (1646),
Spanish Capuchins likewise undertook missionary work under
the auspices of Propaganda, as for example in 1644, at
Commando where they were well received and baptized the
King's son. In 1645, under the Andalusian pro-provincial,
Caspar of Sevilla, they undertook work among the negroes
^ Hergenrother-Kirsch, III., 414. A *Brief to the Shah

of Persia, datedJuly 13, 1652 {Epist., VII. -VIII., Pap. Sec.
Arch.) recommends missionaries returning to Armenia.
- Hergenrother-Kirsch, III., 411 seq.
^ Ibid., 410. Cf. MtJLLBAUER, 302.
* " Sigismundo episcopo Chersonensi in Tartaria Praecopensi,"
I us pontif., I., 238 seq. In the regions of the Caucasus Carmelites
and at times also Jesuits, Capuchins and Theatines were at
work see Schmidlin, Missionsgesch., 222. In a *Letter to the
;
Princeps Mengrelliae (dated February 2, 1646), Innocent X.

expresses his thanks for the friendly reception of the Theatines
and for sending two young Mingrelians who
will be educated
at the Propaganda. Pap. Sec. Archives.
Epist., II.,
5 See Hergenrother-Kirsch, III., 412, 577 Schmidlin, ;
Missionsgesch., 233, 371 ; Lemmens, 180.

* lus pontif., I., 279, P. II., n. 107. Cf. Schmidlin, 372.
AFRICAN MISSIONS. I97
of Senegal where they also met with a friendly reception ;
in 1648 in Benin, where they converted the King, in Sierra

Leone in 1()52, with equal success, notwithstanding Portuguese
opposition ; in 1055 in Overo where the ruler embraced
Christianity.^ Several large missionary expeditions of Italian
Capuchins entered the kingdom of Congo, viz. li\c Fathers
in 1646, thirty-one in 1648, forty-five in 1651, sixteen in 1654.
From the Christian Queen Zinga they received powerful support
whilst on the part of the Portuguese they met with grievous
obstacles.2 The Portuguese and the Mohammedans between
them brought about the ruin of the mission in East Africa,
though we read of a short-lived Augustinian mission to
Melinda in 1644 and the conversion, by some Dominicans, of
the " emperor " of Monomatapa.^ The Lazarists landed in
Madagascar in 1648 but their activity was hampered in
many ways as a result of its being invôlved in France's
colonial policy.* In India the Jesuits were still making
thousands of converts, as in the territory of Madura, in
Cj. Rocco DA Cesixale, III., 502 seq.

1 Schmidlin, 229, 372. ;
A decree of Propaganda of 1645 for the Andalusian Capuchins

among the Negritos, in Ins poniif., P. II., n. 188.
*
Cf. Rocco DA Cesinale, III. Schmidlin, 227, 373 Ciampi,
; ;
242. Among the rare printed works of the Bibl. Casanatensc,

Rome, there is a copy of the " Breve relatione della missione dci
[ratiminori Cappuccini al regno di Congo " (Roma, 1649), and

" a copia della lettera del Re di Congo a S. S'^ ", dated Congo,
October 5, 1646. Pontifical Letters to the King of Congo on the

dispatch of Capuchins, of November 10, 1645, May 20, 164S,
January 14, 1651 and November 21, 1653, in Bull. Congr. Prop.
Fide, VII., 24 seqq. In 1653 Propaganda decided that mi.ssionaries
in the Congo could not exercise any missionary jurisdiction within
five hours' walk of the districts of the parish priests without the
latter's permission ; Jus pontif., P. II., n. 209.
'
Cf. PiOLET, Les missions franc, V., 470
cath. Kilger, in ;
Zeitschr. fiir Missionswiss., 103, and Schmidlin, 231.

1907,
* Schmidlin, 222, and the bibliography there quoted. A
' *Lettera scritta dalli missionarii di Madagascar al sig. \'inccnzo
di Paolo sup. gen. d. frati delle missioni per darne parte alia S.
Congreg. de Propaganda, 1650 ", in Barb. 4546, Vatican Library.
^
Tanjaur, Sattiamangalam and Tiruchirapalli,^ in central

Cochin, in Travancor, on the fishers' coast, in Canara, Bejapor
and Bengal as well as at the court of the Great Mogul.
Franciscans, Dominicans, Augustinians, Carmelites, Theatines
and Capuchins erected new houses besides the existing ones
and made them the bases of their missionary undertakings.^
Between 1645 and 1646 Fr. Rhodes was expelled from Cochin
China where he had achieved splendid successes, but in 1646
two Jesuits returned thither and five others went to Tonkin
where, between 1645 and 1646, 24,000 persons received baptism
whilst 50,000 were converted in Cochin China, so that in a
petition to Innocent X. of the year 1653, the French
missionaries spoke of 200,000 Christians in the two kingdoms
who were, however, deprived of spiritual help and longed for
the advent of new shepherds.* On the other hand, of the
missions in the islands, the only ones that survived were
those in Ceylon where the king or emperor Mutale had been
converted in 1644 ^ ; in Sanguin where the Franciscans
baptized the kings of Colonga and Tabuca ^ and in Solor
where the Dominican Juan da Costa established the station
of Baju in 1650 and received a number of pagans into the
Church. On Timor heavy struggles began with the infiltration
of the Dutch in 1648.' Lastly in the Philippines, Dominicans
and Franciscans, Jesuits and Augustinians laboured together
in strengthening the Christians and in an attempt at the
definitive defeat of paganism. A decisive step towards this
consummation was the act of November 20th, 1645, by
1 See MtJLLBAUER, 204 seq., 208, 214, 225 seq., 228 seq.
- Ibid., 279, 284, 287, 294, 296.
=»
Ibid., 325 seq., 334, 341, 346, 352, 354. Cf. 365, on the Indo-
Portuguese bishoprics of that time.
* Launay, I., 19 seq. Cf. Pachtler, Das Christentum in
Tonkin und Cochinchina (1861), 62 seqq., 163 seq. Rhodes
caused also an Annamite Catechism to be printed in Rome ;
SCHMIDLIN, 254.
SCHMIDLIN, 255.
•''
" CiVEZZA, VII.,

2, 929 seq. Schmidlin, 257.
;
'
Cf. BiERMANN, in Zeitschr. fur Missionswiss., 1924, 36, 41.
-
JAPAN AND CHINA. I99
which Innocent X., at the request of the King of Spain, raised

the Dominican College of St. Thomas at Manila to the status
of a University where grammar, rhetoric, logic, philosophy
and theology were taught and the academic degrees could
be obtained.^ In Japan Christianity had been destroyed
together with the missionaries so that only a few pitiful
remains lingered on in secret, though as late as 1C46
Propaganda dispatched thither the secular priest Bonfilz and
an Augustinian friar.
In China the number of Christians had risen to 150,000
by 1650 so that in the following year Propaganda was
' Bull. Taur., X\'., 414 ; his pontif., I., 242 5^^. Cf. Schmidlin,
263 seq.
» Schmidlin, 286. Cf. Kath. Missionen, 1922-3, nr. 4.
The " *Ragguaglio della missione del Giappone tratto daU'ultima
lettera annua del 1649 scritta in lingua Portoghese " says of

the College of Macao that " E egli il capo della provincia del
Giappone e seminario de' suoi missionanti, campo ancora e
teatro in cui essi per apparecchio alle lor gloriose impresc si
esercitano, collegio nel quale vi%on soggetti di zelo e di fervor si
grande che alcuni di lor pregarono instantissimamente quest'anno
il Provinciale a far veduta di licentiarli come discoli della Com-
pagnia e dar loro le vesti di sccolo, accioche creduti di non esser

dell'ordine potessero acconciatisi per servi a' mercanti Olandesi
haver franco passaggio nel Giappone, se bene per saggi riguardi
non fu loro in cio acconsentito. ... E ivi anche un seminario
fondato da un prcte Giapponese con capital di dodici mila tais.
Quivi s'allevano putti Giapponesi apprendendo tutto il ncccssario
i
per ordinarsi sacerdoti e aprendosi il Giappone, entrar\i con la

sufficenza sufficiente a predicare e risolver li dubi che occorrono.
Si attende in Macao da nostri con sommo studio al bene spiritualc
de' prossimi, cssendovi gran messe di Portughesi e di gente scnza
conto di altre nationi. II concorso che in tutte le feste deH'anno
h in nostra chiesa per confessarsi sembra un non intcrmesso
giubileo. La pieta in cui per opera della Compagnia son venute
le donne e le publiche penitcnze che fanno, supera ogiii crcdenza.
I piu nobili cittadini si ritirano spesso nel collegio a far esercitii
spirituali di Sant'Ignatio, c cio fanno specialmente nella quarcsima

fin a venti e piii insieme." University Library', Freiburg, in Br.
Cod. 274, p. 94.
considering a plan for a Chinese Patriarchate of twelve

dioceses with two or three archbishoprics.^ The Cologne
Jesuit Adam Schall maintained himself at Pekin even after
the overthrow of the Ming dynasty by the Manchurian
Tartars 1644 he won the goodwill of the new emperor Shung-
;
Ti though love of pleasure prevented the latter's

and
conversion, he conceived a great esteem for the Christian
religion and frequently visited Schall. The Jesuit took
advantage of his conversations and his epistolary commerce
with the emperor to wrest from him an ordinance favourable
to Christianity and to win for it the sympathies of the educated
classes.^
In southern China the Jesuits succeeded in converting the
emperor of the dethroned Ming dynasty who had fled thither,
together with three other members of the imperial family,
among them the empress' son. The empress was given the
name of Helena in baptism and her son that of Constantine.^
The Vatican Archives still preserve the empress Helena's
letter to Innocent X. written on silk, but by the time that
document reached Rome the Pope was dead."*
1 See *Rapporto dalle missioni di Cina, Scrit. rif., 1874, II.,
n. 596, Propaganda Archives, Rome. Cf. A. Launay, Hist, de

la mission de Chine, Vannes, 1907 ; Schwager, in Zeitschr.
fiir Missionswiss., 1912, 207 seq. ; Hist.-polit. Blatter, CXXXIX.,

120 seq. Cf. above, p.
2 See Schall, Relatio de initio et progressu missionis Soc. lesu in
regno Sinanim (1665) ; Martini, Brevis relatio de niimero et
qualitate christianorum apud Sinas (1654). Cf. Schmidlin,

273-
3
Cf. Schmidlin, 273 seq.
The remarkable *Document discovered by Mgr. Ugolini

*
{cf. Antiquitdten-Zeitung, 191 1, 53), the authenticity of which was
attested by the Chinese ambassador in Rome, is in *Arm. VII.,

caps. III., 36, Pap. Sec. Arch., with a latin translation. The
Empress writes that she learnt the Faith from Fr. Andrew Xavier,
" et ecce credidi " ; likewise " regina imperatoris mater Maria,
regina eius legitima coniux Anna et filius imperatoris princeps
Constantinus ". She sends the letter by " P. Andreas Xavier et
aula imperatoris pro tempore assistentes ",
Michael Boym, S.J., in
CHINESE MISSIONS. 201
After the heroic martyrdom

in 1648 of the Dominican,
Blessed Capillas, Dominican Morales, with three

the
companions and the Franciscan Antonio di S. Maria with
two companions, returned to Fukien in 1619. In 1650 the
latter went to Shantung where he opened the mission of
Tsinanfu and many others.^
The controversy concerning the lawfulness of the veneration
of ancestors which had begun under Urban VIIF., became
more acute under Innocent X. At Manila, in the Philippines,
the question was eagerly discussed. The Dominican Morales
of Macao summed up the controverted points under twelve
headings and the Franciscan Antonio di S. Maria did so
under fifteen. On the part of the Jesuits it was chiefly
Francisco Furtado who made it his business to reply to these
writings.^ A proposal by the Dominican Provincial, Clement
Gan, to thrash out the whole question in a joint assembly of
theologians of both Orders was declined by the Jesuit
Provincial Manuel Diaz on the ground that he had already
dispatched to Rome one of his subjects, Alvaro Semedo,
with a view to obtaining from Propaganda directions for a
uniform line of conduct for the missionaries.'* Thereupon the
Dominicans likewise had recourse to Rome. At a Provincial
Assembly at Manila in 1640 they unanimously chose Morales
and she asks him to send more Jesuits (dated November 4, 1650).
The *reply of Alexander VII. to " Helena Tamingue Sinarum
regina ", dated December 18, 1655, is in Epist., I., 282, Pap.
Sec. Arch. Cf. Arch. stor. Hal., IV., Series XVII., 157.
1 See the letters of Antonio of 1649 in Maas, Cartas de Cina,
I. (1917). Cf. ScHMiDLiN, 257.
*
Cf. the presentwork, XXIX., 249.
' Castner, *Relatio ; Biermann, 65 ; Furtado, Informatio
antiqiiissima, Paris, 1700. Furtado defends the conduct of the
Jesuits in a letter of November 10, 1636, to Vitelleschi, General of
the Order (Furtado, 8-13), and in 1640 he replied to the twelve
questions of Morales {ibid., 19-52). Both writings are translated
in Pray, I., 32-49, 51-103.
* Biermann, 50-63. Little is known of the mission of Semedo ;
cf. ibid., 66, n. 52.

^
for their representative. The latter sailed at once but only

reached Rome
towards the end of February, 1643 by that ;
time Semedo had left the Eternal City.^ A whole year went
by before the seven qualificators of the Inquisition began
their study of the question at fourteen sittings, from March
22nd to June, 1644. The decision was left to a Congregation
of eight members under Cardinal Ginetti and at a later date
under Cardinal Espada. Their final decisions were published
by Propaganda at whose request the Inquisition had likewise
taken up the matter.
The queries which Morales submitted on behalf of the
Dominicans and the Franciscans were summed up under
seventeen headings the first five were concerned with the
;
Commandments of the Church, such as fasting and so forth,

the observance of which met with some difficulty on the
part of the Chinese neophytes and the levying of taxes ;
the two last were about prayers for the dead and the preaching
of Christ crucified. The remaining points dealt with the
burning question of co-operation in idolatrous acts.^ The
difficulties were presented in the form of queries, not as
accusations against the Jesuits. However, a memorial of

Morales to Propaganda, which forms a preamble to the seven-
teen queries,'* makes some grave accusations against them.
Morales starts from the danger of the Chinese missionaries
becoming an occasion of spiritual ruin for the souls of the
new converts in fact according to him that ruin was already
;
at work in consequence of the quarrel of the Jesuits in China

with the Dominican and Franciscan missionaries ; the Jesuits,
he asserted, did not take to heart Urban VIII. 's warning to
the missionaries, to pursue a uniform line of conduct. This
1 BlERMANN, 66.
- Ibid., 67.
^ Decree of Propaganda of September 12, 1645, in Collectanea,
I-. 30^5. ^- 114 Bullarium Prop. (1839 seqq.), I., 123
;
seqq.
* Annales de la Societe des soi-disans Jesuites, III., Paris, 1767,
826.
DISPUTE OVER THE CHINESE RITES. 203
introduction is in keeping with the eighteenth point ^ at the

end of the seventeen. That additional point treats of the
penalties which those missionaries are said to deserve who
do, teach or tolerate any of the things enumerated in the
seventeen points. Though the Congregation did not condemn
the procedure described in the seventeen points from
every point of view, was in the
on the whole its decision
sense of Morales' memorial Propaganda's decree of Septem-
:
ber r2th, 1645 2 contains a first condemnation of the Chinese

rites.
Contrary to subsequent procedure, on this occasion the

Congregation did not consider the question whether Morales'
accusations were really justified by the facts. The accused
denied it ; a pamphlet by the Jesuit Philippucci ^ enumerates
no less than forty-two inaccuracies as forming the basis of
the accusations. The offerings made to Confucius and to
the ancestors were not, in his view, real sacrifices ; those who
made them were not priests the rooms in which the offerings ;
were presented were not temples with real altars, nor were
prayers offered to Confucius and to the ancestors.* Philippucci
and the Jesuits generally, strongly protested against the
most odious accusation of all, which subsequently made the
round of the world in Pascal's " Lettres Provinciales " ^ ;
Annales de la Societe des soi-disans Jesuites, III., 829, and

'
Morale pratique des Jesuites, n. XXXI. (Arnauld, CEuvres,

XXXIV., 373). According to the Annales, III., 829, the intrigues
of the Jesuits succeeded in suppressing the 18th question, " dent
la resolution les eut notes et fait connoitre pour ce qu'ils ont ete
dans I'empire de la Chine. Un Prelat de Rome en envoya una

copie faite sur Toriginal meme, et c'est sur cette copie que nous
donnons au public celle-ci.
- Collect., n. 1 14.
^ De Sinensium ritibus politicis acta, sen praeludiimi ad plenam
disquisitionem, an bona vel mala fide impugnentur opiniones et
praxes missionariorum Soc. Jesu, Lugd.-Parisiis, 1700.
* Ibid., 13 seqq.
* Letter 4 " [dans les Indes et dans la
(s. 1., 1767), p. 54 :
Chine], ou ils ont permis aux chr6tiens I'ldolatrie meme par cette
subtile invention, etc."
^
according to Morales the Jesuits allowed the neophytes, in

the ceremonial veneration of Confucius and the ancestors,
to hide a crucifix amid the flowers or other ornaments, or to
hold it in their hand, and to refer to it the homage which
they paid in exactly the same manner as the pagans did to
the pictures of the ancestors or the idols. ^ Ceremonies also
which every beholder could only look upon as pagan, they
were accused of attempting to justify in their conscience by
means of a purely internal diversion of intention. However,
the Jesuits were quite wrongly accused of such revolting
duplicity, but it is true that at times when Christian Mandarins
had to take an oath in a pagan temple, they had a table
placed there with a large crucifix and before this they took
the oath, but this was done quite openly.
The Dominicans based these inaccuracies on information
concerning the conduct of the Jesuits obtained by them at
Tongtou, about the turn of the year 1635. By then they had
been a year in China, yet it was only then, and by chance,
that they learnt something about the centre and kernel of
Chinese life, the worship of ancestors. Thus they had not
as yet acquired a deep knowledge of things Chinese and in
all probability their acquaintance with the Chinese language
and literature was little better. It is true that at a later
date, under Clement XI. and Benedict XIV. the Mendicants
won their case against the Jesuits, but it is nevertheless
regrettable that, notwithstanding their very inadequate
information, they threw themselves so suddenly and so
precipitately upon the Jesuits and that their irritation against
^ Collectanea, n. 114, p. 33 (septimo the veneration of

: Chim-
hoam ; octavo public veneration of Confucius).
:
2 BiERMANN, 196 seq. Acta Sanctorum Mali Propylaeum,

;
Paralipomena, Paris, 1868, 144. The Jesuits, says Philippucci

(19, n. 20), held the veneration of Confucius which they permitted,
to be either lawful or unlawful if lawful why then this extenua-
:
tion by means of the hidden cross

? if unlawful,
" ista simulatio . . .
intolerabilis plane et stultissima videretur, eiusque permissio

non esset tarn facile sine uUo fundamento in Patres Societatis
reiicienda, quasi doctrinam adeo nefariam docerent."
DISPUTE OVER THE CHINESE RITES. 205
their rivals in the mission field should show itself so plainly.

This feeling finds expression in the preamble to the seventeen
points and by more than one token it appears that they
^
deemed themselves chosen by God to bring back the church

of China into the right path.^
All this was bound to make bad blood, hence it was not to
be expected that the Jesuits would accept Propaganda's
decree of 1645 in silence. This also Morales reported in
Rome in his own fashion ^ on his part the Franciscan
;
Antonio di S. Maria reported from the Philippines that there

were " some religious " there who saw in the decrees of
Propaganda no more than private opinions.'* Thereupon
Innocent X. confirmed anew ^ in general terms and without
mentioning the decree of 1645, a decision of his predecessor
by the terms of which the duly accredited decrees of that
Congregation had the force of Apostolic Constitutions. For
the rest the decree of Propaganda concerning the Chinese
rites was not fully carried out even in the missions
of the Mendicants,^ but the Chinese translation for the
neophytes mentioned only eight out of the seventeen points
and these in a diluted form in particular the prohibition
;
" under pain of excommunication " was replaced by the

expression that this or that " was not seemly ".'
^ See above, p. 202.

* " Just as Divine Providence had chosen Francis and Dominic
in the 13th century to prevent the ruin of the Church, so
were their sons now chosen for the Church in China." Antonio
di S. Maria Arch. Francisc, IV., 52).
;
' He " warns " Propaganda " not to believe that the Jesuits
will sul)mit to the Roman decisions ". Biermann, 85, note.
* Ibid.
''
On July 30, 1652, Collect., I., 35 seq., n. 119.
« Philippuccius, 42.
' Translation of the Chinese text in Philippuccius, 40 5^^.
After a few historical data the document states that Innocent X.
had issued a decree " inquiens
(i) Christianos regiae Sinarum
:
familiae Ta Mim
Ming dynasty which still ruled over part of
[the
China] maioribus dcfunctis munera offcrre non convenit (2) ;
^
In South America, where the rehgious situation was far

from uniformly bright, the mission to the pagans was also
grievously neglected. In 1645, at the prayer of the Catholics
of Pernambuco, Innocent X. forbade the Bishop of San
Salvador (Bahia), to compel the latter to present themselves
before him when they had to take oaths in connexion with
marriage dispensations.^ Just as the French Capuchins
wrested Pernambuco from the hands of the Dutch for the
Portuguese and then established themselves there, so did
the Portuguese Jesuits rescue Maranhao from the power of
Holland in 1644, their reward being the suppression of slavery
in 1652.^ In 1645 twelve Capuchins took over a mission
from Propaganda on the Maranhao whilst in 1646 some of
their colleagues went to Tuapel and Nahuelgami in Chile.
In the North, Spanish Capuchins penetrated into Darien,
(Panama) in 1646 and into Kumana (Piritu) in 1650 in ;
Confucio munera offerre non convenit (3) Insuper Chim Hoam

;
munera offerre non convenit ;

Tempore praedicationis omnia ad
(4)
D. N. lesu Christi Incarnationem, mundi redemptionem et
passionem pertinentia convenit promulgare, et lesu Christi
imaginem in Domini altari erigere convenit (5) Maiorum ;
defunctorum epitaphium in tabella descriptum exponere chris-

tianis non convenit (6) Pecuniam alteri foenerare non convenit
; ;
(7) Tempore baptismi convenit, ut sacerdos omnes mulieres sancto

oleo vice alterius [sic !] inungat, et sanctum salem gustandum
eisdem praebeat, et in earum mortis articulo convenit, ut vice
alterius sanctum oleum iis conferat (8) Omnibus maribus
;
et feminis christianis diem dominicum et magnos dies festos,

abstinentiam a carnibus et ieiunia servare convenit." The
mention of the Ming dynasty shows that the translation was made
immediately after Morales' return and probably by himself.
It only came to the knowledge of the Jesuits in 1679 {ibid., 43
seq.).
^ lus pontif., I., 2;^6seq.
-
Cf. 330, and the authorities there quoted
ScHMiDLiN, ;
Giuseppe da Castrogiovanni O. M. Cap., Notizie sioriche della

missione Cappuccina di Rio de Janeiro, 1650-1910, Catania, 1910.
^ Rocco DA Cesinale, III., 728, and Schmidlin, 305, n. 6,
309, n. 9.
CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA. 207
1647 the two Jesuits Grillet and Bachamel went to

Guyana.^
In Paraguay, in 1G47, tlie Jesuits had twenty-seven
Reductions with 300,000 Indians, but they were involved in
a fierce contest with the Franciscan Bishop Bernardino de
Cardenas of Asuncion on account of the latter's pretension to
visit their Reductions and to replace the Fathers by secular
priests. In 1652 Cardenas left his diocese for good.^
A was caused by a dispute which broke out in
great stir
1647 in Me.xico between the Jesuits and the Bishop of La
Puebla de los Angelos, Juan Palafox y Mendoza.^ Born at
Fitero in Spain and sent to Me.xico in 1639, armed with
extraordinary faculties, Palafox, to the amazement of every-
body, deposed the Viceroy and took his place himself in ;
addition to this he was also Captain General, Visitor of the

Audiencia, Bishop of Puebla and administrator of the arch-
bishopric of Mexico which had become vacant just then.
As Visitor, Palafox gave the city of Mexico occasion for
grievous complaints to Philip IV. and as Bishop he
promptly came in conflict with all the Orders, with the
temporary exception of the Society of Jesus. However, his
initial friendliness with the Jesuits turned to a profound
estrangement in consequence of a dispute over a tenth which
he wished to levy from their possessions. On March 6th,
1 See Rocco da Cesinale, III., 712, and Schmiulin, 302.
* Cf. Streit, Bibl. Missionum, II., 455 seqq., 507 seq., 527 ;
ScHMiDLiN, 318 AsTRAiN, 568 and 596

; Lemmens, 331 ; ;
P. Pastells, II., 1-356 (Documents, 1638-54).

' AsTRAiN, v., 356-411; Eguren, Palafox ei les Jesnites,
Madrid, 1878 Genaro Garcia, Don Juan Palafox y Mendoza,
;
ohispo de Puebla y Osma, visitador y virrey de la Nueva Espaha,

Mexico, 191 8 Idem, Documentos iniditos
; muy raros para la
historia de Mixico, VII. Don Juan Palafox y Mendoza, sit
:
virreinato en la Nueva Espana, sits contiendas con los P.P. Jesttitas,

sus partidarios en Puebla, sus apariciones, sits escritos escogidos,
Mexico, 1906 ; Streit, Bibl. Miss., II., 472 ; Letter of Palafox
to Innocent X. of May 25, 1647, ibid., 497, that of January 8,
1649, ibid., 511, 548 seq. Cf. Mariano Cuevas, Hist, de la Iglesia
en Mdxtco, III., Tlalpam. 1924, 283-312.
1647, he forbade them to hear confessions and to preach

and demanded that they should furnish proof that they had
the required faculties. This the Jesuits refused to do this
;
was a grave blunder which earned them a severe reprimand

from their General. They nevertheless no longer celebrated
offices publicly, though at the approach of the first Friday
in Lent, which was always observed with particular solemnity,

they asked Palafox' permission to preach the customary
sermon. Permission was refused. Thereupon the Fathers
argued that it was enough to have asked for the permission.
The Bishop now laid his case before the general public by
publishing a proclamation on March 8th, 1647, to the effect
that the Jesuits had no faculties for hearing confessions or
preaching, though he himself had at first chosen his own
confessor from among them and on his visitations he always
took with him a Jesuit as confessor and preacher for the
Indians. Palafox now barred the confessional and the pulpit
to the Jesuits until they should have asked him for faculties.
In view of the lack of facilities of communications in
those days, which often made it difficult to have recourse to
Rome, the Jesuits, like the other Orders, enjoyed the right
of choosing so-called Conservators who had the power to
safeguard their privileges in virtue of special papal faculties.
Instead of seeking an amicable settlement with the Bishop,
the Jesuits had recourse to this unfortunate remedy and
chose two Dominicans for their Conservators. Now although
the four Orders established in Mexico, viz. the Dominicans,
Franciscans, Augustinians and Mercedarians, as well as the
Chapter of Mexico City and finally even the Archbishop of
that city, had declared that the situation was such as to
justify the appointment of Conservators, their decision was
none the less a mistake for Palafox had not gone beyond his
rights. Consequently Palafox refused to recognize the
Conservators who, on their part, published a manifesto in
which they declared that the Bishop had incurred ex-
—
communication a grievous " exorbitance " as the Jesuit
General described it. On April 6th Palafox excommunicated
the Conservators.
PALAFOX AND THE JESUITS. 209
On June Itli the Bishop reinforced his defence by a most

unusual manifestation. On the evening of that day all the
bells of the city were rung till far into the night no one
;
knew why. On the following morning the bells were again

rung The whole city flocked to the cathedral
for a long time. ;
at the end of High Mass Palafox, escorted by the entire

Chapter, seated himself at the entrance of the choir whilst
a document was read inculcating obedience to the Bishop and
forbidding acknowledgement of the Conservators. After that
the Bishop and Chapter went in procession, preceded by a
cross covered with a black veil, to a platform from which
he gave an explanation of the decree just read. There followed
the recitation of the imprecatory psalm (Ps. CVIII.), so
called by reason of its terrible imprecations, and at its
conclusion the Canons put out the lighted candles they had
carried and threw them on the ground. Palafox had not
foreseen that the Jesuits would have their windows smashed
and that the ordinances of the Conservators would be
bespattered with dirt. More serious disorders were only
prevented by the intervention of the Inquisition and the
Viceroy who extended the royal protection to the Conservators.
On June 7th Palafox drove in state through the streets of
the city, to the sound of the bells, whilst his partisans hailed
him as Viceroy.
Whilst the Viceroy Salvatierro sought to reconcile the
disputants, Palafox suddenly disappeared from La Puebla
for a whole four months no one knew his whereabouts
; ;
he himself left word that he was going away in the hope that
his absence would promote the restoration of peace. The
Chapter of La Puebla now undertook the government of
the diocese in the name of the Bishop and at its request the
Jesuits submitted their faculties on July 19th, when the
Chapter renewed them. In point of fact sixteen of the twenty-
four Jesuits of the city had received their powers from Palafox
himself. Until November they exercised their ministry
without molestation. Thanks to the mediation of the Viceroy
the mutual excommunications were raised by Palafox and
the Conservators and on November 27th the Bishop made
VOL. xx.x. p
his solemn entry into La Puebla. Tolerable relations were

resumed with the Jesuits and the conflict seemed settled.
In reality it was not so. In May, 1648, a friend of the
Bishop, Marcos de Torres y Rueda, Bishop of Yucatan,
became Viceroy. Palafox now threw aside all sense of his
own dignity and gave full vent to his resentment against the
Jesuits. On May 16th he drove through the city in an open
carriage, escorted by a crowd of noisy youths, who hailed
him with shouts of victory and threw stones against the
houses of the friends of the Jesuits. Handbills with the
text of alleged excommunications against the Jesuits were
scatteredand Palafox threatened not to ordain anyone who
had studied in their colleges. The hated religious were
accused of simony and assassinations and three Canons
were detained in incredibly cruel confinement for having
protected the Conservators, in comphance with the order
of the previous Viceroy.
In September, 1648, a Brief came from Rome, bearing the
date of May 14th, 1648, ^ which Palafox considered as a
triumph for his cause. In the preceding year he had forwarded
to Rome five accusations against the Jesuits, with a request
for a papal sentence which, as a matter of fact, was given
by a commission of five Cardinals and four assessors.^ The
Brief made a change
in the existing law, to the disadvantage
of the Jesuits.Gregory XIII. had granted them the privilege
of preaching, hearing confessions, saying Mass in their own
churches, in any part of those distant countries, without
further formality, provided they had been approved by any
Bishop Gregory XV. revoked this privilege by
ivhatever.
insisting on the approval of the Bishop of the diocese Urban ;
VIII. had excepted the Spanish dominions, hence Gregory

XIII. 's privilege had revived. Now Innocent X.'s Brief, as
if by inadvertence, failed to mention Urban VIII. 's restriction,
and took the standpoint of Gregory XV. 's decision. Thus

^ Reproduced in Bull., XV., 713 seq., and in lus pontif., I.,
253 seq.
^ Spada, Sacchetti, Ginetti, Carpegna and Franciotti ; the
assessors were Fagnani, Maraldi, Paolucci and Farnese.
:
PALAFOX AND THE JESUITS. 211
the privilege of the Jesuits was revoked by this decree, but

it was evident enough that the latter would lodge a protest
against Rome's apparent oversight. Innocent X. also declared
that Palafo.x was within his rights when he forbade all pastoral
work within his diocese to those Jesuits who refused to submit
their faculties. Consequently the nomination of Conservators
and the latter's sentence and excommunication were likewise
null and void.
In obedience to this Brief, the faculties of the twenty-two
Jesuits in La Puebla were submitted to Palafox twelve of ;
them he renewed at once, the rest he wished to subject to

further study. Palafox might have been satisfied with his
triump^h, but he would not be content. He insisted that the
Jesuits should .seek public absolution from their excommunica-
tion and, as was rumoured by some officials, with a rope
round and a black taper in their hands. However,
their necks
things did not go so far. In view of a rumour that the original
text of the Bull had been tampered with, the Jesuits appealed
to the Royal Council which, on the strength of papal
concessions, enjoyed in Mexico the most exorbitant powers
even in the ecclesiastical sphere. That body gave orders to
withhold the Bull and to hand over the deeds to the hscal.
On February (ith, 1648, Philip IV. recalled Palafox from
Mexico in June, 1649, the latter obeyed the order and
;
returned to Spain. He had been removed from the office

of Visitor of the Andiencia already in October, 1647. Before
leaving for Spain he drew famous memorandum on
up his
the Jesuits addressed to the Pope. Already at an earlier
date, viz. May 25th, 1647, he had written to the Pope making
accusations which are in part explained by the circumstance
that his quarrel with the hated religious was at its height
just then. In his letter of January 8th, 1649, his accusations
against the Jesuits exceeded all bounds.^
The authenticity of the letter is proved by Arnauld. The

'
author of the Pratique morale des Jesuiies (Arnauld, CEuvres,

XXXIII., 6i8 seqq.), Astrain (V., 407 seqq.), Duhr (Jesuiten-
faheln*, 640 seq., and Cardinal Calini in the process of beatification
of Palafo.x (in [Boero], Osservazioni sopra I'lstoria del pontificato
Meanwhile the discussion of the tiresome business was

proceeding in Rome. At the request of the Jesuits all the
facts of the dispute were brought together out of these
;
fifty-one points thirteen only were recognized as certain by

the cardinalitial Congregation (December 17th, 1652).^ On
the whole the thirteen points are not unfavourable to the
Jesuits. Thus the first point states that previous to Palafox'
prohibition, they had been authorized, either by himself or
by his predecessors, both to preach and to hear the confessions
of seculars. The last point establishes the fact that the five
accusations sent in by Palafox do not prove the Jesuits'
guilt, nor did it appear that any one of them had incurred
excommunication or that the censures pronounced by the
Bishop could be looked upon as justified.
No judgment was pronounced with regard to the past and
directions were only given for future conduct. Cardinal
Spada 2 wrote to Palafox requesting him privately to give
faculties to the superiors of the Jesuits to absolve any of
their subjects who might perchance have incurred some
censure. Just as the Jesuits were directed to show submission
and respect for the Bishop, so was Palafox repeatedly exhorted
to treat with due esteem so praiseworthy and useful an
Order, and to embrace with fatherly affection a religious
Society which had so fruitfully and so laboriously cultivated
the vineyard of the Lord.
On the same day a Brief was dispatched to the Jesuits
which put an end to the disputes. The Fathers had protested
against the Brief of 1648, but the Congregation upheld it on
February 14th, 1652. Thereupon they asked once more
di Clemente XIV. scritia dal P. A. Theiner, II., Monza, 1854,

261), do not doubt its authenticity. In Palafox, Obras, the letter
is found in Vol. XL, 63-120, and in Arnauld, loc. cit., p. 713-760.
According to Calini [loc. cit., 263) the letter proves that " Palafoxii
in carpenda proximorum fama effrenis malitia, in mendaciis
libertas, in conviciis facilitas et obstinatio in sua iniquitate, sine
poenitentia factorum et a se scriptorum.".
1 Published in Obras, XII., 552. Cf. Astrain, V., 407 seqq.
^ On December 17, 1652, Obras, XII., 554.
MISSIONS IN CANADA. 213
whether the nomination of Conservators had been lawful at

least on grounds other than those enumerated in the Brief.
On December 17th, 1052, the Congregation replied in the
negative and imposed silence for the future. Innocent X.
confirmed both decisions on November 17th, ir).")2, and on
May 17th, 1653.^ Some difficulties subsequently arose in
Spain but these were removed by means of a compromise

between Palafox and the Jesuits. The former did not return
to La Puebla but became Bishop of Osma in Spain where
he died in 1659.
For the rest in 1()4<S Innocent X. confirmed the erection
of a Seminary by Palafox and permitted its students to
take the doctorate in philosophy, theology and Canon Law
at the University of Mexico even though they did not attend
the lectures there. He likewise approved the Constitutions
of the Congregations of the priests of St. Peter at Los Angeles.^
Jesuits, Franciscans, Dominicans and Augustinians continued
their missionary labours in Mexico the Franciscans ;
penetrated further into Yucatan and New Leon ^ in 1648 ;
two Jesuits accompanied Bordel into California whilst Jesuits,

Dominicans and Capuchins continued their labours in the
French Lesser Antilles.*
In British territory in North America, at the request of
the Queen of England, the Jesuit mission of Maryland was
reopened in 1648 by Fr. Fisher, and that of the Capuchins
in Virginia in 1650, but both were soon abandoned once
more.^ In 1645 the Capuchin Prefect Pacificus, in Canada,
sent Fr. Archangel to France the Father was accompanied
;
by an Indian who received baptism whilst in France.^ By

1650 the Jesuits in Canada had converted almost all the
Hurons, the Algonquins and the Montagnais, but during the
' Ins pontif., I., 281 ; Bull., XV., 705 seq.

^ lus pontif., I., 257 seq., 267 seq.
' ScHMiDLiN, 349 ; cf. 344, n. 7, and 348, n. 6.
*
Cf. ibid., 295 seq.
* ScHMiDLiN, 356, n. 6 ; Arch. stor. ital., LXXVI., 2 (1920),
250 seq.
* Cf. SCHMIDLIN, loc. cit.
^
war with the Iroquois (1646-9) several missionaries suffered

martyrdom, a number of stations were destroyed and the
Christian Hurons exterminated, except for a small remnant
which in 1650 was transported to Quebec.^ Already in 1646
an assembly of the French clergy had prayed for the establish-
ment of a Canadian bishopric, and for this the Queen and the
ecclesiastical council had in view the Jesuits but the latter
;
proposed Francois de Montmorency-Laval who, in effect,

was appointed Vicar Apostolic. ^ Laval proved a splendid
Bishop whose merits have received sufficient recognition by
the fact that in 1890 he was proposed for beatification.
That honour was actually bestowed in 1925 on the above-
named Jesuit missionaries. Anyone who undertook to live
among the Indians of Canada thereby renounced all the
comforts and refinements with which two thousand years
has embellished life in Europe, and ran the obvious risk of
falling into thehands of hostile Indians who then sought to

discover, by means of the most exquisite tortures, how much
pain the white man could endure. Of this the Jesuit Martyrs
of the years 1646-9 had ample experience, but they also
endured the most dreadful tortures with a heroism beyond
all praise.
1 SCHMIDLIN, loc. cit.

2 De la Rochemonteix, Les Jesuites de la Nouvelle France an
XVII. siecle, Paris, 1895 Schmidlin, 412
; A. Gosselin, La
;
mission du Canada avant Mgr. de Laval (1615-1659), Evreux,

1909 ;The Jesuit relations and allied documents. Travels and
explorations of the Jesuit missionaries in New France, 1610-1671,
ed. Thwaites, 73 vols., 1896-1901.
^ Biography by Gosselin, Quebec, 1890. Cf. The Cath.
Encyclop., XV., New York [191 1], 45 seq. Laval was first destined
for Tongking see above, p. 193.
;
CHAPTER V.
Jansenism in France and the Netherlands.^
(1.)
Urban VIII. had raised his voice against Jansenism as soon

as it arose, though without marked success. ^ Under his
successors also conditions for the further progress of the new
teaching were only seemingly unfavourable.
Counselled as she was by the Marquise de Senecey, the
governess of the royal children, Queen Anne of France was a
decided opponent of " the disciples of St. Augustine ",^ but
the high functionary, Francois Daubray, whom she charged
with the surveillance of the party, allowed himself to be
intimidated by the Jansenists, with the result that he did
his duty badly.* On the other hand the Queen had the
advantage of having Vincent de Paul to advise her with
regard to Church appointments, but even he did not succeed
in Though Anne had promised him
preventing mistakes.
to give no preferment to men suspected of favouring the
new teaching, the two most powerful patrons of the sect,
viz. Jean Francois Paul de Gondi and Louis Henri de Gondrin
de Pardaillan, were respectively named coadjutors of Paris

and Sens in 1643 and 1644.5
* For this chapter Ihad at my disposal many documents from

various archives left by the late Professor Schill, who was un-
fortunately not able to make use of them.
^
Cf. the present work, Vol. XXIX., 119 seq.
Rapin, Mem., I., 112, 137. Rapin gives an account of
'
Jansenism as it works in practical life. We may trust him for

his cissertions based on personal observation, but otherwise he
is not always reliable. Cf. for his characterization, Bremond,
IV., 312 seq. * Rapin, I., 162.
* Ibid.,
47. On Gondrin see G. Dubois, Alen9on, 1902.
215
2l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Council of State shared the Queen's reUgious stand-

point. Chavigny, who as castellan of Vincennes and St.
Cyran's gaoler, had been won over by the latter for his person
and his cause, was the only one of its members to support the
party,^ whilst Henry, Prince of Conde, using Vincent de Paul
as his intermediary, was planning measures against the new
teaching with the nuncio and chancellor Seguier.^ Mazarin
was but little interested in religious questions. His ambition
was to maintain himself in his position, hence his anxiety to
stand well with all parties and to play off the one against the
other. Even the attitude of the Bishops was not uniformly
clear. Though the controversialist Fran9ois d'Abra de Raconis
could write that as against the sixteen Bishops and the twenty
Doctors who had praised Arnauld's book on Holy Communion,
there were a hundred Bishops and two hundred Doctors who
condemned it,^ it is none the less a sign of the confusion of
thought that, as late as 1645, the Archbishop of Auch and the
ten Bishops of his Province commanded their clergy to set
Arnauld's teaching on Holy Communion before the people.^
Many were moreover prejudiced in favour
of the high prelates
of Petrus Aurelins, St. Cyran's ideas, forasmuch as
hence for
he pretended to defend the rights of the Bishops against the
regulars. As a matter of fact, France was just then undergoing
a movement whose aim it was to limit the privileges of the
regulars in favour of the secular clergy. The " disciples of
St. Augustine " skilfully exploited this tendency of the period
to their own advantage.^ At the time of Innocent X.'s
election most of the senior professors of the Sorbonne were
' Rapin, I., 41. 2 ii)id., 40

3 Arnauld, CEuvres, XVI., XLIX.
* Ibid., XXVI., XXXIII.
* Rapin, Mem., I., 343 s. " L'on peut dire que ce fut, de
toutes leur intrigues, celle qui leur reussit le mieux " {ibid.,
344).
" Ce fut, a proprement parler, I'intrigue des Jansenistes, qui mit
en vogue cet esprit de paroisse qui regna depuis si fort a Paris,

par ou les cures devinrent si importants qu'ils se firent redouter
"
des grands, respecter des petits, considerer de tout le monde
{Ibid., 485).
^
JANSENIST ACTIVITY. 217
still hostile to Jansenius, although the brilliant name of the
youthful Arnauld won for him an ever increasing number of

followers among the younger ones.^
Nor were the parish priests of Paris inclined, at that time,
to favour the innovations, hence, if they would win over the
masses, was necessary for the party to get an able Jansenist

it
appointed to some prominent parish in Paris. In this they were

successful. Hilerin, cure of Saint-Merry, was tortured by
a scruple that he had become a priest without a true vocation ;
accordingly Arnauld and De Barcos persuaded him that it

was best for him to resign his parish. His place was then taken
by Henri Duhamel, the man who had introduced the practice
of public penance at Saint-Maurice. Duhamel played no
small part in the story of Jansenism in Paris it was due to the ;
influence of this clever and persuasive man that the aristocratic

world opened its purse for Port-Royal.
On the whole, at the time of Innocent X.'s accession, the
new teaching was meeting with more disapproval than favour
on the part of leading circles in France. On the other hand
the efforts of the opponents of the heresy were hampered in
sundry ways, whereas its friends and adherents were united,
determined, shrewd and above all, exceedingly active.
Their chief tool was the press. Arnauld and " the gentlemen
of Port-Royal " did not write in learned Latin, they wrote
in French, and in excellent French. Arnauld 's book on Holy
Communion was positively devouredand the results soon
became apparent. The new reformer alienated priests and
people from the altar, as Vincent de Paul lamented in 1648.^
It is possible that some people in France or Italy drew some
benefit from the book, he said, but in Paris for one hundred in
' " La jeunesse [at the University] court impunement apres

ces nouveautes," the Jesuit Pintherau tells the older professors
in 1646, in Prunel, La renaissance caih. en France an 17"' siecle,
Paris, 1921, 285.

= Rapin, I., 60 seqq. Duhamel, however, renounced the
Jansenistic doctrines some time before his death. Dubois, Hist,
de I'abbd de RancS, II., Paris, 1866, 17 seqq.
* To Dehorgny, September 10, 1648, Coste, III., 372.
whom it had perhaps called forth greater reverence in the

reception of the Sacraments, there were at least ten thousand
towhom it had done harm by frightening them away altogether
from Holy Communion.^ For quite ordinary sins the new
reformers often put off absolution. ^ Even the Easter Com-
munions had diminished there were three thousand less at
:
St. Sulpicc, whilst the parish priest of St. Nicolas-du-

Chardonnet who visited the households of his parish after
Easter, found that fifteen hundred people had not been to
Hol}^ Communion. Hardly anyone, or at least only very few
people, went to the Sacraments on the first Sunday of the
month or on feast days, and even in the churches of the Orders
those of the Jesuits were the only ones where things were a
little better.3
In 1644 Petau said of the Jansenist teaching on grace that

if Calvin were to return from the grave he would find many
Catholics ready to defend his errors.* It is true that at that
time the " Augustinus " of the Bishop of Ypres could only
find readers among the learned, but three sermons against
Jansenius preached at Richelieu's request by the able theo-
logian Isaac Habert in 1642 and 1643, provided Arnauld with a
suitable pretext for publishing two apologies of Jansenius ^
in September, 1644, and April, 1645.^ According to Arnauld,
Jansenius was " the luminary of scholars, the mirror of
Bishops, a Master of piety he appeared as an angel on earth
;
whose spirit dwelt in heaven, who only looked to God and

found no rest except in the love of the sovereign and
unchanging truth. In him could be seen the penitential spirit
of a religious, the gravity of a scholar, the courage of a Bishop,
whilst his burning charity made him the father of the poor
and the refuge of those in trouble ". The Netherlands venerated
him " as Augustine returned from heaven " whilst in France
1 Ibid., 362.
2 Ibid., 368.
' To Dehorgny, June 25, 1648, ibid., 321.
* De poenitentia, i, c. i,
1. n. 3, p. 212.
5 Arnauld, Oeuvres, XVI., XIII., XVI.
6 Ibid., 39-312 ; XVII., 1-637.
;
JANSENISM BECOMES FASHIONABLE. 219
" his holy teaching ", whatever his enemies might say,
" yielded wonderful fruits." ^ In similar rhetorical phrases,
Habert is then demolished and even now Arnauld describes
Urban VIII. 's Bull as a forgery. ^ In his defence of Jansenius
against the accusation of heresy he starts from the principle
that the questionwas not whether this teaching was condemned
by the Bull against Baius, or by the Council of Trent, but
whether it was the teaching of St. Augustine. ^ Here, then, is a
plain admission that he has given up the Catholic standpoint :
the " disciples of St. Augustine " considered themselves

authorized to follow the views of Augustine without any more
ado, solely because they were taught by him.
True these writings had no direct influence on the masses,
but their elegant French and showy rhetoric succeeded in
rousing enthusiasm for the new teaching in the upper classes.^
It is a well-known fact that already at that time the salons
of Paris and the " preciosity " of aristocratic ladies had begun
to e.xercise great influence upon French intellectual life.
Arnauld conquered these salons for the new teaching and
turned them into so many centres from which it radiated into
wider circles. If even before this " St. Augustine was the only
topic of conversation " ^ in that world, it was still more so
after the publication of Arnauld's new books. Gentlemen at
court and the ladies of the great world discussed, with the air
of experts, grace and predestination, bandied about the
Councils of Aries and Orange, e.xtolled Augustine and damned
Molina. Jansenism became the fashion in leading circles
one had to be a supporter of Jansenius if one wished to be
reckoned intelligent and to be considered such it sufficed to
declare oneself in favour of Port-Royal.^ Not a few among
* Arnauld, Oenvres, XVI., 56, 59 seq.

- Ibid.. XVII., 64 seq.
' Ibid., 87 seq. ; Denzinger, Ench. Syinb. (1928), n. 1320.
* Rapin, Mem., I., 95.
" On ne parloit que de saint Augustin dans "
' les ruelles
(Rapin,I., 62). On the meaning of " ruelles ", cf. Kreiten, in
Stimmen aus Maria-Laach., XXVI. (1884), 432.
* Rapin, I., 95 ; cj. 22 :
" c'^toit etre a la mode que d'etre de
the most aristocratic ladies and gentlemen

them- built
selves houses in proximity to Port-Royal in order to
withdraw
thither at intervals or even altogether.^ Among them was the
Marquise de Sable, of whom it was said that by her example
she won almost as many adherents for the new doctrine in the
great world as Jansenius had secured for it by his book among
scholars. 2 However, the approval of the new penitential
teaching did not necessarily imply that this new kind of
solitaries personally took up the works of penance.^
The broad masses of the people were not overlooked bee ause
of these aristocratic circles. In 1647 Jean Jacques Olier, the
founder of St. Sulpice, wrote that the new teachers successfully
insinuated themselves everywhere under cover of reform and
piety, and everybody sided with them.* One of their chief
means of propaganda was to circulate small books which
were soon in everybody's hands. ^ St. Cyran had composed a
" household theology " which was prohibited by the Arch-
bishop of Paris in 1643 and by Rome in 1654.*' In 1650 a

" Catechism of Grace " by Feydeau sought to render
" Augustinus " intelligible to the people. The booklet, which
was prohibited in the year of its publication, nevertheless

circulated under divers titles both in France and in the Low
Countries.' Numerous biting pamphlets, scattered among the
general public, brought it about that no one cared any longer
to attack the powerful party. Even preachers in their refuta-
tions of the new doctrine on grace, no longer dared to designate
ce parti la." The Archbishop of Embrun said to the Duke of

Orleans " que Son Altesse Royale avoit trop d'esprit pour ne
:
pas etre du parti de Port-Royal " (ibid., 135).

1 Ibid., 172, 211.
- Ibid., 175. Cf. Victor Cousin, M""" de Sable, Paris, 1855.
She is the Parthenie in the novel Grand Cyrus of Madame de
ScuDERY (Petit de Julleville, IV., loi).
* Rapin, I., 174.
* DuBRUEL, in Recherches, VII. (1917), 258.
5 Rapin, I., 137. « [Patouillet], IV., S^ seqq.
^ Ibid., I., 226

Reprint of the Catechisme de la grace,
seqq.
in Arnauld, (Euvres, XVII., 839-848.
INFLUENCE OF PORT-ROYAL. 221
its name and things had come to such a pass

authors by
that loud murmuring arose if the teaching of Jansenius was
attacked in the pulpit. ^ By spreading all manner of calumnies
about him, special though fruitless efforts were made to
intimidate Olier, whose zeal had preserved the whole of the
faubourg Saint-Germain from Jansenism. When his associates
wished to defend him, Oher threw their apologies into the fire
unread, with the remark :

" Do you not know that calumny
is the reward with which God is wont to honour the defenders
of religion ?
"
was not the only victim of the party's
^ Olier
evil tongues. Port-Royal was an adept at extolling its own
people and in reviling its opponents. To-day a man might be
an ignoramus all of a sudden he got a reputation as a
;
theologian and a preacher, simply by going over to Port-

Royal. The broad masses were already impressed by the simple
fact that the members of the young sect described themselves
as the disciples of the great Augustine and their opponents
as the followers of the almost unknown Molina.'* Great also
was the influence exercised by the Abbey of Port-Royal. On
one occasion Queen Anne confessed that the strict conduct
observed there impressed her not a little, except that she felt
repelled by the everybody there spoke ill of those who

fact that
did not belong to the party.** Even the young nuns were brought
up with an exaggerated notion of their importance, as if God
had specially chosen them to reform His Church hence ;
arose a presumption which refused to bow even to papal

authority.^ Nevertheless even genuinely devout people were
impressed by the fact that the only topic of conversation
at the Abbey was the strictness of life in the early centuries of
Christianity, the severity of the primitive penitential system,
'
Rapin, L, 135, 137.
- Olier, in Faillon, 1L, 422.
^ Ibid., 418 iêqq. Rapin, L, 137, 163.
;
* Rapin, L, 133, 197.

* Ibid . 64.
Rapin, L, 122.
" V. Cousin (Jacqueline Pascal', Paris,
1869, 9) says of Port-Royal " Peut-etre le don celeste de I'humi-
:
lito lui a-t-il un peu manque."

the decadence and abuses of later times. ^ Moreover Port-Royal

could point to real achievements, even to such a miracle as
the fact that, in opposition to the prevailing fashion, the
ladies adopted a more becoming attire. ^ Even the Abbey's
wealth,^ the result of the generosity of friends, was held to
be a sign of God's particular favour.^ Port-Royal became one
of the sights and it was the fashionable thing to visit the
nuns and to lend a wondering ear as they unfolded the mysteries
of grace and predestination to their admiring listeners.^
Madame de Sevigne has left us an enthusiastic account of the
visit she made in 1674.^
The spread of the new sect was greatly furthered by the
troubles of the Fronde : they diverted the attention of the
Government so that the " disciples of St. Augustine " had a
free hand.' As a matter of fact the party welcomed the struggle
with the court for Queen Anne was an opponent whilst
Mazarin was at least no friend ^ moreover the coadjutor
;
of the Archbishop of Paris, the future Cardinal Retz, who was

deeply implicated in the intrigues of the Fronde, inclined,
from political reasons, towards the Jansenists the result ;
was that they supported him and his friends both by their
influence and by the considerable sums of money which they
received from their own adherents.^ Queen Anne subsequently
^ Rapin, I., 64, 134.

- Ibid., 333. " Manches a la Janseniste " became the fashion ;
ibid.
^ Ibid., 128, 276, 361, 525.
* Ibid., 133.
^ Ibid., 362, 441.
* " Ce Port-Royal est une Thebaide, c'est le paradis, c'est un
desert oil toute la devotion du christianisme s'est rangee, c'est
une saintete repandue dans tout ce pays a une lieue a la ronde."
Letter of January 26, 1674, Lettres, ed. by Monmerque, III.,
Paris, 1862, 390.
'
Rapin, I., 248.
* Ibid., 237.
^ Ibid., 268. " J'ai oui' dire au prince de Conty, au meme
temps qu'il fut fait generalissime des troupes de Paris, qu'il
JANSENISM SPREADS BEYOND PARIS. 223
observed that the Jansenists had shown so much zeal that in

a sense the war was their work, a circumstance which the King
would remember at some future day ; in point of fact at
court the troubles of the Fronde were spoken of as properly
the Jansenist war.^ Duhamel, the Jansenist cure of Saint-
Merry, specially distinguished himself by his zeal for the
Fronde.^
By new teaching took firm roots beyond the
degrees the
capital. was preached at Amiens during the last years
It
of Urban VIII. At the request of Bishop Caumartin,

Port-Royal dispatched thither two ex- Jesuits, Labadie and
Dabert, but their teaching caused such confusion in the city
that the two emissaries had to be barred from the pulpit.
Labadie now embarked on an adventurous career. By
permission of the Bishop he preached Jansenism at Bazas,
but at Toulouse he narrowly escaped being burnt at the stake
for a number of misdeeds in a convent of nuns. At Montauban
he turned Huguenot and wrote a book to show that Jansenius
and Calvin taught the same doctrine. After founding a peculiar
sect known for its fanatical and communistic tendencies
he died at Altona in 1674, having been expelled, together with
his sect, from Holland and Germany.^
By 1650 Jansenism had spread to nearly every province of
France.'* Among the religious Orders BcruUe's Oratory in
avoit grande obhgation aux Jansenistes, lesquels, pour soutenir

le party oppose a la cour et au roy, venoient tous les jours lay
offrir leurs suffrages et les bourses de leurs amis pour entretenir
la guerre," ibid., 246.
' Ibid., 271.
^ Ibid., 265, 277.
^ Rapin,
I., 50 De Meyer, 322
; seqq. ; Goebel-Frank, in
Herzog-Hauck, Realenzyklop, XI.*, 191 seqq.
* Rapin, I., 309 seq. On Jansenism in Marseilles see ibid.,
228 and p. 167 seq., in Guyenne and
at Bordeaux, p. 291, 339,
in the neighbourhood of Blois, p. 338 {cf. 130), at Angers, p. 340,
at Beauvais, p. 344, in Auvergue, p. 346, at Sens, p. 448, at
Amiens, p. 527. In the *Excerpta ex aciis s. Officii, 1653-6,
f. 896, the *Lettcr of the Bishop of Verdun (without date), who
particular includedmany supporters of the new teaching.

The second General, Condren, was an opponent and one of
those who denounced St. Cyran to Richelieu ; the third
General, Bourgoing, bound his subjects to accept the Bull of
Urban VIII. and in a memorial to the Queen he drew up a set
of on the administration of the sacrament of
principles
Penance which were diametrically opposed to Arnauld's book
on Holy Communion.^ However, all this was not enough to
banish the sympathies for the new views which had infiltrated
into the Congregation. ^ At Marseilles in particular the so-called
teaching of St. Augustine was spread by the preaching and
through the school of the Oratorians. The Fathers were held
in high esteem in that city because one of their colleagues,
the saintly Bishop Jean Baptiste Gault, had most successfully
laboured there for the reform of the diocese. However, the
very fervour which he had roused now favoured the spread
of Jansenist rigorism. ^ At Bordeaux an Oratorian parish
asks for a remedy from the Pope against the " nova dissidia " ;
f. 928 seqq., the correspondence between Cardinal Bichi and the
Bishop of Marseilles, January, 1651, about complaints on account

of Jansenistic sermons in a church at Marseilles p. 920 Filleau ;
:
(September 22, 165 1), forwards an edict of the " lieutenant

criminel " of Poitiers, of August 11, promulgated at his instigation,
according to which the defence of the Jansenist doctrine is
prohibited under pain of a fine of 1,000 livres (Schill). Cf.

A. Feron, Contribution a I'hist. du Jansenisme en Normandie
(diocese of Rouen, 1629-1643), Rouen, 1906 G. Doublet, ;
Le Jansemsme de I'ancien diocese de Vence, Paris, 1901 ;
Herscher, Analecta Gallicana (diocese of Langres) in Rev.

d'histoire de I'Eglise de France, 1910 Alphonse Auguste, ;
Les origines du Jansenisme a Toulouse, in Bull, de Hit. eccles.,
1916, 262 seqq., 315 seqq.

1 De Meyer, 305 seq.
2 Qlier and his Sulpicians were terrified when the Oratorians
tried to establish themselves in their parish. Olier in Faillon,
II., 432.
' Rapin, I., 288 seq. Cf. Albizzi's report on the Congregation
of Cardinals against Jansenism of June 22 and July 6, 1651, in
Katholik, 1883, II., 290.
JANSENISM ABROAD. 225
priest likewise revealed himself as an adherent of the sect.'

At Toulouse, though there existed points of contact for the
new teaching, it did not develop to any extent, notwithstanding
the undecided attitude of Archbishop Montchal.- At Cahors,
the splendid Bishop, Alain de Solminihac, successfully closed
his diocese to Jansenism. When one professor of theology,
the Dominican Mesplede, began to expound the new teaching,
Solminihac promptly ordered him to desist and when
he refused to obey, the Bishop forbade his students to attend
his lectures. Another priest felt he ought to preach against
the Dominican but this the Bishop likewise forbade and he
promised himself to defend the honour of the professor if
the latter would bear the attack in silence. Soon Solminihac
was able to write " the tire is out, in a few days no one will
remember it ".^
Similar instructions had been issued in Paris ^ but there

the new ideas had struck such deep roots, that the policy of
silence was impossible.^ In point of fact the new teaching
was making headway beyond the boundaries of France ;
thus, through Flanders it had penetrated to the Rhine ^ and

its progress was particularly marked in Poland. The Queen
of Poland, Marie Louise of Gonzaga-Cleve, a daughter of the
Duke of Nevers, married first to King Ladislaus Sigismund
of Poland and after the latter's death in 1648, to his brother
and successor, John Casimir, had been educated at Port-Royal,
corresponded with Angelique Arnauld and had for her confessor
the Jansenist Fran9ois de Fleury. In these circumstances
the Latin translation of the book on frequent Communion
'
Rapin, I., 292.
- Alphonse Augusta, loc. cit., 262.
' CosTE, TIL, 348-350.
* Prohibitions of the Archbishop of March 4 and December 11,
1643, " d'invectiver " again.st those who in matters of faith are
of a different opinion ;
prohibition of the coadjutor, of November
25, 1644, to speak about grace from the pulpit. Arnauld,
CEuvres, XVI., XII.
* De Meyer, 144.
* Rapin, I., 310.
VOL. x.xx.
received the approval of the Archbishop of Vilna and Gnesen

and of one of the latter's suffragans.^ John Casimir, who had
been a Jesuit and a Cardinal (in 1647) before his elevation
to the throne, saw this fresh cause of division with great
displeasure. Through the nuncio he referred the matter to
Rome. By way of reply the Curia forwarded a copy of Urban
VIII. 's Bull and held out the prospect of a papal decision on
pending questions. The King was not satisfied with this
answer.2 In a letter to the Pope ^ he lamented the divisions
at his court and prayed for a speedy explanation as to which
side was in the right. The Archbishop of Warsaw also wrote
in the same sense to Rome.^ A reply now came to the effect
that Jansenius' work had already been condemned and the
nuncio was instructed to use his influence to obtain silence
on the subject.^ Thereupon Urban VIII. 's Bull was published
in Poland but the King persisted in demanding a decision on
Arnauld's teaching.^
Apart from the personal exertions of such eminent men as
Vincent de Paul and Olier, the defence against the rising
heresy in France was mainly confined within the literary
^ Arnauld, loc. cit., LXXV.

2 * Of August II, 1650, annotation on the back of the report
of nuncio Giov. de Torrez of July 2, 1650, in Excerpta, 1647-1652,
loc. cit.
' Of September 12, 1650, ibid., in Rapin, I., 395.

^ *On September 20, 1650, Excerpta, loc. cit.
'" " Accioche questa controversia resti totalmente sopita ne
si permetta alcuna disputatione in contrario,' Instruction of
November 19, 1650, in Theiner, Mon. Poloniae, III., 466.
« The nuncio *on January The
7, 1651 {Excerpta, loc. cit.).
nuncio constantly praises the Queen's piety *" La quale ne
!
puo esser devota ne piu ossequiosa verso cotesta S. Sede " (on
September 17, 1650, ibid.). " *Non posso percio non confessar
d'haver sempre conosciuto nella regina uno zelo purissimo, una
(bonta) maravighosa et una pieta senza esempio. . . .
M'avvidi che non haveva notizia alcuna di queste dottrine

jansenistiche, e ha lasciato affatto anche la lettione del Arnaldo
"
(on November 5, 1650, ibid.).

REFUTATIONS OF JANSENISM. 227
sphere. Polemical writings for and against the heresy were

bandied about by both sides even in the opening years of
Innocent X.'s reign, though a change was visible at least in
one respect : weary of subterfuges and misrepresentations as
well as of the endless personal attacks of the Jansenists/ it
was precisely the most learned champions of Catholic teaching

who despaired of success in a strife in which, in so far as the
broad masses were conccrntd, the decisive factor was not the
goodness of the cause, but skill with the pen. Accordingly
they now wrote their refutations exclusively in Latin, for the
benefit of the learned circles. Thus Habert, who was made
Bishop of Vabres in 1645, notwithstanding Arnauld's efforts
to blacken his character, published in 1646 a scholarly work
on grace which is esteemed even at this day ^ ; in it he refutes
' They continually accuse their adversaries that they let

themselves be guided solely by egoistical motives or that they do
not even believe in the righteousness of their cause, and seek to
bring them into contempt. Habert and Petau are also haughtily
dealt with. One example of these travesties (j,nother in the
next note) Petau had not obtained an episcopal letter of intro-
:
duction for his work against Arnauld's book on Frequent Com-

munion. Therefore, concludes Arnauld, " la seule qualite de
Jesuite (contains according to Petau) une autorite plus venerable
"
pour la decision des veritez chretiennes (jue celle des eveques
(De Meyer, 276).
- Theologiae Graecorum Patrum vindicatae circa itniversam
mater iam gratiae libri tres,new edition, Wiirzburg, 1863. On the
work and especially on Habert, see Hurter, Nomenclator, II.,
65. To what exaggerations his adversaries had recourse in order
to disparage the work is shown bv the remark of Hcrmant (IV.,
17) :
" II porta le ridicule jusqu'a mettre les sieurs Gamache,
Duval et Isambert, docteurs de Sorbonne, ses amis, au nombrc

des Peres Grecs," Arnauld, CEiivres, XVI., XVII. cf. Dk ;
Meyer, 195). But Habert states already on the title page of his
work that he constantly refers also to the teaching of the doctors
of the Sorbonne. In the impugned passage (1. 2, c. 6, Wiirzburg,
1863, 203), he adduces by way of preliminary to what was to
follow, the irrefutable proof that the Sorbonne had always admitted
the so-called " sufficient grace ".
the innovators without mentioning their names. ^ Petau

did the same in 1648. ^ A book by the Jesuit Etienne
Dechamps, which shows the untenabihty of Jansenius'
concept of freedom, saw several editions. Dechamps had very
skilfully chosen his standpoint by taking the field as a defender
of the Sorbonne which, as early as 1560, had condemned the
thesis of the compatibility of freedom and necessity. This
time Arnauld, always so ready with a reply, deemed it wiser
to forgo a refutation : Dechamps never received a reply
worth considering.^ A work was furnished
of pure scholarship
by the Spanish Jesuit, Juan Martinez de Ripalda, when he
added to his great work De ente siipernaturali (on the super-
natural) * a third volume directed against the followers of
Baius.
With a view to safeguarding the mass both of the educated
and the uneducated from the Jansenists, recourse was had
to Rome for a decision by the Apostolic See. The first to take
this step was Nicolas Sanguin, the excellent Bishop of Senlis ^ ;
he was followed by Abra de Raconis, the Capuchin Yves,

Habert and Petau. ^ Queen Anne, at the instigation of the
Jesuit De Lingendes, had expressed a desire to write to Rome
already in 1644 but Cardinal Mazarin was opposed to such a
step.'
Since there already existed a declaration by the Holy See
on Jansenius' " Augustinus ", Yves, De Raconis and Petau
pressed before all else for a judgment on Arnauld's book on
Holy Communion. As a matter of fact that dangerous work
^ He occasionally quotes Jansenius, whenever he is able to agree

with him [loc. cit., 238, 323), also Conrius, ibid., 241.
De lege et gratia, Paris, 1648 (Sommervogel, VI., 611).
2
Sommervogel, II., 1863.

^ For Fromond's reply, see
De Meyer, 464.
*
De ente supernaturali, Bordeaux, 1634, Lyons, 1663, Paris,
1870 and 1871 (Sommervogel, V., 640). Other anti-Jansenist
writings in De Meyer, 452 seqq.
^ Rapin, I., 87 seq.
" De Meyer, 184, 295, 320, 428 ; Sommervogel, VI., 614.
'•
Rapin, I., 66.

CENSURE OF ARNAULD'S BOOK ON COMMUNION. 229
had been under examination in Rome for some time already.

According to a letter of Bentivoglio's secretary, Lutti, to
D'Andilly/ Albizzi was of opinion that it should be prohibited
owing to the many errors it contained consequently, the ;
Jansenist Sinnich felt that it was essential that a theologian

should be sent to Rome to defend Arnauld. In effect, by the
end of April, 1045, Jean Bourgeois, ^ an able theologian,
arrived in Rome as a representative of the party, whilst the
Jesuit Brisacier,was simultaneously pressing the authorities
to condemn Arnauld. Rome was not long in doubt as to the
erroneous assertions in Arnauld's book ^ however, not a few ;
French Bishops had given it their approval so that, as the

sequel was to show, it was necessary to proceed cautiously.^
When Abra de Raconis wrote to the Pope, the Assembly of
the French clergy of 1645 charged him with having falsely
*
On December i8, 1644, Arnauld, CEnvres, XXVIII., 642
seq. *On June 26, 1645, a letter from Rome sa^^s From the :
book on Frequent Communion " si fa un estratto dclle proposition!

che patiscono qualche perche si possano qualificarc
difficolta,
(lai Congregatione del S. Officio. Qualche

ciualificatori della S.
tempo vi correra prima che si aduni tanta Consulta onde non ;
vi e pcricolo che esca la censura prima che si termini costi I'assem-

blea dei vescovi di cotesto Stato," Barb. 6105, p. 378 seq., Vatican
Library.
* Hermant, I., 330 Relation de M. Bourgeois docteur de
;
Sorbonne, contenant ce qui s'est passe a Rome en 1645 et 1646

pour la justification du livre de la Frequente Communion, in
Arnauld, loc. cit., 674-725.
' Bourgeois, loc. cit., 684.
* Grimaldi *wTites already on April 19, 1644, to the Secretary
of State " Mi sento in obligo di rappresentarc a V. E. che

:
trovandosi impiegati oltrc 20 dottori di Sorbona 15 preeati, e

fra questi alcuni dei piii affczionati alia S. Sede et in reputazionc
di maggior probita, quali conforme mi hanno detto, vivono con
speranza che non si fara alcuna proibizione del medesimo libro,
la quale non put) .seguire senza prcjudicio della loro reputazionc,
che prima non sieno avvisati per poter render ragione della loro
approvazione. Bibl. Angelica, Rome, S. 3, i.
accused his fellow Bishops ; they demanded that his Arch-

bishop should proceed against him. De Raconis upheld the
substance of what he had written but was forced to drop some
of his expressions.^The Bishops who had approved the book
on Holy Communion wrote a second letter to Rome, July 21st,
1645,2 in a tone which betrays no desire on their part to be
taught by the Holy See.^ They take it for granted that
Arnauld's book was daily doing greater good, that its author
was deserving and the Jesuits of blame, whilst by
of praise
accrediting Bourgeois as their spokesman, they demanded a
papal pronouncement in this sense. A further letter to
Innocent X., dated March 2nd, 1646, is in a similar strain.
In answer to his report to Rome, de Raconis had received a
Brief * it was, however, couched in the same general terms
;
as another addressed at the same time to the Archbishop

of Sens,^ the leader of Arnauld's episcopal supporters. None
the less the Bishops' new letter ® takes de Raconis violently
to task for the step he had taken in Rome ; once more they
take it for granted that Arnauld's book is irreproachable,
whereas his opponents are wicked men ; the Bishops finally
summon the Pope at last to raise his voice on behalf of a man
so grievously calumniated. This letter only bore the signatures
of twelve Bishops for the gaps made by death in their ranks
had not been filled. Even more disagreeable for the signatories
must have been the circumstance that their leader. Octave de
Bellegarde, Archbishop of Sens, when on his death-bed, had
rejected Jansenism and charged his entourage to inform the
^ Arnauld, CEuvres, XXVI., LIT.

- Ibid., XXVIII. 647. ,
3
Cf. the editors of the Works of Arnauld (XXVI., XLVII.) :
Loin de demander un jugement sur le livre de la Frequente

Communion, ils reconoissoient que ce jugement etoit deja porte
en sa faveur par leurs approbations, et ils le confirmoient de
nouveau etc."
* *Of October 22, in Innocentii X. EpisL, II. -III. (Secretary
Gaspare de Simeonibus), p. 88, Pap. Sec. Arch.

* Arnauld, loc. cit.,
649.
* Ibid.. 650.
OPPOSITION TO STERN MEASURES. 23I
Pope of the dangerous plans cherished by St. Cyran, to which

his followers were endeavouring to give effect.^ Nonetheless,
all the Bishops of the Assembly of the Clergy in a sense took
the side of the signatories, when they sent a deputation to the
nuncio to protest against the letter of De Raconis ^ forasmuch
as it accused the French Bishops of favouring error and
dissension. Both Bagno and Panciroli sought to calm them
with general assurances.' All this could not fail to con-
vince Rome that the French Bishops must not be roused,
all the more so as that loyal son of the Church, Bishop
Habert, had expressed a fear that the Assembly of the
Clergy was quite capable of giving its approval to Jansenius'
" Augustinus ".*
A memorial by Cardinal De Lugo ^ conveys a similar warning

against the use of sterner measures, lest the party, which
still styled itself Catholic, should be driven into open
rebellion. Since precisely at this moment the party was trying
to give a Catholic meaning to its teaching, the Pope should take
them at their word and whilst exhorting them to concord,
stress points in connexion with the administration
those
of the Sacrament of Penance and that of the Eucharist on
which there can be no controversy among Catholics, such as,
for instance, that there was no law demanding the performance
of the penance before the absolution by the priest, or public
penance for hidden sins. All these points Lugo enumerates —
De Meyer, 356. Nuncio Bagno
^ sent this explanation to
Rome on March 26, 1646, ibid.
* By a decision of February 6, 1646. This explains the exagger-
ated rumour in the *Diario of Ameyden
of 1650 {Barb. 4819,
p. Incomincia dar pensiero la controversia Janseniana
107) :
prendendo piede in Francia e stando per questa parte la maggior

parte de' vescovi di quel regno, ova sono depositati ducentomila
scudi per istampare tutto qucllo che verra scritto per questa
opinione cosa che potra cagionare turbolenze grandi," Vatican
:
Library.
* De Meyer, 434.
* Ibid., 184.
' In Lammer, Meletemata, 391 seqq.
six of them —Arnauld seems to deny in some places whilst

he grants them in others ; accordingly, in any future edition
of his book he should be made to make a preliminary statement
that he held these points, as well as to attenuate his eulogy
of Jansenius in so far as the latter's achievements in the sphere
of scholarship were concerned. Besides the fixed points in
regard to the administration of the two Sacraments, there were
others for which no certain general ruling could be laid down ;
these must be left in every instance to the judgment of the

confessor, as, for instance, the frequency of reception of the
Sacraments.
In Rome there was no inclination to go even as far as Lugo
had counselled. A decision on frequent Communion was only
issued in 1679 and it was not until 1690 that the questions
about Penance raised by Arnauld were authoritatively dealt
with.^ Another point on which De Lugo states that Arnauld
should be made to speak more clearly in his book, is his
assertion of the quahty
two Apostles, SS. Peter and
of the
Paul. In the preface of his book Arnauld had represented
as models of penance " the two heads of the Church who
constitute but one ".^
The unostentatious little paragraph was not so innocent as
itwas made to look. The Catholic dogma of the Pope's primacy
over all Bishops is based on the fact that Peter was chosen
Denzinger, Euchir. synib.^^ (1928), n. 1147, 1306, 1312

1
seq. The Jansenists affirmed that Arnauld was not meant in

the condemned propositions (Arnauld, OEuvres, XXVI., XCIII.
seq. De Meyer, 240, note 2). But who else could have been
meant ? An appeal to Viva (De Meyer, 241) does not hold good,
because Viva says expressly " cum theses fere omnes ab
:
Alexandre VIII. confixae in lansenii doctrina et propositionibus

nitantur . .
." (De lansenii propositionibus universim : Viva,
Opera, VII., Ferrariae, 1757, 120).
^ " les deux chefs de I'Eglise qui n'en font qu'un " (n. 6,
(Eiivres,XXVII., 85). The Jansenists asserted that the pro-
position had been added on his own authority by De Barcos,
Saint-Cyran's nephew (ibid., XXVI., LVII. Dupin, Hist., ;
II.. 14).
THE TWO HEADS OF THE CHURCH. 233
to be the head of the Church and that Peter's successor in

the Roman See is also his successor as head of the Church.
Now in order to combat the papacy, De Dominis had laid
down two propositions : first that Peter was in all things the
equal of his fellow apostle, hence he was not head of the

whole Church in any higher sense than Paul second, that ;
Peter was not Bishop of Rome in a different sense than

Paul, that is, he was so solch' in virtue of his Apostolic office,
not by any special link with Rome.^ Was it Arnauld's

intention, with his seemingly casual reflexion, to foster the
rise of similar ideas ? There was every reason to mistrust
the Janscnists whenever they discussed the nature of the
Church's authority. Moreover the accusation against
Richelieu, that he aimed at the establishment of a separate
patriarchate for France, was fresh in everybody's memory.
The notion of two heads of the Church could also be interpreted
so as to provide support for the plan of another Pope on
French soil.-
This suspicion was heightened by the publication, in
connexion with Arnauld's thesis, of a number of anonymous

pamphlets which sought to establish the equality of the two
Apostles. On January 18th, 1645, the Paris nuncio, Bagno,
forwarded a copy of the first of these publications. A little
later he reported that Duke Henry of Bourbon, a fervent

Catholic, desired to see these new declarations condemned,
that the Queen and Mazarin saw them with displeasure and
that Habert was preparing a refutation of which he forwarded
the proofs to Rome.^ At the end of April the Roman envoy
of the Jansenists, Bourgeois,* learnt that the proposition
about the two heads of the Church had been condemned
bv the Inquisition. Although, as was asserted, the approval
'
M. Becanus, De republ. eccles., 1. 2, c. 7, obi. 7
CJ. 1. 3, ;
c. 2 Opera Omnia, Mogunt., 1649, T359, 1363.

:
* That such preoccupations were entertained in Rome is

attested by Bourgeois in his " Report " (Arnauld, CEuvres,
XXVIII., 677 ; cf. 680).
' De Meyer, 437 seq.
* Report, loc. cit., 677.
^
of the sixteen Bishops did not include the preface to Arnauld's

book/ was no great fear of offending these
so that there
prelatesby the condemnation, Innocent delayed its publication
and when De Barcos published a small work on the greatness
of the Roman Church, the Pope ordered a fresh examination
of the whole affair.
Bourgeois and his ally Duchesne naturally did all they

could to prevent a definitive condemnation. In Paris people
learned from the Roman newspapers and nuncio Bagno
from his letters,^ that they
even spread the report that the
equality of the two Apostles was taught by the Sorbonne.
This falsehood could only damage their cause. Vincent de
Paul reported to Cardinal Grimaldi on the whole question *
and the syndic of the theological Faculty, Cornet, laid it
before the Sorbonne. Contrary to Bagno's expectation, the

University had at first hesitated to pronounce on the matter,
but it now informed the nuncio that it had nothing to do
with the assertions of the two Doctors. Accordingly the
Holy See no longer put off the publication of the decree of
the Inquisition which bears the date of January 25th, 1647.
Arnauld is not mentioned by name but the assertion
concerning the equality of the Princes of the Apostles is
textually quoted from the book on Holy Communion and

declared heretical in that form, or in any other, in so far as
it was understood as claiming equality for both Apostles
in the government of the Church. The two opuscules of
De Barcos and all other writings which maintained the
condemned opinion were prohibited.^
Rome's wisdom in temporarily refraining from a condemna-
tion of the book on Communion soon became apparent. At
the nuncio's request Mazarin had had the papal decree
examined and allowed it to be printed and Bagno added
to it a letter of his own. It was not long before an anonymous
1 Rapin, I., 32.

- The opinions of the qualificatori on this in De Meyer, 439 seq.
3 Rapin, I., 116.
* On October 4, 1646, ibid., reprinted in Coste, III., 65 seqq.
* Denzinger, loc. cit., n. 1091 ; Reusch, Index, II., 450 seqq.
THE ROMAN CONDEMNATION ATTACKED. 235
De Barcos, pounced upon the decree

writer, in all probability
and heaped injuries on the Pope and the Jesuits. The Govern-
ment ordered his libel to be burnt, but now Parliament took
action. On May 8th, at a stormy session, Broussel protested
against the promulgation of the decree and the action of the
nuncio whom he accused of arrogating to himself undue
authority. When a deputation of Parliament repaired to
its good wishes to the
the palace for the purpose of offering
King and Queen who were about to leave the capital, so
heated an altercation took place between the first president
and the chancellor that the Queen had to call them to order.
Mazarin sought to calm the excitement,^ but Parliament
would not yield. Two days later, in the great Chamber,
Talon made three protests against the decree of the Inquisition
and the action of the nuncio the Roman Congregations,
:
he claimed, were not recognized in France for the country

would not put up with the intolerable Inquisition further-
;
more Bagno styled himself nuncio to the King and the

whole of France whereas his mission was confined to the
person of the King lastly he talked as if he had territorial
;
jurisdiction in France seeing that he spoke of communicating

"
the papal decrees to the Bishops, and of the " Archives
of the nunciature, whereas the nuncio in France had no
such thing if they allowed these trifles to pass they must
;
be prepared for bigger things.^

The nuncio found a defender against these accusations in
the person of the chancellor. Bagno, the latter explained,
spoke as his five predecessors had done ; the papal decree
had been printed by the King's permission and the expression
" Archives " simply designated the place where the nuncio
kept his papers. After these explanations Mazarin felt he

could impose silence on Parliament and on May 13th, 1647,
the King wrote in this sense from Compiegne. However,
^ Bagno,May 10, 1647, in Coville, 135 seq.

* Bagno, May 24, 1647, ibid., 156 seq. Remontrancc de
;
M. Talon, of May 10, 1647, in Arnauld, (Euvres, XVII., 822 ;
Arret du Parlemcnt of May 15, 1647, ibid., 825.

Parliament did not take the hint ; it decreed that without

the King's express permission no one could print any Roman
documents and that all copies of the papal decree as well as
the nuncio's covering letter must be confiscated. Even these
resolutions failed to embarrass the resourceful Mazarin. In
fact even before this Talon had himself pointed to a possible
way out this was that the Paris Parliament should pronounce
;
judgment but that the sentence should not be made public ;
in this way they would satisfy the jurists without unduly

offending Rome. Mazarin now fell back upon this expedient.^
A final decision was thus circumvented, for neither the
resolution of Parliament nor the royal permission to print
the decree of the Roman Inquisition were valid : the one
lacked confirmation by the King, and the other that of
Parliament. Innocent X. showed himself grateful to Mazarin :
in a Brief of March 30th, 1647,2 he extolled his zeal for

religion.
The resolutions of Parliament in no way affected the
attitude of loyal Catholics towards the papal decree ; it
was repeatedly quoted in subsequent years as a proof of

the authority and prestige which the Holy See enjoyed in
France.^ On the other hand the Holy See must have been
far more deeply hurt by the fact that Urban VIII. 's Bull
against Jansenius' " Augustinus " continued to encounter
obstacles in France than by the objections to the decision
on the subject of the two heads of the Church. From the
first Innocent X. stressed the duty of all theologians to
receive the Bull and he ordered a fresh impression of the
document ; the decree of the Inquisition of July 29th, 1644,
concerning its authenticity,was joined to the Bull and thus
enforced anew. However, the measure yielded but small
results. The Jansenists at once objected that the decrees of
the Inquisition had no binding force in France ; even when
the Pope sought to take the sting out of this pretext by
1 CoviLLE, 158-160.
- Annales de Si. -Louis, II., 362.
^ See below, p. 246.

THE SORBONNE AND JANSENISM. 237
ordering Bagno, on In-bruary 2dth, 1645, to communicate

the Bull to all the Bishops and the Doctors of Paris, it was
not formally received though its doctrinal decisions apparently
met with submission. This conduct was likewise adopted
by some religious Orders, such as the Discalced Carmehtes
and the Fcuillants, whereas the Superior General of the
Oratory, Bourgoing, demanded from his subjects explicit
acceptance of the Bull.^ Even Alexander VIII. found himself
compelled to defend the authenticity of the Bull.-
(2.)
From the first the Sorbonne had taken an equivocal attitude

in the Jansenist controversy. Though pressed by Richelieu
to do so, it refused to make a definite pronouncement on
the heresy or to receive Urban VIII. 's Bull without reserva-
tion. ^ It is true that the older professors did not countenance
* De Meyer, 41Q-421. Cf. above, p. 224.

- On December Denzinger, n. 1321.
7, 1690 ; see
^ De Meyer, 124 s., 136 s. "
*Trovo che la maggior parte de'
dottori della medesima Sorbona concorrono in questo sense di
non stimare espediente, almeno per adesso, prescrivere cosa
alcuna ne per Tuna, ne per I'altra parte, non parendo che in tutto
si possa approvare ne rifiutare Topera del Jansenio." Six members
of the Sorbonne had approved the book " i suoi scolari di buono ;
et ardente ingegno con difficolta si n'asterranno dal publicare

qualche scritto in sua difesa. Richelieu mostra desiderio,
. . .
e per sua parte si vanno facendo diligenze, accio la Sorbona

censuri et riprovi I'Augustinus, ma sin ora non trova disposizione
a bastanza in quei dottori, la maggior parte de' quali, quando si
venga al cimento, inclinerebbe ad approvare che levate alcune
poche cose si possa sostenere il libro come dottrina di s. Agostino
et altri padri, e v'e .stato tra essi che mi ha accennato che in questa
controversia sarebbe molto a proposito qualche consulta e
resoluzione della S. Sede. Non lascio di fame motivo al card, di
Richelieu per intendere piii particolarmcnte in ci6 i suoi senti-
ment! et procurare d'indurlo in quello di V. E., I'impedire di
scrivere all'una e all'altra parte " (Grimaldi, June 13, 1642, Bibl.
Angelica, Rome, p. 3, i). On April i, 1644, Grimaldi *writes {ibtd.)
the innovations, but in 1645 Sainte-Beuve began to expound

Jansenius' teaching on grace and the younger students
adopted his views in ever increasing numbers.^ Care was
taken not to state publicly that the doctrine that was being
taught was that of Jansenius, and when the necessity arose
it was urged in defence of such conduct that on December
11th, 1643, the Archbishop of Paris had forbidden all reference
to Jansenius. 2 Arnauld was even then the unquestioned
head of the party he was represented to the young people
;
as a paragon of ability, learning and genius as the brother ;
of Mere Angelique, the principal disciple of St. Cyran and

the heir of his spirit, the author of the much read book on
Communion and the victim of unjust persecution, he enjoyed
unequalled prestige and the splendour of his name won
over to Jansenism many of the younger theologians.^
Before long they found the courage to say that very soon
all the Bishops of the realm would follow the example of
the Coadjutor of Paris and the Archbishop of Sens that in ;
six years' time the party would dispose of all the episcopal
sees of France, when it would allot them to its members. A
that the Sorbonne had decided not to accept the Louvain letter
(see present work. Vol. XXIX., 126 seqq.), apparently because it
had been directed to the Rector " ma in effetto per non volere in
alcun modo interessarsi nelle opinioni di Jansenio ". Some
were for exhorting the Louvain professors to obedience, " ma
la determinazione e stato di non fare altro, per tenersi nelli
puri sentiment! della chiesa Romana, senza dar alcun segno
d'inclinar ad una parte ne all'altra." In 1645 Olier writes to
Caulet on Jansenism. " Maintenant cela fait de tels progres
et s'insinue sous le pretexte de la reforme et de la piete si uni-

versellement dans les ames qu'il n'y a rien presentement pour
quoy on doive plus prier. Ces opinions otent a Dieu tant d'ames
et de serviteurs que cela n'est pas croyable, tout tourne de ce
cote la et arrache ainsi mil ames et mil serviteurs tres disposes,"
Bullet, de lift, eccles., 1902, 219.
1 Rapin, I., 43-6, 113.
2 Ibid., 93.
3 Ibid., 113.
^
VERON S BOOK. 239
spirit of innovation got liold of the young professors every

;
thesishad at all costs to contain some novelty, above all

something of the Jansenist teaching on grace.
In the spring of 1648 the situation became even more
tense. Francois Veron, first a Jesuit and subsequently
parish priest of Charenton, a keen and successful opponent
of the Huguenots,^ now intervened in the controversy on
grace. In a book against the Jansenists he explained that
their teaching on predestination even to eternal reprobation
had already been expounded in the 9th century by the monk
Gottschalk and no less than five Councils had condemned
it in the same century. Moreover their teaching was a throw-
back to Calvinism, which as a matter of fact, had been
professed by Arnauld's ancestors. The style of Veron's
book was violent and it added to the annoyance of the
Jansenists that the sub-title of the book should have described
it as " The Gag of the Jansenists " and as such it was
hawked in the streets, to the merriment of the populace ^ ;
consequently in May, 1647, they sought a judgment of the

Sorbonne in their favour. However, the syndic declared that
he must first hear the theologians who had approved the
book as the representative of the latter the Franciscan
;
Charruau spoke in defence of the book under attack and in

doing so, made an onslaught on the Jansenists."* In the
ensuing debate the syndic expressed the opinion that in
order to judge Veron would be necessary to examine
it
Janscnius. Pereyret replied that this would take ten years

since it would be necessary to consult the writings of St.
Augustine and others. In the end it was resolved to refrain
from tlie examination in question. However, Cornet added,
if anyone wished to submit a few propositions to the judgment
of the Faculty, he might do so within the ensuing two months.^
* Rapin, I., 163 seq., 280.

* Concerning him Feret, Un cure de Charenton an 17^ sihle,
Paris. 1 88 1.
' Rapin, I., 227.
* Ibid., 229.
* Saint-Amour, f. 5.
The Faculty was reluctant to pass sentence on Veron as

this was bound to hamper his action against the Huguenots.
But for the Jansenists the likening of their master to
Gottschalk, and the condemnation of his teaching by five
Councils, was all the more serious as just then the Jesuit
Sirmond had drawn the attention of the learned world to
the condemnation of precisely similar theses in Christian
antiquity and in the person of Gottschalk.^ With a view
to facilitating ajudgment by the Sorbonne in their sense,
they sought to eliminate from the assembly of the Doctors
their opponents who, for the most part, were to be found
among the religious. As a matter of fact, at the suggestion
of the Jansenists Le Roux and Saint-Amour, Parliament
re-enacted a parliamentary decision of 1626 according to
which only two Doctors from the Mendicant Orders were
allowed to take part in the meetings of the Sorbonne. However,
the syndic Cornet opposed with all his might a decision which
would have delivered the Faculty into the hands of the
friends of the Jansenists and which, in point of fact, had not
acquired force of law even in 1626. Parliament also no
longer insisted on the matter and the troubles of the Fronde
drew attention to other things.^
Further developments were occasioned by Cornet " a
scholar of the old stamp, of the old straightforwardness,

the old efficiency, insensible both to flattery and to fear,
^ He published the so-called Praedestinatus in 1643 (cf. O.

Bardenhewer, Gesch. der altkirchl. Lit., IV., 520). Writings of
HiNCMAR of Rheims, 1645, of Rabanus Maurus, 1647. About
the same time as Veron 's work appeared the Historia praedestina-
tiana of Sirmond, 1648. To the publication of Praedestinatus
De Barcos answered with success (De Meyer, 169). The Historia
praedestinatiana remained unanswered ; it was, however, affected
by the condemnation of Veron. To the other publications the
Jansenists opposed, under the name of the Mint official, Mauguin,
1650, a collection of writings also unpublished, of the time of
Gottschalk in 1655 the Jesuit Cellot wrote fully about Gottschalk,
;
Rapin, I., 230 seqq.

- Rapin, I., 235 seq. ; Saint-Amour, f. 7 seqq.
CORNET S SEVEN PROPOSITIONS. 24I
one of the greatest ornaments of the Church and of his

century ". During the troublous period that was to follow
Cornet was to have ample opportunity to justify this tribute
paid to him by Bossuet in the funeral oration of his beloved
master.^ At the memorable sitting of the Faculty of July
1st, 1649, Cornet took advantage of the permission to submit
some propositions to the Sorbonne's judgment. He began
by protesting against the young people's mania for innova-
tions. It had happened that theses which had been struck
out by the Faculty nevertheless reappeared on the printed

programmes. Others had not dared to go so far, yet they
had defended the cancelled theses moreover Sainte-Beuve ;
had infringed the rights of the president by speaking from

the body of the hall and ordering a disputant to hold his
tongue. Things could not go on in this fashion, hence he
submitted for examination seven propositions which he
requested the Faculty to accept.^
The step taken by the syndic was a bold one for the first
five out of the seven propositions were taken from the
" Augustinus " of the Bishop of Ypres and were its very soul
and marrow. They run as follows " first, some command- ;
ments of God are impossible even for the just, considering

their actual strength, even with the best of wills, and the
grace which would make them possible is also lacking ;
second, in the state of fallen nature we never resist an interior

grace ; third, to merit, or to demerit, in the state of fallen
nature, a man does not need freedom from necessity, freedom
from coercion suffices fourth, the Semi-Pelagians taught the
;
necessity of an interior, preventing grace for every action,

even for the beginning of faith they were heretics forasmuch
;
as they considered grace to be such that the human will can
' CEiivres, XVII., Versailles, 1816, 616, 619. He calls him

" protecteur des pauvres at le soulagement des hopitaux " {ibid.,
635) ; he extols his " science exacte et profonde " and his
" prudence consommce " {ibid., 626).
- Saint-Amour, f. 13 ; Rapin, I., 280 seq. ;
[Dumas], I.,
5 seqq.
VOL. XXX. R
either co-operate with it or refuse to do so ; fifth, it is a Semi-

Pelagian error to assert without quaHfication that Christ has
shed His blood and died forall men ". These are the famous
five thesesround which so fierce a controversy was about to

rage. The other two propositions are unconnected with
" Augustinus " and were soon left on one side. Jansenius'
name was left out of the five propositions just as his doctrine
was taught without his name being mentioned.
Cornet's proposal at once caused a great stir. Sainte-Beuve,
Bourgeois and others would not so much as hear of a
discussion of the seven points on the plea that they turned
on matters where the Church allowed freedom what was ;
aimed at was a covert attack on Jansenius the examination ;
of Veron's book had been declined because of the difficulty

of the task was it any easier now, after the lapse of a whole
;
year ? However,in the end Cornet's proposal was accepted

by a majority of votes, a committee of eight members was
appointed whose duty it would be to report on the theses
in question at the next monthly meeting.
Meanwhile minds were further heated by the prompt
appearance of three pamphlets against Cornet. The most
important had been thrown into the arena by Arnauld from
his hiding place. ^ According to him Cornet's aim was nothing
less than an attack on the teaching of the great Doctor of
the Church, St. Augustine. ^ If he complained of innovations
by the young people it was that, owing to his ignorance and
violence, St. Augustine's true and old principles seemed to
him new.^ According to Arnauld, behind the syndic stood
the Jesuits who made use of him in order to throw the Faculty
into confusion and shame of their bad principles.'*
so to hide the
Of the five propositions the first had been textually taken
from Jansenius and contained the true teaching of St.
Augustine whilst the remaining four were intentionally
^ Considerations sur I' entreprise faite par Maitre N. Cornet
{CEuvres, XIX., i seqq.).
2 Ibid., 9.
^ Ibid., 10.
« Ibid., II.
DISCUSSION PREVENTED. 243
(jqui\ocal so as to make it possible to use tliem against

Augustine.^ The book saw four editions in 1649 and helped
not a little to strengthen the resistance of the friends of
Jansenius.
August 1st was the day appointed for the sitting of
the Faculty at which the report on the seven propositions
was to be submitted. At the very outset Chancellor Loisel
The whole sitting
rose to contest the dean's right to preside.
was taken up by this dispute and the seven propositions were
not submitted at all.^ Already three days earlier (i'i minority-
Doctors, all of them secular priests, with the exception of
one Augustinian, had had recourse to the means by which
it was possible to burke almost any ecclesiastical initiative :
viz. they appealed to Parliament because of abuse of

ecclesiastical authority. However, at the parliamentary
sitting of August 18th President Mole, at one time a friend
of St. Cyran's, did not allow the appeal to be discussed.
The parties exchanged mutual promises to leave the matter
alone for three or four months and meanwhile to seek an
understanding.^
Some four weeks of the four months' armistice had elapsed
when the existence of a draft of a censure became known in
which the seven propositions were described as partly heretical

and partly as contrary to the Scriptures, or as false and
scandalous. The minority at once lodged another appeal.
In the judicial proceedings of October 5th the genuineness
of the censure was not contested but all attempts at mediation
failed so that a discussion of the matter was fixed for the
day after the feast of St. Martin.
In the meantime another dispute had thrown more oil on
the flames. On October 1st Hallier had been elected syndic
in succession to Cornet. Again Saint-Amour, under divers
pretexts, lodged an appeal with Parliament and as the price
of the recognition of his election, Hallier was challenged to
' Ibid., 15 seqq.

2 Rapin, I., 285 ;
[Dumas], I., 9.
' Saint-Amour, f. 22 seqcj. ; Rapin, loc. cit.

— ^
carry out the parliamentary resolutions of 1626 ^ against

the Mendicants and to give a free hand to the party of the
juniors at the Faculty.^ To this Halher demurred ; however,
the appeal to Parliament was also without result inasmuch
as Mole was not only unwilling to pronounce
President
sentence, but was bent on conciHation.
Thus the dispute was bound to come up once more at the
session of the Faculty in which the Jansenists formed a
majority. Consequently, at the stormy session of December
1st, the " disciples of St. Augustine
" tried a last artifice :
if Cornet's seven propositions were to be discussed, they

insisted that seven propositions of Molina together with an
eighth from the lecture notes of Professor Pereyret should
likewise be examined. A committee was to conduct the
inquiry in presence of the Coadjutor of Paris, after which
the Faculty would give its decision by a two-thirds' majority.
The Faculty accepted the proposed committee, Saint-Amour

being one of its nine members. On December 6th a formula
was accepted by all, with the sole exception of Saint-Amour's
vote.* The formula stated that with regard to the propositions
in dispute and the Thomistico-Molinist difference of opinion,
sufficient provision had been made by the decisions of the
Church and those of the Faculty, hence all that was needed
was that syndic Hallier should carry them into effect, appealing
to the Faculty if he met with difficulties and in urgent cases
to his predecessors. In this way Hallier was acknowledged
as syndic but it had also been made clear that a condemnation
of Jansenius could not be obtained from the Faculty
consequently Cornet's offensive had failed.
If the opponents of the new teaching gave up the hopes
of seeing it condemned, their retreat was probably due in

no small measure to the warnings of nuncio Bagno. On
July 16th, 1649, Bagno wrote to Rome that the plan of the
1 See above, p. 240.

2 Saint-Amour, f. 36.
' Ibid., i. 38 seqq.
* Saint-Amour, f. 43.
NUNCIO BAGNO S ACTION. 245
well-disposed professors was not universally approved, for

whatever the decision might be, it would meet with much
opposition. 1 After the futile August session of the Faculty,
he felt convinced that tlic affair would not be further discussed
at the Sorbonne, in fact this was believed to be the better
course he himself had done all he could to bring about this
;
result. 2 Rome approved the nuncio's action. The Inquisition

instructed him to restrain the Sorbonne from passing sentence
on the propositions submitted to it and to persuade the
Coadjutor of Paris to forbid all preaching for or against
Jansenius.^ As a matter of fact the nuncio did obtain a
promise to this effect."* On November 9th Bagno felt he
might report to Rome that in view of the obstacles put in
the way by the opposite party, as well as his own exhortations
to the well disposed among the professors, it was practically
certain that the Sorbonne would deliver no sentence they ;
might reckon on this with all the more certainty as precisely

those who had pressed for judgment by the Faculty had now
had recourse to Cardinal Roma with a view to a papal
decision.^
However, by now matters had gone so far that the nuncio
could not promise himself that even a papal decision would
meet with immediate submission. " The number and the
prestige of the so-called Jansenists grow daily," he wrote on
* " *pcrche in cjualunque mode che la Sorbona havesse date

fuori il sue parere, per la qualita de' tempi correnti havrebbe
havuto molte contradizioni, le quali gia sono cominciate."
Nunziat. di Francia, 98, Pap. Seer. Archives.
* " *Si pu6 credere che piii non sia per trattarsi di questa
materia in detta Sorbona, il che vien creduto per meglio, e io
vi son concorso con lo poco che ho potuto." Ibid.

' *Bagno, November 9, 1649, ibid.
* *Bagno, November 26, 1649, ibid.
* *" La detta censura per gli impedimenti procurati dalla
parte contraria et esortazioni da me fatte a quelli che con buona
intenzione mostravano desiderarla ... si pu6 quasi fermamente
credere che piu non sia parlarsene." Bagno, November 9, 1649,
ibid.
October 22nd, 1649. " Despite the Bull and the papal decrees
they preach, teach and print books in support of that false
doctrine. Some Bishops allow it, others, though more zealous,
do not forbid it because they are unable to obtain the royal
support ; thus there is great danger of a new heresy creeping
into this realm. Though opposed to the new
the Queen is
opinions, she takes no steps against them, perhaps because

she doubts whether her commands would be obeyed. There-
upon a few good and zealous theologians of the Sorbonne
sought to obtain from the Faculty a censure and explanation
of the subjoined propositions, in view of the power of their
opponents in Parliament. These theologians likewise requested
me to dispatch to your Eminence a sheet setting forth what,
in their opinion, the Pope might do by way of remedying
this state of affairs. The evil is very great indeed, but unless
the Holy See has the assistance of the King, there is httle
hope that it will be obeyed." ^
Bagno joined to his report the draft of a censure by the
committee of the Faculty as well as some suggestions on the
remedies which the Pope might apply to the dangers that
1 " Giornalmente," he writes on October 20, 1649, " va

crescendo il numero e autorita di quel che qua chiamano giansenisti,
iquali nonostante la bolla e i decreti dei sommi pontefici predicano,
insegnano e stampano libri a favor di quella falsa dottrina con
permissione di alcuni vescovi et senza repugnanza degl'altri,
che sono piu zelanti, non potendosi ottener I'assistenza della
autorita di Re. Cosi esiste pericolo grande di introdurre
. . .
una nuova eresia in questo regno. La regina si mostra contraria

a queste nuove opinion!, ma S. M. non piglia resolutione alcuna,
forse per dubbio che li suoi ordini non fussero obbediti. Porro
pensorono alcuni buoni e zelanti theologi della Sorbona di . . .
procurare la censura e dichiaratione dei dubbii, ch'io mando

qui allegati mediante la facolta perche i loro avversari sono
potenti nel parlamento. Vengo ricercato da medesimi d'inviare
a V. E. un foglio che contiene quel che li buoni theologi credono
che N. S. potesse fare per provederli. II male veramente e grandis-
simo ; ma se I'autorita della S. Sede non k assistita dal Re.
sara poco obedita." Excevpta ex actis s. Officii a. 1647.
DEMAND FOR A PAPAL DECISION. 247
threatened.^ There was no more powerful means, Bagno

wrote, than the intervention of the Holy See ; since the
decree on the two heads of the Church nothing more had
been written on the subject whereas previously each week had
brought some fresh publication. If the Pope was willing to
give a decision, he might very well base himself on the pro-
positions recently censured by the committee of the Faculty,
though on that occasion the party used both violence and
cunning to prevent the Faculty from being as much as
informed of the occurrence.^ The propositions were so chosen
that their condemnation would be the best antidote against
evil teaching, and without a doubt nearly everyone, or
certainly the majority, would bow to the papal condemnation.^
On the other hand, unless God and His Vicar intervened,
that poison would before long run through the whole Faculty
for nearly all the younger Doctors were infected by it and
openly styled themselves Jansenists and " disciples of
Augustine ".
The seven propositions forwarded by Bagno were now

submitted to the consultors of the Holy Office for examination.
However, a prompt decision on the affair was not come to.
The memorandums sent in to the Inquisition show very
1 " *Commentarius remediorum, quae Romae adhiberi possunt

gravissimis incommodis et periculis, quae iure merito timentur
ex factione scctatorum doctrinae D. lansenii, etc." Draft for
the letter of October 22, 1649, ibid.
* " *Si vero. . Sedes Romana aliquid de novo statuit,
. .
opportunum forte essct, eas propositioncs carpere, quae nuper

a deputatis facultatis theologicae Parisiensis censura affectae
sunt, sed quominus ea censura in publica mensis, ut assolet,
congregatione a tota facultate admitteretur aut etiam ad earn
a deputatis referretur, factionis illius et artibus et vi manifesta
effectum est " {ibid.). It is therefore not true that the draft of
the censure of the committee of the Faculty was given as a
censure of the Faculty.
* " *Nec dubium est, quin, si placuerit SSô D. N. eas damnare,
aut fere omnes aut certe quam plurimi damnationem amplexuri

sint." Ibid.
clearly what were the causes of the delay ^ it was feared :
lest a condemnation of the first five propositions should
prejudice the Dominican doctrine on grace and thus hurt a

deserving theological school. True, most of the consultors
rejected all five, or even the seven propositions, though they
were unwilling to describe each particular thesis as heretical
in every sense. In his memorandum on the first four pro-
positions ^ the Master of the Palace, the Dominican Candidus,
defends them all, though he adds to each of them a note
stating that " Jansenius understands this thus ",^ after which
he endeavours to prove from Jansenius' book that the latter
held the same opinions as himself.
The problem is very fully discussed in the memorial of
Hilarion Rancati, the Cistercian Abbot of S. Croce in
Gerusalemme in Rome.'* According to Rancati the first five
propositions do no more than deny merely sufficient grace.

Now the Molinists assert that sufficient grace is a dogma
and the Thomists dare not deny it when it is objected to ;
them that the denial of sufficient grace was a necessary sequel

of physical premotion, they try to evade the arguments of
their opponents ; thus they obviously admit that their cause
is lost if they are forced to deny sufficient grace. Jansenius
says that he agreement with the Thomists, but the
is in
latter admit a sufficient grace which empowers man to do
what is good and to avoid sin, so that man somehow possesses
a real capacity, as well as freedom from coercion, whereas
Jansenius denies freedom, power and sufficient grace.
Sufficient grace was taught by the Council of Trent and the
^ " *Diversorum vota super 5 propositionibus collecta a fr.

Phil. Vicecom. ord. Eremit. S. Aug." Bibha Angelica, Rome,
R. 3, 5 f., I seqq.
2 Ibid., f. 155-167.
^ " Sensus lansenii est : . .
."
* Ibid., f. 41-9. Also in Bibl. Angelica, Rome, S. 3, i : *Excerpta

ex V. Parte circa librum lansenii, f. 94-9 (dated October 31
1649), and in Bibl. Casanatense, Rome, X., VI., 34, f. 60-2.
Cf. Ang. Fumagalli, Viia del P. D. II. Rancati, Brescia, 1762 ;
De Meyer, 127, n. 2.
^
DIFFICULTIES. 249
provincial Councils of Sens and Cologne of the years 1528

and 1536, hence theologians cannot be prevented from
describing Jansenism as a straying from the faith, and in so
doing they did no injury to anyone.
Rancati then examines the five propositions one by one
and shows that they are all rooted in the denial of sufificient
grace, though it could not be denied that Jansenius supported
each of them with texts from St. Augustine which are very
difficult to explain. As a matter of fact that which theologians
say of the Fathers in general, namely that in the heat of the

struggle with pagans and heretics they sometimes allowed
themselves to be carried too far, is also true of Augustine
who in his fight against the Pelagians speaks too unfavourably
of free will. Consequently, however much theologians should
be left free to censure Jansenius, Rancati is of opinion that
the Holy See had better refrain from intervening in an affair

which was not as yet ripe for definition. ^ If, however, it was
deemed expedient to go further, it should be done only after
long and careful study by a number of theologians, including
some from the Thomist and Molinist schools,, for the con-
demnation of Jansenius would necessarily lead to conclusions
being drawn concerning the questions which were the object
of such lengthy discussions under Urban VIII., seeing that
the defenders of physical premotion asserted its necessity no
less strongly than Jansenius insisted on the necessity of
efficient grace for every good work. Now if this necessity
did not do away with Thomist system,
sufficient grace in the
though it did in that of Jansenius, the difference was verbal
rather than substantial, for what the Thomists called sufficient
and Jansenism insufficient grace was one and the same
thing.
Accordingly Rancati was of opinion that they should be
content with the Bull of Urban VIII. ; the most that could
* " *Censeo proinde dotrinam lansenii sine iniuria (against

a theological school) a theologis affici posse nota erroris in fide."
* " *Propterea censerem, liberum maneat doctoribus theologis
censuris contra lansenium uti, Sedis Apostolicae auctoritas in

hoc negotio plane adhuc immature ne oppigneretur " (he. cit.).
^
be done would be a prohibition to bring these controversies

to the notice of the people. At the conclusion of this examina-
tion by the theologians, Rome was sufficiently informed on
the nature of Jansenism, yet no public definition ensued.
In accordance with Rancati's memorial, nuncio Bagno was
instructed, by Innocent X.'s order, to induce the Assembly
of the Clergy of 1650 to obey the Bull of Urban VIII. and
to demand obedience to it from its subjects.^ His Holiness
would give a decision on the new teaching, the nuncio declared,
if the King and a large section of the French hierarchy would
press him to do so. Vincent de Paul, who supplies this

information, 2 adds that the King was willing to write to the
Pope and the first President declared that Parliament would
accept the Bull if it was not described as a decree of the
Roman Inquisition.
Complete silence was, however, impossible for the Holy
See. In 1650, on the feast of St. Louis and in Rome itself,
the ex-Oratorian Hersent, the same who had written Optatus
Gallus against Richelieu, went so far as to preach Jansenism
in the presence of three Cardinals, to print his sermon, to
dedicate it to the Pope and in the dedication to extol the
Bishop of Ypres as a man without his equal and another
Augustine. Hersent escaped the order of the Inquisition
for his arrest by flight but the Dominican Du Four, who
had allowed the sermon to be printed, went to prison in his
place.
On the same day on which the Inquisition took action
1 " *Sanctissimus iussit (July 28, 1650), Nuntio rescribi, ut

efficaciter interponat officia sua apud Cleri Assembleam, ut non
solum sint constanter obedientes Bullae Apostolicae publicatae
contra lansenium, sed ut curent ab eorum subditis eandem
obedienter observari. Bagno, April 8, 1650. Biblioteca Angelica,
Rome, loc. cit.
2 Letter of April 23, 165 1, in Maynard, II., 328.
3 Rapin, I., 322 seq. ; Saint-Amour, 47, 49, 61 ;Ameyden,
Diario, October, 1650, Barb. 4819, f. 122 seq. (also Ranke, Pdpste,
III.*, 96). Two *apologetical writings by Du Four to the Inquisi-
tion in Barb. 1023, pp. 7-18, Vatican Library.
THE CATECHISM OF GRACE 25!
against Hersent, it also prohibited another small book but
one that was of great value for the Jansenists.^ Their Catechism
of Grace had already been refuted in a number of publications
-
but the worst thing that could befall it was that a Calvinist
professor Groningen having translated it into Latin,
of
declared that it confirmed the teaching on grace of the
Calvinist synod of Dortrecht consequently he expressed;
hishope that the Jansenists would end by completely dropping

the Council of Trent. ^ The University of Louvain had the
opuscule translated into Flemish,'* but the Inquisition
prohibited its circulation on October 6th, 1650. The condemna-
tion was a blow for the Jansenists in Galilean France also.
Arnauld defended the Catechism from the attacks of the
Jesuits ^ and sought to weaken the impression by a special
publication.® His introduction is noteworthy. He declares
that the Pope had no more devoted sons in France than
" the disciples of St. Augustine " ' since it was owing to the
Popes that Augustine had become the Doctor of Grace !
However, relations with the Holy See were none too

intimate even on the part of those F'rench Catholics who
were sincerely attached to the Church. Notwithstanding the
1 On October 6, 1650, Arnauld, (Eiivres, XVI., XXI. Cf.
above, p. 220.
- Arnauld, loc. cit., XX.
' [Patouillet], I., 228, II., i5y ; Arnauld, loc. cit., 697.
* Arnauld, loc. cit., XX. The royal Council of Flanders
confiscated the Catechistne de la grace (Report of the Belgian
nuncio, September 15, 1650, in Excerpta ex actis s. Officii 1647-
1652, loc. cit.).
5 CEuvres, XVII., 705 seqq.

* 689 seqq.
Ibid., For the same purpose fictitious censures of
the University of Salamanca and of the Inquisition were
disseminated against a Molinist counter catechism (Rapin, I.,
414), which latter, however, was also suppressed by the Inquisi-

tion on October 6, 1650, because it treated of a forbidden subject.
Cf. Reusch, Index, II., 470.
^ " qu'il n'y
a point de personnes qui soient plus sincerement
"
affectionnces au S. Si^ge que les disciples de S. Augustin
(CEuvres.. XVII., 696).

numerous opponents whom these novelties encountered

among the clergy, at court, at the Sorbonne, and in spite
of the vigour and zeal displayed in resisting them, there
existed a curious shyness to seize the only effective weapon,
viz. a request for a papal definition.^ Rome was resolved
to continue its waiting policy until a majority of the French
Bishops should request the Holy See to intervene. Hence,
for the time being, nothing was done. Individual Bishops
had appealed to Rome, on their own initiative, against the
innovations, as for instance the Archbishop of Rheims, the

Bishops of Senlis, Chartres, Aire, Riez, Avranches.^ But
the Assembly of the Clergy of 1650 observed a striking
silence ; moreover, after Conde's arrest on January 16th,
1650, the country's attention was diverted from religious
questions and thus Jansenism spread silently but continuously.^
In the universal perplexity as to how to deal with the
rising flood, amid the turmoil of opinions which confused
even Bishops and scholars, a man was found who stood
strong and serene amid the trouble and agitation of his time,
as a lighthouse towers above the surging billows —that man
was Vincent de Paul. Vincent is known to the world as the
apostle of benevolence, but the care of the poor and the
destituteby no means exhausted his charity. His far-reaching
vision embraced all the needs and wants of the Church ;
he examined without prejudice at what point it was necessary,

or possible, to intervene ; having done so he carried through
his carefully considered plans with unfailing determination.
How consistently he had studied the rising Jansenist movement
and with what penetration he saw through the innovation,
is shown by his opinion on Arnauld's book on Communion *
which at the time bewitched almost everybody, as well as
his view on Jansenius' teaching on grace. ^ Since as Superior
1 Rapin, L, 365.
2 Ibid., 316.
' Ibid., 364.
* Letter to Dehorgny, September 10, 1648, Coste, III., 362-
374-
^ Letter to the same, June 25, 1648, ibid., 318-332.
VINCENT DE PAUL INTERVENES. 253
he was responsible for the Lazarists' attitude towards the

burning questions of the day, we need not wonder when he
assures us that these were the usual subject of his prayers.^
As a matter of fact the sure vision with which he discovered
the weak points in the long-winded arguments of Jansenius
and Arnauld, the superior simplicity which enables him to
show convincingly that their teaching was incompatible with
the Catholic faith, give the irresistible impression that a
judgment so measured and so sure could only have matured
in ceaseless, dispassionate reflection under the eye of God.
Naturally enough Arnauld's crafty ways found but little
favour with Vincent whose favourite virtues were simplicity
and straightforwardness.^ From his intercourse with St.
Cyran he had ascertained the real aims of the sect which
Arnauld did not dare to avow in fact he remarked on ;
more than one occasion that Arnauld played false and sought
to hide his purpose behind fine phrases,^ nor did he trust the
attenuations to which Arnauld condescended in a later work,*
for the explanations there given, which were insidious enough.
1 Ibid., 330 seq. :

" Je
vous avoue, ]\Ionsieur, que j'ai fait
quelque petite etude touchant ces questions, et que c'est le sujet
ordinaire de mes chetives oraisons.
^ Jesus, men Dieu serais je reduit a ce malheur qu'il me
!
—
fallut faire ou dire quelque chose a votre egard centre la sainte
simplicite. . . . C'est la vertu que j'aime le plus et a laquelle
je fais le plus d'attcntion dans mes actions, si me semble."
Letter to Ducoudray, November 6, 1634, Coste, I., 284.
"
Quoique I'auteur [Arnauld] fasse quelque fois semblant
=»
., . .
il neanmoins
est certain {ibid., III., 363). Je reponds que
. . .
ce n'est pas de mervcillc (jue M. Arnauld parle quelque fois

commc les autres catholiqucs. II ne fait en cela qu'imitcr Calvin,
qui nie trente fois, cju'il fasse Dieu auteur du peche, quoicpi'il
pour etablir cette maxime detestable "
fasse ailleurs tous ses efforts
{ibid., 365). *Arnauld refrains from the Sacraments " quoiqu'il
fasse semblant, pour mieux couvrir son jeu, d'etre fort eloigne
de ce dessein " {ibid., 369).
* La tradition de I'^glise ; see the present work, XXIX.,
143, n. I.
,
could not clear away existing difficulties.' None the less

Vincent deprecates any kind of general hue and cry against
the new doctrines ^ ; on the contrary his Congregation
should adopt the following line of conduct :
" We never
dispute about these things, we never preach about them,
we never treat of them in conferences if others do not begin,
and if they do we endeavour to speak with the utmost reserve.
'
What then you will tell me, do you forbid all discussion
' '
of these topics ? I answer '

Yes " Those who disobeyed
' '
!
were not to go without a penance.^

Though Vincent restrained his companions from a method
of attack which would only have attracted more attention to
the new opinions, he none the less did not wish them to stand
by idly. In his opinion a remedy could only come from the
Holy See and its intervention was to be brought about at
the request of the French Bishops. Yet it did not seem
practical to submit to the which met
Assembly of the Clergy,
in May, 1650, a draft for a collective letter to the Pope ;
the consequence would only have been endless and, probably,

fruitless discussions and disputes, perhaps even a fresh
intervention by Parliament.^ So there was nothing for it
but to undertake the laborious task of winning over the
Bishops individually. In concert with some Bishops who had
come to Paris before the opening of the Assembly of the
Clergy, and with the King's confessor, the Jesuit Dinet,
Vincent drafted a letter for Rome the text of which was
finally drawn up by Habert, Bishop of Vabres.^ Some Bishops
signed during the Assembly, to the others Vincent addressed
a circular letter in February, 1651. The letter states that the
dangerous opinions prevalent at the time had already led a
goodly number of prelates to write to Rome to request a
papal pronouncement on the new teaching. They had been
' CosTE, III., 323.
- " a cor et a cri " ; ibid., 328.
^ 328 seq.
Ibid.,
•"
Rapin, I., 335.
Ibid., 329, 336
'"
[Dumas], I., 12. On the steps which Vincent
;
took in this matter, cf. the compilation in Coste, XIV., 279 seq.
^
VINCENT DE PAUL INTERVENES. 255
actuated by the following motives : first, the hope that b\-
this means many people would be confirmed in their loyalty

to the traditional teaching ; the effect of the Roman decree
on the two heads of the Church had sufftcientl}' shown the
power of a papal definition. Secondly, if the evil were tolerated
it would spread further. In Rome it was thought that the
majority of the French Bishops favoured the new doctrine,
hence it was imperative to make it clear that this was the
attitude of only a few. Lastly, the Council of Trent decreed
that Rome should be appealed to whenever new opinions
arose.
The grounds on which Vincent's undertaking, notwith-
standing his prestige, encountered great obstacles, appear
from a letter of Archbishop Montchal of Toulouse to a fellow-
Bishop who, like himself, had withheld his signature.- A
letter to the Pope, he writes, must be decided upon by the
Assembly of the Clergy in the name of all the Bishops. In
view of their obstinacy both parties would find all kinds of
subterfuges to evade a papal definition. How carefully, to
give but one example, both Popes and Councils had avoided
to hurt either party, for instance in the controversy on grace
between the Dominicans and the Jesuits, or in the question
of the Immaculate Conception Were they going to force
!
the Holy See to give up such a wise restraint ? Like Montchal,

the Bishops of Alet and Pamiers ^ also failed to realize the
bearing of the new movement and the reliance they might
place on the power of the Holy See to them * as to others,^
;
Vincent had to point out that a papal decision would prevent

many, if not all, from adopting the new opinions or lead
them to renounce them.
However, as during the internal troubles of the Fronde
the growth of the new sect took on more and more alarming
* CosTE, IV., 148 seq. ; Mavnard, II., 326; Rapin, I., 318.
* Published by A. Auguste in Bullet, de hit. eccUs., 1916, 272.
'
Letter of end of May, 1651, in Mavnard, II., 333.
* Ibid., 335 seqq.
; Coste, IV., 204-210.
* Vincent to the Bishop of Luôn, April 23, 1651, in Mavnard,
II., 327 seqq. ; CosTE, IV., 175 seqq.
proportions/ the number of episcopal adhesions very soon

rose to seventy,^ until it reached a total of eighty-eight,^
among them being the Archbishops of Aries, Bourges,
Narbonne, Bordeaux and Rheims. The Cardinal Archbishop
of Lyons gave as the reason of his refusal to sign the fact
that, as a member of the Inquisition, his role was that of a
judge, not an accuser, whilst Harlay of Rouen declared that
he had made his opinion clear enough at his Provincial
Council.*
The letter had already been dispatched by Dinet to his
brother in rehgion Annat, the French Assistant of the General
of the Society, to be forwarded Rome, when the
by him to
Assessor of the Inquisition, Albizzi, announced that if it was
to produce its effect, the document must be handed to the

nuncio by the Bishops themselves, without the intervention
of a third party. Most of the Bishops objected to their names
being known even to the nuncio, but Dinet and Vincent
ended by overcoming this difficulty also.^ The letter ^ begins
by stating that it was the constant tradition of the Church
to lay the more important affairs before the Holy See, and
1 Rapin, I., 332.

2 Ibid., 335.
* Gerberon name.
(I., 393) mentions 68 signatories by
The original text of Habert's letter is in the Acts of the Inquisition,
with 24 signatures, also copies with the signatures of one or
more Bishops, altogether 39 besides a special document which
;
agrees with Habert's letter of April 25, 1651, signed by 5, and

another signed by 8 Bishops, and by two others on special sheets
(Bibl. Angelica, Rome, S. 3, i, *Excerpta ex V. Parte circa lihrum
lansenii, 135 seq., 137, 252).
f. On August 18, 1651, Bagno
transmits further signatures [ibid., 125). Bishop Scarron of
Grenoble, in a letter to the Pope, June 6, i65r, complains of
the growth of Jansenism he awaits with impatience the decision

;
of the Pope. Annates de St. Louis, XI. (1905), 241.

*
Cf. Rapin, I., 316.
^ Ibid., 366.
* Latin text in Hardouin, Ada Cone, XL, 141 Coste,;
IV, 632 ; Arnauld, (Euvres, XIX., 73 translation in [Dumas],

;
L, 12 seq. Rapin, L, 370.

THE FOUR BISHOPS TO THE POPE. 257
Peter's faith that ncxer fails cknianded the maintenance of

this tradition. Accordingly, in conformity with tradition, they
submitted to Rome the questions connected with the Jansenist
controversy. In reality both the Council of Trent and the
Bull of Urban VIII. confirming Pius V.'s and Gregory XIII. 's
condemnation which Innocent X. had enacted anew,
of Baius,
should suffice to put an end to the dispute, but since it was
not stated what censure falls on each proposition, some
thought that room was left for further subtleties and
subterfuges. It was hoped that a clear and detailed papal
judgment would bring about a change in this respect. The
letter then gives the text of the live propositions and prays
for a pronouncement on each of them. The authority of
the Holy See had been shown quite recently, when it
pronounced in the question of the two heads of the Church.
Jansenius had himself submitted his work to the judgment
of the Holy Sec. On April 2(Sth, 1(551, nuncio Bagno forwarded
the document to Rome.^ Thus the most important step
towards warding off the new teaching had been taken and
the Jansenists never forgave Vincent de Paul for having
been the means of it.-
It goes without saying that this action could not long be

kept from those Bishops who thought otherwise. On February
20th, 1G51, the Archbishop of Embrun and the Bishops of
Agen, Chalons, Comminges, Orleans and Valence called on
the papal nuncio in Paris to inform him that Habert's letter
was no more than a manifesto on the part of a few individual
Bishops signed without the knowledge of the Assembly of
the Clergy. The movement in France may indeed be fraught
with danger, that is, if judgment was passed without hearing
both parties. With regard to the theses impugned, they
should make sure in what sense they were taught by " the
disciples of Augustine " and above all by Augustine himself,
lest they should implicate that holy Doctor in a censure
' Bibl. Angelica, Rome, loc. cit., f. 245.

* On their opposition to his canonization, cf. [Patoi'Ii.i.et], I.,
178, 330; II-. 479-

VOL. XXX. S
^
and so should give occasion to the heretics to cahimniate

the Holy See, as if at present it condemned what it had
previously approved.^ Eight days later the Archbishop of
Sens called on the nuncio and represented to him in a haughty
tone that in this affair the Pope must proceed after mature
reflection and in accordance with the canons if he acted ;
otherwise little notice would be taken in France of his decision.

Bagno sought to calm the prelates but already in April he
had to report renewed pressure on the part of some of the
Bishops. He added that the number of the Jansenists grew
from day to day, a large section of Parliament and the
University, many monasteries and nobles favoured them
and there was no doubt that the situation was becoming
serious.^
Even before the friends of Jansenism among the Bishops
had remonstrated with the nuncio, Arnauld, at their
instigation,*had published a violent pamphlet against his
old enemy Habert.^ The latter, Arnauld declared, had nothing
to answer to the two excellent apologies of Jansenius in
which he had exposed the falsehoods contained in Habert's
inflammatory sermons and the pitiable weakness of his
writings, hence he now had recourse to secret tricks and
manoeuvres to obtain in clandestine fashion the signatures
of a few Bishops for a letter with which to deceive the Pope,
^ Letter of the Bishop of Valence to the Archbishop of Toulouse,

March 3, 1651, in Saint-Amour, 67 ; Rapin, I., 336.
2 Rapin, I., 337 ; Arnauld, CEiivres, XIX., x.
3 " *replicate instanze fattemi di alcuni pochi vescovi di
supplicaria di rappresentare a N. S. grinconvenienti che possono
succedere, quando si facesse alcuna dichiarazione sopra li capi
controversi. ... sempre il numero de' Jansenisti,
Si accresce
essendo caduto in quest'errore una gran parte del Parlamento
e deirUniversia della Sorbona e de' molti monasterii et ancora
molte persone nobili che senz'alcun dubbio possono apportare
gran danno." Bagno, April 28, 1651, Biblioteca Angelica, loc. cit.
* Arnauld, CEuvres, XIX., viii.
* " Observations sur la lettre composee par M. I'eveque de
Vabres," ibid., 43-73.
ELEVEN BISHOPS WHITE TO THE POPE. 259
in order that vindcr the iiauu' of janscnius the latter might

condemn St. Augustine himself.' The propositions attacked
by Habert were the very pillars of St. Augustine's teaching
which neither Pope nor Council could oppose without
sacrificing the infallibility of the Church, which could not
condemn to-day what she had taught for 1,200 years. ^ Habert,
the servant of the Jesuits, ^ wanted the Church to turn Molinist,
for all Europe to see that an assessor and a handful of
theologians of the Inciuisition were to-day the judges and
masters of the Church's teaching and that they were to be
honoured above the Fathers, the Popes and the Councils.*
Notwithstanding this violent diatribe Habert's letter
secured an ever increasing number

So as notof signatures.
to leave the ground free for their opponents, the Bishops
in favour of Jan.senism also wrote to the Pope,^ but their
letter, dated April 1 1th, 1G51, bore only eleven signatures.*
The document, drawn up at Port-Royal,' well characterizes
the spirit of the party. It tells the Pope in substance how
to proceed in this affair ; in fact it utters scarcely veiled
threats should he refuse to be taught. The five propositions,
the document states, had been brought together arbitrarily

and equivocally worded, in order to make of them an apple
of discord. The times were not propitious for a solemn
definition unless the Pope had the propositions e.xamined, as
was done under Clement VHI. and Paul W, in the controversy
on grace. If a different procedure was adopted, the defeated
'
IbuL, 43.
'-
Ibid.. 56.
=>
Ibid., 51.
Ibid.. 70.
[Dl'mas], I., 16 seqq.
^ Rapin, I., 380 seqq.
;
Namely, those of Archbishop Louis Henri de Gondrin of Sens,

*
Bishops Barth. Delbene of Agen, Gilbert de Choiseul of Com-

niinges, Le Benin of Valence and Die, Delbene of Orleans, Bernard
Despruets of Saint-Fapoul, Jean Henri de Salette of Lescar, Ecli.x
Vialart of Chalons, l'ran9ois de Caumartin of Amiens, Henri
Arnauld of Angers, Nicolas de Buzenval of Beauvais.
' Rapin. L. 378.
party might justly complain that had been condemned

it
unheard, in consequence of the and

misrepresentations
trickeries of its adversaries. They might even add that their
cause had been laid before the Holy See without previous
examination by the Bishops, as was required by the practice
of Christian antiquity, the legitimate order for the judgment
of the universal Church and the customs of the GalHcan
Church. The letter goes on to describe for the benefit of the
Romans, by way of a shining example, how the French would
proceed if called upon to deliver judgment in a matter of
this kind. " Equity would compel us to examine with the
utmost care whether the five propositions had not been

arbitrarily brought together, out of hatred for some persons
and for the pleasure of sowing trouble it would compel us
;
to examine in what books, by what authors, in what sense

they were stated, to hear the various parties, to study the
books written on the theses, to distinguish their true, false
or doubtful meaning, to inform ourselves of everything
connected with the dispute from its very beginning. After
that we would inform the Holy See of all we had done in a
matter which touches on the faith, so that our own just
declarations might be confirmed by your Apostolic authority."
On the other hand, the letter proceeds, if direct recourse
was had to the Holy See, by what artifices might not truth
be suppressed, by how many calumnies might not Bishops
and Doctors be blackened, by how many frauds might not
the Pope himself be deceived ? For one party maintained
that the majority of the scholastics, God's goodness and
natural reason were in its favour, whilst those who were
integral followers of Augustine asserted that the questions
in dispute were questions no longer but a matter decided
long since, more particularly by the Council of Trent. For
this reason they were afraid of neither an episcopal nor a
papal sentence, for they felt confident that the Pope would
not swerve in the slightest degree from the teaching of the
holy Fathers and that the Holy See would not be made the
laughing-stock of the heretics. Hence they prayed the Pope
to suffer the continuation, for a short while, of a dispute
-
SAINT-AMOUR IN ROME. 261
which gone on for centuries witliout injury to the Church,

liad
or to decide it with due regard to legal forms.
Port-Ro\'al did not have to make a long search for someone
to hand in the letter of the eleven Bishops. As early as
November 1650, ostensibly to accompany a young nobleman,
but in reality to spy out the land for the Jansenists, Saint-Amour
had been dispatched to Rome, but in view of the strong feeling
against the sect called forth by Hersent's Jansenist sermon,
he spent the whole of the summer in Venetian territory ; from
the Pope he obtained, at a later date, a purely formal audience.
Saint-Amour was nevertheless in a position to give his friends
one valuable piece of advice, this was that to defend Jansenius
they should send a formal embassy to Rome.^ Notwithstand-
ing every precaution Saint-Amour was in danger of being
arrested as a Jansenist, hence on April 13th, 1().')1, he left in
all haste for Genoa.

Meanwhile the dispatch of an embassy to Rome had also
been discussed by Cornet's supporters, whereupon Saint-
Amour was commissioned by his friends to return to Rome in
the capacity of representative of the eleven episcopal
supporters of Jansenism, for as their envo}^ he had nothing
to fear. 3 Bishop Henri Arnauld of Angers, brother to the
" great " Arnauld, who was known in Rome, supplied him
with letters of recommendation to Cardinals Este, Spada and
Barberini.'* Before long, Saint-Amour returned to Rome but,
despite the letters of recommendation. Cardinal Este, for his
safety's sake, advised him to leave as quickly as possible.^
From Innocent X., to whom he had presented liimself as the
envo\- of the I'Vench Bishops, he received directions than
which none could have been unpleasanter for the Jansenists ^ :
the Pope referred him to the Assessor of the Inquisition,
' Rapin, I., 320, 324, 326, 328.

- Ibid., 329.
' Ibid., 329, 372 ; Saint-Amour, 83.
* Rapin, I., 373 ; Cochin, 149 scq.
^ Rapin, I., 374 seq. ; Saint-Amour, 86 scqq.
" On July 10, 1651, in Rapin, I., 378.
Albizzi, for everything that had not been settled by Urban

was feared and hated by the party as no
VIII. 's Bull. Albizzi
other man. When Saint-Amour hinted that his adversaries
gave themselves the air as if they had the Pope's tongue in
their mouth and his pen in their hand, Innocent pointed to
the crucifix as his counsellor.^
To complete the Jansenists' discomfiture the French
ambassador was commissioned by his Government to present
on October 16th, 1651, a petition praying the Pope to pronounce
judgment in the disputes about grace, so that the followers of
Janscnius and Molina should no longer be able to call each
other Pelagians and Calvinists, to the great delight of the
heretics.^ A second audience with the Pope was hardly more
successful for Saint-Amour. This time he came with a message
from the Bishop of Grasse, Godeau, who exposed to the Pope
famihar grievances of the Jansenists.'' Innocent received
Godeau's message very coldly and stopped Saint-Amour
when the latter began to talk of Congregations such as those
held under Clement VIII. Urban VIII. 's Bull could not be
touched, he said, nor could there be question of resuming the
discussions which had taken place under Clement VIII.*
When Saint-Amour desired to present a memorial, the Pope
declined it with the remark that he was old and no theologian.^
From this Saint-Amour promptly concluded that the Pope
had no intention to pronounce sentence, so he wrote to his
friends in France that they might dispatch their envoys
without hesitation a papal sentence, which Port-Royal had
;
every reason to would not be delivered.^

fear,
Dispatched by the Jansenists, Doctors Brousse, Lalane and

Angran, as a matter of fact, did arrive in Rome on December
5th, 1651, describing themselves as representatives of the
1 Saint-Amour, 96 seq.
- Rapin, I., 383.
' Saint-Amour, Documertts, 6.
* Saint-Amour, 149 seq. Rapin, I., 384.
;
^ " Oltra che son vecchio, non ho mai studiato in theologia."
Saint-Amour, 150.
^ Rapin. T. 384.
;
JANSENIST ENVOYS IN ROME. 263
Sorbonne. Now it so happened that a month cailier, on bcinf,'

questioned by the new syndic Grandin, the Faculty had
protested Saint-Amour did not represent it ^ and on
tliat
November 8th, lOol, Halher had written to the nuncio to

put him on his guard against the artifices of the Jansenists ;
not more than ten to twelve Bishops and less than twenty
of the 1()0 Doctors of Sorbonne favoured them, Hallier wrote
moreover it was a deception to pretend that there was only
question of continuing the controversy on grace between
Dominicans and Jesuits. The nuncio forwarded Hallier's
letter to Rome ^ but of this the Jansenist envoys were
ignorant ; accordingly, at their first audience with Innocent
X., January 21st, IBa'i, they described themselves as the
representatives of the French Bishops. The Pope let this pass
and in other ways also he treated them graciously but declared
emphatically that he stuck to Urban \TII.'s Bull.^ Faithful
to their instructions, the envovs had pra\-ed for a discussion
on the model of the Congregations under Clement VHI.
and Paul V.,'' with the object, as openly avowed in a private
letter,^ to delay and impede a definition. The Pope replied
in general terms that they would have no reason to be dis-
satisfied.® It was, however, no happv omen for Brousse and

his colleagues that at the time of their arri\-al the former
'
Ibul., 420.
' Ibid., 418 seq.
' Ibid., 431 scq.
* " *ut distingui ct siiifj;illatini oxamiiiari iiibcat [SS. I'ont.]
varios sensus propositionum aequivocarum ct ad fraudem
5
fictarum ., atque ut dc pracdictis .sensibu.s, prout exigct

. .
illorum Veritas ac aliorum falsitas, sententiam ferri velit, partibus

prius in Congrefâtione tuni voce turn scripto coram auditis ct
omnibus illarum scriptis mutuo communicatis." Hibl. Angelica,
Rome, S. 3, i, Kxcerpta ex V. Parle circa Itbrum lansenii, f. 261.
* Lalane, July
14, 1651, to Saint-Amour " Faitcs tous vos :
qu'on ne prononce rien sur Ics propositions "

•rtorts possibles afin ;
or at least they should try to introduce three clauses into the

decision which would ha\e stultified it. Rapin, I., 373, n.
* Ibid., 432.
Cologne nuncio, Fabio Chigi, became Secretary of State, for

as a near kinsman of the internuncio of Brussels, Bichi, as
well asby his prolonged stay in the North, he was well informed
about the Janscnists.^ For the time being all that the envoys
could do was to court prestige by much pomp and display
and to try and bring opinion round in their favour by means of
personal visits. As a matter of fact they did succeed in
influencing in their favour especially the Generals of the
Augustinians and the Dominicans.-
Meanwhile no steps had as yet been taken in France to
send to Rome representatives of the Catholics loyal to the
Church. In the end a sarcastic remark in one of Saint-Amour's
lettersprompted a priest to collect a small sum from his
parishioners for the maintenance of representatives in Rome ;
he also discussed the matter with Hallier thereupon Hallier ;
decided to go himself to Rome as ambassador, taking Lagault

and The three men reached Rome
Joisel as his companions.^
on May 24th, 1652, and were soon after received in audience.
Hallier explained to the Pontiff that their undertaking had
nothing in common with the dispute about grace under
Clement VIII. they prayed for an examination whether the
;
five propositions had not been condemned long ago and that,
if this was the case, the Pope would state it anew.* They also
requested the Dominicans in Paris to make it clear to their

General that the Jansenist dispute had nothing to do with the
teaching of the Order of Preachers.^ They kept out of the way
1 Ibid., 428 seq.

2 Ibid., 459 seq.
^ Ibid., 430.
^ Ibid., 486. *" ut examen fiat 5 illarum propositionum . . .
excutiaturque num propositiones illae iam ecclesiasticis defini-

tionibus et traditione proscriptae sint. Ouod si iam damnatas
pace et tranquillitate
fuisse constiterit, supplicant 8. St', ut pro
Ecclesiae id novo diplomate velit declarare. lidem doctores
protestantur, se non petere, ut quaestiones controversae inter
Dominicanos et lesuitas uUi examini aut censurae subii-
. . .
ciantur ". Biblioteca Angelica, loc. cit., f. 262.

^ Letter of Lagault, June 17, 1652, in Rapin, L, 487.
^
CARDINALITIAL CONGREGATION FOR JANSENISM. 265
of the envoys of the friends of the Jansenists and an attempt

by the French ambassador to bring the two parties together,
proved a faihire.^ At this time Queen Anne wrote to the
French ambassador and to Cardinal Barberini, requesting
tliem to urge tlie Pope to decide the question then pending
and recommending HaUier and liis fellow delegates to him.^
(3.)
On April 12tli, \{\'A, before the arrival of the delegation

in the Eternal City and before the French Bishops had drawn
up their letter, Innocent X. had taken a decisive step in the
Jansenist affair b}- charging a special Congregation to deal
with it.^ It consisted of Cardinals Roma, Spada, Ginetti and
Cecchini with Albizzi as secretary.'* Roma having died on
April 11th, Ki.'j'i, Spada replaced him as chairman from
April 11th, 1()52. On April lltli. Cardinal Chigi joined as a
new member, and Cardinal Camillo Pamfili on October 30th.
Innocent X. had deliberately set up an entirely new Congrega-
tion owing to the circumstance that the Inquisition, to whose
competence the affair belonged in tlie first instance, was the
object of extreme hatred in France.^ In like manner he had
also deliberately excluded from the deliberations Cardinals
Maculano and Lugo, both of them able theologians, but
who might be suspected of partiality as being the one a
Dominican and the other a Jesuit.' It was an important
' Ibid., 486, 488 seq. ; S.mnt-.'Xmour, 241 seq.

- Rapin, I., 494 scqq.
' The official report of the Konian Olfice, compiled by Albizzi,
is published by A. Schill in Katholik, 18S3, II., 282 seqq.,
363 472 seqq. Cf. Saint-Amour, Appendix, 173. Rapix
seqq.,
(II., 2-31, 66-72 81-5), gives " rhistoire du proces-verbal de ce
jugcmcnt, prise sur les memoires du Saint-Office que j'ai copies

fidelement sur I'original qu'on y garde."
* ScHiLL, 288.
* Ibid., 204, 365.

« Rapin, II., 6.
' Pai.lavicino, I., 1S3.

circumstance for tlie discussions that Chigi had become

acquainted with Jansenius' work during his Cologne nunciature
and that, on the basis of an examination by two Dominicans
of that city, he had been able to form an independent opinion
of the book.^
The first nine sittings of the new tribunal were of a
preparatory nature. With a view to laying down a solid basis,
it began by examining the proceedings against Baius. The
more important documents concerning the events of Louvain
as well as the censures against him by the Universities of
Alcala, Salamanca and Paris were read and the Paris nuncio
was instructed to forward an authentic copy of the Paris
censure. The Congregation approached its real task in the
seventh session. It was resolved that copies of the Roman
memorials of 1G49 on the five theses should be submitted and
further details on the Jansenist dispute obtained from the
Belgian nuncio. At these preliminary sittings the measures
to be taken against the Archbishop of Malines, the Bishop of
Ghent and against Jansenism at Marseilles also came up for
discussion ^
; a Jansenist book of devotion was also
prohibited.^
At its tenth session, September 28th, 1651, the Congregation
took up the discussion of the five propositions. The letter
of the French Bishops demanding their condemnation was

read. It was decided to have them examined by theologians
and to submit the hst of these theologians, the so-called
qualificators. There followed a pause until September 24th,
1652, probably to give the theologians time to study the
subject."* In the few sessions during that interlude there was
only question of the situation in Flanders, a book by one

of the Jansenist delegates was prohibited and it was resolved
to give an opportunity to the two delegations of the French
1 Ibid., i8i seqq.

- ScHiLL, 287-292.
' The so-called Heures de Port-Royal or Heures a la janseniste
{ibid., 291), a misleading translation from the Roman Breviary ;
cf. [Patouillet], II., 177 seqq.

* ScHiLL, 293.
-
JANSENIST DliLAVING TACTICS. 267
Bishojxs for and against janscnins to defend their case cither

before each of the Cardinals of the Congregation individually
or before all of them assembled in At the
general session.
sessions on 11th and IXth August, Saint-Amour and his
and his
friends, as well as Hallier colleagues, were informed
of this decision. The Jansenist delegates allowed nearly the
whole of July and August to go by without taking advantage
of the offer, though on August Kith they were reminded of
it by order of the Pope. On August 28th they put their
signatures to two documents, but under various pretexts
its presentation was put off until September 21st. Neither
document was to the point the one traced the history of the
;
five theses, the other treated of St. Augustine's prestige in

the Church. Once again they demanded a formal disputation
and that the relevant papers of either party should be com-
municated to the other. Albizzi had the impression that their
^
only aim was to drag out the affair indefinitely.

The Pope had no intention to allow this and the rea.son for
it was made quite clear to the qualificators before the opening
of the sitting of September 24th, 1G52, the first at which they

were present. A formal disputation, Albizzi explained, only
served to inflame tempers, whilst the mutual exchange of
papers would unduly protract the business. Meanwhile Spada
requested the Cardinals to declare whether they desired an
opinion on the five propositions solely as they stood, or as they
were understood by Jansenius. When the qualificators were
questioned, they replied that no more than the text of the
first of the five theses had been communicated to them some
time ago, hence a majority of them were of opinion that the
propositions should be examined only as they stood, for some
of their number had not seen Jan.senius' book. The Cardinals
adopted this view though it was open to anyone to judge the
theses in Jansenius' sense also.^ At the very next sitting, on
• Ibid., 203-7 ''
Saint-Amour, 276.
* " Relecta quadam quae nihil ad propositum,
scriptura,
curabant protraherc ncgotium, pctendo coutradictoria et coin-
municationom scripturarum." Scuill, 297.
' Scuii.L, 207-9.
October 1st, Spada reported that Hallier had objected to the

propositions not being examined in Jansenius' sense and
HalHer's remonstrances had the support of a learned Carmehte.
This view steadily gained ground with the Congregation.^
From October 1st onwards the qualificators were the only
ones to speak at the sittings of the Congregation. In order
to avoid every semblance of partiality against Jansenius,
the ordinary qualificators of the Inquisition had been charged
to draw up reports.^ These were taken from the most diverse
Orders and belonged to different theological schools. Among
them were two Dominicans, the Master of the Palace,
Vincenzo Depretis, the General of the Augustinians, Fihppo
Visconti, whose views closely resembled those of the
Dominicans, two Franciscans, the Conventual Modestus
Gavazzi of Ferrara and the Observant Luke Wadding. To
them were added Raphael Aversa, of the Clerics Minor, the
Carmelite Domenico Campanella, the Servite Angelo Maria
Ciria of Cremona, the Theatine Tommaso Imbene and the
Procurator General of the Capachins, Marco Antonio of
Carpineto. There was also included a Jesuit, SforzaPallavicino,

the historian of the Council of Trent. ^ On November 6th,
1652, they were reinforced by the addition of the Discalced

CarmcHte John Augustine (Tartaglia) of the Nativity.*
During October, owing to the vacation, only three sittings
were held together with the consultors, viz. on 1, 8 and 10,
but as the Pope pressed for the termination of the business,
two weekly sittings took place from the middle of November,
a hitherto unheard of thing in Rome ^ the labours of the ;
Congregation were not even completely interrupted by the

Christmas season.^
^ Ibid., 363.
2 " Ne, si eligerentur aUqui ex lis [from the theologians of the
Inquisition], daretur ansa dicendi, fuisse selectos eos, qui contra
lansenium sentiebant." Schill, 295 seq.
' Ibid., 298. * Ibid., 366. * Ibid., 368.
* Sessions took place on December 23 and 30 and January 13.
Schill, 377 scqq.

DISCUSSIONS IN ROME. 269
From this time onwards the discussions proceeded as

follows : the live were examined one after
propositions
another and each of the thirteen consultors made his report.
After the thirty-seventh sitting, January 20th, 1053, all the

five theses were examined in order ; in two further sessions,
on February 3rd and 5th, ^ the consultors were given an

opportunity to add further remarks to their reports. At first
most of the thirteen consultors took advantage of the permis-
sion to abstract from the meaning of the propositions in
Jansenius, and to consider only their literal sense,^ but at the
February 3rd and 5th, 1653, only three did so they
sittings of —
were the General of the Augustinians Visconti, and the two
Dominicans Candido and Depretis. At the sitting of February
5th, 1653, these three were likewise called upon to give their
opinion on Jansenius' meaning, but on February 27th they
declared that they were not prepared for this.^ After that
the Cardinals gave orders to all the consultors to examine
Jansenius' book * and in two Dominicans
the sequel the
showed that they were acquainted with the work of the Bishop
of Ypres.^
In point of fact the two Dominicans and the General of the
Augustinians adopted a very different attitude from that of
the others, as did the two historians among them, the Fran-
ciscan annalist, Luke Wadding, and the of the historian
Council of Trent, Sforza Pallavicino. The Jesuit Pallavicino
showed remarkable moderation he qualifies the theses in
;
Jansenius' sense as at most erroneous, and only later on as
^ ScHiLL, 475-8.
2 IbuL, 285.
=>
Ibid., 478.
* Ibid., 479.
* Ibid., 481. The opinions of the consultors are given in detail
in a folio-volume in the Archives of the Roman Inquisition which
ScHiLL was able to consult. " The arguments of the majority
endeavour to show for each proposition that it is Jansenistic
and they furnish, besides abundant theological matter, the evident
proof that their authors had thoroughly examined the work of
Jansenius before drawing up their reports." Scmi.i., 286, note.
savouring of heresy ^
; the second proposition lie declares
to deserve no censure in itself and equally the fourth, even in
Jansenius' sense. ^ If Pallavicino, notwithstanding his milder
sentence, must be included in the first group of theologians,
since on the whole he too expresses an unfavourable judgment,
the same cannot be said of the other historian, Luke Wadding.
In his opinion none of the five propositions deserve condem-
nation : of the first and third he says so clearly ; the second
could be saved by making a distinction, in the fourth and fifth
Jansenius was misunderstood.^ The two Dominican consultors

go still further, in fact the Master of the Palace, Candido,
only drops the second half of the fourth proposition which he
describes as erroneous. According to him the first proposition,
about the impossibihty of keeping God's commandments,
is not deserving of censure, on the contrary he holds it to be
true in the highest degree and Catholic. The assertion that

a man never resists interior grace, is equally blameless accord-
ing to him ; he describes it as true and Catholic ; the same
holds good with regard to the third proposition to which it
is possible to attach a Catholic meaning ; the fifth, viz. that

Christ did not die for all men may be maintained " as probable
and undoubtedly true ".* The other Dominican, Depretis,

does not go quite so far but he too is of opinion that the,
condemnation, for instance, of the irresistibihty of grace,
would hit the teaching of the Thomists and that of
St. Augustine's later works. ^ The Augustinian General
Visconti must also be ranked with the defenders of Jansenius,®
but not his brother in religion, Bruni.

Thus, though the overwhelming majority of the consultors
was decidedly in favour of Jansenius' condemnation, the final
sentence was not pronounced without his friends having had
^ Ihid., 364, 373, 379 ; cf. for the conclusion of the votes
ScH ill's remark on page 285.
« Ibid., 370, 376.
3 Ibid., 365, 371, 373. 377, 381.
* Ibid., 368, 372, 375, 378, 472.
^ Ibid., 371 seq.
* Ibid., 368 seq.
^
JUDGMENT OF THE QUALIFICATORS . 2/1
tlicir say. His opponents, in tluir Icngtln' nii morandunis,

examined the five propositions from every angle, turned them
this way and that, and even ended by discovering a sense in
which the one or the other might be defended, only that sense
was neither the natural one nor that of Jansenius.
After the consultors had stated their opinions before the
Cardinals, they were invited, at the fort\'-first session, to be
prepared to expound and substantiate their opinions once
again before the Pope himself.' This was done between
March 10th and April 7th, Ki.'j.i, in ten Congregations.
The consultors maintained tlieir original opinions in
presence of the Pope also. Pallavicino added to his first
verdict on tlie tliird and fourth proposition that the Pope
could pronounce a formal definition on them.^ Wadding
defended Jansenius with energy. On the latter's assertion
on the impossibility of keeping the commandments of God
lie remarked that it could be defended in many senses,
including that of the Bishop of Ypres. As for the remaining
four propositions, they were not even to be found in Jansenius.'*
An unexpected incident occurred during the discussion of
the third proposition, viz. that to merit or de-merit, freedom
from necessity was not required, but only freedom from
coercion. When the turn of the Dominican Depretis came,
he threw himself on his knees, exclaiming that the five
propositions were a mere disguise : "let them take care lest
by condemning the disguise they condemn Augustine. The
third proposition was neither Jansenius', nor was it
censurable." Depretis was suceeded by Visconti. " He would
speak rather with tears than with words," he said, " for words
failed him. Alas Augustine is being condemned under the
!
name of Jansenius " A second prostration, this time by

!
the Dominican Candido, lent further emphasis to this cry

of despair.^ A further prostration was executed by Depretis
' Ibid., 479.

- IbuL, 479-487.
3 IL'id., 483, 483.
* Ibid., 480, 482, 484 seq., 487.
' Ibid.. 484.
at the sitting of April 3rd, during the discussion of the fourth

proposition, viz. that the Semi-Pelagians were heretics foras-
much as they denied the irresistibility of grace ; in the mouth
of the Semi-Pelagians the statement was heretical but in the
mouth of Catholics, according to him, it deserved no censure.
On hand Visconti argued that if this proposition
the other
was condemned, the Jesuits must likewise be condemned.
On this occasion Candido merely stated, in a lengthy speech,
that he maintained his opinion.^ In the last session, on April
7th, Visconti asserted ^ that all five theses were defended by
St. Prosper, Fulgentius, Thomas Acquinas and by the
Scholastics. He then fell on his knees, calling upon the
assembly to beware of bringing back the unhappy times when,
thanks to the intrigues of Ursacius and Valens, the whole
world suddenly discovered that it had become Arian.^ " May it
"
not have to realize to-day that it has become Semi-Pelagian !
From which side Visconti feared a catastrophe, who those

were who, in his opinion, intended to strike at St. Augustine
under the mask of Jansenius, appears from his outburst
against the Jesuits at the sitting of April 3rd, and by his
remarks, on April 7th, on " convertible " grace.* The latter
nickname had been coined to designate the Molinist system
of grace. This quite unjustifiable dragging in of the chief
opponents of Jansenism lends support to the report that many
Roman religious had allowed themselves to be influenced by
Saint-Amour.^
The Jansenist delegates deemed it one of their chief duties
to foment anti- Jesuit feehng by means of visits to prelates
1 Ihid.. 486.
2 Ibid., 488.
^ Allusion to St. Jerome's, Adv. Lucifer, n. 19 :
" Ingemuit
totus orbis (after the events of Seleucia-Rimini) at Arianum se

esse miratus est." Hefele, Komilien gesch., I.*, 722.
* SCHILL, 488.
* Rapin, IL, II
seq. Ibid., 13, in the mouth of Saint-Amour
the reproach " qu'on ne cherchoit qu'a deguiser le fait au lieu
d' eclaircir ".
^
COMPLAINTS OF THE JANSENIST DELEGATES. 273
and monasteries.^ A memorial of December, lGo2, in which

they sought to restrain the Pope from issuing a definition,
dwells, in the first part, on the difficulty of the matter. It
then turns on the Jesuits as the chief authors and instigators

of a conspiracy whose only aim was to destroy the teaching
of St. Augustine. Hence it was only right that these hidden
enemies should appear before the Congregation of Cardinals
to meet the accusations of the Jansenists. Lastly, they
demanded that Albizzi, who was hopelessly tied to the Jesuits'
apron strings, should cease to be Secretary of the Congrega-
tion.- Already before this they had demanded the removal
of Albizzi who, they stated, behaved like a Turk towards
them ; at he must be given an assistant
the very least
Secretary.^ Spada replied to these recriminations on the
occasion of a visit which Saint-Amour and his friends paid
to him. He assured them on oath that in this affair the Jesuits
did not play the part with which they were credited and as for
Albizzi, he had no vote and all he did was to take down in
writing what was said by the various members.* As the dele-
gates insisted on being confronted with their opponents,
Spada rephcd that neither Pius V. nor Gregory XHI., nor
Urban VHI. had reached a decision by means of discussions
and that Clement VIII., who tried it, fared very badly.
Disputations were excellent things for the schools, as exercises
ioT young people, but no conclusion would ever be reached
l)y theirmeans. The Church did not dispute, she judged ;
once they consented to disputations they would have to allow

them to every frale.
These exhortations were, however, in vain. It was the Pope's
wish, with a view to providing against future recriminations,
that after all the consultors had spoken on the five propositions
* They made .special efforts with the Roman Dominicans.

Lagault, June 17, 1652, in Kapin, L, 4S8.
* Saint-Amour, 363 seq. ;
Kaim.n, II., 21.
' Saint-Amour, 265.
* Rapin, II., 22 ; Sai.nt-Amouk, 354.
' Rapin, 1 1., 13, iq.
VOL. .\\.\. T
on January 20th, both delegations of the French Bishops

should have an opportunity freely to state their respective
cases before the Cardinals and the consultors. However,
as Cardinal Spada informed the Cardinals of the Congregation
on January 27th, Saint-Amour and his associates persisted
in declaring that they would only appear at a Congregation
at which there would be a formal disputation at the same ;
time they repeated their demand with regard to Albizzi ;
moreover no Jesuit was to be present.^ Accordingly the

delegates did not appear before the Cardinals. On the other
hand Hallier and his companions declared that they had come
to Rome to seek instruction, hence they were prepared to
obey the directions of the Congregation.^ Hallier subsequently
spoke sharply of the Jansenists in presence of the Cardinals and
the consultors.^ " We raise our voice on behalf of the Church
of God on behalf of the

against the disturbers of the peace ;
faith against innovatorson behalf of ecclesiastical institutions

;
against troublesome men." The five propositions, he declared,

stated, though perhaps not in so many words, the deliberate
thought of the Jansenists and they resulted from its two
principles, viz. the denial of sufficient grace and the irresisti-
bility of grace. If their opponents attached various meanings

to the theses, it was for the purpose of disguising their heresy ;
as a matter of fact, there was hardly a single heretical

proposition which was not somehow susceptible of a favourable
interpretation. In Rome members of the party repudiated
the appellation of Jansenists, whilst in Paris they published
three apologies and many other writings in favour of Jansenius.
Notwithstanding their hostility towards the Mohnists, they
could not appeal to the Thomists. When Hallier concluded,
Joisel spoke of the novelties introduced by the Jansenists
in the sphere of morals and ecclesiastical discipline and
sketched the activities of the sect from its first beginnings.
^ ScHiLL, 473 seq. ; Rapin, I., 499.

2 Rapin, I.,
474.
' *Excerpta, Bibl. Angelica, Rome, S. 3, i, f. 931-3.
FURTHER JANSENIST ACTIVITIES. 275
I'inally Langault expatiated on the danger of Jansenism for

the whole Church.'
For the time being, and in the sequel also, the Jansenist
delegates contented themselves, by means of visits, with
making friends with the Cardinals and other personages.
Thus on February 11th they presented their old demands to
Cardinal Chigi, and to the Pope himself in a petition of
February 17th. ^ In April, Kioli, they received reinforcements
from Paris. One of their number, Brousse, had left Rome to
escape from the hot season and, by a curious choice, he was
replaced h\ ihv Oratorian Desmares who had been forbidden
to pnach on account of his Jansenism, and by Manessier who
was barred from the lecture hall for the same reason.^ However,
the new-comers were just as unsuccessful when they had
their fust audience with the Pope on May 4th, 1653. Innocent
X. told them he would restore peace to the Church by other
means than disputations.* Nor had Saint-Amour's efforts
to win over the Dominicans the desired effect, though in
May 1052, the General summoned to Rome from Toulouse
^
that fanatical opponent of the Ji'suits, Reginald Ravaille
who, jointly with a brother in religion, sought to influence
the French ambassador. On the other hand Hallier's statement
to the Dominicans of Rome that he was
far from attacking
the Thomists, had no further result. A publication in which
the Jesuit Annat dwelt on the difference between the Thomist
and the Jansenist teaching on grace was favourably received
by the French Dominicans, though not by the Roinan ones.^
For all that Saint-Amour failed to win over the F'riars Preacher
' Letter of Lagault, January 27, 1653, in Rapin, IT., 44,

of March 24, 1633, ibiiL, 4S, of the I'Ycnch ambassador,
February 3, ibid., 31 scq.
^ Saint-Amouk,
393 seq., 396.
' Ibid.. 428 Rapin, II.. 23. 85.
;
* Saint-Amour,
440.
' On him, cf. A. Al'gustk in Bitlht. de litt. ccclH., 1916,
l\(is.cqq.
• Saini -.\mour, 3S6 ; Rapin, II., 64 ^cq.
wholly to his side because he himself did not share their

opinions on every point. '^
Their sad experience in Rome ended by inducing Saint-

Amour and his colleagues to alter their policy. After the
Congregation had decided, on April 18th, 1653, to hear them
if they asked to be heard,^ they ended by making up their
minds to do so and on May 19th they presented themselves
Pope and the consultors. Lalane spoke first
before the he :
commented on the Holy See's duty to safeguard the teaching

of St. Augustine. Against this teaching snares were being
set. After this exordium he " stormed " ^ for nearly two
hours against the Jesuits. Finally he distinguished a threefold
sense of the five propositions, the Lutheran-Calvinistic, the
Catholic and the Molinist-Pelagian. He and his friends
prayed to be allowed to dispute with their opponents on
this threefold sense they would submit to the Pope's verdict.*
:
Desmares then expatiated for a further two hours on efficient

grace. Lastly the five delegates submitted five papers which
they asked permission to have printed, for the purpose of
presenting copies to the Cardinals and the consultors. They
also prayed for another audience. Innocent answered
evasively.'' Of the five papers only the last two dealt with
the business in hand.*^
Albizzi was now commissioned to draw up a memorial
in which, after a general survey of the sessions of the
Congregation, he answered the questions whether Jansenius
1 Letter of Lagault, February 24, 1653, in Rapin, II., 65 :
" lis disent qu'ils craignent en ce rencontre que les Jesuites,
a qui ils attribuent la forme de ces propositions, n'en tirent des

consequences centre leurs opinions, et qu'ils ne s'y opposent pas
tant pour I'interet de la doctrine de Jansenius que pour I'interct
de leur ordre."
- SCHILL, 488.
* " debacchatus est."
ScHiLL, 489. The *discourse
* is in Bmh. 3565, n. 21. Vatican
Library.
* ScHiLL, 491 ; Saint-Amour, 502.
* Their titles, ibid.
-
THE CONSTITUTION OF MAY 3I, 1653. 277
tauglit the live tlicses and in what sense ; what censures

outstanding theologians, especially from the Dominican school,
had passed on them whether a definition in the sense of
;
the eighty-six French liishops was advisable and how it

should be worded. On Albizzi's advice prayers were offered
in all the churches in Rome. At the last moment the Pope
felt perplexed whether to issue a definition and thereby still
further provoke the recalcitrants. However, Chigi represented

to him that failure to publish a definition after such protracted
discussions could not but give rise to the impression that
Jansenism had be(Mi a{)pr()\-etl. After Innocent X. had
examined the docimient six times, he decided to issue a
definiti(Mi and charged Albizzi to draw it up. Albizzi's first
draft, with its historical introductionon the action of Urban
VIII. in the matter, failed to meet with the Pope's approwal ;
the second, which the Assessor drew up in collaboration with

("higi, was read four times by Albizzi at a Congregation held
in presence of the Pope and consisting of Spada, Ginetti
and Pamfili : this was done for the purpose of enabling them
to suggest further improvements on points of detail.^ At
last, on Whitsun Eve, May 31st, 1653, the Bull was issued ;
on June 9th was published by being affixed at the usual

it
places and on the same day it was dispatched in every

direction.
The text of the short Constitution bears evidence of most
careful drafting. As the publication of Jansenius' book
Aiif^Kstiiuts had given rise, particularly in France, to a
controversy on five propositions,^ we there read, several
Bishops of that country had jMayc'd for judgment by the
Pope. Then follows the text of tlie propositions. The Pope,
as having at heart the tranquillity of the Church, had had
^ ScHiLL, 491-3 ; Pallavicino, I., 1S4 seq.

* ScHILL, 493.
' " Cum occasione impressioiiis libri, cui tituhis : .VuRustiiuis
CoriK'lii lansenii Episcopi Yprensis, inter alias cius opinioiies
orta fucrit, praescrtim in Galliis, controversia super quinque
ex illis. . .
."
these propositions examined and had also personally studied

them, and after prolonged prayer, both public and private,
he now proceeded to give a declaration and definition. Here
follows once more the text of the five propositions, each
with its own particular censure. To three of their number
some minor censures are likewise afifixed, but all are the
object of the strongest censure of all ; the fifth proposition
is condemned as heretical, at least in one sense, which is
obviously that of Jansenius. Accordingly all the faithful

and all ecclesiastical Superiors are warned to act accordingly ;
the Constitution adds that the condemnation of only these

five propositions did not imply approval of the other opinions
in Jansenius' book.^
The publication of this Constitution is Innocent X.'s
most personal merit. When he approached the Jansenist
question he soon perceived the tremendous bearing of a
movement which affected the innermost core of the Christian
life and sought on Catholic soil, a but slightly
to transplant,
attenuated form of Calvinism. It was an unheard of thing
in Rome for a Pope to command a Congregation of Cardinals

to hold two sittings a week. They must do all that can be
done, he was wont to say, and he himself acted accordingly.
1 Bull. Rom., XV., 720. The *Excerpta of the Bibl. Angelica,

Rome, S. 3, i, give at the end two drafts of the Constitution.
Variants from the printed text at the beginning " inter alias
: :
eius pravas opiniones " in the censure of the first proposition

; :
" haereticam " is missing the censure of the fifth proposition

;
reads " hanc

: propositionem impiam, blasphemam . . .
declaramus et uti talem damnamus " ; the last paragraph :
" Non intendentes," is missing. *Covering Briefs for the Emperor,

for Spain, Poland, the Empire, for the Governor of Belgium, for
Bavaria, France, in Innocentii X. Epist., IX., 168 seqq., 177 ;
*An.swers to letters of thanks : to the Bishops of Meaux, Septem-

ber 13, Grenoble and Noyon, September 29, Sarlat, December 13,
1653, Tulle, March 21, 1654, thid., X., n. 16, 22, 23, 52, 93 ;
to the Dean and Chapter of Poitiers, October 9, 1653, ibid.,
n. 28 ; to the Universities of Douai and Poitiers, ibid., 95. Papal

Secret Archives.
THE FIVE PROPOSITIONS CONDEMNED. 279
In delivering sentence he wished to take every possible

precaution so as to leave no ground for further recrimination.
Kvery Uni\'ersit\' in Europe was asked for its opinion ;
the best Roman summoned.

theologians of every Order were
The Dominicans and Augustinians furnished two each and
these could not be suspected of being in favour of Molinism.^
Whilst the cardinalitial Congregations were in progress,
Cardinal Chigi had to make a report each night and this
often took from two to three hours. ^ During the final Congrega-
tions, in the Pope's presence, he listened with tense attention
on each occasion for some four hours ; he took no notice
of the suggestions of his sister-in-law, Olimpia, that he should
spare himself ; to the French ambassador he even declared
that he would deem himself happy if he were permitted to
sacrifice his life for the faith in the pursuit of this task.'
He thought and spoke of nothing else, one of the delegates
French Bishops wrote
of the eighty-si.x he could have done ;
no more even if the Kings of France and Spain had come to

Rome to push tlie affair.* At the first session, on May 27th,
' Letter of Lagault, November 20, 1652, in Rapin, II., n. 11 ;
cf- ^. 35-
- Lagault, January 20, 1653, ibid., 34, note ; cf. 35, where
K.\piN says :
" L'on sut qu'il se faisoit rendre compte deux fois
lii scmaine, en deux heures a chaque fois par le card. Chigi."
' Ibid., 73 ; Lagault, March 17, 1653, ibid., 68, note. Albizzi
also writes "in quibus [sessionibus] maxima cum attentione
:
"
et paticntia semper fere per quatuor horas SS. D. N. adstitit
(in ScHiLL, 488). " II est attcntif a tout ce qu'on lui dit, n'intcr-
rompt personnc (L.\<..\ui,r, loc. cit.). Cf. Lagault and Halher
to St. Vincent de Paul, June 14 and 16, 1653, in Coste, IV.,
607 (no seqq.
seqq.,
* Rapin, II., S<j. " *I() non so se al nostro tempo sia mai piu
seguita azzione in cui maggiore cvidenza si sia veduta dell'assis-
tcnza di Dio ; mcntre il Papa, che di professione non era
teologo, cosi -sagacemente capiva nulladimeno i sensi dei Consultori,
che appena proferiti il repeteva e rapplicazione impieg6 all'affare,
che voile anco separatamente sentirc ciascheduna clas.se di
dottori, con capacitarc niedesimi della piu sicura interpretazione
i
che si do\c\a al trattato di S. Agostino e per pienamcnte quelli

.
1653, Innocent felt justified in saying that he thought he

had employed every means which could be legitimately
made use of.^
(4.)
On the evening of June 9th, 1053, Saint-Amour and his

colleagues were in the very act of drawing up their reports
to France when news was brought to them that the
Constitution on the five propositions was affixed outside the
papal Chancellery. They hastened to the Chancellery but
by the time they got there the document had been removed ;
so they hurried on to St. Peter's but there it was just being

taken down."-^ All they could do now was to report the fact
to France and to make ready, in a very depressed state of
mind, for their departure. But according to Albizzi the
depression of the consultors who had advocated Jansenius'
cause, was even greater ^ the blow was a particularly hard
;
one for the two Dominicans * whose opinions, for the rest,
were by no means shared by all their brethren in religion.^
Very different were the feelings of the other side. " When
sodisfare, patientemente soffri lo staresei here ben fisse

cinque e
assistente alia discussione del Questo finalmente a
negozio.
sufficienza digerito, lunedi 7 di giugno, fu publicata un'ampia
Costituzione (De Rossi, *Istoria, Vatic. 8873, p. 105, Vatican
Library)
^ ScHiLL, 492.
2 Saint-Amour, 530; Rapin, II., 112.
3 ScHiLL, 493.
As Hallier and Lagault wrote, the Pope reprimanded them
^
;
in Rome
it was already said that a decision on physical pre-
determination would be made (Rapin, II., 114, note; 118, note).

Wadding submitted explicitly and unreservedly to the decision
of Innocent X. ([Dumas], III., 92).
Rapin, II., 38. In Paris the Dominicans Nicolai and Guyard
5
defended Thomism against its supposed affinity to Jansenism

(Feret, v., 236, 242 HuRTER, IV., 39, 67
;
their confrere ;
Alexander Sebille did the same at Louvain (Hurter, III., 1017).

.
PREMATURK REJOICING. 281
I think of all the plots and intrigues, I can only say It is :

'
the act of God " Lagault remarked

'
!
" The Dominicans
'
;
have done all they could a Cardinal of their Order strove

;
his utmost the General of the Augustinians was allied

;
with them and on top of everything there was a powerful

l-rench plot which time alone will bring fully to light, yet
the Pope has not given way." He wrote even more
cnthusiasticalh' on June 9th, when the impression of the
publication of the recent decision was still fresh. ^ He did
not know himself for joy, he wrote. The Constitution could
not be better if he and his friends had had the framing of it.
It contained two master strokes : viz. the name of Jansenius

was in it as well as the condemnation of the fifth proposition
in the sense therein stated and when in conclusion the
;
Pope declared that the remaining propositions of Jansenius,

though not expressly condemned, were not for that reason
approved, he did not know what more could be desired :
" "
God be Good-bye, Jansenism
praised ! !
However, these shouts of triumph were premature. The

Jansenist delegates were in no mind to allow themselves
to be taught by the supreme ecclesiastical authority in matters
of faith.3 In view of the fact that Innocent X. had fixed
June 13th for a farewell audience, their first preoccupation
was what they should do if the Pope insisted on their signing
the definition. They agreed to plead inadequate instructions
from their emploj'ers and in the last extremity to sign with
the reservation of the doctrine of ef^cacious grace and the
On June 30, Rapi.x, II., 118, n. i. " II no se pout dire conibicn

'
d 'obstacles on forma en France, en Espagne, en Flandre, en

Italic et a Rome meme, pour s'opposer, combien d 'intrigues
on fit joucr dedans et dehors le palais, dans la ville et dans la
mai.son du pape, pour lui faire changer dc resolution, tant par
les dcgouts qu'on lui doniioit de I'affaire en elle meme que par —
les defiances qu 'on lui vouloit inspirer contrc le IVancc." Ibid., iiS.
* Ibid., 112, n. I
' This is clear from the statements in S.m.nt-.\.mour, compiled

by D/.M.\s (I., 47-51).
teaching of St. Augustine.^ At their audience, at which they

were not requested to sign anything, they asl<ed the Pope,
as it were casually, whether he had defined anything on
the latter points. The answer could only be in the negative.
Thereupon, in reporting to the eleven French Bishops,^ they
stated that the five propositions had only been condemned
in the bad sense
which they might be construed, which,
in
in fact, they themselves had condemned. Not only had
nothing been done to the prejudice of the propositions, the
fully Catholic sense of which they had maintained before
the Pope, on the contrary, they may be said to have received
papal approbation. They caused their supporters to spread
the report in Rome had been
that neither they themselves
condemned, nor the five propositions as understood by them ;
that the Pope had, in fact, declared that he had defined

nothing concerning efficacious grace and the teaching of
St. Augustine.^ The delegates, in their letters to their patrons,
went so far as to extol divine Providence which had guided
their steps to Rome that they might discern truth from
falsehood in the presence of the Pope and thereby prevent the
condemnation of error from recoiling upon truth.* Hence
the conduct of the Jansenist delegates, when they thanked
the Pope for his definition and promised submission, ^ needs
no explanation.
However, the cheerful assurance which the delegates
exhibited in public could not easily be reconciled with the
speed of their departure, which was such that they did not
even take leave from the Cardinals of the Congregation.
They only reached Paris about the middle of September.
In a letter from Florence they suggested to their friends
that, in view of the alleged obscurity of the papal definition,
they should pray the Holy See to have the propositions
1 Saint-Amour, 533.
- June 16, ibid., 534.
•'
Lagault, June 23, Rapin, II., 116.
* Saint-Amour, 534.
^ Lagault, June 16, Rapin, II., 117, note.
JANSENIST INSINCERITY. 283
which tlic (k'logatcs had subniittcd, cxainiru-d in a pubhc

Congregation and to allow them to speak in their defence.^
From Rome their sympathizers wrote that anyone with
any degree of education attached but httle importance to a
censure which, they said, was the result of passion ; let
Saint-Amour make sure of the favour of the court that —

would be the best deterrent of all.^ News soon came from
Paris that the possible value, for the purposes of the sect,
of Innocent X.'s casual remark about
St. Augustine, had
already been grasped. The Constitution, the message stated,
"
had added to the number of the " disciples of St. Augustine
instead of diminishing it all felt a new courage and would
;
exploit the Pope's remark to the utmost.^

If these observations enable us to make out the main
lines of the developments which were about to ensue, the
same is true of a document * which Hallicr left behind
at his departure from Rome on September 6th, 1653. In
it he suggested that the conventicles of Port-Royal should
be stopped, that the Abbey should be once more placed
under Citeaux and the nuns distributed in other convents.
However, the success of these plans depended before all
else on the co-operation of the court which, at that very
time,had incurred Rome's displeasure by the imprisonment
of Cardinal Retz.^ With a view to concihating the Pope in
these circumstances, the French ambassador in Rome
counselled that the sentence against the Jansenists should
be received with every mark of respect and that expressions
of gratitude should reach the Pope from all sides. ^ The
Government was all the more willing to fall in with this
1 Saint-Amour, 549 scq. ; Rapin, II., 121.

^ Saint-Amour, 554.
' Saint-Amour, 55S seq.
* " *Acta in Galliis circa Constitiitioncm damuantcni qmnque
propositiones lanscnii a. i'')53-6," f. 751 scq. Archives of the
Roman Inquisition. (Paptrs loft by A. Sciiill.)
*
Cf. above, p. 68.
» Rai'in, II., 118.
^
suggestion as Queen Anne continued in her dislike of the

Jansenists and the youthful King was under the influence
of Jesuit confessors. Hence Bagno was graciously received
when he presented the Constitution on June 3rd and at
the same time requested Mazarin to issue a royal ordinance
in due form for its execution, whilst he prayed for Queen
Anne's protection in view of the opposition ^ which was
already being set on foot by various assemblies and in which
even some Bishops and parish priests seemed to be involved.
A royal ordinance of July 4th " exhorted " the Bishops and
commanded the secular officials to do their part for the
publication and execution of the papal definition.^ On July
8th Bagno dispatched the customary 124 copies to the Bishops.
A few days later Bagno reported that there was great need
of the help of the secular arm if the Bull was to be carried
into effect. So far the papal Constitution had not encountered
open opposition, but without the King's patronage many
difficulties would be encountered on the part of Parhament
and certain powerful gentlemen who favoured the new

teaching, including even some Bishops. Already some ill-
disposed people were complaining of the fact that the Bull

had been first communicated to the King instead of to the
Bishops ; the expression, " we command," in the royal
ordinance,^ was disrespectful towards the Bishops ; the five
propositions should have been examined first in France and
only then submitted to the Pope's judgment. Others expressed
their fear that by the present action the way was opened
for the King to decide whether or no Roman ordinances were
1 *Nunziat. di Francia, 106, Pap. Sec. Arch.

2 " . . . gli dissi, haver inteso che gia si facevano alcune
congregazioni sopra cio per muover qualche oppositione alia
bolla, giudicandosi che alcuni vescovi e curati di questa citta
vi concorrino." Ibid.
* Thus according to the later text at least : D'Argentre,
III., 2, 271 ;
[Dumas], III., 73.
* The later text has only : " exhortons et admonestons,'
fDuMASJ, III., 74.
^
THE CONDEMNATION ACCEPTED. 285
to be received ; a French work against the Constitution had

already appeared in print.
The Constitution owed its acceptance by the Bishops solely
to the skilland prestige of the Prime Minister. At Mazarin's
invitation six Archbishops and twenty-six Bishops met on
July 11th at the former's rooms at the Louvre. Since the
judgment on the five propositions, Mazarin urged, was due
to the urgent requests of the King and the French Bishops,
as the Pope himself declared in his Brief to Louis XIV.
and the Bishops,'^ it followed that they were bound not only
to submit to the decision as such, but to thank the Pope
for it. The Bishops agreed and commissioned Pierre de
Marca, Archbishop of Toulouse, to draw up a letter to that
effect. It was also decided to send a circular letter to all
the Bishops which Bishop Godeau of Grasse was instructed

to write.' There was less unanimity when Mazarin ordered
the royal ordinance concerning acceptance of the papal
decision to be read. was objected that the Constitution
It
would be forwarded to individual Bishops in any case so

that there was no need to receive it in a body. Mazarin had
the affair put to the vote ; thereupon the Archbishops of
Embrun and Rouen complained that the Constitution had
only been come to by trampling on the rights of the Gallican
Church ; the Bishop of Dol asked that its publication be
put off, in fact there were those who spoke of having the
papal sentence examined by a national council or, alternately,
they suggested that the President of the Assembly should

alone sign the letter to the Pope. Mazarin conceded that in
the royal letter the King's " command " to the Bishops
would be toned down to a " wish " and eventually succeeded
in getting the condemnation of the live propositions accepted.'*
On Jul\' l()th nine Bishops met at Mazarin's residence for
' *Bagnn, July 11, 1653, toe. cit.
^ May 31, 1653, in [Dumas], III., Uccucil, 69, 71.

' *Bagno, July 18, 1653, ^^^- ^''•
' Kapin, II., 130 BouRLON, II
; ; *rep<)rt in Excirpta, 1653-6,
i. Si 2 seq. Bibl. Angelica, Rome, S. 3, i.
the purpose of examining De Marca's and Godeau's letters.
Godeau criticized De Marca's draft and succeeded in getting

one sentence struck out ; however, even so the text finally
agreed upon ^ expressly describes the five propositions as
Jansenius' teaching, in fact De Marca draws a parallel between
the sentence of Innocent X. and that of Innocent I. against
Pelagianism " which was accepted by the Church of that
period without hesitation, on the sole basis of the communion
and authority of the See of Peter ", for in view of Christ's
promises and the action of former Popes, especially that of
Damasus I., the Church of that time held it as certain that
the dogmatic definitions of the Popes rested on divine authority
and accordingly demanded the internal assent of all Christians.^
Godeau's circular ^ strikes a different note. It invites the
1 D'Argentre, III., 2, 275 seq. The *Original letter with

27 original signatures in Excerpta, f. 824, loc. cit.
2 In a letter to the Pope of July 19, 1653, De Marca draws
special attention to the fact that in these propositions the
Gallican doctrine of the superiority of the Council over the Pope
has been abandoned :
" *Enimvero prae gaudio me continere
vix possum, quin Beatitudini Vestrae gratuler, quod eius
auspiciis, agente me hac in causa, altera illi laurea placide
obvenerit de sententia ilia Parisiensium nomine famosa, quae
summum de rebus fidei iudicium Papae una cum concilio generali
vindicabat. Contrariam epistulae prudens inserui solamque Petri
cathedrae communionem et auctoritatem ad damnandas haereses
valuisse quondam, eademque nos fide imbutos illam in S. V.
hodie colere docui, et ab episcopis ut subscriberetur obtinui.
The Bull of Leo X. against Luther had never been published
in France, on account of Gallicanism holding sway there, but
instead only an extract authorized by the King " Quae in :
posterum non sunt subsecutura, postquam non solum exemplo,

sed etiam epistolae magisterio, satagente me, contrariam
sententiam episcopi profiteantur " {Excerpta, 1653-6, f. 829
Cf. Bourlon, 12.
seq., loc. cit.).
* About him A. Cognet, Ant. Godeau, eveque de Grasse et de
Vence, un des premiers membres de V Academic frangaise 1615-1672,
Paris, 1900 G. Doublet, Godeau, eveque de Grasse et de Vence
;
1605-1672, Paris, 1911-13. Godeau was a good Bishop, but

THE bishops' reaction. 287
]-}ishops, for the sake of concord in the Church, to accept

the papal decree and to have it published by the parish priests.
"
However, " such discretion should accompany publication
that —
no one presumably the Jansenists included should —
have cause to complain.^ The condemned doctrines could
not be defended, nor may anyone depart from the language
of the Constitution. About Jansenius not a word : his name
is not as much as mentioned.
Rome was naturally dissatisfied with Godeau's equivoca-
tions. Lagault wrote from the Eternal City ^ that, in point
of fact, the drafting of the circular could not have got into
worse hands. from now onwards publication
None the less
of the papal decree followed quickly enough in individual

dioceses by the middle of September only a very few Bishops
;
were behind with and not a few wrote to thank the Pope
it ^
as, for instance, the Bishops of Noyon, Cahors, Grenoble,
Meau.x, Poitiers. De Marca's letter was pubhshed together

with a French translation and with the signatures of sixty-two
Bishops.'* The King himself thanked the Pope for the
Constitution in a consistory of September 22nd Innocent X.
;
e.xpressed his joy at this action of the monarch.^

However, opposition to the papal condemnation was
" il ne sflt pas discerner I'heresie naissante, il flirta avec elle ".
{Rev. d'hist de VEglise de France, IV. [191 3], 600.) Cf. also
Baumgartner, Weltliteratiir, V., 291 ss.
^ "
*Vous ordonnant en outre de vous gouverner en cette
publication avec tant de sagesse, que vous ne donniez sujet a
aucun de se plaindre." Excerpta, 1653-6, f. 830, loc. ciL, 31.
- On August II, 1653, in Rapin, II., 132.
' *Bagn(j, September 12, 1653, loc. cii. Some " I'haniu)
fatta publicare in lingua latina in alcun luoghi, dove sono
poche persone chc I'intendono ".
* * Excerpta, 1653-6, f. 886, loc. at.

" *Ibid., f. 842. Ibid., *Letters of thanks for the decision,
from the Bishop of Noyon, August 24, Cahors, September i,
Grenoble, August 10, Meaux, August 3. A printed circular
of July 29, 1653, to the Oratory from its General Bourgoing,
about the acceptance of the decision, ibid., 872. *Ans\vers of
the Pope to the Bishop of Meaux, September 13, 1653, in
anything but dead. From Sullay, the " official " of Paris,
Bagno learnt that a number of men of position had urged
various objections against publication ^ that the Duke of
;
Ventadour, who was a Canon of Notre Dame, had expressed

his regret thatsome members of the Chapter were against the
definition and that he had told the Queen that if the King
did not punish a few rebellious Jansenists the sect would
raise its head once more.- The Bishop of Rennes met with
no opposition when he expounded to the Sorbonne the royal
decree concerning the Constitution, in fact it was embodied
in the acts of the University. Bagno, however, was well
aware that if there had been no opposition, it was solely
because no one had the courage to offer any.^ " Come what
may," the Sorbonnist Taignier wrote,* " we allow things
to run their course at the Faculty because in existing
circumstances it is impossible to do anything without raising
a tremendous storm against ourselves and thus creating
difficulties for truth." " Christ Himself," he added, " said :
'
My hour is not yet come.' " The shrewder ones among
the opponents of the Jansenists likewise avoided everything
and the supporters of the Pope acted
liable to cause friction
in likemanner. Vincent de Paul paid several friendly visits
to Port-Royal after publication of the papal decree,^ and
Innocentii X. Epist., IX., p. i6, to the Bishops of Grenoble and

Noyon, September 29, ibid., 22, 23, to the Dean and Chapter of
Poitiers, October 9, ibid., 28, to the Bishop of Sarlat, December 13,
ibid., 52, to the Bishop of Tulle, March 21, 1654, ibid., 93, to
the professors of Douai and Poitiers, ibid., 94 seq. Pap. Sec.

Archives.
^ *Bagno, July 25, 1653, loc. cit.
-"*... che se il Re non punisce qualcheduno de' Jansenisti
disubbedienti, ritornera in piedi la loro setta, et che la regina
rispose che si fara, quando sara necessario." Ibid.
^ " *che essendosi molti di contrario senso, alcuno non ha
havuto ardire di parlare." Bagno, August i, 1653, loc. cit. ;
*Report of Halliers, Excerpta, 1653-6, f. S48, loc. cit.
* July 14, 1653, in Rapin, II., 127.

* Maynard, II., 349.
THE BULL ATTACKED. 289
the General of the Jesuits forbade all noisy expressions of

satisfaction at the decreeon the part of his subjects ^ and
Olier was anxious to win over the party by friendliness and
straightforwardness.^
Thus, at least outwardly, everything was quiet for a time.
Angeliciue wrote that the Jesuits must be allowed to enjoy
what they looked upon as God would know
their triumph ;
how to uphold His truth. The five propositions had been

condemned solely because a wrong meaning could be attached
to tluin, but tiic Fope had protested that he was not
condenming St. Augustine more they did not ask for.^
;
However, thougii in public the Jansenists observed a policy

of silence, they spread in underhand fashion the document
presented bv them to the Pope in which they had distinguished
a threefold interpretation of the live theses, viz. the Calvinistic,
the one defended by the delegates and, as they claimed, by
St. Augustine and, lastly, one which they attributed to
their opponents, the Molinists, and which they had asked
Pope to condemn.
till'
The public attack against the Bull was inaugurated by

Antoine Arnauld's brother Henri, Bishop of Angers. When
publishing the Bull that prelate made use of the formula
drawn up by Godeau and approved at the Bishops' meeting,
but with two additional clauses of his own. Whereas Godeau
had not said a word about the authorship of the five pro-
positions, Henri Arnauld stated that they were being ascribed
to Jansenius. After that the Bishop forbids the extension
of the papal condemnation of the five propositions " to the
sacred and intangible teaching of the Apostolic See and the
Church, which up to the present time the Popes had
acknowledged to have been preserved in the writings of
'
K.M'IN, 11., 137.
- " Ma pcn.scedans ce commencement, de no point
scrait,
blesscr Ics Janscnistes, mais d'agir envers eux avcc douceur et
gramle ouvcrtiiro de coeur, pour Ics attircr a I'union." I-'aili-ON,
IL, 456.
'
July 8 and 10 and .Xugust 22, 1653, Lettres, IL, 341, 343,
VOL. .\.\,\. U
—
St. Augustine and which our Holy Father protested that

he had no intention to touch ".^ Language of this kind
was bound to give rise to the suspicion that there was an
intention to give the partisans of the five propositions a
handle, or, as Bagno wrote, " pretexts ".^ The Bishop of
Angers was followed by Bishop Gilbert de Choiseul, of
Comminges.^ After he had published the papal Constitution
at a diocesan synod, the Bishop allowed himself to be
persuaded that it was possible to deduct from the text of
the definition arguments against the teaching of St. Augustine
and St. Thomas to which the University of Toulouse was
particularly attached. Accordingly he formally forbade all
such deductions.* In like manner, during the illness of the
Bishop or Orleans, his Vicar General forbade preachers and
catechists to speak of the five propositions and the papal
Constitution, except with such discretion that no one would
have reason to complain. What this meant was soon
experienced by a Jesuit who, having spoken with some
warmth against the propositions, was forbidden the pulpit.^
In the same way Bishop Buzenval of Beauvais commanded
the Constitution to be published in such a manner that no
1 The *pastoral of August 14, 1653, in Excerpta, 1653-6,

f. 872 " Propositions que I'Dn attribue a feu M. Jansenius
{loc. cit.).
d'lpres." Prohibition " de faire retomber cette condamnation

sur la doctrine sainte et inviolable du Siege Apostolique et de
rfiglise que les papes jusqu'a notre siecle on declaree etre
enfermee dans les oeuvres de S. Augustin et a laquelle notre tres
saint et tres venerable Pere a temoigne qu'il n'avoit point entendu
toucher."
2 *pretesti. Bagno, September 12, 1653, Nunziat. di Francia,
106, Pap. Sec. Arch.
Henri Arnauld, personally of irreproachable conduct (Rapin,
*
L, 340),was a good Bishop, as was Choiseul, subsequently Bishop

of Tournai [ob. 1689], in spite of his Jansenism and Gallica.nism.
Cf. Desmons, Gilbert de Choiseul, eveque de Tournai, Tournai,
1907 ; A. Degert in Bullet, de litt. e'ccles., Toulouse, 1908, 13 1-8.
* Rapin, II., 164.
5 Ibid., 165.
EPISCOPAL PROTESTS AGAINST CONDEMNATION. 2gi
one could feil liit by it ;

no one was to make use of tlie live
propositions in order to defend laxity and impenitence.^

Archbishop Gondrin of Sens spoke even more clearly than
all the above-named. 2 His pastoral letter begins with a
eulogy of St. Augustine's teaching on grace he then goes ;
on to speak of those who " have recourse to the tricks of the
Semi-Pelagians in order to discredit this teaching ; this they

did when they drew up five propositions susceptible of a
heretical interpretation and ascribed them to the late Bishop
of Vpres, of holy memory ". These ambiguous propositions,
it was said, did not embody the doctrine of St. Augustine
and were equivocally worded out of sheer malice, so as to
secure more readily their condemnation. The Pope had
only condemned them in general terms and without touching
on the doctrine that had been maintained in his presence.
Of course sentence should have been first pronounced by
the French Bishops. Instead of this the episcopate was
being further humiliated from day to day, hence he left it
to the faithful to lament with the groans of the dove and
the feelings of good and loving children, the eclipse and the
abasement both of the episcopal dignity and of the Gallican
Church.^ The letter ends with an order for the publication
of the Bull with the explicit declaration that it affected neither
the doctrine of efficacious grace nor Augustine, and preachers
were not to pass from the general terms of the five propositions
to the particular meaning which embodies the fundamental
teaching of St. Augustine.
On October 17th the nuncio forwarded the pastoral letter
to Rome. He described it as worse than that of the Bishop of
' Ibid., i66.

^ Ibid., 167 seq. Printed pastoral of September 23, in Excerpta,
1653-6, f. Q31, loc. cit.
" Complaint that the episcopate " s'abbat do jour en jour par
les cntreprises do ceux, ou qui en ignorent la grandeur, ou qui
en meprisent la saintete, ou qui en redoutent la puissance. Nous
nous contcntons de laisser aux peuples qui nous sent commis,
a deplorer par dcs gcmissements de colombes et par les sentimcns
(k' hons et tendres enfants I'obscurcissement, etc."
^
Angers and complained at the same time that the Government

took no steps against the largely attended gatherings at
Port-Ro3'al, although the King's ministers had been requested
to do so ; hence there was reason to fear that within a short
time there would be a considerable increase in the number
of the Jansenists.^ In vain had he drawn attention, through
Vincent de Paul and the Grand-Penitentiary of Paris, to
the pastoral letter of the Bishop of Angers and to the evils
to which it may give rise. He had fared no better with regard
to the pastoral letter of the Archbishop of Sens. In the opinion
of many, the Jansenists had led astray these two prelates
in order that they might be in a position to appeal to Parlia-
ment on the ground of abuse of office, so soon as the Pope
raised his voice.Consequently he recommended that three
or four of the best-disposed Bishops of France should be
given power to take action against disobedient prelates and
priests, though without naming those of Sens and Angers.
Soon after Bagno forwarded a list of the most zealous among
the French Bishops.^
It is not surprising that Rome was indignant at the conduct
of the four Bishops. The nuncio was instructed to inform
the court that the Pope resented the pastoral letter of Sens
as an insult. At the same time the Bishops and Halher were
asked their opinion as to how the Archbishop could be
punished."* On December 22nd, 1653 a Brief was dispatched
^ " *si pu6 dubitare che in breve tempo siano per maggiormente
augmentarsi 11 seguaci di questi errori." Kiinziat. di Fraticia, 106.
Pap. Sec. Archives.
^ *Bagno, November 7, 1653, ibid.
' They are the Archbishops of Bordeaux, Toulouse, Narbonne,
Aries, the Bishops of Le Puy, Saint-Flour, Vabres, La Rochelle,

Bazas, Alet, Lodeve, Pamiers, Toulon, Langres, Macon, Saint-
Malo, Meaux, Sarlat (*Bagno, November 14, 1653, ibid). The
principal Jansenists of the Sorbonne Dreux, Sainte-Beuve, :
Feydeau, Macaron, Carre, Fortin, Loisel, De Lalane, he mentions

on November 21 {*ibid.).
* *Commission of November 17, 1653, in Excerpta, 1653-6,
f. 345, loc. cit.
STEPS AGAINST GONDRIN OF SENS. 293
to tlie liishops Aries, Annecy, Conserans and Macon,

of
instructing them open an inquiry against the Archbishop.
to
The hitter's conduct was generally condemned even in France.
The Criminal Court of Poitiers prohibited the " alleged "
pastoral letter and threatened to ])unish those who printed

and distiibuted it.^ Even the Chancellor and the Keeper
of the Seals described it as heretical ^ whilst the King refused
to receive the Archbishop.^
no decisive measure was taken. " The court,"
h'or all that
lâgno wrote on November 7th, " was more lavish of words

than of deeds.** Wlien on December Kith he spoke to the
King and Queen of the continual meetings at Port-Royal,
of the emiss.âries who were being sent out from there to
spread the old errors, of the four Bishops who had acted
more like wolves than shepherds, he was left with the
impression that their Majesties' zeal had waxed cold.^
Mazarin's answers to his protests were also couched in general
terms.** Hallier submitted tangible plans to the Minister ;
they were to the effect that the Constitution should be

registered in Parliament and the schools and the community
of hermits at Port-Royal suppressed. I'>ut e\-en he only
obtained vague promises.'
However, the prelates of Sens and Comminges judged it
^ /lull., X., 743 ; *Excc)'pl(i, f. <j>Si, loc. cit. In the .session of

the Iii(]uisiti()n of December i), 1653, general opinion was in
favour of censuring the pastoral letter of Sens. *Ibid., i. 953.
- *Jbid.,
953 *Bagno, November
f. ; 7, 1653, Numiat. di
Francia, 106, Pap. Sec. Archives.
^ *Hallier, January 9, 1634, i" Excci'pla, 1653-6, loc. cit.
'
*lbid.
^ *]-5agn(), December 19, 1633, ibid.
" *Bagno, December 20, 1653, ibid.
'
*Hallier to Rome, December 23, 1633, Exccrpta, 1653-6,
i. 989. The " pctites ecoles "
were described by Hallier as
seminaries, " (juae in hac urbe et circa urbem plura sunt, in
<|uibus ct pueri et juvencs primariae nobilitatis ct alii ad
clericatum forniandi recipiuntur," the hermits are called " con-
gregatio ista luimiiiuni sihestriuni ".
expedient to write to Innocent X. On December 31st, 1653/

they addressed to the Pope a letter of substantially identical
tenor. They expressed which had
their regret at the report
come had offended the Pope would
to their ears that they ;
he point out what was wrong in their pastoral letters and

hear their explanations ? They would then amend the wrong.
But surely it could not be wrong on their part to make a
stand for the teaching of St. Augustine and the rights of
Bishops. The Pope was naturally not impressed by these
explanations. Meanwhile the commission that was to deal
with Archbishop Gondrin had been appointed, but it did
nothing, though both the King and the Queen renewed
to the nuncio the old assurances. ^ Accordingly Hallier
suggested at Rome
have the four Bishops tried by their
to
colleagues of their respective Provinces, or Gondrin by the
Primate of Lyons in any case
;
the matter should not be
allowed to drift. ^ However, Galilean pride rebelled at the
thought of French Bishops being judged by papal com-
missaries so on the ground of some antiquated judicial
;
enactments a demand was made for a tribunal of twelve

Bishops. Rome consented to the appointment of at least
eight, ^ and of another seven for the examination of the
pastorals of Beauvais and Comminges.^ However, several
of the commissaries refused to act as judges in the affair and
Innocent X. died before anything was done.^
1 *Ibid., f. 998, 999.

*Bagno, January 23, 1654, Exccrpta, 1653-6, loc. cit.
2 ;
*Bagno pointed out to their Majesties that of the 125 French

Bishops, 121 had done their duty. Ibid.
3 " *Eo in loco positae sunt res nostrae, i. e. catholicae Ecclcsiae,
ut ulterius non progredi sit cedere, et Ecclcsiae unitatem, fi,dei
integritatem, summi Ecclcsiae capitis auctoritatem certo periculo

exponere." February 12, 1654, ibid.
4 Brief of March 16, 1654, Bull, XV, 760.
5 Brief of October 26, 1654, ibid., 775.
6 *Mariscotti's report (i66cS) for Bargellini, Bibl. Casanatense,
Rome, X., XVI., 34, p. 154-162. The fact that the Pope issued
his Brief " motu proprio " hurt the French. {Ibid.)
ARNAULD TAKES THE FIELD. 295
It woukl SLcm that it was the Princess Guemene who at

that time held a protecting hand over the sect.^ On the other
hand there was no lack of opposition to the four Bishops.
On September 12th, 1653, Bagno forwarded a document
of the Chapter of Angers against its Bishop and another
by the Advocate Filleau against Gondrin, and on February

13th, 1654, an appeal by the Chapter of Beauvais which,
notwithstanding its exemption, had been threatened by the
Bishop with excommunication for giving effect to the
Constitution.-
Up had not attempted
to the spring of 1654 the Jansenists
to influence opinion any new publication
by means of ;
they were content to spread further and further their treatise

on the threefold meaning of the five propositions. The
confusion thus created in many minds led the new royal
confessor, Francôis Annat, to take up the cudgels against
tliem. In a Latin work,^ which soon appeared in F'rench also,
he showed that the live propositions were found in the works
of Janscnius and that the latter was hit by the papal condemna-
tion. The work also dealt with the Jansenists' appeal to
Augustine and with the pastorals of the four Bishops.
Arnauld seemed to have waited for some publication of
this kind. Within a short while he published, one after
another, four books intended for the next Assembly of the
Clergy, due in 1654. These books, with the exception of
the fourth, were in fact laid before the Assembly. Now that
Annat had fanned the flame with his publication, so Arnauld
stated in his first book,'* it was impossible to remain silent
any longer. The honour of the Church was at stake for
'
.\n;^cli(iuc Arnauld, January 3, 1654, Lcttrcs, II., 41b.
.\iigcli(iue considers the impending action against Gondrin like
setting fire to the house of God (letter of January 14, 1654,
ibul., 425).
* (Printed) Lettres cles doyens, chcDionics ct chapityc de Beauvais
a .V. 5. P. le Pape of December i, 1652, loc. cit.
' " Cavilli
lansenianorum contra latam in ipsos a S. Scde
srntentiam scu Confutatio iibelli trium cohimnarum."
' " Reponsc au P. .\iniat " {(JLuvres, XIX., 147 scqq.).
Annat ascribed to her the errors of his Society, the honour

also of the Pope whom he caused to condemn as heresies
what were Cathohc doctrines the honour of St. Augustine
;
of whom, according to Annat, the Pope had made no account ;
the honour also of several Bishops, distinguished for their

dignity and worth, which he trod under foot. After that
Arnauld goes on to prove with all his dialectical and rhetorical
skill, that the five propositions were not to be found in
Jansenius ; that, in point of fact, the latter taught something
very different. Though Arnauld had taken the opposite
for granted in his previous apologies of Jansenius and other-
wise also,^ he ends by throwing at the Jesuits the reproach
of duplicity : before the papal sentence they had discovered
Calvinism in the five propositions ; at present there was
no longer question of that, on the contrary, they discovered
in them the condemnation of the most celebrated and the
most clearly stated principles of Augustine.
A second pamphlet, which followed close on the first,
endeavours to substantiate this accusation in detail.^
According to its author, with regard to the subjects touched

by the five propositions, the teaching of Jansenius is identical
with that of Augustine Jansenius had been condemned
; if
by the Pope, Augustine would also stand condemned. This

is, briefly, the thesis of the second pamphlet. A third ^
[Dumas], III., 1-42, Bossuet'.s opinion

1 " Je crois done que :
les propositions sont veritablement dans Jansenius et qu'elles
sont I'ame de son livre. Tout ce qu'on a dit au contraire me

parait une pure chicane et une chose inventee pour eluder le
jugement de I'figlise." *Letter to Marshal de Bellefonds of
September 30, 1677, Covvespondancc, ed. Ch. Urbain et E.
Levesque, II., Paris, 1909, 51.
" " Memoires sur le dessein qu'ont les Jesuites de faire retomber
la censure des cinq propositions sur la veritable doctrine de

S. Augustin sous le nom de Jansenius " (CEitvres, XIX., 196 ss.).
* " ficlaircissement sur quelques nouvelles objections, . . . ou

il est montre que ce que les Jesuites s'efforcent de faire, ne peut
qu'allumer le feu d'une tres-grande division dans I'Eglise,"
ibid., 208 seqq.
MAZARIN INTERVENES. 297
defines still more accurately llie point of \ie\v which the

Jansenists were determined to maintain for the future. It
was impossible to believe that the Pope had ascertained
whether the five theses were to be found in Jansenius, for
if he had investigated the matter he would have discovered
that they were simply not to be found in his writings.^ Rome

had only inquired whether the theses were true or erroneous,
not whether Jansenius was their author.'^ But now, under
the name of Jansenius, the most solid principles of Augustine
were to be reprobated Let them examine whether Augustine
!
of Ypres agrees with Augustine of Hippo If no such investiga-

!
tion is made, if Jansenius is surreptitiously condemned, nothing

will be achieved.^ A fourth pamphlet came too late to be
submitted to the Assembh' l)ut in 1654 every Bishop was
given a copv of the first three.
I-'or all that Arnauld failed to prevent the Bishops from
taking some steps against Jansenius. On the advice of De

Marca, Mazarin decided to convene all the Bishops then in
Paris for the purpose of pronouncing a joint condemnation
of the threefold meaning of the five theses. However, the
.Assembly rejected Dc Marca's draft of the condemnation,'*
though on March 9th a committee of eight Bishops was
chosen for the purpose of examining the affair.^ On March
2()th Aubusson of Embrun presented his report. The only
question, he explained, was whether the five theses were
Jansenius' and whether they had been condemned as under-
stood by him the answer to both questions was in the
:
affirmative.* The I-5ishops of l^cauvais and Comminges

objected and on March 2<Sth Gondrin of Sens heatedly
• Ibid., 213.
2
Ibid., 220.
'
Ibid., 221.
* Rai'I.n, II., 206 seqq.
^ They were Archbishops Aubusson of Embrun, Bouthillier
of Tours, Harlay of Rouen, Marca of Toulouse, and Bishops
Attichi of .\iitun, licrticr of Montauban, Mothc-Houdencourt
of Krnncs, and Lcscot of Cliartrcs. Gkkhkko.n, II., 225 scqq.
« I hid.
advocated for two hours the cause of Augustine of Ypres

and Augustine of Hippo, whose teaching must not be
condemned. But the meeting did not allow itself to be
influenced. A letter to the Pope, drawn up by De Marca,
states without equivocation that they had met for the purpose
of declaring, in view of the misuse of the Apostolic judgment,
that the five propositions were Jansenius' and had been
condemned in his sense by the Pope.^ A circular letter to the
French Bishops, drawn up by Lescot of Chartres,^ renewed
this declaration. " The Constitution," we read, " is as clear
as possible it is enough to read it to judge aright the vain

;
arguments of the opponents." Thus, for the first time since

the Council of Bale, the French Bishops solemnly admitted
the Pope's right to issue decisions on matter of faith binding
in conscience, even without a Council.^
Curiously enough both these letters of March 28th bear the
signatures of Archbishop Gondrin, Choiseul of Comminges
and Choart of Beauvais.^ However, on April 9th Gondrin
and Choiseul explained that they had only signed for the
sake of peace and that they were anxious to see St. Augustine's
authority safeguarded.^ The day after they swore once
more that they had no intention of departing in any way
whatever from the reverence due to the Holy See. On April
1 D'Argentre, II., 2, f. 278 Bourlon, 14.

;
2 D'Argentre, II., 2, f. 277. Valen9ay (Paris, April 10, 1654),

extols to the Pope Mazarin's part in bringing about the letter.
There was reason to fear a schism " parmi les eveques qui peu
a peu aiiraient glisse dans I'hcresie. Le cardinal Mazarin n'a
rien negligepour eviter ce malheur, aplanir ces difticultcs ct faire
cesser ces dissensions spirituelles. Par ses efforts il a ramene
I'union parmi les eveques." Annales de St. Louis, X. (October,
1905), 249.
' Thus Pallavicino (I., 186).
* *Excerpta, 1653-6, The letter bears 31
1096,
loc. cit.
f.
signatures with the observation that 8 Bishops had left on

account of the Easter festivities and therefore their names were
missing.
5 Gerberon, II., 231.
.
ACTION OF THE POPE. 299
17th, K).")!, tluy and the Bishops of Bcauvais and Valence

wrote once more to the Pope in justification of their conduct.
The\- began by declaring that they accepted the Constitution
without reservation, but in the conclusion they took shelter
behind the name of St. Augustine, as was the customary
evasion of the Jansenists. For the sake of peace they had
signed, though they were uncertain whether the five pro-
positions were Jansenius' own in other words, they withdrew ;
their signature.^ On the same day Choiseul also wrote a

personal letter to the Pope though this time there is no
mention of any uncertainty as to the five theses being
Jansenius' the only thing he could be reproached with
;
was undue attachment to Augustine and Thomas.- The

Pope felt hurt by the letters of the four Bishops. On August
•1th Gondrin and Choiseul sought to excuse themselves,
though without withdrawing anything.^
As a matter of fact by that time Innocent X. had answered
both of them by other means. By a decree of the Inquisition
dated April 23rd, 1654, all Jansenist writings of the preceding
four years were inserted in the list of prohibited books. They
were about number, beginning with the Attgnstinus
fifty in
of Jansenius down to the first two pamphlets addressed by

.\rnauld to the Assembly of the Clergy of 1654 the pastoral ;
letters of Sens and Comminges were likewise included.* To

the Bishops of the As.sembly of the Clergy the Pope
addressed a most kindly Brief. ^ He praised their sub-
mission to the Constitution " in which we have con-
demned, under five headings, the teaching of Cornelius
Jansenius contained in his liook Aiiîisfiniis "." In Germany
' *Exccrpta, 1653-6, f. 11 19, loc. cit.

* Ibid.. iiiS.
^ Ibid., I 14 I
* [Dumas], 111., Rccucil, 82 seqq.

* September 29, 1654, ibid., 107.
' " Damnavimus quinque propositionibus Cornelii Tanscnii
in
(Idctriiiam ciiis libro contcntam, cui titulus .\ugustiniis," ibid.
.Vhx'udy in the decree of thr IiKiuisition mentioned above it was
and Spain the publication of the Bull met with no

opposition.^
Innocent X. had every reason to be satisfied with the
result obtained and to reward the men who had helped in
the drawing up and the publication of the Constitution.
Hallier declined the See of Toul but both he and his associates
were rewarded with benefices. The Augustinian Bruni who,
notwithstanding the strange behaviour of his General, had
faithfully the new doctrine,^ was raised to the
fought
episcopate. But the most important contribution to the
negotiations had come from Albizzi " God alone knows :
how much I have toiled in this weighty affair " he writes

himself " may a reward await me in heaven " ^
; His !
elevation to the cardinalatc was richly deserved.
(5.)
During the whole of Innocent X.'s pontificate the Jansenist

teaching remained an open sore both for France and for the
land of its birth.
With the accession of a new Pope hopes had arisen that a

more energetic attitude towards the adherents of the Bishop
of Ypres would be adopted in Flanders also. At Madrid
the new nuncio, Rospigliosi, the future Pope Clement IX.,
worked in this sense and the King's confessor, Martinez,
showed considerably greater zeal against the Jansenist
teaching on grace than his predecessor, John of St. Thomas ;
in Flanders the internuncio x^ntonio Bichi, Abbot of S.

Anastasia, did all that was possible and the new Governor,
Castel Rodrigo, was not unwilling to support Bichi. Yielding
to Rospigliosi's repeated requests, the Inquisitor General
said :
" post condemnatam sua constitutione ... in quinque
propositionibus Augustini Cornelii lansenii episcopi Iprensis
doctrinam " (ibid., 82).
^ *Excerpta, 1653-6, f. 121 3-1 246, loc. cit.
2 Rapin, II., 138.

^ Katholik, 1883, II., 494.
JANSENISM IN FLANDERS. 3OI
forbade the passage of Jansenius' book through the harbours

of Spain and commanded the Bishops of the peninsula to
pubhsh Innocent X.'s Bull against the Bishop of Ypres,
whilst a royal ordinance was issued to the effect that, in
accordance with the wish of the Pope, the Bull should also
be published in the Netherlands. From Rome came Briefs
to the .same effect addressed to the Bishops of Xamur, (ilient,
Antwerp, Tournai, Bruges, Saint-Omer and to the Universities.^

The Bishops of Antwerp, Bruges and Xamur obeyed the
Pope's command - and the University of Douai thanked him
for his Brief and promised complete submi.ssion.^ Thus it
looked as if every one of those in authority were on the side

had no cause for
of the Pope, yet for all that the Jansenists
despair. The King was weak and it was a long way from
Madrid to Brussels. One man, one moreover laid up with
gout, namely Archbishop Jacob Boonen of Malines, was
powerful enough, in conjunction with Peter Roose, President
of the Council of State, to paralyse the royal ordinance."*
ShortU' after the receipt of the latest papal Briefs, internuncio
Biclii wrote that, to judge by certain symptoms, he thought
Rapin,
' I., 20 scq. Bichi, arrix ing at Brussels on April 8, 1642,
reports to Rome on May 6, 1645, that he dispatched 13 Briefs
to the Bishops, for the vacant sees of Cambrai, Roermond and
Tt)urnai to the Vicars General resp., and the one for the University
of Lou vain to the Rector [Lelierc del Ahbate di S. Anastasia,
t- -9 [37]. Pap. Sec. Arch.). He also communicated the Brief
to the Archbishop of Malines. Boonen seemed well disposed,
so long as he had not spoken to Van Caelen. Castel Rodrigo
presented his Brief to the State Council (* Bichi, May 13, 1645,
ibid.). On May
20 he *announccs the execution of the Brief in
Antwerp and Bruges (ibid.). Cf. the Briefs in *lnnoceniii X.
lipist., I. (1644 to December, 1645, secretario Gaspare de
Simeonibus) : n. 63, to Malines ; n. 97, to Roermond, Namur,
St. Omer, Ypres, Bruges, Antwerp, Tournai, Ghent, to tlie
Universities of Lou vain and Douai (all of February 20, 1645),
and to the Governor. Pap. Sec. Arch.

2 Rapin, L, 75.
^ *May 26, 1645, Letiere, loc. cit., t. 29.
« Kai'In. I., 4, 13.S.
that the Archbishop had conceived fresh hopes for the defence
of Jansenism.^
Boonen was of no great account. He was a
Intellectually
mere hand of his Vicars General, Henry Van
tool in the
Caelen (Calenus) and Libertus Froidmont (Fromondus), who
both favoured Jansenism and nourished resentment against
the Pope who had refused to confirm their nomination to
the sees of Roermond and Tournai.^ Such was Fromond's
prestige at the University of Louvain that he could do what
he liked with it, whilst Van Caelen controlled a large part
of the secular and regular clergy. Boonen and Roose were
at the head which played
of the Council of State of Flanders
an important role in the execution of royal ordinances. This
body favoured Jansenism.^ One of the chief arguments with
which its members were for ever intimidating the King and
the Governor was the high esteem in which, they alleged,
Jansenism was held in Flanders, so that it would be an
exceedingly dangerous thing to provoke the people of the
Low Countries whilst they were at war with France, by any
measures against the Bishops.*
With a view to supporting the royal ordinance for the
publication of the Bull, the internuncio had obtained a papal
Brief for the Governor, Castel Rodrigo,^ after which he
1 " *Ho havuti inditii che Msgr. archivescovo di MaHnes pigli

animo di nuovo a difesa del Jansenio sperando di poter vincere
con danari a Roma
et in Spagna, come ha fatto qua in beneficare
i suoi adherenti. Per havere favori dal sig. Marchese di Castel
Rodrigo, dice di volar impegnare de' stabili del suo arcivescovato
per assistere il Re di Spagna." Bichi, July i, 1645, Nunziat.
di Fiandra, t. 27, Pap. Sec. x\rch.
2 Rapin, 15, 68 *Letter to Bichi, April 29, 1645, Nunziat.
;
di Napoli, 39 A, p. 82 seq., Pap. Sec. Arch. Fromond was a

personal friend of Jansenius and the excellent Latin of Augustinus
is attributed to him. Rapin, II. 182. ,
^ A survey (from July 19, 1643, onwards), of the ensuing

negotiations is given in a " *Smmnarium in Excerpta ex actis
s. Officii a. 1647-1652 " f. 434-449, loc. cit. (Schill).
,
* Rapin, II., 74, 76.

^ *March 2, 1645, Epist., I.
PUBLICATION OF THE BULL PREVENTED. 303
pressed him to take action. I If obtained nothing: Castel

Rodrigo explained that he was dependent on the Council
of State and that, moreover, he was so taken up with the
Hispano-French war that he had no time for anything else.^
The nuncio in Madrid secured a royal ordinance to the
Council of State for the publication and Innocent X. himself
caused a friend of the Governor, Cardinal Cueva, to write
to him.2 In his reply to the Cardinal ^ Castel Rodrigo declared
that the internuncio was over-keen and allowed himself to
be too much guided by the Jesuits ; in the Low Countries
violent measures were inadvisable and the Council of State
insisted on the privileges of the country ; all the same he
hoped to settle the matter before long.
However, for the time being, Castel Rodrigo did not
dare to take a decisive step in view of the critical position
of Spanish arms in the war with France and even the inter-
nuncio, though repeatedly urged by Rome,* did not feel
inclined to press him in these circumstances,^ all the more
so as the resistance of the University of Louvain, whose
prestige was considerable, seemed to him insurmountable
just then. From the first the University had led the opposition
to the Bull and only a short time after Innocent X.'s accession
it had presented to the Governor a memorial in favour of
Jansenius.® In its opinion the Bishop of Ypres' only fault

was his having brought to light the errors of certain modern
theologians, such as Molina, Suarez and Vasquez. Hence
the hatred of the Jesuits for him. This is why they had
obtained a Bull in which it was alleged that Jansenius had
'
K.M'iN, IL, 20, 75 ; *Bichi, May 27, 1645, Lcttere, loc. cit.
2 I-Jai'in, II., 79. *Praise of Bichi's zeal in a letter of the

Secretary of State to the " Abbate di S. Ana.stasia " at Brussels,
July 29, 1645, Kunzial. di Napoli, 39 .X. Papal Secret Archives.
^
July 8, 1645, Rapin, 1 1., 79 seq.
* *Numiat. di Fiandra, t. 28, under July 29, October 21
November 4, 11, 18, 1645, etc. Pap. Sec. Arch.
* Rapin, II., 80.
* *Cod. Preuckianiis, C. 43, f. 601-5, Library of the Anima,
Rome.
reasserted propositions that had ah-eady been condemned by

the Pope. The delegates Louvain had
of the University of
failed to obtain in Rome a fresh inquiry into the question
whether Jansenius' accusations against the Jesuits were
founded on fact, though in a matter of this kind, which was
purely one of fact, the Pope was liable to err. Since the
innocence of and the genuine teaching of St.
Jansenius
Augustine were being sacrificed to the violence and the
tricks of the Jesuits, the University prayed the Governor
for a hearing so that, with full knowledge of the situation,
he might obtain in Rome the inquiry which they had demanded
before this.
A second memorial of the University ^ offers to prove before
a commission that no proposition condemned by the Popes,
nor any doctrine contrary to that of Augustine, could be
found works of Jansenius. The minutes of the discussions
in the
of the commission should then be laid before the Pope by
the King of Spain Pope decided that the University
: if the
was in the wrong, they were prepared to accept Urban VIII. 's
Bull.
At that time only a minority of the professors of Louvain
University sided with the Pope against Jansenius, chief
among them being John Schinckel, Christian Beusecom and
William ab Angelis.^ But after the new Pope had addressed
Briefs to the Bishops of Flanders, to Douai and to Louvain,^
the University decided, on May 5th, 1645, to submit
unreservedly to the papal ordinances. With this declaration
it looked as if everything were settled, but the internuncio,
in forwarding the decision to Rome,* expressed his misgivings
1 *Ibid., f. 609.
- Rapin, I., 17.
* *February 20, 1645 (see above, p. 301, n. i), Cod. Preiick.,
p. 497, loc. cit. Ibid., 495, *Letter of Bichi to the Rector of the
University, May 2, 1645.
* *May 6, 1645, Lettere del Abbate di S. Anastasia,
t. 29 (37),
Pap. Sec. Arch. Cf. Rapin, I., 77 seq. *Fussero quasi tutti —
concordi a concludere per robedienza, e solo reclamassero il
Fromondo con due o tre compagni. Non resta in questa . . .
PUBLICATION PREVENTED. 305
as to whether deeds would follow words, and his doubts

proved justified.
Schinckcl explained to the Rector what were the practical

proofs of submission on which the Roman Inquisitio/i insisted :
they were work and its with-

the prohibition of Jansenius'
drawal both from the trade and from the hands of the students.^
Vernulaeus, the Rector, was prepared to submit, for though
a Jansenist himself, he was a member of the Faculty of arts
which was in favour of obedience to the Pope because other-

wise it feared the loss of its privileges. ^ Accordingly Vernulaeus
replied that, for the moment, he had put off the discussion of
the decision of the University because the Janst-nists
threatened to interfere with it through the court and the
officials.
As a matter of fact opposition came from all sides. President

Roose, warned by Bichi, avoided the necessity of having to
give an answer to the internuncio by going into the country,
taking Innocent X.'s Brief with him.^ Fromond spread the
report that Bichi only demanded the publication of the Bull
because he wanted to become a Cardinal, that the University's
declaration of submission had been tampered with if it ;
was authentic, the Pope should be requested to grant a

delay owing to the opposition of the Council of State."* Now
it is true that the Council of State did create difficulties,
but it did so precisely because the University did not take
its own submission seriously.'^ At the beginning of July
Xunziatura alcun sospetto d'inobedienza fuor chc hii (the

Archbishop) con il sue Calcno, Fromondo e pochi altri thcologi
(li Lovanio (Bichi, June 24, 1645, Joe. cit.). Cf. *Siiiiiiininin)!,
Excerpta, 1647-1653, f. 434-44<).

• *Schinkel to Bichi, .May 16, 1645, loc. cit.
- Rapin, I., 6g, 75.

^ Ibid., 77 ; *Bichi, June 24, 1645, loc. at.
* Rapin, I., 76.
^ *Bichi, September 30, 1645, loc. cit. It is false, he writes,
when Sinnich speaks Rome
of the obedience of the University,
in
for the " consegli " interfered only because " .sollecitati da parti
VOL. x.xx. X
Bichi wrote to Rome that the assurances of submission were

not sincere and already by then the Council of State had
forbidden the Rector and those professors who were loyal
to the Pope, to obey the internuncio. A memorial by the
procurator fiscal explained that on the basis of Flemish
privileges, special leave from the King was necessary before
the Bull could be published, hence he must put off publication
until further orders from the King.^ Bichi was instructed
by Rome to investigate this Flemish privilege. He found
that it had never been made use of for the purpose of
prohibiting writings forbidden by Rome,^ but his investigation
did not induce the Council to withdraw its prohibition. Small
wonder that just then the internuncio should have been in
a despairing mood. He wrote to Rome that it would not
mean dropping the Bull even if they decided to forgo
immediate publication since it had been published in several
dioceses in Flanders this might be deemed sufficient.^
:
To this Rome would not consent. Accordingly Bichi wrote

that the only hope lay in a formal royal ordinance strictl3-
enjoining publication of the Bull. Such an order was in fact

secured through the intervention of the Spanish nuncio,
Rospigliosi,^ and communicated to the Bishops and the
che vi hanno interesse. Di piu mi consta, che il conseglio private

ancora ha stato sollecitato, et a nome del Universita di Lovanio,
non gia di particolari ".
1 Bichi, July i, 1645, in Rapin, I., 77. The *Summarium (see
above, p. 304, n. 4) reports that on June 2, 1645, the State Council
had sent to Bichi " una instanza fatta dal procuratore fiscale,
affinche risponda e fra tanto non innovi cosa alcuna ". The
" instanza ", which had been sent already to Bichi's predecessor,
said :
" che non si venisse a publicatione d 'alcuna bolla o decreto
senz'il Placeto regie, e che percio si sospendesse ogn'atto fatto
sine alia risolutione di S. Maesta."
2 Rapin, I., 78 s. ; *Bichi, July 8, 1645, loc. cit.
3 Rapin, I., 78.
* January 30, 1646 :
" Ho havuto per bene, che ITnternuntio
di S. S. e suoi ministri publichino et esseguiscane la detta bolla,
senza che per li miei vi si ponga alcun impedimente. . . . Ho
THE INTERNUNCIO PUBLISHES THE BULL. 307
Universitiesby the Pii\\- Council. Hut e\en so all difficulties

were not yet removed. The Bishops of Antwerp and Namur
indeed published the Bull a second time, but by the end of
1645 Sinnich was back from Rome and he influenced Boonen,
the Archbishop of Malines, in his own sense. Armed with
recommendations from Boonen, Sinnich called upon the
Bishops of Ghent, Bruges and Ypres who thereupon requested
their metropolitan (Boonen) to pray both Pope and King to
cancel their order for publication of the Bull. Boonen agreed
to this request.^
The royal ordinance gave great satisfaction to those
professors at Louvain who were loyal to the Pope. Schinkel,
though ailing, held a discussion with them at which he exerted
himself so much that he died in March, 1046.2 At a meeting
of the University all objections were not considered as
overcome even now, but on March 8th, 1646, Bichi published
the Bull on his own initiative without meeting with any
opposition.^ The University, however, complained that the
Bull lacked the royal placet,'^ and when Bichi had it affixed
at the University, by a notary, it was at once torn down by
one of the students.''
The internuncio now thought of applying ecclesiastical
sanctions, in accordance with the Pope's orders,^ but it was
represented to him that, for the moment, minds were too
excited and that if, in consequence of the unfavourable
voluto anco incaricarvi come v'incarico che diatc gli ordiii

necessarii, perche scnza piii dilatione corra questo negotio
come lo dispone la delta boUa, per la publicatione della quale
si dara. al Internuntio I'assistenza ncccssaria per gli ofliciali,
a' quali tocca." The order arrived in March. *Sii»imariu)n,

he. cit. ; Latin text in Claeys Bouiiacrt, in the Rev. d'hist. cedes..
1927, 803.
* Claeys Bouuacrt, loc. eit., 801-817.
- Rapin, I., 139 seq.
' *Siiynmariitm, loc. eit. ; K.Î'IN, L, 140.
* *Snt)imamtm, loc. cit.
* Rapin, L, 144.
* May 17, i(>4(>, *Stiin)naiiii»i, loc. cit.
military situation a rising were to Ijreak out, the blame

would be laid at his door.^ Accordingly Bichi counselled
Rome to think of some other means of coercion. The resistance
of the University, he wrote to Pamfili,^ came only from a
few hotheads, not one of whom was a Spanish subject.
Fromond, Van Caelen and the Rector, Pontan, hailed from
Liege, Sinnich was an Irishman and Van Werm came from
Maestricht if the King were to expel these men there would
:
be peace. However, Innocent X. chose to pursue the course

he had adopted he accordingly urged the Spanish nuncio
;
to make further efforts with Philip IV. ^ Circumstances were

more favourable just then as the Council of State no longer
opposed publication ; as a matter of fact a rumour was
circulating that if there was further opposition President
Roose might be removed from his post.^ The Governor also
showed more zeal and a last effort by the Archbishop of
Malines to win him over proved unsuccessful.^
But the hoped-for intervention by the King was long in
coming. It was December before Philip IV., on his return
from the campaign in Catalonia, expressed his amazement ^
that his orders should have been so badly executed. Meanwhile
the Jansenists had pulled every imaginable string with a
view to delaying matters in Flanders. They began by pressing
to the utmost Van Caelen's candidature for the See of Roer-
mond by this means they hoped to occupy the internuncio
:
^ Rapin, I., 145.

' April 14, 1646, ibid., 145 seq.
* Ibid., 146.
* Ibid., 144. On May 18 the Council of Brabant gave the
order that no obstacle be put to the publication of the Bull.,
but it added the clause :
" modo fiat locis consuetis et in forma
ordinaria " {*Svmimarium, loc. cit.). The clause, according to
Bichi, signified that the pubhcation had to be made by the
Archbishop of Malines who, it was well known, would never
consent to do so. *Bichi, June 3, 1646, in Letterc, t. 30. Pap.
Sec. Arch.
* Rapin, L, 149.
« December 7, 1646, in Rapin, I., 154.
FURTHER JANSENIST RESISTANCE. 309
elsewhere and to distract his attention. Van Caelen

personally discussed his promotion with Bichi and on January
<Sth, 1016, he agreed to swear obedience to the Pope.^ However,
suspicions concerning his orthodoxy were not removed even
by this means and a formal judicial process was opened at
which eight witnesses testified that Van Caelen held opinions
condemned by the Pope. The affair was nevertheless quashed,
out of consideration for the Archbishop and the President
and in view of the warlike disturbances and the sensation it
would have created.-
The University remained the chief hope of the Jansenists.
At one time that body resolved ^ that Boonen should obtain
a papal pronouncement to the effect that the teaching of
St. Augustine had not been condemned and that Jansenius'
Angitstinus contained none of the propositions condemned by
the Pope two days later they decided to pray the King to
;
appoint a meeting of Bishops with Boonen as chairman.*

But their sentiments appeared at a gathering at
real
(irimberghe, where they declared that they would never
admit that Jansenius had taught any condemned propositions :
moreover Urban VIII.'s Bull did not demand obedience since

the Pope was not infallible in questions of fact.^ When at
* *Bichi, November 4, 1645 {Lettere, t. 29), and January 13,

1646 {ibid., t. 30, Pap. Sec. Arch.). On January 8, 1646, Van
Caelen declared under oath, before the internuncio and before
witnesses, that out of reverence for the Pope he would for ever
refrain from reading Jansenius, but that he was still convinced
that the doctrine of Jansenius was that of St. Augustine.
Documentary proof of this declaration is in Cod. Pyeuckianiis
(without signature), f. 461 scqq., Library of the Anima, Rome.
On March 2S, 1648, he refused to take a second oath suggested
by ]3ichi and declined the bishopric of Kocrmnnd. Ibid., f. 477.
2 Rapin, I., 156.
'
June 8, 1646, tbid., 130.
*
Ibid.
* Ibid., 133 ; *nichi, September 8, 1646, Lettere, t. 30, loc. cit. —
" che il Jansenio non difende le propositioni dannate nella boila,
chc non sono obligati nelle cose che concernono il fatto a cattivar
rintelletto in obscquium fidei." Ibid.
last the letter arrived in which the King, under date of

December 7th, expressed his astonishment that since January
20th of that year nothing had been done to give effect to his
orders, Castel Rodrigo laid the blame on the internuncio
whom he accused of lukewarmness in pushing the business.
Previously to this Cardinal Cueva had complained to the
Governor of the internuncio's excessive eagerness, with the
result that Bichi had been studying moderation ever since.
Even now he did not dare to employ coercive means though
President Roose was once more successfully delaying matters.
In effect Roose acted as if he had a mind to publish the Bull
himself and he caused the Governor to circularize the Bishops
of Flanders for their consent. By this means time was gained
and he had an explanation for the King for the delay in the
publication of the Bull.^
Castel Rodrigo's governorship came
an end without the
to
royal ordinance having been carried into effect.^ Meanwhile,
Jansenism had had time to consolidate itself. The Rector of
Louvain University was a friend of Fromond and the Deans
of all the Faculties were looked upon as Jansenists.^ The
secular clergy studied the Archbishop of Malines who allotted
benefices to those who supported his views.* Many religious
Orders favoured Jansenism, for instance the Augustinians,
inasmuch as it was claimed that Jansenius was an exponent
of the teaching of St. Augustine ; the Dominicans, because
they believed that Jansenius' book decided in their favour
the controversy on grace that had broken out during the
pontificate of Clement VIII. ; other Orders because they
felt that the Jansenists counterbalanced the Jesuits or because
they allowed themselves to be carried away by the authority
1 Rapin, I., 154 seq.

2 Only a short time before its close, on March 30, 1647, at the
instigation of the internuncio, he persuaded the Privy Council
to order the Rector of the University to remove a picture of
Jansenius (with verses in his praise). L. Van der Essen in
Bull, de la Commission Royal d'hist., Brussels, 1924, 313-18.
' *Bichi, September 23, 1645, Leitere, t. 29, loc. cit.
* Rapin, I., 84, 151.

STRENGTH OF FLEMISH JANSENISM. 3II
of influential superiors, with the result that, with the exception

Order was free from Jansenism.^
of the Jesuits, hardly a single
A was caused by a sermon preached on the
great sensation
feast of St. Dominic, in the church of the Dominicans at
Louvain, by the Augustinian Christian Le Loup he was :
reported to have drawn a parallel between the Jesuits and

the Jews who had crucified our Lord, to have denied the
Immaculate Conception and declared that though truth was
being persecuted, it would yet triumph inasmuch as God
countered the Pope's precipitancy by means of the secular
On Bichi's proposal the Generals of the Orders
princes. 2
were made to write to their subjects in Flanders but the
measure did not produce the effect that had been expected
from it.^ Efforts were made to create sympathy for the new
teaching even among the people b}^ setting it in rhymes which
were then spread among the masses.'*
In view of the fact that authority was in the hands of
the Archbishop and his advisers, all of them supporters of
* Ibid., 83 scq. On March 7, 1647, the Bishop of Antwerp

writes to Innocent X. :
" Videntur multi simpliciores facti
esse lanseniani decepti specioso nomine doctrinae s. Augustini,
quo acmula-
et alii abutuntur, qui lansenianos so profitentur ex
tione contra Patres Societatis quos in lansenio et per
Icsu,
lansenium conantur persequi, qui et hac ratione populo imponunt
asserentes tantum esse quaestionem inter opiniones lansenii et
dictorum Patrum." Even women call themselves Janscnists.
The Bishop had accepted the Bull at once and after the order of
the King he published it a second time on May 10, 1646. Exccrpta
ex actis s. Officii a. 1647-1652.
* Rapin, I., 82 seq. ; *Bichi, August 10, 1645, loc. cit.
' Rapin, 84
I., *Bichi, July 8, 1645, Lcttere, t. 29, Pap.
;
Sec. Arch. One should try to influence especially the Provincial

of the Dominicans, because he was on friendly terms with Sinnich,
Van Caelen, and Leonardi, a Dominican professor of Louvain,
" che hora essendo de'piu ferventi Janscniani e ... da quclla
fattione promosso ad csser della stretta facolta theologica, per
la quale promozione e in lite con il Schinchelio et altri obedienti
che hanno promosso Jacomo Speech prete secolare." Ibid.

* Rapin, I., 156; cf. i-j() scq.
Jansenism, it was inevitable that the orthodox should fall
into discouragement. In 1646 Bichi wrote that there were

some at Louvain who, until then, had sided with Schinckel
but had now joined the ranks of the rebels for the sake of
securing some benefice from the Archbishop,^ and that when
appointments were made deserving men had been passed
over because they had rendered service to the internuncio.
The Archbishop was to blame for everything Spain's ;
attention should be drawn to these deplorable conditions

and the distribution of benefices should either be entrusted
into other hands or no prebend should be granted to anyone
who had not previously declared before the nuncio that he
accepted the Bull.^ Baron von Rassenghien, who had been
chosen for the See of Tournai instead of Fromond, was the
object of special persecution on the part of the Archbishop
and Van Caelen.^ On the other hand the Bishop of Namur
was strictly orthodox and there were no Jansenists in his
diocese.*
There seemed to be a hope of a change when Archduke
Leopold William became Governor of the Low Countries in
1647.^ The Jansenists sought at once to win him over to
their side, but the Archduke listened to Bichi's representations.
The latter drew up a detailed account of the situation and
^ June 3, 1646, Lettere, loc. cit. Bichi advised the Pope

*Bichi,
to encourage and praise especially William ab Angelis. A *Brief
to him followed on July 7, 1646 {Cod. Pretick., f. 467 seq., Library
of the Anima, Rome). The modest man refused all the benefices
obtained for him (Rapin, I., 151).
-
*July 7, 1646, Lettere, loc. cit. " Tutto il male viene per
Tappoggio di questo arcivescovo, quale mi pare impossibile di

guadagnarlo e ridurlo." Ibid.
^ * Bichi, July 21, September 8 and 15, and December i, 1646,
Lettere, loc. cit.
* *Bichi, August 22, 1646, ibid. On August 7 the Bishop
wrote :
" Omnes, cum saeculares turn regulares, deferre
[obedientiam] decreto Apostolico " {ibid.). Cf. above, p. 301.

^ He arrived in Flanders on April 11,
1647. * Bichi, April 13,
1647, Lettere, t. 31, Pap. Sec. Arch.
ROYAL COMMAND TO PUBLISH THE BULL. 313
as the chief means of checking the progress of the new teaching

he recommended that no benefice should be granted to any
candidate who was in any way suspect of Jansenism.^ Leopold
William went even beyond this suggestion when he carried
zeal so far as to demand a sworn declaration against Jansenius.^
Notwithstanding his goodwill, the Archduke did not at
once succeed in enforcing the publication of the Bull, though
orders to that effectcame from Spain, the first of them shortly
after the arrival of the new Governor.' On the occasion of
the marriage of Maria Anna, daughter of the Emperor
Ferdinand II. to Philip IV., in 1649, the nuncio, instructed
by the Pope, prompted her to ask of her husband, as a first
token of his affection, that he should publish the Bull in
Flanders.* The fresh royal order of August 3rd, 1640, was
followed by a third in a letter to the Archduke dated July
loth, However, again and again the opponents'
1650.^
adroitness discovered ways and means to prevent their
integral execution. Archduke Leopold William had made
'
Rapin, L, 176 sc(j. *Hichi to Rome, April 27, 1647 :
" Hcbbi
commodita [April 26] di scuoprirli le arti con Ic quali li Janseniani
si son cercati di avanzare e come alcuni di qucsti ministri li
hanno aiutati direttamente e indirettamente, e le accennai li
remedii che credevo piu facili . . . non promuovere

e fra I'altri di
a bcnefitii li sequaci di quella setta." The Archduke was well
disposed. Excerpta, loc. cit.
• " *Particolarmente dogliono del giuramento che prestano

si
(juelliche aspirano a bcnefitii. Si vede che restano mortificati

dal u.so di qucsto giuramento, ma S. A. lo trova bene, e continua
avanti di nominarc ad abbatie ct altri bcnefitii ecclcsiastici da
farmi avvisarc, che informi sc siano Janseniani." *Bichi, Septem-
ber 1649, Excerpta, loc. cit.
9, Cf. ibid. *Bichi, December 7,
1647, and January 25, 1648. Innocent X. praised the Archduke
on September 9, 1647, for his zeal against the Jansenists
(I'rikdensburg in Quellen iind Forsch., IV., 275).
^ May
14, 1647, Rapin, I., 177 seq. *Excerpta, ; May 15, 1647,
loc. cit.
* Rapin, I., 3S7 ; cf. *Bichi, August 28, 1649, Excerpta,
loc. cit.
" Rapin, I., 389.

a start with the pubHcation of the Bull, and that in Ghent,

whose Bishop favoured Jansenism, but he gave up the idea
of doing so in all the other towns on receipt of a letter from
the Archbishop of Malines ^ in which Boonen spoke of the
excitement such a measure would provoke, as well as of
the great number of Jansenius' adherents and the fact that
the Pope may have allowed himself to be misled when he
condemned the book. Should the Archduke refuse to listen
to him, Boonen prayed leave to retire to France lest he
should have to witness the troubles that would befall his
native land.^ The Bishop of Ghent wrote in the same
strain.^
Philip IV. 's first order to Leopold William demanded the
suppression of Jansenius' Augustmns and a search in the
bookshops for all Jansenist writings, for the Jansenists
exercised considerable influence in the Low Countries by
means of the press, especially as they distributed their
publications gratuitously.* However, Roose knew how to
^ and when this was achieved
oppose the execution of the order
Fromond and Van Caelen made a show of zeal by counselling
the Archduke to suppress, on his own authority, all writings
on the subject of grace. Had he done so, the latter would
have exceeded his powers, his ordinances would only have
caused confusion and Catholic publications, of which the
Jansenists disapproved, would have been suppressed. How-
ever the Archduke, who as a matter of fact showed himself
at all times a sincere Catholic, listened to Bichi ^ who advised
him to replace the censor of books, the Jansenist Rector of
Louvain University, by a fervent Catholic, William ab
1 September 17, 1647, ihid., 183 seq.

2 Rapin, I., 183.
' Ibid., 184. His *Letter of September 28, 1647, in Excei'pta,
1647-1652, f. 103, loc. cii.
* Rapin, I., 393.

5 *Bichi, June 15, 1647, Excerpta, loc. cii.
•*
Rapin, I., 180 scq. ; *Bichi, September 19, 1647, Excerpta,
loc. cit.
THE GOVERNORS STRONG ACTION. 315
Angclis.^ Moreover tlie (io\'ernor gave no credence to the

calumnies by which it was sought to make Bichi's position
untenable ^ and Baron de Rassenghien
installed the zealous
in the see of Tournai.^ His conduct earned him a Brief from
Innocent X.'* All the priests at court were made to swear
obedience to the Bull.^ One Oratorian and three Capuchins
were stopped from preaching the new teaching in his presence.*'
He likewise induced the University of Douai to pronounce
for the Bull and against Jansenius, a circumstance that could
not fail on Louvain.' It was probably
to bring pressure to bear
lie too who obtained the sudden recall to Spain of President
Roose in 1648.^ After that Roose's influence in Flanders

was at an end he died in 1073. On his return from Spain in
;
1653, the nobility gave him indeed a great reception, but the
Archduke informed him publicly that the King thanked him
for his services and that he might take his retreat.^ Roose
had been an adroit and resourceful official as well as a personal
friend of Jansenius whom he had provided with the material
for his Mars Gallicus}^ For reasons of policy he opposed the
condemnation of his friend and he was wont to boast that
' Raimx, I., 170.

- Ibid., 180. On a " longissimum scriptiini " in (It'fcnce of
Jansenism to tlie Archduke, of which the latter took no notice,
see *Exccypta, September 19, 1647 (Letter of Schega, S.J.,
the Archduke's confessor), loc. cit.
^ Rapin, I., 177.

' * Brief of September 9, 1647, Epist., II. -III. (October, 1645,
to October, 1647), n. 204, Pap. Sec. Arch.
* *Richi, May 2, 1648, Exccrpta, loc. cit.
" Raimn,
295 seq. I.,
'
*Declaration of July 27, 1648, to the Archduke, whom it
exhorts " ut pergat doctrinam illam iansenianam serio extirpare,
qua nequaquam docetur b. Augu.stini mens ". lixccrpta, t. 29,
loc. cit. ; Rapi.v, I., 296 Fleury, LXI., 572.
.<;eqq.
* Rapin, I., 299. Recalled December 4, 1648, left on October 15,

1649 (Biogr. nat. de Belgiquc, XX.. 68).
» Rapi.v, I., 536.
^^ Bxogr. itat, dc Belgiquc, XX., 64.
(luring his administration the clergy had not gained an inch

of ground.^
At the pressing request of the Superior of the Pre-
monstratensians and the University of Louvain, Archbishop
Boonen had dispatched to Madrid a certain Recht with
mission to explain more fully the Archbishop's attitude
towards the Bull. In May 1649, Philip IV. informed Boonen
that he was willing to receive the envoy and that he would
take no definite step before hearing him. However, before
Recht's credentials reached him, in October, the order for
the publication of the Bull, which the young Queen had
obtained from her husband, had been issued on August 3rd.
Phihp IV. received Recht on January 1st, 1650, though it
would seem that the latter had had a secret interview with
the King before that date, and when on that occasion Recht
asked that account should be taken of Boonen's and the
State Council's objections to the Bull, the King rephed that
he was doing so in any case. Recht promptly reported this
answer to Louvain his letter arrived there at the same
;
time as the royal ordinance of August 3rd, 1649.^ The Arch-

bishop was not slow in exploiting the new situation in the
State Council. Since the King wished the affair to be further
examined, so he explained in a long speech, there was nothing
Rapin, " *Si vanta che al sue tempo ecclesias-

^ I., 295, 299. li
tici non hanno acquistato un dito di terra " (Bichi, November 23,
1647, Excerpta, loc. cit. On his friendship with Jansenius, see
Rapin, I., 4.
2 Rapin, I., 304, 388 *Boonen to the State Council,
;
February 5 and 18, 1650, in Appendix to *Bichi's nunciature

report of March 17, 1650, Excerpta, loc. cit. At the audience of
January i the King said (according to Boonen) " informatum :
se esse, quanti ponderis esset haec causa, seseque adhibiturum,

quod et Dei et Ecclesiae servitio futurum est " (ibid.). According
to Bichi's *Despatch of April 20, 1650 {ibid.), Recht's instructions
were :that the King should induce the Pope to have the book
of Jansenius examined by theologians, to decide the dispute
de auxiliis and to show the King the groundlessness of the pro-
hibition. *Bichi, July 29 and August 28, 1649, ibid.
STATE AID FOR THE PUBLICATION. 3I7
for it but to j)ostj)()iK' tlic j)ublication of thr iJull.' Thus

matters remained until tlie King renewed his order in the
following year.^ For the rest Leopold William only returned
from the theatre of war in November.
Meanwhile the situation in Flanders had undergone a
considerable change. Bichi had asked for the help of the
secular arm to enforce the publication of the Bull, as otherwise
he had no hope that the Jansenists would submit.^ None
the less it was his wish that tlie formal publication should
come from him alone ; all lie wanted from the secular power
was support for his action.'* The Madrid nuncio, Rospigliosi,
also declared that it was necessary to publish the Bull as
soon as possible, ^ to bar ecclesiastical positions to the Jansenists
and to grant to the internuncio the help of the secular arm
as often as he required it, whether for the purpose of searching
bookshops for works forbidden by the Bull, or in order to
punish those who acted in contravention of its ordinances.
But this did not yet satisfy the representatives of the State.
Even during Roose's presidency numerous decrees were
drafted with a view to the publication of the Bull ; however,
they pleased the internuncio but little and the Archduke
rejected them." It would seem that at that time Leopold
1 KAriN, I., 388 seq.
- See above, p. 313.

' " Vcdo esser necessario che S. A. vi dia qualchc ordinc,
altrimenti non si leva la scusa alii disobedienti." Bichi, June 13,
1648, Excerpia, loc. cit.
* " Continual le instanze tlcl braccio .secolarc e con varii . . .
argomenti cereal di persuadergli che non dcve far altro in questa

materia che quelle che io li domando " (Bichi, I'ebruary 22,
1648, ibid.). " *Continuando le diligenze per havere Tassi-stenza
del braccio secolarc . . . et indirizzando li miei officii per havcrla
senza che si pubblichi cditto, conforme una lettcra della S. Con-
gregatione di s. Officio dc i febbraio " {ibid.).
* April 30, 1649, ibid.
" *Appendiccs to Bichi's letter to Pamfili of December 28,
1O47, and .May 2, 1648, Excerpta, loc. cit.
William's sentiments were still strictly those of a devoted

son of the Church.^
Gradually a change came over him. At the very moment
when the royal ordinance seemed to assure publication of
the Bull, Madrid had shown great consideration for Boonen
and envoy Recht.
his A committee was formed for the
purpose of discussing their objections ^ and in the order
for the execution of the Bull ^ it was said that the King
would request the Pope to have Jansenius' book revised and
to approve it once it had been amended. Bichi was determined
to insist that it was not possible to correct a book whose
very root and heart were wrong, but he received instructions
from Rome to say nothing on the subject.*
More regrettable was the circumstance that Roose's
successor as President of the Council of State, D'Hovyne,^
was an unmitigated exponent of a policy of csesaro-papalism
and that he gained great ascendency over the Archduke.*^
^
Cf. the *Letter of his confessor Schega to Bichi, September i6,
the Archduke wrote to the King about Bichi " quod

1648 ;
:
ipsi tamquam ministro Ap. Sedis potissimum conveniat agere

hoc negotium, quod est totum iuris ecclesiastici et concernit
auctoritatem Pontificiam, quam HI. D. V. debet prae ceteris
defendere ac tueri. Deinde quod Concilium privatum in hac
materia non debeat quicquam censere ct iudicare, sed solum
111. Dê Va^'.tanquam agenti, nomine SS. D. N. porrigere brachium,
saeculare, ubi opus videbitur." Excerpta, loc. cit.
2 *Bichi, March 14, 1650, ihid.

^
July 15, 1650, Rapin, I., 389 scq. ; *Rospigliosi to Bichi,
July 16, 1650, Excerpia, loc. cit.
* *Bichi, September 15, 1650, Excerpta, loc. cit. There also

the Roman *Reply of October 12, 1650.
5 On the form of the name cf. Biogr. nat. de Belgique, IX., 563.
^ "
*Quale [Hovyne] essendo in credito appresso di S. A. gli
fa creder quel che vuole " (Bichi, September 16, 1651, Excerpta,
loc. cit.). Hovyne had his son educated at Tournai in the hou.se
ofCanon Fromond, a nephew of the professor the son had already ;
delivered a discourse in favour of Jansenius (*Bichi to the nuncio

of Madrid, September 12, 1651, ibid.).
;
A CHANGE IN THE ARCHDUKE. 319
Leopold William had set up a commission in connexion with
the Bull. was composed of Counts Fuensaldaha and

It
Schvvarzenberg and the Secretary of State Navarro ^

they were subsequently reinforced by the Bishop of Antwerp
and the Bishop-Designate of Ypres, the Chancellor of Brabant,
Kinscot, and D'Hovyne and Bereur who were members of
the State and Privy Councils.^ Strangely enough Boonen
himself and the Bishop of Ghent ended by obtaining a seat
in the commission.^ The influence of caesaro-jxipalism and
Jansenism was soon apparent. An ordinance of the Go\ernor
did indeed promise the Bishops the support of the secular
power in connexion with the publication of the Bull ;
it
e\'en inculcated the various clauses of the Bull and lixed

pi'ualties for those who contravened, but all this was done
in virtue of the authority of the State and both the order
and the penalties were applicable to all, hence to the clergy
also, though this was against the principle of clerical immunit\-.
.\ U'tter to the Bishops charged them to publish the Bull on
March 2(ttli and to see to it that it was complied with ; to

secure this end they could have the assistance of the secular
j)ower. The letter expressly states that the clause in Urban
VIII.'s lûll which declares that pul)lication in Rome was
sulticient, was not to be recognized ; that the King would
press for a revision of Jansenius' book, so that it might be
republished and that. the Bishops must not tolerate anything
that might diminish the prestige of St. Augustine and the
Fathers. A third decree orders the Councillors of State to
have the lûll jMomulgated, to lend assistance to the Bishops
and to denounce them to the Governor should they fail in
their duty.^ Thus by the terms of these drafts the Bull was
valueless unless the State published it, clerical exemption
from secular tribunals was ignored, whilst the inter\ention
'
*Iiichi, Nox-enilxT 3, 1650, ihu/.
- *l5ichi, J an liar V 12, 1631, tbid.
' *Bichi, I'ebruary 25, 1651, ibid.
* *Appen(lices to Hichi's letter to Painlili, I'elMuary -5, 1651,
iLid.
on behalf of St. Augustine gave the Jansenists a pretext,

despite every papal condemnation, for holding to their
teaching which, so they claimed, was simply that of St.
Augustine.
For some time already Rome had watched developments
in Flanders with grave misgivings. At the end of 1647 Bichi
was instructed to procure the help of the secular arm, but
two months later his orders were " simple assistance, but :
no edict " and still later

;
" not even assistance if it cannot
be had without a decree " and at the end of 1649
;
" on no :
account must he give his assent to the publication of the

Bull." ^ On February 23rd, 1651, the Inquisition decreed
once more ^ that Bichi was not on any account to have
^ The decrees are grouped together in *Bichi's letter of

March 17, 1650 {Excerpta, loc. cit.) December 28, 1647 " : : di
procurare il braccio secolare " ; February i, 1648 :
" di non
far altra istanza che di una semplice assistenza del braccio
secolare " and no edict June ; 6, 1648 :
" che non faccia istanza
di publicatione di editto, anzi vi si opponga e lassi dileguare la
pretensione che si e havuta di questa assistenza, mentre non ci
dia senza publicatione di editto " ; December 18, 1649 :

" di
non consentire in verun modo alia publicatione della bolla, e

quanto alli altri mezzi per reprimere I'audacia delli Janseniani,
lassi la cura a S. A., e quando debbia gastigare, non faccia atto
positivo senza parteciparlo prima." The decision of the Inquisi-

tion of June 6, 1648, found once more in the appendix of
is
*Bichi's Letter of March 4, 1651. He finds fault with the assertion

that clerics are called subjects of the King and that they are
threatened with banishment. Similar " *a tergo " comments on
met with, e.g. December 28, 1647,
Bichi's dispatches are frequently
September 9,August 18, 1650. In the * Instructions to
1649,
the Spanish nuncio mention is often made of the Jansenist
question in Flanders : Nunziat. di Spagna, 347. Lettere al Niintio
of March 17 and 24 and July 7, 1646, February 5 and July 13,
1647, Pap. Sec. Arch.

* " *Non potest ibi deveniri ad novam publicationem absque
magno praeiudicio auctoritatis huius s. sedis." Excerpta (accord-
ing to Bichi's dispatch of January 19, 1651), loc. cit.
-
PROMULGATION BY THE SECULAR AUTHORITY. 32I
anything to do with a new pubhcation of the Bull since it

had been published in Rome and had been communicated to
the Bishops and had also been handed to the Louvain delegates
Sinnich and Paepe before a notary and witnesses ; a fresh
publication would be greatly to the prejudice of the Roman
See. If Bichi desired to reprint the Bull, he might do so
though there was no need for it, but no decree about the
secular arm or anything else must be added to the text.
On the whole Rome would have preferred the whole affair
to be dropped ^ and representations were made to Philip IV.
with a view to obtaining from him what it seemed so difficult
to secure from Leopold William.
The internuncio failed in his attempt to persuade the
Archduke to recall the decree. The latter met Bichi's
representations with the statement that the deliberations
had been held in presence of four ecclesiastics and that was
enough to exonerate his conscience. D'Hovyne's answer was
that the internuncio overstepped his authority and abused
the kindness of the Archduke the decree would be issued
;
whether Bichi liked it or not.^

As a matter of fact the decree was published in all the
dioceses of Flanders in the last days of April.* The effect
On May 2, 1648, Bichi forwarded the draft of an edict of the

'
Archduke, but " *le fu scritto sotto U 4 junio, che procurasse in

ogni maniera, che quel editto non si publicasse in quella forma,
anzi non facesse piii instanza, ma lasci a poco a poco svanire
la pretensione dell'assistenza, quando s'habbia a publicar editto ".
*Stimmarinni (see above, p. 304, n. 4).
- To the Spanish nuncio " si e scritto, che insista co' suoi
ufficii per ottenere il decreto dell'assistenza rappresentando
esser hora il tempo opportune per la presente debbolezza de'
Jaiiseniani ". March 6, 1649, to Bichi, Nunziat. di Fiandra,
t. 28, Pap. Sec. Arch.
^ *Bichi, March 4, 1651, Excerpta, loc. cit.
* The edict of February 28, 1651, in Fleurv, LXI., 750 seq.
Bichi reports on April 15, 1651, on the publication in Ghent,

Antwerp, Bruges, Ypres, Cambrai, Tournai, Namur, Arras,
Saint-Omer {Excerpta, loc. cit.). The Archbishop of Malines
VOL. XX.K. Y
seemed good Jansenius' work and the other forbidden books

:
were no longer bought.^ For all that the internuncio saw

himself compelled to protest against the one-sided procedure
of the Archduke. He was ordered to do this by Rome on
April 1st in case the edict had already been published. In
doing so he was to use a formula bearing the date of April
20th which was sent to him from Rome. That document
stated that was enough if the Bull was published in Rome
it
and whatever was contrary to the authority and jurisdiction

of the Holy See and the Church's liberty and immunity was
null and void.^ As a matter of fact as early as March 16th
Bichi had drawn up a similar formula on his own
authority.^ The ministers were, of course, angry that Bichi
should not only have protested but should even have declared
the decree null and void. The Archduke ordered the Council
of Brabant to take no notice of the protest and caused the
printer to be fined.* One of the Councillors informed the inter-
nuncio that if he quietly accepted the intimation of the
decree of the Court of Cassation, the Council of Brabant
would take no action, whereas if he acted otherwise recourse
might be had to forcible measures.^
had his pastoral affixed to all the parish churches and the decree
of the Archduke to the town-halls of Brussels, Malines, and
Lou vain, but the Bull nowhere. *On April 22 Bichi reports
that the Bull was published " assai negligentemente " also at
Roermond {ibid.).
^ *Bichi, April 15, 1651, ibid.
2 *Excerpta, Appendix to Bichi's report of March 4, 1651,
loc. cit.
3 *Bichi, March 18, 1651, ibid.
*Bichi, July 15, 1651, ibid. The *circular of the Archduke
*
to the " consegli " is in the appendix of Bichi's *letter of August 12,
1 65 1, The Archduke did not know, however, that the
ibid.
protest was made by order from Rome (*Bichi, July 29, 1651,
ibid.). The *cassation edict of the Council of Brabant, of August
31, 1 65 1, is in the appendix of Bichi's *letter of September 16,

1651, ibid.
* *Bichi, July 22, 1651, ibid.
-
MEASURES AGAINST lUCIII. 323
Measures ol this kiml had .ihtady Ixfii taken on a iirevious

occasion. In a dispute between some convents, Bichi had
given judgment without exhibiting his faculties. According!}'
the Council of lirabant caused him to be formally beleaguered
in his lodgings until he withdrew his sentence.^ The inter-
nuncio was of opinion that these molestations were instigated
by the Jansenists who, by this means, sought to revenge
themselves for their exclusion by him from benefices and
ecclesiastical offices. The Archduke, who at that time still
sided with the papal envoy, advised him to yield since there
was question only of the ambition of a couple of monks.
When Bichi withdrew his ordinance the Council likewise
displayed a conciliatory disposition it suspended its first :
judicial executor had done no more than

though the latter
carry out the decrees of the Council it did this on the pretext
;
that in dealing with the internuncio, he had exceeded his

powers.^ Innocent X. protested against these proceedings,
which he described as breaches of international law, but
consented to consider the punishment of the judicial executor,
which he ascribed to the Archduke, as a satisfaction.* Mean-
while, on August 4th, the Council had taken another violent
measure against the internuncio in connexion with a certain
Canon Hughes. For the sake of his personal safety Bichi
repaired to Saint-Gislain until the Archduke, through his
confessor Schega, invited him to his headquarters after which
he caused the proceedings to be suspended.^
A few months later. Innocent X. adopted a sharper tone
' *Bichi, July 15, 1649, Lettere, t. 33, Pap. Sec. Arch.
- *Bichi, July 21, 1649, ibid.
•' * Bichi, July 2i>, 1649, ibid.
* * Brief to the Archduke of August 28, 1649, Epist.. IV. -VI.
(May, 1648, to September, 1650, Franc. Nerlio secretario), n. 260,
Pap. Sec. Arch.

' *Bichi, August 5 and 18, 1649, Lettere, loc. cit. On April 26,
165 1, acts of violence were again feared in Rome ; in that case
Bichi should withdraw to Aix-la-Chapelle. Xnnziat. di Xapoli,
Cifre al Nuntio, 39 A, f. 9S, Pap. Sec. Arch.
towards tlic Arclidukc.^ After praising liis conduct during

the iirst period of his administration, the Pope complained
that he had allowed his advisers to induce him to issue a
decree which was at variance with the Church's authority.
It was an unheard of thing for ecclesiastical persons to be
cited before secular tribunals. He (the Pope) had contented
himself with protests and a declaration that these proceedings
were null and void, but instead of amending his conduct,
the Governor had allowed himself to be persuaded by his
advisers to issue a fresh circular in which he sought to over-
throw even the Pope's judicial power in matters of faith,
for those men asserted that Urban VIII. 's decree did not
bind in conscience unless it were published anew, with the
royal placet. In justification of such conduct they had appealed
to privileges and customs ; but no such privilege had ever
been granted by either Pope or Council and no prince had
ever claimed anything of the kind ; there could be neither
custom nor prescription against papal authority, especially
in matters of faith. Moreover, the Governor had been induced
to declare the protest to be null and void and to punish the
printer. The Archduke had become another Absalom if ;
everybody was free to write against the dogmas to the faith,

could the printing of a papal protest be looked upon as a
crime ? As a loyal son of the Church, Leopold William should
have kept an eye on his advisers, for the Pope took it for
granted that the Archduke had been deceived by them.
Innocent X. wrote in the same strain to Philip IV. ^ The
Governor took the Brief in good part but the Privy Council
raised loud protests on the plea that its tone was one that
should not be adopted towards an Archduke.^ Bichi's answer
was that the language of the archducal ordinance was
1 *Brief of November ii, 1651, Epist., VI. -VII. (September,

1650, to September, 1652), Pap. Sec. Arch.
2 *Brief of November 11, 1651, ibid., 11. 119 ; Excerpta, f. 645,
loc. cit. Both Briefs were issued by the decision of the Commission
for Jansenism, September 7, 1651. Schill in Katholik, 1883 ;
II., 293.
3 *Bichi, December 9 and 23, 1651, Excerpta, loc. cit.
ACTION BY PHILIP IV. 325
undoubtedly far sharper.^ Thereupon, Leopold William

communicated the Brief to all the Provincial Councils from
whom no protests against State usurpations were to be
expected. Bichi ^ looked on this proceeding as a manoeuvre
of d'Hovyne ^ to induce the King to change his mind. The
memorials of the were all against
Provincial Councils
the prerogatives of the Church.'* At Madrid the King had the
matter examined,^ whilst the Spanish nuncio pressed from
dav to day for a decision.® At last Philip IV. instructed the
Archduke to have the Bull carried into effect and to lend the
assistance of the secular arm for the purpose.' Apparently
the King saw in this a virtual withdrawal of the decrees
but Bichi insisted on an explicit repeal.^ To this Madrid
would not agree. The Archduke, he was told, had been
instructed not to encroach in any way on the Church's
immunity and to maintain good relations with the inter-
nuncio by doing so tli('\- had done all that it was possible
;
to do."
(6.)
^leanwhile a fresh comphcation had arisen, one that had

been preparing for several years. When, in KilT, Phili]) I\'.'s
'
*January 6, 1652, ibul.
- *Ibid.
3 *" Dircttore principale di tutto il ncgotio." Ibid.
* *Bichi, February 3, 1652, ibid.
•'
*Bichi, August 12, 1651, ibid.
•'
*Rospigliosi to Bichi, October 14 and Xovcmber 4, 1651,
ihid.
'
Rospigliosi to Bichi, December 2, 1651, ibid.
•*
*Bichi, December 23, 1651, ibid.
' " —
*Che per nessun modo diretta o indirettamento si facessc
prciuditio quantunquc minimo aH'immunita, ecclesiastica e chc
se usassc ogni tcrmine di buona corrispondenza con 11 mlnistro
Apostollco onde pareva loro, non restare al prcsente da provcdcr
;
(11 vantaggio persuadendosl chc S. A. havcrebbc opcrato chc

^'li editti rimanghlno scnza osservanza." Rospigliosi, Madrid,
March i(), H>^2, in Iixcrypta, lor. cit.
strict injunction for the publication of the Bull arrived,

Roose looked for pretexts to put it off. Accordingly he wrote
to the Bishops requesting them to inform him why they had
not yet obeyed the royal commands.^ The Bishop of Ghent,
Anthony von Triest, rephed in a long letter dated March 20th,
1647.2 He had not published Urban VIII. 's Bull, he states,
because it had been obtained by fraud and was unfair to
Jansenius, and its publication would only have created
confusion. When he had done with the Bull there was not
much left in it that was of any use. According to him the
Bull is wrong when it asserts that, contrary to Rome's
prohibition, Jansenius revived the dispute on grace which
had broken out under Clement VIII. all he did was to ;
expound the teaching of St. Augustine, and the prohibition

in question had neither been published nor observed.
" It
was the blackest of calumnies " we read, to say that Jansenius

restated the theses of Baius so far from doing so, his book
;
ought to be crowned with laurels forasmuch as it shows the

agreement of the Holy See with St. Augustine. Not Jansenius,
but his opponents were the cause of the scandal. The Bishop
of Ypres is then extolled " as a loyal subject, a man of out-
standing scholarship and exemplary conduct, an ornament

of the University ". The Privy Council subsequently consulted
the Bishops more than once.^ Another letter of the Bishop
of Ghent answer to a question of September 1st, restates
^ in
practically the same sentiments Jansenius is once more :
described as an innocent victim not he is the author of ;
scandal but " the infamous theses and preachments of the
1 " *Mendicando pretest! colic lunghezze, in luogo d'ordinare

die senza replica si eseguissero gFordini di S. M., haveva scritto
a' prelati di quelle provincie chc gl'avisassero le cagioni per le
quali non havessero adempiti gFordini." Bichi, March 30, 1647,

Excerpta, loc. cit. Rapin, I., 155.
2 Excerpta, 402 s., loc. cit.
f.
3 " affinche havessero campo rarcivescovo di Malines e gli
altri disobedienti di scrivere, come poi han fatto." *Summarium

(see above, p. 304, n. 4, June 19, 1647).
• September 28, 1647, Excerpta, f. 103, loc. cit.
ARCHBISHOP BOONEN. 327
Jesuits ".^ Consequently the Bull should not be made public,

but they should demand a Provincial Council from the Pope.
Archbishop Booncn also presented a memorial to the King at
this time. In it he makes a historical survey of the questions
in dispute, the object of which was, since Clement VIII.,
the doctrine of grace. In his opinion also the Jesuits were the
cause of all the mischief. Through Molina these defended new
dogmas, persecuted the Bishop of Ypres and had procured
a Bull against him. In the Low Countries, Boonen claimed,
there was no obligation on account of
to publish the Bull
that country's privileges France also the better part of
; in
the clergy refused to acknowledge it.^ Boonen's memorial

and Triest's first letter were thrown to the general public in
1649 by means of the printing press.
This was not Boonen's only offence. During his visitation
of the archdiocese. Van Caelen had distributed hundreds of
Flemish and French copies of the Janscnist catechism of
grace among women and nuns. Thereupon a Douai Doctor
wrote an orthodox catechism as an " antidote " against the
Jansenist Rome, however, prohibited even the
product.
orthodo.x catechism on the ground that it was forbidden to
write on certain points of the doctrine of grace and because

the topic was too abstruse for the people.^ But the Archbishop
thought he would give Rome a lesson ; accordingly, he wrote
1 " Ex infamibus illis thcsibus et concionibus Patrum Socictatis

ea de re petulanter habitis," ibid.
* " Rationes, ob quas 111. et Rev. D. Archiepiscopus Mech-
liniensis a promulgatione bullae abstinuit, ex mandate
. . .
Regie allegatae ac catholicae Maiestati exhibitae. E Galileo in

Latinum translatae 1649 (40, 27 p.)." Cf. Biogr. nat. de Belgique,
II., 705 Rapin, II., 29 seq. The letter is dated September 17,
;
1647 {*Sit}U))iarium, loc. cit.). A Refutation " *Notanda qitaedmii :
circa scriptuvi III. ac Rev. Archiepiscopi ]\Iechliniensis " in Bibl.

Barberini, Rome, XVIII., 51, f. 163 seqq.
' *Bichi, July 14, 1650, together with the decree of the Inquisi-
tion of October 6, 1650, Excerpia, loc. cit. Cf. Reusch, Index,
II.. 471.
to the Pope ^ that he could not pubhsh the prohibition of

the two catechisms without scandal, danger to souls and
grave injury to the reputation and authority of the Apostolic
See, for according to that decree the reply to the Jansenist
catechism was free of errors whereas Boonen endeavours
to show that there were no less than fourteen errors in it. He
then goes on to defend himself against the accusations that
were being made against him in Rome. " Would that age and
health would allow me to throw myself in person at your feet
in order to exculpate myself !
"
But since such a thing was
out of the question, he prayed the Pope not to give credence
to calumnies against himself and against so many men
distinguished for virtue, learning and devotion to the Holy
See, as if they were rebels against the Pope. He also prayed
that the teaching of St. Augustine be at last examined with
becoming impartiality.
If these words, unaccompanied as they were by deeds,
were hardly calculated to soften Rome's opinion of the

Archbishop, Boonen's ordinance which accompanied the
publication of the Bull on March 29th, 1651, was even less
likely to produce such a result.^ The old objections against
Urban VIH.'s decision are here reproduced, though not in
so many words as the Archbishop's personal view, yet as
the view of men " no less pious than learned ". The complaint
that the Bull had been issued without adequate preliminary
inquiry is also renewed in another form. Jansenius' piety and
learning are extolled and the accusation of heresy against
him is described as a dreadful calumny ; when it is finally
stated that it was not the Pope's intention, in issuing the Bull,
to trench on St. Augustine's teaching, the words can only
mean that the Jansenists were free to go on defending their
own peculiar views. Thus Boonen. The covering letters
with which the Bishop of Ghent ^ and the Vicar General of
*January 28, 1651, Excerpta, f. 543, loc. cit.

1
Reproduced (from D'Argentre) in Fleury, LXL, 758 scqq.

-
^ March 26, 1651, ibid., 752 seq. There it is stated that the
observance of the Bull was commanded " saltem quantum
colligere potuimus, donee et quousque Sedes Apostolica post
2
BOONEN AND TRIEST SUMMONED TO ROME. 329
Ypres ^ accompanied the publication of the Bull, were in a
similar strain. All three covering letters were condemned

by the Inquisition together with the pamphlets with which
Boonen and Triest (the latter's pamphlet is dated March
20th, 1647), sought to justify their failure to publish the Bull.
The decree of the Inquisition informed those concerned that
recourse would be had to ecclesiastical sanctions against them
unless they exculpated themselves as soon as possible. Ypres
declared its unquestioning readiness to obey the Pope ^
but the two Bishops remained silent. Accordingly, on
Nov-ember 18th, 1651, both were summoned to appear in
Rome* Unless they appeared there in si.x months, they were
to be suspended from the exercise of episcopal functions
nor would they be allowed to enter a church. On
December 12th and 13th this sentence was communicated to
the two prelates.^ Archbishop Boonen replied that he had
justified himself in writing and his seventy-nine years prevented
him from going to Rome. Both he and the Bishop of Ghent
appealed against the citation to the Royal Privy Council ®
which referred the affair to the Council of Malines the ;
latter, however, declared its incompetence in the matter.

Thereupon the two prelates assured the Pope of their innocence
bv letter,' and prayed that someone be appointed to judge
them since their years made it impossible for them to appear
novum examen dicti libri sive illius revisionem, quam sc . . .
procuraturam cdixit, . . . (juatcnus crrores, si qui in illo inveniun-

tur, expurgentur ct . . . quod do doctrina illius tenendum
forct dcclarasset. . . .
'
March 27, 1651, ibid., 755 scq.
May II, 1651Reuscu, II., 465

; see Hilgicrs, 424. ;
In
the copy of the decree in Fleurv, LXI., the " Raisons " of tlie
Bishop of Ghent are omitted.

' *Scptcmber 19, 1651, Excerpta, f. 638, loc. cit.
'
In Fleurv, LXI., 764 seq.
''
*Bichi, December 30, 1651, Excerpta, loc. cit.
" *Bichi, February 3, 1652, ibid.
'
*Triest alone on I'cbniary 28, 1652, ""both together on
March 2, ihid., f. (»>(), 698.
^
personally in Rome ; in fact they could not do so in view of

the privileges of Flanders and because as Councillors of State
they would have to obtain the King's leave. Accordingly, the
two were ordered to send a representative to Rome within two
months, to answer for them,^ but they replied that on the
ground of the privileges of Flanders they could not be called
to account outside their own country.
Meanwhile Bichi was recalled and was succeeded by
Andrea Mangelli as internuncio as well as in the delicate task
of coming to terms with the Netherlands, ever most jealous
and susceptible where their privileges were concerned.^
In his very first report the internuncio had to announce that
D'Hovyne would not hear of the two Bishops going to Rome.
MangelH vainly insisted that if the two prelates sent their
representatives to Rome someone would naturally be appointed
to make a judicial inquiry in Flanders, and that if the Pope's
judicial authority in matters of faith were circumscribed
in one country, it would also be limited and ruined in other
countries.* He fared no better with the Archbishop. Boonen
read to him a decree of the Council of Brabant forbidding
him to name a representative under penalty of confiscation
of his revenues. He begged for compassion all former Popes
;
had acknowledged the country's privileges and there was no

question of matters touching the faith. ^ On the other hand
the Bishop of Ghent seemed wiUing to submit to the Pope
but expressed a fear of giving scandal were he to appoint a
delegate.^ However, Mangelli remained firm. He refused
to allow the appeal to the Council of Brabant if Boonen ;
had at once named a representative, he would have forestalled
1 *To Boonen, July 26, to Trist, August 2, 1652, ibid., f. 809.

- *Boonen, July 28, 1652, ibid.
^ The change was decided on by the Jansenist Congregation in
Rome (ScHiLL in Katholik, 1883, II., 294). *Mangelli's credentials
for the Archduke, dated January 20, 1652, in Innocentii X.
Epist., VII.-VIII., n. 138, Pap. Seer. Arch.
* *Mangelli, August 31, 1652, Excerpta, loc. cit.
5 *Ihid.
^ *Mangelli, August 10, 1652, ibid.
-
THE PRELATE S EXCUSES. 331
the decree and there was no doubt that the question concerned
the faith. As for the Bishop of Ghent's desire to obey, MangelH
observed that this must be proved by deeds and that the
prelate's fears were quite unfounded.^ A certain advocate
of the name who, when speaking on behalf of the
of Mortelle
Archbishop, dwelt on the scandal which the infringement
of the privileges would cause, was told that it was a much
greater scandal when an Archbishop and Primate refused
to submit to a papal decree in this matter no Catholic,
:
least of all a Bishop, could appeal to any privilege. For

the rest, as internuncio, all he had to do was to carry out the
Pope's orders whilst a representative of the Bishops with the
Holy See would promote their cause far better than he could.
Thereupon the two prelates excused themselves in Rome for
their inability to send a delegate,^ but their pleading was not
admitted and the threatened penalties were now pronounced.*
In doing so the Pope observed that he could not tolerate that
Bishops who, at their consecration, had taken a special
oath of obedience to the Pope, should refuse submission
under such futile pretexts.^
The internuncio of Flanders was informed of the sentence

by the nuncio of Venice but the document itself was inter-
cepted at the frontier of Champagne by the army of Prince
de Conde,** and only on February 22nd, 1653, was Mangelli
able to acknowledge its reception.' Its execution, however,
'
*Mangelli, August lo and 31, 1652, ibid.
- *Mangclli to Cardinal Barberini and the Inquisition, August 3,
1652, ibid.
'
*Mangelli, September 7, 1652, ibid.
' *On October 19, 1652, dispatched to Mangelli on 21st, ibid.
Text of the decree with date of December 10, 1632, in Fleury,

FXL, 760 i.cq.
'-
*October 19, 1052, Excerpta, loc. cit.
'•
Rapin, II., 31.
' *Excerpta ex codice S. Officii, cuius inscriptio : Acta in
Belgio circa Constitutionem damnaniem 5 propositiones lansenii
a. 1653-1656. Acta in Calliis circa Constitutionem praefatam,
a. 1653 1656 (Schill).
proved difficult. A short time before, on September 14th,

1652, Bereuil, who was the oldest member of the Archduke's
Privy Council, had informed Bichi, the then internuncio,
that the Privy Council had ordered the Bishops to forgo a
judicial procedure and to throw themselves on the Pope's
mercy and that the Bishops had consented to act accordingly.^
However, the letter to the Pope which they then considered,
was never written and a few months later the Council of
Brabant had changed its mind. The Archduke declared to
the internuncio that neither his archducal authority nor that
of the King would succeed in persuading the Council of
Brabant to allow the Bishops to send a delegate to Rome.
Rather than allow their privileges to be curtailed, they would
renounce all obedience to the Holy See, to the great injury
of Pope and King this was bound to happen if they adopted
;
a policy of force towards the Bishops.^ These were strong

words Yet the Governor was a gentle nature and opposed
!
to violent measures,^ nor was anything worse reported from

Spain than that a certain Abbate Vasquez had been com-
missioned to go to Flanders in connexion with the Bull and
to induce the two Bishops to obey.*
1 "
*Che con humilissime preghiere si gettino alii piedi di
S. S., implorando la paterna Sua misericordia, lasciando da parte
ogni altera giustificatione, che o per se stesso o per mezzo de
procuratore si potesse fare, e promettendo ubbidire ad ogni
comandamento di S. B." Ibid.
2 " *Che ne rautorita del S"" Archiduca ne dei ministri del
Re ne del Re medesimo bastava per indurre il Conseglio di

Brabante a permettere che si faccia dai vescovi la deputatione
del procuratore in Roma, apresa da loro per contraria e derogatoria
ai lore privilegii, e che piix tosto perderanno la totale obedienza
alia Sede Apostolica con mettere in grandi fastidii non meno il
S. Pontefice che il re di Spagna, e che altro frutto non si con-
seguira dal volere forzare con remedii piu rigorosi li sudetti
vescovi. Mangelli, March i, 1653, ibid.
^ " *Placidis.sima natura con soavissime maniere " : is not
able to act " con fervore et efficacia ". Mangelli, March 8, 1653,
ibid.
»
*Bichi, November <), 1652, Excerpta, a. 1647 scqq., loc. cii.
A SETTLEMENT. 333
Notwithstanding Uw unsatisfactory reports from Jirusscls,

Rome was determined on the execution of the decree. A
notary was found who affixed it at St. Gudula's at Brussels,
after which he fled with all speed. ^ The Council proposed
a reward of 300 gold florins to anyone supplying information
as to the identity of the person who had transcribed and
affixed the decree ; on May 12th it declared the document
to be false and null ^ and forbade the Bishops to present
themselves in Romc.^ Orders were given to have the decree
torn down,* but the Archduke forbade not only their execution
but a commission was convened to dehberate on the means
of settling the dispute.^ The commission found a solution
of the great difficulty of safeguarding both the privileges
of Flanders and the authority of the Pope ^ : this was that
the two Bishops should protest their submission to the Pope,
acknowledge their beg the Pontiff's pardon and appeal
fault,
to his clemency.' The commission likewise decided that the

citation to Rome was not contrary to the privileges of
Flanders consequently the Archduke should write to the
;
Bishop and urge them to obey meanwhile the two prelates

;
should abstain from pontifical functions and ask for absolution

by the Pope. The Governor, moreover, was requested to
order the Council of Brabant to revoke the decree of nullity
of May r2th and to make their excuses to the internuncio.
As for Mangelli, he might safely return from Spa whither
Rapin, II., yS.

- *Mangclli, May, 1653, Excerpta, a. 1653 seqq., loc. cit.
3 Fleurv, LXI., 768.
* May 22, 1653, reprint, ibid.
'•'
*Mangelli, July 18, 1653, Excerpta, a. 1653 seqq., loc. cit.
The commission consisted of the Bishops of Cambrai, Bruges,

*
Antwerp, Count I'-ucnsaldana, Dean Le Roy of Malines, the

Secretary of State Navarro, and six Councillors of State. The
reporter was the passionate Hovyne, who had said that the
Pope owed satisfaction to the States. * Mangelli, July 2 and 10,
1653, ibid.
'
*The same, July 10, 1653, ibid.
-
he liad fled, for lie liad nothing to fear.' IVleanwhile orders

had come from Rome to the two Cathedral Chapters not to
allow the Bishops to enter their churches.
Even so Archbishop Boonen seemed at first unwilling to
submit. In the Council of Brabant he spoke against the
commission and begged the Councillors not to forsake him.
As a matter of fact the Councillors sent a message to the
Governor begging him not to give his consent to any curtail-
ment of Flanders' privileges otherwise the States would
;
refuse to pay their subsidies to the King.^ The Archbishop

of Cambrai vainly sought to influence his colleague Boonen ;
^
told him he could not see that he had incurred any censures
and sought to cover himself with the oath by which he had
bound himself to defend the rights of his country.
Not so the Bishop of Ghent. From the first he seemed
prepared to seek absolution in Rome through an envoy and
these sentiments grew stronger under the influence of the
newly named Bishop of Antwerp.^ On July 16th he informed
the internuncio at Spa that he was ready to obey the Pope
and apologized for his hesitation.^ When Mangelh exhorted
him to give a positive proof of his submission the Bishop
sent him on July 23rd a petition in which he named the
Carmehte Isidore of St. Joseph as his representative in Rome
and asked for absolution in case he needed it.' After that
he called on the internuncio at Spa and assured him that
since the Brief to his Chapter he had refrained from all
episcopal functions and had urged his Chapter to elect a
1 *The same, July 17, 1653, ibid.

2 *Brief of June 28, 1653, Innocentii, X., Epist., X. (Decio
Azzohno secret.), n. 3, Pap. Sec. Arch.
^ *Mangelli, July 10, 1653, loc. cit.
* *The same, July 17, 1653, ibid.

^ *The same, July 24 and 26, 1653, ibid. ; Rapin, II.,
79 seq.
6 *Report of the nunciature of Brussels, t. 37 ; *Letter of
Mangelli, July 31, 1653, Pap. Sec. Arch.
' *Mangelli, July 31, 1653, ibid.
boonen's recantation. 335
Vicar whilst their Bishop was inhibited, and that this had
actually been done.^
On
July 31st, 1653, Mangelli was able to report a further
success when he wrote to Rome that the Archbishop of
Malines had likewise expressed his willingness to submit.
On August 1st Boonen sent his nephew to the internuncio
to confirm the fact that he had named a representative in
Rome and that since the arrival of the Brief to his Chapter
he had not officiated as Bishop. ^ On August 1st he effectively
appointed a representative in Rome in the person of Canon
Henri d'Othcnin and wrote a letter to the Pope. After
Mangelli's return to Brussels, on August 5th, both prelates
called on him and renewed their assurances although the
Council of Brabant had threatened the Archbishop with the-
suppression of his revenues if he accredited a representative
in Rome. 3 On October 21st, 1653, in virtue of a papal con-
cession, Mangelli was able to absolve the Archbishop.*
Boonen's recantation could not undo the evil which
he had sown so long. A report by the internuncio on that
period ^ draws a gloomy picture of the state of religion in
the country. The chief advocates of the new teaching, Van
Caelen and Fromond, in conjunction with Boonen and Triest,
Mangelli writes, had spread it with so much care, caution and
zeal and obtained so many adherents for it, that there was
hardly a soul in those Provinces that remained untouched by
it. This result was brought about by filling pastoral posts with
Jansenists. As Bishops these men had the bestowal of such
benefices as were in the gift of the ordinaries as members ;
of the Council of State they were able to influence appoint-

ments to posts where the King enjoyed the right of patronage,
with the result that there was no Chapter in any church in
^ *The same, August 2, 1653, ibid.

= *Ibid.
^ *Ibid.
* *Mangelli, October 25, 1653, Excerpta, loc. cit. Brief with
plenary powers for absolution, August 23, 1653, ibid., f. 215.
* October 4, 1653, Excerpta, translated in R.\pin, II., 180-2.
Flanders, into which the Archbishop had not inducted some

Jansenist.
In the Mendicant Orders Boonen had promoted Jansenism
by the bestowal of abundant alms on its adherents and by
furthering their petitions in his capacity as a member of the
State Council, the Privy Council and the Council of Brabant.
Almost all the Abbots who had a seat in the States General
had been won over by his tricks, whilst he took advantage
of the prevailing jealousy and aversion for the Society of
Jesus to foster Jansenism in all the other Orders, none of
which, with the exception of the Jesuits, had fought the heresy.
No girl entered a convent or took the vows without being
questioned on the Jansenist teaching and receiving some
booklet in which it is expounded. No one was allowed to
preach in the convents who was not affected by the new
teaching. The Oratorians were its most dangerous as well
as its most effective exponents; they considered it to be the
chief duty of their Congregation to lend help to the Bishops
in the pastoral ministry and they stood in sharp contrast to
the Jesuits ; consequently they preached the evil doctrine
more openly and more zealously than the rest and they had
also done greater harm in these countries. Their exemplary
life and their competence in the pulpit greatly helped towards
this result. It was generally believed that, more than anyone

else, one of their number. Van den Linden, had induced the
Archbishop to persevere in his false road and to disobey

the Pope. The report goes on to describe how attacks on the
Holy See went hand in hand with the spread of Jansenism.
The infallibility of the Apostolic See was called in question
with the assertion that in questions of fact the Pope might
err and that decisions in matters of faith must come from a
General Council. It was said that no Roman theologian
understood the subtleties of the doctrine of grace ; that the
Roman clergy was as full of ignorance as the Roman court of
vices.
To zeal for Jansenius, his adherents joined intolerance of
the exponents of other views. Thus at Louvain, on a solemn
occasion, the Dominican Alexander Sebille had put up for a
^
GROWTH OF JANSENISM UNDER BOONEN. 337
disputation tluscs wliich met with the displeasure of the

^
Jansenists. They succeeded in obtaining a prohibition of

the disputation whereupon Sebille appealed to Rome through
the internuncio.
As a matter of fact the University of Louvain was the
strongest bulwark of Jansenism in Belgium.- In its various
Colleges it disposed of over six hundred burses, viz. founda-
tionsby which poor youths were enabled to take up study.
These burses attracted the youths to the Colleges but the
Jansenists saw to it that the Presidents of these Colleges
were always men of their party. As soon as a President had
died and even before his burial, they inducted his successor ;
in the College of Luxemburg a lawfully elected President

was thrown out the very first night. Another means of
spreading their views was the allocation of University chairs.
There were nine chairs of theology the King had the right ;
to nominate to four of them,^ and over these the Jansenists

had but little power, but their influence was all the greater
with regard to the remaining five, viz. the so-called ordinary
chairs which svere endowed with thirteen benefices. The
right of presentation to these belonged to the city of Louvain
and on those occasions the Jansenists almost invariably got
candidate.
in their To this had to be added the fact that the
'
*July I, 1649, Excerpia, f. 253, loc.
cit. Rapin, I., 303.
;
On July 15, 164Q, the General of the Dominicans approved the

theses and ordered their defence under the presidency of Sebille.
Excerpta, f. 259, loc. cit.
- *Îeniorandum (of the Jesuit Schega ?), Appendi.x to
*Mangclli's report of January 17, 1654, Excevpta, loc. cit.
3 " The University posscs.ses 13 purely theological colleges with

over 300 burses, 11 mixed Colleges with over 100 burses, besides
3 Colleges of jurisprudence, i of medicine and 3 of humanities
and the " trilingue " with their bursaries. The schools have about
800 pupils and with the " domus Standonica " over 200 bur.ses."
Ibid.
* Namely, one for catechetical instruction on Sundays and
feast days, one for Holy Scripture and two for scholastic
theology. Ibid.
VOL. .\.\.\. z
;
examinations in theology and tin' c(;nfcnnont of theological

degrees were wholly in the hands of the so-called Inner
Faculty consisting of eight Doctors, each of whom had an
income hundred florins. This college of eight completed
of eight
itself by election whenever a vacancy occurred through
death. Thus once the Inner Faculty became Janscnist it was

bound to remain so. Lastly the Faculty had the disposal of
benefices. All this made it possible for Jansenism to take root
within the space of a few years among the nobility, the scholars
and even among the common people and the women. Even
in the convents of nuns some of the inmates stood by the
Holy See and the others, as the expression was, " with
St. Augustine." In these houses the chief means of propaganda
was the " Catechism of Grace ". The consequence was that
from a variety of Orders, appeals reached Boonen not to
suffer the teaching of Jansenius to be condemned.^ In this
connexion the attempt of the Provincial of the Augustinians,
Rivius, to impose Jansenism on all his subjects by barring
all influential offices to the party of the opposition, attracted
a great deal of attention. But owing
his efforts failed, chiefly
to the opposition of Michel Paludan, an Augustinian also
and a Doctor of Louvain who had also zealously defended
the Pope's cause during the period of confusion in the
University. The internuncio reported the matter to
Innocent X. who settled the dispute through the General
of the Augustinians. Rivius made his submission. In 1650 the
internuncio was able to write to Rome that among the
Augustinians no one dared to stand up for Jansenius and that
this example was having a salutary effect on other Orders.^
Thus the Premonstratensians had at one time been very
enthusiastic for Jansenius eight of their Abbots had
;
requested Boonen to prevent the execution of the Bull
^ *Bichi, December 21, 1647, Excerpta, loc. cit.

2 *The same, August 4, 1650, ibid. " Adesso ogni cosa e
acquietata [with the Augustinians] e non vi e chi ardisca parlare

per il Jansenio, come a lor esempio succede anco in diversi altri
ordini religiosi." Cf. Rapin, I., 302 ; II., 227.
WHENCE THE ENTHUSIASM FOK JANSENISM ? 339
hut now a (Icckc ot tin- (iciicial ( liaptci of \'ci(lun forbade
tlie ineml)ers of tlu' Order to hold the opinions of Jansenius.'

How it was possible that teaching so appalling as that of
Jansenius could have been hailed with such enthusiasm
and held with so much tenacity, is in part explained by a
contemporary memorial to the Archbishop of Malines.-
On the one hand the Augusiiuiis of Ypres was believed to
represent the teaching of St. Augustine, the greatly venerated
Bishop of Hippo. On the other hand a certain vague senti-
mentality, rather than intellectual reasons, may have attracted
people to Jansenius. The author of the memorial referred
to above writes as follows :
" Two things particularly delight
me in Jansenius : he so greatly exalts
the first is that
St. Augustine and allows himself to be taught by him, for
he takes from him a teaching which is singularly calculated
to humble man, to take away all reliance on ourselves and to
force us to call unceasingly upon Him Who alone is able to
heal humanity's wounds. Words fail me to express the delight
I derived from the reading of Jansenius and how the truths
of a doctrine which humbles us to such a degree, appealed
to me far more than all other writings or opinions which
deem it excessive that the humble will of man should be
the servant of grace, and which, on the contrary, seek
to give it the mastery. I quickly perceived that Augustine
agrees with the Apostle Paul and I rejoiced like a thirsty

man who has found a spring of refreshing water." The writer
goes on to say that he could not think that the Pope had any
intention of trenching on the teaching of St. Augustine,
'*Cod. Preuck. (without signature), f. 433-7 (Libr. of the

Anima, Rome), April 27, 1651. Printed sheet, Ruremond, 1651,
ibid. On February 15, 1653, Mangelli *rcports that the newly
appointed Abbot of the Premonstratcnsians, Robert van Cou-
wcrven, of St. Michael's, Antwerp, accepted under oath the
Hull of Urban VIII. on December 13, 1652, and on January 21,
1653, commanded his subjects to receive it. Xunziat. di Fiaudra,
t. 37, Pap. Sec. Arch.
- *Ninembcr 14, 1646, Iixccrpta, a. 1647 seqq., he. cit.
hence he prayed the Archbishop to do his utmost so that the

Bull might remain in abeyance until the Pope should be better
informed, for those deceived the Holy See who said or wrote
that the writings of Jansenius had given scandal ; the scandal
came, on the contrary, from the teaching with which the
envy of Jansenius' opponents countered his, as well as from
him and even to get him out of the
their attempts to belittle
way The opinions of the writer of this memorial
altogether.
were shared by many people. From the lips of devout and
learned men the Bishop of Ghent heard that they never
wearied of reading Jansenius and that they derived from him
a teaching which was the foundation of a solid Christian
piety and humility.^
On the other hand, the effects of Jansenism on the people
appear from a report on the archdiocese of Malines after
Boonen's death (in 1655) ; there we read that throughout
the archdiocese the exorbitant penances imposed by the
Jansenist confessors had driven many families and nearly
entire villages into the arms of Calvinism.^
(7.)
Although the two Bishops ended by submitting, experience

with the Bull of Urban VIII. up till then showed that there
was everything to fear in Flanders when, in 1653, Innocent X.

published his Bull in which he solemnly condemned the famous
five propositions. Even in the Netherlands many people
felt the need of such a decision. Thus, a few years earlier the
theological Faculty of Douai had presented a memorial to
the Inquisition drawing attention to a number of passages
^ *The Bishop's letter of September 28, 1647, in Excerpta,

a. 1647 ss., " cuius [lansenii] tamen lectione se saturari non
posse, sed ex ilia haurire fundamentalem doctri'nam solidae
christianae pietatis et humilitatis."
2 " *Nella sola diocesi di Malinesmolte e molte familie e quasi
villaggi intieri si sono alienati dalla religione catholica." Origine
e progressi del Giansenismo, Barb. 3383, f. 140, Vatican Library.
1
STEPS TO ENFORCE THE BULL. 34
in Janscnius' Aiigiistinus, on which a decision was sought.^

At the same time the Bishop of Tournai also prayed for a
papal judgment, if not on every one of the controverted
opinions of Jansenius, then at least on the more important
ones, or at the very least on the thesis of the love of God
as a necessary condition for absolution and on by the priest
the question whether sufficient grace was given to all men and
whether Christ had died for each and all.^ Thus the Bishop
found fault practically with the same points of Jansenius'
teaching as were subsequently condemned in Innocent X.'s
Bull on the five propositions.
MangcUi received the Bull on July 17th, l(i53 : he had it
reprinted at once at Cologne and on July 31st he dispatched

it in every direction. The two rebellious Bishops had to suffer
the humiliation to see the Bull addressed not to themselves
but, o\er their heads, to the three Chapters of ]\Ialines, Ghent
and St. Gudula at Brussels, together with special covering
letters.^ On July 10th the internuncio communicated it to
the ailing Archduke at the same time he requested support
;
by the State in order that it might produce its full effect

and to prevent fresh attacks on the Church's immunity and
papal inerrancy. Leopold William conceded everything ^ he ;
promised the assistance of the secular arm and urged the

Bishops to see to it that the papal decision was carried into
effect.^
' *May 31, 1649, ibid., 1025, f. 3-6.

- *Exccrpta a. 1647 seqq., f. 276, loc. cit.
' *Excerpta a. 1653 seqq. Nunziat. di Fiandra, t. 37, July 31,
I 'a p. Sec. Arch.
'
*Mangelli, July 19, 1653, Kxcerpta, loc. cit.
•'
*The same, August 2 and 9, 1653, Xioiziat. di Fiandra,
t. 37, loc. cit. ; cf. *the same, July 26, Excerpta, loc. cit. *Eclict
of the Archduke, August 11, 1653, to the Bishops they should ;
see to it " que las intentions dc Sa Saintete soient ponctuellement

accomplies et les diffmitions et determinations observees et
suivics par Ics voles et moyens accoutumes et usites en regard
dcs hullcs et dilTmitions dogmatiqiies ". Mangelli, Octolx-r 4,
1653, Excerpta, loc. cit.
^ ;
As a matter of fact the Bull was received ever3^where ^

by some with joy and unqualified submission, by others
coldly and with words rather than with conviction. ^ At
Malines and Ghent the Bull was promulgated in such fashion
that hardly anyone was aware of it at Brussels and Louvain
;
not even that much was done, so that Mangelli expressed his
displeasure consequently a second publication ensued and
;
all parish priests and religious Superiors received a copy.
With the exception of the Jesuits, no member of any Order

had a word to say in praise of the Bull even among the ;
common people the remark could be heard that the five

propositions were not Jansenius', or that they had not been
condemned as he understood them and that in such questions
of fact the Pope was liable to error.^ This was preached in
Louvain by a Dominican and openly stated by a parish
priest whilst in the very act of proclaiming the Bull.* " Those
who were Jansenists before the Bull are likely to remain
Jansenists after the Bull," Mangelli wrote.
The internuncio's chief concern in this respect was the
University of Louvain. No sooner had Innocent X.'s Bull
been published than some of the Doctors prepared to attack
it on the plea that not Jansenius but St. Augustine was the
author of the five propositions.^ On August 9th the Bull was
1 Published in Antwerp, Tournai, Besangon on 30th, Bruges,

Juh/ 31, Ghent on ist, Cambrai i8th, Namur 22nd, St.-Omer
August 23, Malines September 2, Ypres, no date. Mangelli,
October 4, 1653, ibid.
~ *Mangelli, August 16, 1653, ibid.
^ *Mangelli, October 4, 1653, ibid. ; cf. Rapin, II., 181.
'
A professor of Louvain, September 23, 1653, Excerpia,
loc. cit.
* " *Tutte queste cose fanno dubitare ad alcuni, che quasi
tutti quelli che erano Janseniani avanti la bolla, continuino ad
essere tali doppo la promulgatione di essa." Mangelli, October 4,
1653, ibid.
* *Mangelli, July
24, 1653, ibid. The Louvain professors were
encouraged in their objections by the Archbishop of Sens and
his pastoral letter (see above, p. 291). Rapin, II., 178.
ATTITUDE OF LOUVAIN UNIVERSITY. 343
indeed published and accepted by \'ianen, the Rector ;
however, not all the Doctors had been convened, but only a
few. Others stuck to the five propositions under various
pretexts ; some said they were not Jansenius', others that
they had not been condemned as he understood them, or
again since there was question of propositions taught by
St. Augustine, the condemnation by the Bull could do no
harm whilst some expressed themselves to the effect that
only a general Council could pass judgment in such matters.^
Accordingly, Mangelli suggested to the Archduke to have the
Bull registered in the Acts of the University and to order all
the Doctors and students to swear to it and that this oath

should be taken before a candidate could be admitted to the
Universit}'. He also gave it as his opinion tliat so long as
Fromond, Sinnich, Vianen, Van Werm and Pontanus were at
the University, there would always be reason to fear that the
heresy would raise its head anew hence he kept urging their
;
removal, or at least that of most of them.^ However, Rome

disapproved of such severity when the men of Louvain
:
saw the submission of the rest, it was thought, they would

submit in their turn.^ The Government were likewise against
sharper measures Jansenism was finished, it was said, the
:
flame must be allowed to die out instead of being fanned

afresh.^
The University published a decree * which described as
falsethe rumours that it defended a condemned opinion.
It also stated that it received the condemnation of the five
propositions with due reverence, inasmuch as it emanated
* *Mangelli, August 6, 1653, Excerpta, loc. cit. Some of the

professors even made the remark " chc prima
: si lasciaranno
abbrucciare che recedere dalla doctrina di Janscnio." The same,
October 4, 1653, ibid.
- Mangelli, August q, 1653, Ntmziat. di Fiandra, t. 37, Pap.
Sec. Arch. * August 16 and 23, Excerpta, loc. cit.
;
^ *Marginal note in Mangelli's report of August 16, 1653 :
" per hora non cominci con rigore ect." Ibid.

* *Mangclli, April 4, 1654, ibid.
* September 29, 1653, *lVIangelli, October 4, 1053, ibid.
from the Head of the Church and the Father of all Christians,
to whom it submitted all its opinions, now as in the past.
Not long afterwards it defended itself in a letter to the Pope ^
against the rumours which were being circulated about its
own and Fromond's alleged insubordination. In consequence
of a thesis containing an offensive clause having been defended
on August 18th, Van Werm, Leonardi and Vianen called
on the nuncio, on October 18th, for the purpose of offering an
apology. 2 On November 3rd the University published
"
Innocent X.'s Bull once more, together with a " splendid
introduction and an order to submit to the papal decision.^
However, all this did not satisfy the internuncio. The splendid
introduction, he said, consisted of leaves and flowers with
few fruits, of sonorous words and phrases w^hich offered little
that was tangible.* The University, he represented to the

professors, had so often shown itself rebellious to Urban VIII. 's
Bull in books, letters, pamphlets and theses, that it ought to
display no less zeal in its obedience, for instance by swearing
to the Bull, by revoking what was done in the past, by
combating errors the excuse that all that had been aimed
;
at was to defend St. Augustine he refused to accept.^ He

admonished Fromond in the same strain ^ when the latter
informed him, shortly before his death, that he had received
the last Bull with gladness.
Meanwhile the University gave no sign of the zeal which
was so greatly to be desired. Not a word was said about
Jansenius. Mangelli had requested the Jesuits to report to
him on the Jansenist movement, but the latter had no informa-
tion to give.'^ The orthodox professor Dares wrote to the
1 *October 24, 1653, Appendix to Mangelli's letter of October 25,

ibid.
- and October 11, 1653,
*Mangelli, August 23 ibid.
^ *The same, November 15, 1653, ibid.
^ *Ibid.
' *Mangelli, October 11, 1653, ibid.
''
*October 20, 1653, ibid.
" " *Le materia di Jansenio in Lovanio passano con sommo
silentio." This is likewise attested by the Jesuits " vigilantissimi

:
PROJECTED VISITATION OF LOU VAIN. 345
internuncio ^ that in former years the University disputations

had invariably dealt with questions connected with Janscnius,
but for the last seven months his name had not been as much
as mentioned, a fact which seemed to him an ominous
symptom ; he felt quite sure that Jansenius' adherents
considered that book had been unjustly condemned
his
whilst in his teaching they saw simply that of St. Augustine.
A memorial of the period ^ expresses the wish, in view of
the fact that the theological Faculty properly so called was
" an ever flowing spring of errors " at the University, for a
thorough cleansing not by demanding an oath —for all too

often the Jansenists had nullified such measures by all kinds
of interpretations — but by calling the professors to account
on the subject Jansenism and by dismissing the suspects.
of
As a matter of fact the memorial prays for a papal visitation
of the University, such as had taken place in 1617.
Mangclli was in complete agreement with these suggestions.
As visitors he submitted in Rome the names of the Bishops of
Roermond and the Dominican Capello who had just been
named Bishop of Antwerp.^ He also insisted with the Archduke
on the need of a visitation and the removal of three or four
zealots.* However, Rome would not hear of such stern
proceedings and even forbade the internuncio all further talk
of a visitation.-*
Mangelli himself ended by admitting ® that theses had been
defended at Louvain which Dominican
satisfied the orthodo.x
Sebilleand other theologians. This had been done without any
reservation, in the sense that the arguments in favour of the
speculatori, li quali dal Provinciale a mia instanza hanno havuto

strcttissimi ordini in ogni citta di avisare, quanto sentono et
intendono in simih negotio." Mangelli, February 28, 1654, '^'^•
' February 17, 1654, ^^'<^- Appendix.
- By ScHEGA ? (see above, p. 337, n. 2).
•' * January 17, 1654, Excerpia, loc. cit.
'
*October 17, 1654, ibid.
'-
*Mangeni, January 16, 1655, ibid.
• *Letter to Cardinal .\lbizzi, March 13, 1655, ibid.
condemned propositions were strongly emphasized whereas

those against them were but lukewarmly stated. Undoubtedly
the best thing would be if the whole dispute were buried in
eternal silence.There were some, however, who never ceased
to uphold and
to foster the remains of Jansenism. Thus
Mangelli, although he had had to make an inquiry into two
very equivocal theses of Professor Van Werm.^
If Jansenism had struck such deep roots at the University,
it is not surprising that the internuncio should have received
reports of offensive utterances by a number of parish priests.^
A few Dominicans also caused him anxiety : against these he
sought the intervention of their General,^ nor was he
completely satisfied with regard to the long-standing diffi-
culties with the Augustinians.^ On the other hand the Professor

of theology at Douai, Valentin Randoutt, received a personal
Brief, praising him for his services in the Jansenist dispute.^
Mangelli naturally watched with special care the attitude
of Archbishop Boonen of Malines. Soon after receiving
Innocent X.'s Bull, the internuncio was informed from
Brussels Boonen had summoned the Jansenists to
that
council.^ When at the death of Fromond ' there was question
of an opponent of the Jansenists becoming Dean of St. Peter's
at Louvain,^ Boonen did not at once confirm the nomination.
Mangelli kept pressing him on the ground that so long as he
did not take some striking and public measure against the
Jansenists, the latter would continue to boast that he was
their patron. But, as so often before, this time also he was
August 29, 1654, *Mangeni, January 16 and 23, 1655, ibid.

^
*The same, October 25, November 15, December 13, 1653,

-
and January 17, 1654, ibid.

^ *The same, January 17, February 7 and March 7, 1654,
ibid.
* *The same, April 4, 1654, ibid.
* *March 21, 1654, Innocentii X. Episl., X. (Decio Azzolino
secret.), n. 94, Pap. Sec. Arch.
* *Mangelli, July 16, 1653, Ntmziat. di Fiandra, t. 37, ibid.
"
October 27, 1653.Van Caelen died February i, 1053.
" *Mangelli, November 15, 1653, Excei'pta, loc. cit.
BOONEN UNDECIDED. 347
told that the Bull had been published and had encountered
no opposition that he had never been a Jansenist and that
;
his only wish had been that Jansenius' work should be purged
from its errors.^ Suspicion also arose out of the Archbishop's
failure to intervene, in a case where this would have been
necessary.^ Acting under instructions from Rome, Mangelli
demanded from him the punishment of five Jansenist priests,
but all he obtained was vague promises. ^ Five drafts for a
pastoral letter against the opponents of the Bull were
submitted one after another, but Mangelli could not prevail
on Booncn to describe the five propositions as the teaching
of Jansenius.* Thereupon the internuncio began to discuss
with the Government the advisability of giving the Arch-
bishop a Coadjutor, a measure from which the authorities
were not averse.^ For the rest Boonen attested on oath ^
that the letter dated September 17th, 1647, and published in
1649, which had led to proceedings being taken against him,
had not been written, occasioned, or published by himself
and that he disapproved all that was said in that document
against the Pope and the Roman authorities. Previous to
this ' an ordinance of the Inquisition had informed the
internuncio that with regard to that letter and anything
connected with the two Bishops, the Pope would be satisfied
if they received the Bull of Urban VIII. and his own. In this
respect, as well as with regard to the decree of the Inquisition
of April 23rd, 1654, the Bishop of Ghent made a full submission
• *Thc same, November 29, 1653, ibid.

- *Thc same, December 13, ibid.
' *The same, l""ebruary 28, March 7 and May 2, 1654, ibid.
• *The same, May 2, 1654, ibid.
• *The same, June 20, 1654, 'ibid.
• *May 22, 1655, ibid., i.

" quod libclhmi nunquam
-jzb :
fecerimus ant scrij)serimus, nee unquam scriberemus quod fieret

aut scribcretur, cjuodque eundem multo minus pubHcaverimus,
improbantes proinde omnia, quae libellus iste continet contra
auctoritatem S. Sedis aut houorem S. K. K. cardinalium ant
officialium dictae curiae."
•
*October 3, 1654, tbid., f. 006.
^
whereas Boonen sought to evade doing so by various subter-

fuges. ^ The Archduke showed great eagerness to root out the
new doctrines but the officials acted coldly and were inclined
to pity the Archbishop. ^ Vigorous measures were likewise
foreign toLeopold William's gentle disposition.^ From
Madrid came the order to cancel the declaration of nulhty
in the affair of the two Bishops, which the Council of Brabant
had pronounced against the Inquisition. A commission
consisting of Fuensaldaiia, Navarro and Hovyne, was
instructed to discuss the matter and the Archduke published
an edict deahng with it. A further ordinance granted the
help of the secular arm in the execution of the papal Bulls.
If, on the whole. Innocent X.'s Bull met with much less
resistance than that of Urban VIII., the circumstance must
undoubtedly be ascribed to the energy with which the Pamiili
Pope confronted the two Bishops.^
As the internuncio attests, in all these interminable quarrels,
petty personal jealousies and susceptibilities greatl}- obscured
the real facts. One drawback to the activity of the Society
of Jesus in Flanders was that it gave rise to envy and jealousy
on the part of some others.^
1 *Mangelli, January 23, 1655, ibid. It was the Dominican

Capello who had induced the Bishop of Ghent to make his
submission. Rapin, I., 80.
2 *Mangeni, November 29, 1653, Excerpta, loc. at.
3 *" La lenita grande dell'anima, la blandura del suo naturale
et costume, la troppa dependenza dai medesimi consegli secondo

le in.struzzioni di Spagna, non le danno luogo di pensare al
rimedio " (Mangelli, October 17, 1654, ibid.). Cf. above, p. 332, n. 3.
« *Edict of February 18, 1654, a-i^d *Mangelli, December 13
and 27, 1653, and February 28, 1654, Excerpta, loc. cit.
5Rapin, II., 177.

« " *Li Padri della Compagnia hanno fatto e fanno continua-
mente servitii rilevantissimi alia S. Sede in queste materie, ma

I'invidia, I'emulatione et odio di tutte le communita ecclesiastiche
e di gran parte dei secolari verso di loro hanno cagionato anco

gravissimi danni in simile affare, et il lasciar correre o fomentarsi
per ventura la Aoce che per loro et a loro instanza la S. Sede et
TIIK JESUITS IN FLANDERS. 349
In Older lightly to appraise this jealousy as a powerful

incentive to the rise and development of Jansenism, it is
necessary to take into account the splendid condition of the

Society in Flanders just then, as described by the most recent
Belgian historian " Whereas," this writer says, " the secular
:
schools which were called into life in so great a number by the

humanists of the Renaissance period, were depressingly
empty, the schools of the Order literally teemed with
scholars." ^ Since the beginning of the 17th century the
Society's intellectual activity " increasingly overshadowed
that of the Universities ". No longer in the Faculties of the
Universities but " in the and Residences of the
Colleges
Jesuits, and
scholarship sought found shelter. Not only
did the latter produce the most eminent theologians " as,
for instance, Lessius in dogma and morals and the exegetist
Cornelius a Lapide, " but there were to be found among
them mathematicians such as D'Aiguillon and Gregory of
St. Vincent, philologists such as Andrew Schott and scholars
like Bollandus, Henschen, Papebroch they produced the ;
most important historical work of the 17th century, \\z.

the collection of the A da Sanctorum The versatility of the
members of the Society revealed itself even in the artistic
sphere in the painter Daniel Seghers, and the excellent
architect Huyssens." - The works of the popular writer
Poirters, " who pressed the enthusiasm, the strength and
good-naturcdncss of the Flemish character into the service
of the Catholic faith, are the best products of contemporary
Flemish literature as regards originality and vigour." ^
Moreover it is necessary to bear in mind that the few scholars
here mentioned are only " the leaders of a whole army of
theologians, polemists, pedagogues, preachers, grammarians
i suoi niinistri faccino tutto, et 11 parlare e prcdicare con qualche

difetto e lesione della rcligiosa carita non lasciano di cagionare
dei nocumenti." Mangelli, January 17, 1054, ILxccrpta, loc. cit.
' PlRENNK, IV., 504.

- PlRENNE, 513.
' Ibul., 620.
^
350 HISTOKY OF THE POPES.
and scholars of every description ! The literary output of the

Belgian Jesuits from KiOO is truly amazing ".^
till a]:)out 1650
However, as Mangelli observed, in human life, good is strangely
mixed with evil. Just as but for the splendid revival of
religion in France there would have been no Port-Royal,
so without the efflorescence of the Society of Jesus in Flanders
it is hardly likely that Jansenism would have arisen and won
its tremendous successes. The scholars at the Universities
deemed themselves injured in their rights when they saw
themselves relegated to the second rank, hence they were
only too ready to agree when Molina, Suarez, Vasquez
were subjected to severe criticism in the works of Jansenius.
Once called into being, hatred for the Jesuits became like a
shadow dogging the new heresy's every step,an like
inseparable companion. A life and death struggle was
inevitable.
^ Ibid., 615. More particulars in A. Poncelet, Hist, de la

Compagnie de Jesus dans les ancicns Pays-Bas, I., Bruxellcs,
1927, 490 seqq.
2 See the present work, Vol. XXIX., 67.
1
CHAPTER VI.
Innocent X.'s Relations with Venice The Pontifical —

—
States Death of the Pope.
(1-)
Innocent X. had always been a good Italian. On his return

from his Spanish nunciature his love for the land of his birth
broke out with irresistible force. Though it was night when
he reached Rome, he went at once to the window of his palace
in order to taste the joy of his home-coming in the contempla-
tion of the Piazza Navona and Pasquino.^
As an Itahan he strongly resented Spain's tyranny over
Naples but during the troubles of 1647 and 1648 he was shrewd
enough not to allow himself to be drawn into an undertaking
which would have helped the restless, unreliable French,
whose power was on the increase, to secure supremacy in
Italy instead of the Spaniards. ^ As an Italian he appreciated
from the outset of his pontificate the importance of the
Republic of Venice and the value for the Holy See of good
relations with that still independent Power.
The election of the Pamfili Pope had been hailed with
enthusiasm in Venice ^ but, as a preliminary for the
establishment of good relations, the Government demanded
the restoration under the picture of " Barbarossa and
Alexander III." in the Vatican, of the inscription eulogizing
Venice which had been removed under Urban VIII. on account
of its unhistoric character.'* So much importance was attached
* See G. Giustiniau's *report of October lo, 1650 (State

Archives, Venice), used by lusxi, II., 166.
* See above, p. 86 seq.
* See Avviso of September 24, 1644, Arch. Rom., III., 17.
«
Cf. our data, Vol. XXIX.. 183.
to this measure in Venice that the dispatch of the customary

obhcdienza embassy was made to depend on it.^ Innocent X.
did not feel justified in aUenating so powerful a State on
account of so trifling a matter ; accordingly, in November,
1644, he had the inscription restored. Cardinal Cornaro
thanked the Pope in the name of his native city for this
" act of justice " and dispatched an account of it to Venice by a
special courier, as if there had been question of a great

diplomatic triumph. ^ The affair had a regrettable sequel :
in December 1644, the prefect of the Papal Secret Archives,

Fehce Contelori, who had demonstrated the historical
inaccuracy of the inscription, lost his post, having fallen a
victim to the hatred of the Venetians and the jealousy of his
enemies in Rome however, at a later date he recovered the
:
favour of Innocent X.^ A special envoy was dispatched to

Rome to express the thanks of the Republic of Venice for
the restoration of the inscription. The envoy was Angelo
Contarini who reached Rome in December 1644. A cortege
of eighty carriages escorted him when he drove up for his
solemn audience.*
The Venetian ohhedienza embassy was only dispatched on
April 1st, 1645. It consisted of Pier Foscarini, Giovanni Nani,
Alvise Mocenigo and Bertuccio Valiero. It repaired amid
great display to a consistory held in the Sala Regia. Its
reception could not have been more cordial,^ but the Pope did
not neglect to urge the envoys to see to it that the Signoria
ceased from encroaching on the Church's jurisdiction
1 See *Lettera intorno a 1' iscrizione rimessa da P. Innocenzo X.

nella Sala Regia, Barb. 5653, p. 27 seqq. Vat. Libr.
2 See Savelli's *report of November 19, 1644, State Arch.,
Vienna. Cf. Beltrani in Arch. Rom., III., 17 seqq. A Latin
*epigram of Gregorius Fortius "
De inscriptione in aula regia
Vaticana sue loco et Venetis restituta ab Innocentio X. P.M."
in Ottoh. 2434, p. 113, Vat. Lib.
^ Arch. Rom., III., 19 seqq.
* Servantius *Diaria, Papal Sec. Arch. CJ. Arch. Rom., III.,
18, 25.
^ Berchet, Roma, II., 45 seqq.
THE WAR OF CANDIA. 353
and immunity in its territory.' The nomination of an

ordinary Venetian ambassador at the Curia took place on
September 18th, 1645. ^ The post was entrusted to Alvise
Contarini. As early as March 1645, Innocent X. had appointed
Angelo Cesi, Bishop of Rimini, as nuncio to the City of the
Lagoons, with special instructions to see to it that the good
relations should get increasingly better now that peace had

been re-established in consequence of the restoration of the
inscription.^
The task was a particularly difficult one, for Venice stuck
to its peculiar politico-ecclesiastical system whilst simul-
taneously making heavy demands on the Pope when, in
the summer preponderance in the eastern
of 1645, rivalry for
section of the Mediterranean involved the Republic in a
tremendous struggle with the Osmanh. The Turks' attack
on Crete (Candia) was a matter of life and death for the City
of the Lagoons for if she lost the few points d'appui which she
still possessed there for her trade with the Levant, the last
source of the wealth she had hitherto enjoyed would be dried

up. Consequently the Republic exerted itself to its utmost
to secure victory in this decisive struggle. The Turks, on
their part, did not lag behind their old adversaries. Thus
began a war of twenty-five years, fought by land and by sea
and with varied fortune.'*
As on former occasions, so now, the Venetians looked for
lielp from outside, but feeling was everywhere against them.
People thought it strange that Venice should expect the whole

of Christendom to rally to its defence seeing that the Venetians
' See *Cifra al Nuntio di \'enezia of October 14, 1645, Nunsiat.

di Venezia, 70, Papal Sec. Arch.
Berchet, Roma, IL, 65.
*
See *Istruttione al Vescovo di Rimini per Venezia, dated

*
March 11, 1645, Doria-Pamfili Archives, Rome, Istruz., II.

The *crcdentials bear the date, March 2, 1645.
* Hammer, III., 259 seq., 269 seq. ; Zinkeisen, IV., 570 seq.,
730 seq. RoMAMN, VII. 358 seqq.

(1859), L. Boschetto,;
Come fu aperta la gnerra di Candia, in Aieneo Veneto, XXXV., i

(1913) ; JoRGA, IV. (191 1), 42 seq.
VOL. x.xx. Aa
^ ^
themselves had refused to lend help to others when in the

same distress, as for instance, the Knights of Malta.
In the days of Pius V., besides the Holy See, Spain had
come to the rescue of Venice. This time also Phihp IV. did
not shut his eyes to the peril that threatened from the East,
and though at war with France he sent a subsidy to Venice.
But a league of the Great Catholic Powers was out of question.
French troops were fighting not only Spain but the Emperor
also, and that on German soil, so that there remained only
the Italian States and the Knights of Malta who were them-
selves more directly threatened.^
Innocent X., who had dispatched munitions and troops to
Malta and Dalmatia already in March 1645,* entertained
for a while the idea offorming an Italian league, but the plan
failed owing to Venice's distrust, for in that city other motives
were suspected behind the Pope's proposals.^ On the other
hand the Pope's offer of five galleys and 2,000 men was
gratefully accepted. The Grand Duke of Tuscany and the
Viceroy of Naples on their part were to furnish another live
galleys each.^ The Republic of Genoa, whose co-operation
the Pope had likewise requested, made impossible conditions. '^
The Knights of Malta, though they were under an express

obligation to fight the infidels, showed but little inclination
1 See Gremonville's report in Daru, Hist, de Venisc, IV.,

525 seq.
^
Cf. Grimaldi, Le trattative per una pacificazione fra la Spagna
ed i Turchi in relazione con i interessi veneziani durante i primi
anni delta guerra di Candia (1645-1651), Venezia, 1913.
^ A *Pavenesi invito al principi d'ltalia contro it Turco,
1646, in Cod. N., III., 69, p. 103 seqq. of the Chigi Library, Rome.
*
Cf. B. Dal Pozzo, Hist, delta s. religione . . . detta di Malta,
II.,Venezia, 1715, 105, iii; A. Valiero, Guerra di Candia,
Venezia, 1679, 119.
'^
A. Bernhardy, Venezia e it Turco nella seconda metd del
Sec. XVII., Firenze, 1902, 20 seq.
^ GuGLiELMOTTi, La squudra ausiliaria (1883), 12 seqq., 18.
' Nani, Storia Veneta, II., Venezia, 1679, 49. Cf. the *Brief
of July 12, 1645, Epist., I., Papal Sec. Arch.
AID FOR VENICE. 355
to come to Venice's assistance. They were also unwilling to
fall in with the Pope's demand that, with a view to avoiding

all disputes, the auxiliarx' fleet should put to sea under the
banner of the Holy See.'
On May 1th, l()4o, the Pope named Niccolo Ludovisi,
Prince of Piombino, commander-in-chief of the fleet. ^ The
papal ships were ready at the appointed time, but not so
those of the Maltese. Giovan Battista Gori Pannclini, the
Inquisitor of Malta, who also acted as papal nuncio on the
island, only prevented with the utmost difficulty the indehnite
postponement of the Knights' co-operation.^ As it was,
their delays caused the loss of two precious months. At
length, at the beginning of August, Gori Pannclini secured
the dispatch of six galleys which joined those of the Pope,
of Tuscany and of the Viceroy of Naples, on August 21st ;
on the 2!)th they effected their junction with the Venetian

Grand Fleet at Corfu.* Meanwhile bad news had come from
Candia. On August 22nd, after a glorious defence, the fortress
of Canea had fallen. The Pope, who was informed of the
disaster about mid-September,^ had granted to the Venetians,
at the beginning of August, a subsidy of 100,000 scudi to
be raised from Church property within the territory of the
he had likewise sent help to the Knights of Malta
"^
Republic ;
and dispatched war material to Ragusa.' The Venetian

ambassador, Alvise Contarini, now suggested a league of the
CathoHc princes, a proposal which led the Pope to study the
negotiations which had ended in the formation of such a
'
P. I'iccoLOMi.Ni, Corrispoiulenza fra la corte di Roma e
I'inquisitore di Malta (lurante la truerra di Candia, 1645-1660,

Fircnzc, 1908, 6, 10 seq.
* GuGLiF.LMOTTi, 1 4 seq.
=>
Ibid.
* PiCCOLOMINI, loc. Clt., 12.
* Nuntio di Venezia, September i6, 1645, Nimziat. di
*Cifra al
Venczia, 70, Papal Sec. Arch.
" Bull., XV.,
397, 400.
Sec *Brief to RaRU-sa, September 12, 1645, Epist., T., loc. cit.
'
coalition under Pius V.^ But the present situation was a very
different one. The crusading spirit, which was still alive
then, was almost completely dead now ^ the Catholic ;
Powers were hopelessly estranged from each other, and the

irresolute and exceedingly parsimonious Innocent X. was no
Pius V. The request of Venice for increased subsidies were
met by him with the promise that he would do what was
possible in view of the restricted means of the Holy See ;
but of what use was it if he gave them yet another ship ?

Venice should appeal to Spain and France Pius V. had also ;
availed himself of foreign help in his crusade.^ In November

the Pope, to whom the defence of the coasts of the Papal
States occasioned considerable expenditure,* gave leave to
Venice to raise troops in the territory of the Church.At the
same time he did his best to hasten the peace negotiations
at Miinster and addressed an urgent appeal to the King of
Poland, pressing him to mobilize the Cossacks against the
Turks. ^ Finally he wrote to the Shah of Persia ^ from whom
he looked for an attack on Bagdad. On November 20th the
Pope examined with the Cardinals what could be done in
order to obtain help for Venice from the Catholic Powers.'
But there was little to hope for from that quarter. France
and Spain were irreconcilable enemies, bent on injuring
each other, to the exclusion of every other consideration.
When the Signoria pressed the Spanish ambassador to work
1 See *Cifra al Nuntio di Venezia of September 23, 1645,

loc. cit.
2 See *Cifra al Nuntio di Venezia of February 2, 1646, loc. cit.
^
Cf. the *instructions in code to the Venice nuncio, A. Cesi,
of October 14 and 21 and November 4, 1645, Nunziat. di Venezia,
70, Papal Sec. Arch.
* *Avviso of September 15, 1646, Papal Sec. Arch.
5 *Cifre al Nuntio di Venezia of November 11 and 18, 1645,

loc. cit.
6 *Brief of January 30, 1646, Epist., II. -III., Papal Sec.
Arch. As no reply came another *Brief was issued on August 31,
1647, ibid.
Cf. *Acta consist., Barb. 2918, P. i, Vat. Lib.
NEGOTIATIONS. 357
at least for an armistice at sea, so that France might be free

to help Venice with all her might, the latter rejected the
suggestion with the remark that he was not in the least
surprised that France should take up the cause of Venice
with so much enthusiasm and even seek to win over Spain
for that purpose seeing that the French King was about to
la}' siege to Tarragona, for in these circumstances nothing
could be more welcome to him than that the Spanish fleet
should be prevented from relieving that town.^ The French

ambassador in Venice, Gremonvillc, was of opinion that Spain
was playing false when she protested her willingness to join
a league against the Turks, for her real object was none
other than to exploit the forces thus brought together in her
own interest by turning them against France. Gremonville
also recalled the Venetians' jealousy of France and their
selfishness :
" If we found ourselves in the straits in which
they are at present," he wrote, " and we had need of them as
they need us, they would not give help for nothing, but would
know how some advantage out of it." -
to get
These representations were approved by Mazarin. Though
towards the end of 1645 the Cardinal secretly provided the
^'enetians with 100,000 French thalers, of which not even
Gremonville knew whether they were meant as a loan or as a
present, 3 the liberality of the French minister probably had
no other object than to win over the Republic for his anti-
Spanish plans in Italy.* As for Spain, towards the end of 1645
rumours were current that discussions were on foot for a
separate treaty with the Porte, with the reciprocal obligation
of not making war against each other. Rome refused to
believe that the CatholicKing could act in such a way, and
expressed the severest disapproval. The suspicion that the
Pope approved these negotiations was indignantly denied in
1 Sec ZiNKEiSEN, IV., 575 seq.
' Daru, Hist, de Venise, IV., 526.
=•
Daru, Hist, de Venise, IV., 524.
Cf. Battistella's observations on G. Zulian, Le relazioni
tra il card. G. Mazzarivo e Venezia, Venezia, 1909/11, in Riv.
Stof., XXX., 193 seqq.
a dispatch of the Secretary of State, dated December 2nd,

1645, to the nuncio at Venice. ^ On October 30th, 1645, the
Italian fleet was back in its home port. Though it had achieved
^ "
*Ma quando cio fusse vero, che sia succeduto senza alcuna
partecipatione di Sua Beatne^ ^ vero come qualsivoglia articolo
di fede, e quando Sua non fusse in obligo di detestare
la Santita
una come capo della Chiesa, sarebbe state
simile risolutionc,
forzato a farlo per il mero interesse politico, poiche quando il
Re Cattolico si togliesse fuori della difesa comune contro il
Turco, li Stati della Chiesa resterebbero facilissimamente preda
dalle forze Turchesche. Oltre mille altre ragioni, che si potriano
addurre per levare mente altrui un cosi spropositato
dalla
sospetto ..." (Cifra al Nuntio di Venezia, December 2, 1645,
Papal Sec. Arch. Brosch (I., 412) writes " The Pope's relations
:
with the Republic were bound to be profoundly troubled when

the Signoria ascertained that Innocent was working on the court
of Madrid with a view to inducing Spain to conclude a separate
peace with Turkey, thereby securing the coast of Naples and that
of the Papal States from Turkish attack. The plan aimed at the
complete isolation and abandonment of Venice. A Pope who
could thus deal with the Republic whilst it was at war with the
infidels, could hardly expect anything from the latter except
distrust and embitterment." By way of proof Brosch adds as
a footnote " The affair came to the knowledge of the Venetian
:
ambassador in Rome through Cardinal Colonna. " lo mostrai,"

Giustinian writes, " di non poter credere pratiche si empie da
Ministri Pontificii, et meno dal papa stesso ma replico Colonna,
;
che sono pur troppo vere." Dispatch from Rome, November 27,
1649. Venet. Arch. : Inquisitori di St., Dispaccio dagli Ainb°''^
a Roma, 1628-1649. In the present instance it is possible to
demonstrate irrefutably where Brosch 's favourite exploitation
of prejudiced Venetian embassy reports leads him to. So far
from countenancing Spain's intentions of taking advantage of
Venice's difficulties in so indefensible a fashion {cf. Zinkeisex,
IV., 813 seq.). Innocent X. did everything in his power to
dissuade Philip IV. and his ministers from such a course. On
November 13, 1649, the following *instructions, in code, were
dispatched by the Secretariate of State to the nuncio in Venice :
Da Msgr Nuntio in Spagna

continuano le rimostranze a quella
si
Maesta e ministri contro le proposte dello anibasciatore Turco

in essecutione degli ordini di Sua Beatn^, che li rinovera con
MILITARY PREPARATIONS. 359
nothing,^ Innocent X. was willing to send it out in the following

year.^ In December he had given permission for the raising
of troops by Venice up to 8,000 men. Further enrolments
he declined at first on the ground that he himself needed
soldiers for the defence of the coasts of the Pontifical States,
but subsequently he allowed them in the neighbourhood of
Rome.^
efticacia scmpre maggiorc in adcmpimento della pastorale sua

cura e della paterna dilettione verso cotesta Republica, come da
qui acclusa copia di cifra del medesimo Msgr. Nuntio Ella vedra
{Numiat. di Venezia, 70, p. 160). The *Cifra of the Spanish
nuncio, dated Madrid, October 9, 1649, is as follows :
" Anche
dopo la partenza di M'^ ho continuato di rappresentare a
S.
questi sig""' del Consiglio di Stato le ragioni per le quali stimavo

non convenire che per alcun modo si desse orecchie alle proposte
deH'ambasciatore Turco, procurando specialmente di far conoscere
che non erano tali che potessero accettarsi senza comprcndervi
gli altri principi christiani e senza prima udirne i scntimenti e
particolarmente il Nô Signore, e che, quando cio si fusse lasciato

da parte, sarebbe con gravissimo danno di essi et hora massima-
mente della Rcpubblica di Venetia il che ripugnarebbe anche ;
al presupposto fermissimo di Sua Maesta di non csser mai per
consentire ad alcun trattato di cui potesse risultar pregiudizio

benche minimo alia christianita " (Niimiat. di Spagna, 99, p. 158).
On November 27, 1649, the Secretary of State once more wrote
to the nuncio in Venice as follows "A Msgr Nuntio in Spagna:
non vi e ordinario nel quale non se gli replichino ordini efficaci

in adempimento del desiderio di cotesti signori circa i negotiati
dell'ambasciatore Turco e V. S. potra di nuovo vederne
;
accresciuti gli cffetti nelTacclusa copia di lettera, che se le invia,

di Msgr Kuntio sudetto ; al quale s'inviara pur di nuovo il prose-
guire et accrescer sempre piii il calore et la premura delle instanze
in beneficio della Republica " {ibid., Papal Sec. Arch.
iCi^*),
*
Cf. ROMA.NI, \'II., 306; GUGLIELMOTTI, 25-39; PlCCOLO-
MiNi, 12 seq.
* *Cifra al nuntio di Venezia, January 27, 1646, Xtnizial. di
Venezia, 70, loc. cit.
* See the * Instructions, in code, to the Venice nuncio of
December 2, o, 23, 30, 1645, and January 27 and February 24,
1646, iljid.
^
On February 24th, 1646, Pier Foscarini arrived in Rome as

extraordinary envoy of Venice for the purpose of requesting
the Pope, jointly with the ambassador Alvise Contarini, to
raise the number of the pontifical ships and soldiers, and to
grant large sums of money, especially to the King of Poland,
to enable the latter to raise a force of Cossacks. The Pope
explained that he would do his best, but that he too was
short of money. He ended by granting 30,000 scudi to the
Polish King,^ and saw to it that his galleys were ready to
put to sea by the end of April 1646, from Civitavecchia. A
delay was caused by Ludovisi falling ill. His place was taken
by Alessandro Zambeccari. Towards the end of May the
Pope's ships and those of the Knights of Malta effected their
junction with the Venetian fleet. ^ The galleys hitherto
provided by the Grand Duke of Tuscany and the Viceroy of
Naples were missing this time in consequence of Mazarin's
attack on the Spaniards in Italy.
The operations of 1646 against the Turks were also
unsuccessful, for the new Venetian Captain General, the weak
and irresolute septuagenarian Giovanni Capello, was unequal
to his task. On October 23rd, Zambeccari returned to
Civitavecchia ; he died on December 21st, 1646.^
Already in the summer of 1646 the Venetian ambassador,
Contarini, had pressed the Pope to come to the assistance of
the Republic he was told that his demands were impossible.*
;
He continued to urge his request during the first months of

1647, though on September 19th, 1646, the Pope had allowed
Venice to raise a tenth to the amount of 400,000 scudi.
Innocent pointed out that he had to spend 40,000 scudi a
month on his army, and to assist the Irish and the King of
Poland. Not for lack of goodwill, but because the thing was
' See the *instructions, in code, to the Venice nuncio, March 3,
10, 17, and April 7, 1646, ibid.

* GuGLiELMOTTi, 44 seq.
3 ZiNKEiSEN, IV., 756 GuGLiELMOTTi, 50 seqq., 66.
;
* *Cifra al Nuntio di Venezia, of July 21, 1646, loc. cit.

" Bull.. XV.. 478.
THE CAMPAIGN OV 1646. 361
utterly impossible, he was unable to provide the soldiers

and the money which the ambassador demanded at every
audience. He had dispatched a thousand men for the protection
of Dalmatia, so that he was left with from 5,000 to 6,000 men
to guard the coasts of the Pontifical States.' This time also
the papal ships put to sea at the end of May, and together with
those of the Knights of Malta, joined the Venetian armada
now under the command of Battista Grimani. For three
months Grimani blockaded the Turkish fleet commanded
by Fasli Pasha, in the harbour of Chios, and only when the
advanced season rendered a longer stay in those rough
waters impossible, did Fasli Pasha succeed in escaping from
that harbour and in reaching Crete with 87 galle3's. Grimani,
who at once set out in pursuit, could not follow quickly
enough with his heavily manned ships to prevent the Pasha's
landing, so he had to be content with maintaining his winter
station near the island of Standia from where he dominated
the harbour of Candia. In this way he was in a position to
prevent the provisioning of the fortress from the sea.^
Notwithstanding the Pope's liberality, nuncio Angelo Cesi
had had repeatedly to complain of various infringements of
ecclesiastical immunity on the part of Venice.^ When Cesi
died, on September 20th, 1646, Innocent X., on December 6th,
1646, appointed the Archbishop of Pisa, Scipio Pannochieschi
d'Elce, as his successor.^ The new nuncio experienced a
^ See the *instructions, in code, to the new nuncio to Venice,

Scipionc Pannochieschi, of January 12 and 26, February 2 and 9,
March 30, April 6 and 13, 1647, loc. cit.
ZiNKEiSEN, IV., 784 seq.
2 Guglielmotti, 73 scqq.
;
Cf. Cifrc al Cesi, of August 26 and September 30, 1645,

'
Nitnziat. di Vcnezia, Papal Sec. Arch.

* See MoLMENTi, Venezia nella mctd del sec, XVII., in Atti
dei Lincei, Rendiconti, 5 series, XXV. (1916/17), 187 seqq. ;
there, on p. 192 seq., the Instruction of December 19, 1646,

stressing the Pope's interest in the Turkish war. The *acts of
Pannochieschi's nunciature, 3 parts, in the State Archives,
Venice ;
" *Diarium nunciaturac apud Venetos, 1646/52,
in Vat. 10423, Vatican Library.
grievous interference with the Church's immunity soon after

his entr^' upon office. ^ In September 1647, it was felt in
Rome, that though Venice was for ever making fresh demands
for help in its war against the Turks, the city failed in the
regard due to the Pope.^ This referred not only to the circum-
stance that the Government was slow in making up its mind
to refuse its protection to certain apostate religious who were

writing against the Pope,^ and that when it did so at last,
it was done most inadequately, but likewise to the fact that

fresh demands were being made in regard to episcopal appoint-
ments within the territory of the Republic. The Signoria
demanded that proposals for vacant sees should only be made
in consistory by Venetian Cardinals. This the Pope could not
concede accordingly the sees remained vacant.* The conflict
;
became particularly acute when, on January 18th, 1648,

Giovanni Giustinian took over the post of ambassador in Rome.
His predecessor, on retiring from office, had given him the
sound advice that Venice should avoid ecclesiastical disputes
as much as possible, for even those Cardinals and prelates who
were most favourably disposed towards the Republic, had
bitterly complained of its conduct in this respect.^ Giustinian
took no notice of this advice, and in August, 1648, the Secretary
of State had to complain of his pretensions.® In such questions
as trenched on secular interests, Giustinian pursued a policy
which was admirably characterized by the Secretary of State,
on December 5th, 1649. In such cases, he said, the Venetians
invariably professed complete ignorance and insisted on the
need of investigating the affair in question by this means ;
1 *Cifra al Pannochieschi, February 23, 1647, Papal Sec.

Arch.
- *Cifra al Pannochieschi, September 14, 1647, ibid. Cf. *Cifra
of May 2, 164S, ibid.
' *Cifre al Pannochieschi, November 9, December 14, 1647, ibid.
* *Cifre al Pannochieschi, October 11, December 14, 1647,
May 23, July 18, 1648, ibid.
5 Berchet, Roma, II., 79.
•'
*Cifre al Pannochieschi, August 29, September 5 1648,
loc. cit.
TENSION BETWEEN ROME AND VENICE. 363
they sought to gain time, so that the affair might fall into
oblivion. Giustinian, the Secretary of State added, was for
ever demanding fresh concessions, and when the Pope
remarked that he had granted a great many and only got
hne promises in return, the ambassador would display all his
eloquence to demonstrate the contrary. However, His Holiness
was well acquainted with the true state of affairs.^
The tension between Rome and Venice was not eased by
the circumstance that, in consequence of the war of Castro,
the papal fleet was unable to show itself in the Levant in
1G49 and 1650, because it was needed for the protection of
the jubilee pilgrims.^ On the other hand, in July 1649,
Innocent granted Venice another subsidy from ecclesiastical
revenues to the amount of 100,000 scudi.^ The value of these
concessions must appear all the greater inasmuch as the
dispute over the appointment to vacant sees was still unsettled,
whilst bv his false reports Giustinian was doing what in him
lay to poison mutual relations,^ so much so that in August

the Secretary of State formally accused him of duplicity.^
In November the ambassador's double-dealing was revealed
afresh.^ Though he had the effrontery to assert that
Innocent X. held him in the highest esteem,' with a view
of putting thePope in the wrong, Giustinian would assert
from time to time that Venice also had made concessions ;
but when he did so he was invariably told that if a man

restored part of what he had stolen he had not made adequate
satisfaction.^ When
July 1650, Giustinian lamented the
in
misfortunes of Venice in the war, the Pope told him that he
'
*Cifra al Pannochieschi, December 5, 1649, 7bt(l.
^ GuGLlELMOTTi, io6 seqq. There, 73 scqq., on the campaign

of 1647.
3 Bull., X\.. 638 seq.
'
*Cifre al Pannochieschi, December ig, 1648, January 2.
Ahiy 22, June 5, July 10, 1649, Papal Sec. Arch.

^ *Cifra al Pannochieschi, August 28, 1649, ibid.
^ *Cifra al Pannochieschi, November 13, 1649, ibuL
*Cifra al Pannochieschi, December 11. 1649, ibid.
" *Cifra al Pannochieschi, Februarv i<t. 1630, ihu/.
too regretted them, but that perhapsGod was punishing the

Republic for its numerous encroachments on the Church's
immunity, and that it was a grievous wrong to prevent the
episcopal sees of the mainland and in Dalmatia from being
filled because of alleged rights for which there was no
foundation whatever. When Giustinian observed that it
might be possible to compromise on this question. Innocent

replied sharply that nothing would induce him to tolerate any
restriction of the full liberty of the Church. After this remark
he proceeded to complain of the ingratitude of the Republic.^
On this point Innocent remained unshaken, however much
Giustinian pressed him to yield. A general sigh of relief went
up when the ambassador was recalled in November 1651.
Giustinian, who at his farewell audience demanded and
obtained a number of favours, showed his gratitude by openly
declaring that on his return to Venice he would do his worst
against Rome ;he even went so far as to remark that the
Republic would have no peace until all priests were driven
from its territory this statement someone countered with the
;
remark that in that case the Republic should also turn out all
Catholics.-
^ *Cifra al Pannochieschi, July 16, 1650, ibid.

2 See *Cifra al Nuntio in Venezia, a di due decembre 1651.
" II signer ambasciatore Giustiniani in questi ultimi giorni della
sua dimora in Roma, ha in molti luoghi, nei quali gli e accaduto

parlare, con maniere sopra mode disconvenienti, a segno di dire,
che ritornato egli costa, era per operare sempre il peggio che
havesse potuto negU affari di Roma, e nelle materia ecclesiastiche
avrebbe cio procurato con ogni sforzo possibile, e che in somma
era per esser costi sempre un altro procuratore da Pesaro : anzi
e fin giunto alcuna volta a dire che la Repubblica non fara mai
cosa di profitto, se la Repubblica non manda fuori del suo dominie
tutti gli ecclesiastici il qual concetto havendo in molti partorito
;
estremo scandalo, ha ancora indotto qualchuno a rispondere,

che era bene ancora cacciare i cattolici. II signor ambasciatore
non ha con tutto cio lasciato di supplicar nella sua partenza
Sua Beatitudine molte grazie, di gran parte delle quali ha volute
Sua Beatitudine compiacerlo, perch^ nella profusiene della sua
Venice's attitudk. 365
Under Giustinian's successor, Niccol6 Sagredo, Innocent X.

granted, in the autumn of 1653, the raising of a tenth from
the Venetian clergy, and a fresh subsidy of 100,000 scudi
from ecclesiastical property, for the prosecution of the war
of defence against the Turks. ^ However, no improvement
ensued in the ecclesiastical policy of Venice. One Order,
which had rendered the highest services to the Church, and
which, for that reason, had had praise and favours showered
upon it by the Popes, viz. the Society of Jesus, continued
to be banished from the territory of the Republic- The
Inquisition had only a semblance of existence and only dealt
with trifling matters, yet all the time the purity of the faith
was constantly in danger in the City of the Lagoons
owing to the circumstance that, for purposes of trade, many
Protestants, as well as other persons suspected of heresy,
were allowed to reside there. The extent of the Signoria's
toleration may be gauged from the fact that it conceded to
llie Protestants burial places in Catholic cemeteries.^
Ijenignita apparisca quanto disconvenga I'uso di una si mala

corrispondenza " (Nunziat di Venezia, 70, p. 186^, Papal Sec.
Arch.). Giustinian's two reports, which Brosch adopts un-
critically, contain so many unfair judgments that Ranke (III.,
176*) questions their genuineness. Ranke's statement that they

are not to be found in the Venetian State Archives, is erroneous ;
see Berchet, Roma, II., 85.

* Bull., XV., 722 seqq.,736 seqq. For the plan, at first en-
thusiastically taken up both by Sagredo and by Innocent X.
and subsequently dropped, of enrolling crusaders for Venice's
war from all the Franciscan convents, see \'aliero, 321 seqq. ;
Wadding, Ann. Ord. Min., 1654 Zinkeisen, IV., 819. Cf. ibid.,
;
823, on the unsuccessful plan of the Capuchin Antonio Maria di

Kaita of collecting money fur Venice in Germany.
- A *Cifra of March 24, 1646, instructed the Venice nuncio
to work for the return of the Jesuits, though not at first
in the Pope's name ; Nunziat. di Venezia, 70, Papal Sec.
Arch.
"
Cf. the interesting report addressed to the brother of nuncio
Pannochicschi in Moi.menti, loc. cit., 219 seqq.
(2.)
F"rom the first days of his pontificate the situation in the

States of the Church had caused grave anxiety to Innocent X.^
His first care was to get rid of the foreign soldiers whom
Urban VIII. had recruited for the war of Castro, for these
men had become a heavy burden on the country. To this
must be added yet another inheritance of the preceding
pontificate, namely, the oppressive taxation which the Pope
was unable to relieve to the extent he would have wished
because, notwithstanding the greatest economy, his financial
situation continued unfavourable in fact he saw himself
;
compelled to incur a fresh debt to the amount of three million

scudi.^ In view of the fact that the rising in Naples in the
summer of 1647 might easily spread to the Pontifical States,
the Pope planned a lowering of taxation, and in order to make
up for the loss of revenue it was decided to reduce the rate of
interest of some of the Monti from 7 to 4| per cent.^ But even
this measure proved no remedy for his financial straits.
Like his predecessor. Innocent also left his successor debts
which amounted to 48 million scudi. The motives which led
to so heavy a burden being laid on the State were all to the
honour of Innocent X., as they had been to that of his
predecessors, apart from the sums wasted on the nephews.
The Popes could not decline the duty of supporting the
Catholic Powers in the religious struggles of the 16th and
17th centuries, and especially in the wars against the Turks,
with money, troops and ships. From their predecessors
1 Innocent X. confirmed on December 16, 1644, Pius V.'s

Constitution on the inalienability of the Papal States ; cf. Bull.,
XV., 333.
-
Cf. the reports of A. Contarini and G. Giustinian in Berchet,
Roma, II., 74 seq., 153 Pallavicino, I., 302 Ranke, III., 70
; ; ;
Brosch, I., 413 seq., who overlooks Moroni's data (LXXIV.,

304). A *avviso of February 4, 1645, already mentions measures
of economy at the palace (Papal Sec. Arch.).
' Brosch, I., 414. On the monti, cf. Coppi, Discorso sidle
finame, 16.
CALAMITIES IN THE PAPAL STATES. 367
they had inherited tlio obhgation of acting, in conjunction

with Venice, as an advanced post of Christendom in Italy
against the traditional enemy in the East. France, but more
particularly Poland, Hungary, the Emperor, and even more
than all these, Venice, demanded and received large sums
of money. All the victims of persecution and spoliation in
the countries of the South invariably first turned to the
Popes, and as a rule they were given generous assistance.^
It was a calamity for everybody when in 1647, and even
more so in 1648, the failure of the crops caused great scarcity
and want. To this was added an inundation of the Tiber in
March 1646,2 ^j^^ ^n even more disastrous one on
December 6th, 1647, which did heavy damage.^ The Pope,
who was at all times concerned for the welfare of his subjects,
*
Cf. with this opinion of Dollinger (Kirche iind Kirchen,
539 seq.), also Ranke, I., 422.
See *Avviso of March 24, 1646, which refers to the Pope's
*
care of the poor. Papal Sec. Arch.

'
Cf. Servantius, *Diaria, who writes " Fuerunt factae
:
diversae provisiones ad succurrendum oppressis de necessariis

alimentis, in quo multum studuerunt rehgiosiores Urbis praelati
et praecipue Camerae de ordine Papae, qui naviculis
clerici
pluries regiones, praecipue Lungariae et Burgi, aliasque transfreta-
verunt et alimonia omnibus pracbebant maiordomus Papae ;
aptari iussit molcndinum palatii Vaticani, nullum cnim aliud moliri

poterat, et triticum sine intermissione moliri ad distribuendam
farinam fornariis et aliae provisiones necessariae factae fuerunt
; ;
D. etiam card. I'amphilius transcurrit navicula per regionem

Turris novae Ripettae et alias iuxta opus. Spectaculum fuit
miserrimum, maxime eorum, qui extra Urbem domunculis
rusticis morabantur, qui in quantitate non parva perierunt."
Papal Sec. Arch. Cf. Denis, I., 97 seq. Forcella, XIII., 221 ; ;
*Savelli's *report of December 7, 1647, State Archives, Vienna ;
*Diary in Cod. 93-46 of the Doria-Pamfili Archives, Rome.

Cod. H. II., 43, of the Chigi Library in Rome has this passage,
p. 122 seq. :
" *Deirantica navigazione del fiume Tevere e del
modo da rcstituirsi. Discorso di Msgr. Bernardino abbate Biscia

Romano prescntato alia S^'^ di Innocenzo X., dcdicato al card.
Camillo Pamphilio, decembre 1653."
though all too often he was badly served by his officials,^
did his utmost to alleviate the general misery. His alms to

the poor were more generous than ever, and he bought grain
for Rome wherever it could be had, with his own money.^
How difficult this proved at times was shown by an incident

which occurred at Fermo in the summer of 1648. Though
there also bread was lacking, the vice-governor, the Milanese
Uberto Maria Visconti, was freighting a grain ship for Rome.
This operation was opposed by a section of the population ;
a mutiny ensued, the Government buildings were sacked and

the vice-governor killed. Thereupon troops were dispatched
to Fermo and the culprits sternly punished.^ The terror thus
created stopped any inchnation to rebelhon in other parts of
the Papal States Perugia alone took up a threatening
;
^ Denis, passim. See also Benigni, Getreidepolitik, 54 seqq.,

also Naude in Deutsche Liter aturzeitung, 1899, 476.
- See the very scarce work by F. F. Mancini : Compendia
P. Innocenzo X., 4. Cf. Bull., XV., 591.
delta vita ed azioni di
Also " *Provedimenti per alimentare il popolo Romano nella
which gives interesting
carestia del 1648 ", Barb. 3206, Vat. Libr.,
details on the organization of private relief for the 5,000 or so
destitute families of Rome. On the heavy expenditure which the
Pope was compelled to incur already in 1647, owing to the
prevailing want in Rome, see Savelli's *report of September 12,
1648, State Archives, Vienna. Cf. also Albizzi's *letter to Chigi,
dated Rome, May 2, 1648, Cod. A. III., 55, Chigi Library, Rome,
and the *Diary in Cod. 93-46 of the Doria-Pamfili Archives in
Rome.
^ See BiSACCiONi, Hist. d. guerre civili di questi ultimi tempi,
II., Venezia, 1653, 198-208, and Gualdo, Historia, 149 seq.
Ranke (III., 175*) refers to a *Memoriale presentato alia 5'* di
N.S. Innocenzo X. dai deputati delta cittd di Fermo per il tumulto
ivi seguito alii 6 di but does not state where the
Liiglio, 1648,
MS. is kept. I have not been able to find it. Ciampi (52 and 396)
quotes a document in the State Archives, Rome, in connexion
with this. Cf. also Giustinian's *dispatches quoted by Brosch
(I., 415) (State Archives, Venice), and Denis, 176, 182 seq.
In 1653 ^ fresh rising occurred at Fermo see De Rossi, *Isioria,
;
Vat. 8873, Vatic. Libr.

DISORDERS IN ROME. 369
attitude, but the population ended by allowing itself to be

calmed without the use of harsh measures.'
Fresh troubles arose in consequence of the suppression
of the rising in Naples from whence individual bands fled
into the States of the Church, from which they made predatory
irruptions into Neapohtan territor}-. Even Rome beheld
some from the southern kingdom. They found
sinister figures
protection with the French ambassador who extended the
right of asj'Ium to the neighbouring houses, where hundreds
of " Masanielli ", as theywere called, could be seen.^ Grave
troubles were subsequently occasioned by the conduct of
Spanish recruiting agents which led to bloody encounters in
the jubilee year of 1650.^
Such incidents were bound to cause particular pain to a
man like Innocent X. whose ambition it was to preserve
tranquillity and order in Rome, and not to tolerate any
oppression of the weak by the strong.^ It was felt as a public
benefit when Innocent X. proceeded to compel the Barons to
pay their debts. The worst offender in this respect was the
youthful Duke of Parma, Ranuccio Farnese II., who refused
to satisfy the creditors of his Roman loan bank [Monti Farnesi),
the funds of which were based on the revenues of Castro and
Ronciglione. This action caused serious suffering to many
pious institutions, and to man}- widows and orphans.^
Innocent X. was averse to warlike undertakings,^ hence he
^ Brosch, I., 416, after Giustinian's *dispatches.

^ lUSTI, II., 165.
'
Cf. above, p. 183.
* See A. Contarini in Berchet, Roma, II., 69 ; Ranke, III., 30 ;
also CiAMPi, 108 seq. To preserve Rome from the plague, which
was doing great havoc at Bologna (see inscription in Keyssler,
II., 494), severe measures were taken in 1652 see *Editti, V., ;
Oi, p. 99 seqq., Papal Sec. Arch.

* See Deone (Ameyden) in Ranke, III., 30. Cf. also *Acta
consist., of July 19, 1649, Papal Sec. Arch.
s " *s. S'^, la quale h alienissima dalla guerra e per propria
natura e per la quicte d'ltalia " (Savelli on July 10, 1649), State
Arch., Vienna. Cf. *Deone (Ameyden) on July 17, 1649: " II
VOL. XXX. B b
2
hesitated a long time before taking action, though Ranuccio's

conduct was most provoking, even in purely ecclesiastical
matters.^ Whilst, as was his custom, the Pope was still
considering the situation, the murder

on took place,
March newly appointed Bishop of Castro,
18th, 1649, of the
the splendid Barnabite Cristoforo Giarda. On March 24th
the Pope excommunicated the assassin and his accomplices
and offered a reward of 3,000 scudi, a sum soon raised to
5,000 scudi, for the discovery of the criminals. Suspicion fell
on Sansone Asinelli, by whose instigation a familiar of the

Duke of Parma, the Frenchman Godcfroi, had perpetrated the
murder.
The Pope, who in a consistory of April 12th, 1649, had
protested against an assassination committed " almost before
his eyes ",^ saw himself compelled to take action, all the
more so as the Duke's creditors, the so-called " Montanists ",
demanded with increasing insistence that he should help
them to obtain what was due to them.* By June Innocent
could not show himself in the streets without having to hear
shouts that he should give satisfaction to the Montanists who
had waited for seven years for the interest on their loans. ^
The demand was a just one since the Pope was Castro's
overlord, and the Curia had given leave for the foundation of
the Ducal bank.
Ranuccio had no thought of yielding on the contrary, ;
inMay he threatened to invade the Papal States so that the

Pope was forced to concentrate 4,000 infantry and 1,000 horse
Papa nel prime giorno del pontificate mi disse Vogliamo che :
Roma sia allegra, ma non vogliamo soldati." Cod. 1833 (XX.,

III., 21), cf. Bibl. Casanatense, Rome.
1 Demaria, 251.
2 Servantius, *Diaria, Papal Sec. Arch. ; Bull., XV., 626 ;
CiAMPi, 62 seqq. Cf. Demaria, 252 ; O. Premoli, C. Giarda,

ultimo vescovo di Castro, Menza, 1914.
3 See *Acta consist., Barb. 2928, p. 2, Vat. Library.
*
Cf. Savelli's *report ef April 24, 1649, State Archives, Vienna.
^ Deone (Ameyden) in Ranke, III., 30.
CASTRO RAZED TO THE GROUND. 37I
oil tlic fiontirr of |-)o|o}^mi:i and l-Cn.ua.' Ho\\i'\cr, the l)ukc,

wlioiii IK) one would assist, was not strong i-nough to prevent
the Pope from taking action against Castro.- In a consistory
of June li)th, Innocent X. explained to the Cardinals the
The siege of the fortress began
necessity of intervention.^
in same month, but the garri.son only capitulated on
the
September 2nd, on condition of their being granted a free
departure.* Contrary to the expectation that only the fortifi-
cations would be razed,'' the whole town, including the ducal

palace and the churches, was levelled with the ground and a
column raised on the spot with the inscription " Here stood :
Castro." By a Bull of September 14th, 164i), the episcopal

see was transferred to Acquapendente.^ The Duke was
compelled to sign a treaty by the terms of which the liefs
of Castro and Ronciglione passed to the Apostolic Camera
with the reservation of their redemption for a large sum of
money. The Camera undertook the obligation of satisfying
the creditors.' Thus disappeared once for all the anomaly of
Castro as an autonomous duchy yet a fief of the Holy See.^
Some other small fiefs, such as those of the Malatesta
of Sogliano, the Corgna, and the Malatesta of Baglione came
1 Savelli's *rcport of May 29, 1649, loc. cit. Cf. Demaria, 254.
^ SaveUi's *report of June 5, 1649, loc. cit.
* *Acta consist., loc. cit.
* September 4, 1649, loc. cit. Cf. Ciampi,
Savelli's *report of
67-70 Denis, I., 218 seq., 221, 226.
;
* *Avviso of October 16,

1649, State Archives, Vienna.
« Bull., XV., 641 CiAMi'i, 71
; Carabelli, Dei Farnesi,
;
174 seq. detailed account of the destruction of Castro in De

;
Rossi, *Istoria, Vat. 8873, Vat. Libr. The column has disappeared,
a small wood stands on the site. Of the town nothing remains
except part of the church of St. Francis sec Grotaxelli, ;
in Rassegna naz., LVIII. (1891), 278 seq. In justification of the

Pope's severity, cf. Premoli, loc. cit., 31.
' Moroni, X., 228 seq., who gives the special bibliography ;
also Carabelli, 178 seq. *Acla consist, of January 24, 1650,

;
Papal Sec. Arch.

* CiAMi'i, 326 ; Demaria, 256.
under the immediate sovereignly of the Pope b^/ de\olution

during the reign of Innocent X.^
Even though Borgognone and Carlo Maratta glorified the
conquest of Castro with a pompous picture now preserved in
the Doria gallery, in reality the three months' siege and final
capture of that small nest had nothing heroic about it ; on
the contrary, the battles that took place there, as well as the
conduct of Italian captains on the battlefields of Germany,
threw a lurid light on the utter decadence of the art of war in
Italy. The traditional warlike valour of the Roman Barons
was a thing of the past. In other respects also theRoman
aristocracy was in decline. The outward pomp which was
still being displayed, the and honours of every
titles, orders
kind, the splendour of the palaces and the number of retainers,
were in sharp contrast with the burden of their debts and
their diminished influence.^ True, the Roman nobility was still
numerous there were at that time some fifty noble families
;
three centuries old, thirty-five with a history of 200 years,

and sixteen that were one century old,^ but the financial
situation of most of them was deplorable. Thus the Savelli
had become impoverished and were compelled to sell Albano
to the son of CamiUo Pamfili at the end of 1650 * the :
possessions of the Counts of Segni had been acquired by

the Sforzas of Santa Fiora, though the latter, as well as the
^ Reumont, III., 625.

2 Ibid., 626.
^ See Almaden, Relatione di Roma, in Tesori, Brussels, 1672 ;
Ranke, III., 43 ; Amayden, La

T. storia delle famiglio Romane,
ed. A. Bertini, 2 vols., Roma, 1910. Cf. also Bertuzzi, La nobiltd
Romana, nel 1653, in Riv. del Collegio araUL, III. (1905), and the
*Discorso sidle famiglie papali moderne che hanno fondaio le
loro abitationi in Roma dal tempo di Paolo III. sino al pres. tempo,
1665, in Barb. 4910, Papal Sec. Arch.
* " *Dopo niolte rivolte di esclusioni et inclusioni della vendita
d'Albano, finalmente conchiusa la vendita, sendone i Savelli

sforzati dalla necessita, per il figlio di Don Camillo, al quale
Donna Olimpia ha fatto donatione per 4001^ scudi. . .
."
Ameyden's Diary, December 17, 1650, Barb. 4819, Vat. Libr.

DECLINE OF THE ROMAN NOBILITY. 373
Frangipani, were themselves in straitened circumstances,

and even the Colonna were compelled to seek to maintain
themselves by means of rich marriages. At Bracciano and
in their palace in the Piazza Navona, the Orsini displayed
a princely magnificence, but they had lost all political
significance.^ " When I arrived in Rome," Theodore Ameyden
wrote in August 1647, " Virginio Orsini was a Spaniard
and on his palace he had the arms of the Catholic King.
When his son died he became a Frenchman and shortlj-
afterwards a Spaniard once more at present he is French
;
—
again for how long no one knows." - The new papal families
had risen beside the old ones they even surpassed them and
;
had entered into close relations with them, thus, on the one
hand, the Orsini, Cesarini, Borghcsi, Aldobrandini, Ludovisi,
Giustiniani were allied to the Pamfili, whilst on the other the
Colonna and the Barberini were also closely linked together.
Donna Olimpia's reconciliation with the Barberini led to a
general reunion which included all the families of some
importance. 3 For the rest the Aldobrandini died out in the
male line as early as 1631 and the Peretti in 1656.
Not a few families, especially such as had come from

Florence and Genoa, and even from Portugal and France, had
acquired their wealth by taking charge of the financial
transactions of the Dataria. Even from towns in the Papal
States, such as Parma, distinguished families had migrated
to Rome, attracted as they were by the possibility of buying
offices and the varied advantages offered by the metropolis.'*
Whereas the population of Rome had hitherto been a fluctu-

ating one, it now became stabilized through firmly domiciled
families. The way in which this change, which began with the
17th century, came about, and what elements constituted
the population of Rome, appears from the registers kept by
the parish priests for the purpose of controlling the fulfilment
'
Reumont, IIL, z, bid seq. ; Ciampi, 211 scqq., zk) seq.
- ClAMPI, 211.
=•
R.WKH, III., .\\.
* Ibid., 43 seq.
—
by their parishioners of their rchgious duties, especially that

of the Easter Communion. ^ According to these registers the
population of Rome was made up as follows :
Year Population Families Priests Religious Nuns

1600 109.729 20,019 1,469 2,148 2,372
1605 99,647 20,419 1,833 1,943 2,140
1614 115,413 21,422 1,426 2,190 2,341
1619 106,050 24,380 1,956 2,455 2,887
1621 118,356 26,364 1,975 2,420 2,756
1623 111,727 26,854 1,582 2,624 2,502
1628 115,874 24,429 2,367 3,066 2,624
1644 110,608 27,274 1,742 3,414 2,726
1650 126,192 30,429 2,256 3,355 2,796
1655 122,978 30,667 2,317 3,000 2,507^
That a number of shady characters should have infiltrated

into so large a population was natural enough. Attempts
to keep them at a distance ^ and to restrain immorality
were not wanting under Innocent X.*
(3.)
When Innocent X. ascended the Chair of St. Peter, he

was endowed with a vigour of mind and body such as is but
seldom granted to a septuagenarian. For his almost youthful
freshness, so happily shown in Mignard's portrait of him,^
and which he preserved for a further decade, the Pope had
^ Hence the Jews are omitted the first statistics about them
;
are of i668 they numbered then 4,500 persons (850 families).

;
Siudi e docum., XIL (1891), 170.

2 See Cerasoli in Studie docum., XIL (i8gi), 174 seqq. ;
on 197 seqq. details are given on the parishes of Rome.

p. The
statistics given by Ranke (III., 45), on the basis of a MS. of the
Barberini Library, not fully indicated by him, are in part
erroneous. The higher number of the inhabitants in 1600 and 1650
is accounted for by the fact that these were jubilee years.
' *Editto contro gl'otiosi e vagabondi, of January 18, 1649,
in Editti, V., 66, f. 154, Papal Sec. Arch.
• *Editto against " donne dishoneste e loro fautori e ricetta-
tori," of March 5, 1658, ^bid., 60, f. 217.
* lusTi, II., 180.
THE POPE S HEALTH. 375
to thank liis constitution as well as his simple and abstemious

niode of hfe.
Innocent X. was fond of walking and took a great deal
of exercise ^ but contrary to the practice of former Pontiffs,
he did not make
the customary sojourns in the country.
Only on a few occasions during his entire pontificate did he
leave the neighbourhood of the city for a short while. On
October 12th, Kvt!), he betook himself to the Castle of San
Martino al Cimino which Andrea Maidalchini had built for
liimself in l^'i.") lie remained until the 28th in order to enjoy,
;
amid its chestnut trees, the mountain air and the magniticent
view. He made excursions to Vitcrbo, the Villa Bagnaia and
Monte Cimino, from the crest of which a magnificent view
opens on the wide campagna and the crown of hills that
encircle it.^ An excursion to Frascati in June 1G52, was
occasioned by the purchase of Albano for Camillo Pamfili.^
From October 13th to November 3rd, 1653, the Pope made a
second stay at San Martino.^ In other years he sought
recuperation in the magnificent Villas round Rome. Besides
the Villa Pamfili before the Gate of S. Pancrazio and Donna
Olimpia's garden near Ponte Rotto in the Trastevere, he
particularly loved to visit the Villas Ludovisi and Borghese,
especially in spring and autumn.^
Like most men enjoying good health, Innocent X. would
'
Cf. the report of the envoy of Lucca in Studi e dociim., XXIL,
2l8.
2 De Rossi, *Istoria, Vat. 8873, \'at. Libr. Cf. *Cod. Bolognetti,
202, Papal Sec. Arch.
* Denis, L, 267.
* Ibid., 289. An inscription in the church of the castle, beneath
Innocent X.'s bust, recalls this visit. Text in Bussi (332). Ibid.,
331 and 332, the inscriptions in S. Dominico at Viterbo and in
the Villa Hagnaia.
* Servantius *Diaria on May 24, 1640 (Papal Sec. Arch.)
mentions a visit of Julius II L to the Vigna. Olimpia's picturesque
garden near S. Maria in Capella {cf. Ciampi, 203 seq.) was destroyed
in 1S87.
have nothing to do with physicians.^ For a long period he

remained completely free from the infirmities of old age and
it was only towards the end of November 1647, that he had
an attack of kidney trouble. This caused at first grave

anxiety, but only for a short time.^ In 1648 the Pope felt as
well as ever, but at this time, though his action was disapproved
by many, he followed the advice of the physicians and took
up his residence at the Quirinal, even in winter, thus avoiding
the unhealthy air of the Vatican district.^ A bout of illness
in January 1649, was quickly over.* His Holiness, so a
chronicler reports in July 1649, is quite well and retains an
excellent memory.^ The discovery of the falsification of
Bulls by Mascambruno at the beginning of 1652 so excited
the Pope as to affect his bodily health he began to suffer
:
from sleeplessness and a violent trembUng of the right hand,

so that, for a time, he was unable to say Mass, but his general
condition remained robust enough to allow him even then to
take long walks. ^ Even after he had entered upon his eightieth
year, he still felt quite well. In June 1654, the rapidity with
which he walked in the garden whilst giving audiences,
caused general surprise.' In July the old man suddenly began
1 See Giustinian in Berchet, Roma, 11., 92.

- Arnauld, Negociat., V., 330, 332, 335, 339. On the
See
curious remedy which a Capuchin with medical knowledge
recommended to the Pope, see Ed. d'Alen9on, Poudre de vipere
et or potable. Consultation donnee a un Pape par tm Capucin,
in Etud. fvancisc, XXVIIL (1912), 85 seqq.
3 *Avviso of November 27, 1649, State Archives, Vienna.
* Deone, *Diario, 1649, Cod. 1833 (XX., III., 21), Bibl. Casanat.,
Rome.
^ Deone, *Diavio, for July 17, 1649, ibid.
* See the report in Chantelauze, Retz, II., 469. Ottob 2477,
p. 587 seqq., from the pen of P. Diana, a " *Theologica
dissertatio an S. N. D., qui propter tremorem manus dexterae non
potest elevare calicem nee frangere hostiam, possit dispensare
super hos ritus et ceremonias, ut missam celebret, et an habeat
iustam causam dispensandi, et an teneatur dispensare." Vat.
Libr.
' *Avviso, of June 17, 1654, Papal Sec. Arch.
THE POPE S HEALTH. 377
to lose strength but he would not hear of medical assistance.^

Of a on August 13th he took no notice
slight attack of illness
whatever. To show that he was the man that he had always
been, he had himself carried in a sedan chair to St. Mary
Major for the function on the feast of the Assumption of our
Lady, but he returned more dead than alive. Even now he
refused at first to have anything to do with the physicians,
but ended by receiving the celebrated Giovanni Giacomo
Baldino.2 All through September the Pope's condition was
so serious that the Spaniards constantly held six couriers in
readiness. Once again he rallied. After spending -1.") days in
bed. Innocent X. stultified all the predictions of ph3'sicians
and astrologers when, on October 5th, he held a consistor}^
after which he called on Olimpia at the Palazzo Pamfili in the
Piazza Navona. Soon he resumed his usual walks and his
audiences.^ In November he repeatedly inspected the building
operations at Agnese which he had greatly at heart.
St.
On December 14 th he had himself once more carried into

Ohmpia's garden, but all of a sudden symptoms of dropsy
appeared, quickly followed by complete loss of strength.
Thereupon Olimpia put her treasures in a safe place.'*
The grievously stricken man became a burden both to
himself and to those around him. Even Chigi found it hard
to bear with him. Trusting in his strong constitution the
' De Rossi, Istoria, Vat. 8873, Vatican Library.

^ Ibid. On Innocent X.'s physicians, especially on P. Zacchia
(06. 1659), see Renazzi, IIL, 145 seq. ; Ciampi, 228 seq. ; N.
Antologia, XLIV. (1893), 557 seqq. ;
[Zappoli], Illustr. ai bitsti
d. medici celebri, Roma, 1868, 89 seqq. ; Bibliografia Romana, L

(1880), 252 seq. Another of Innocent X.'s physicians, Fonseca,
became famous through his sepulchre executed by Bernini in
the family chapel of S. Lorenzo in Lucina. The life-size bust
testifies to the piety of the deceased for in his right hand he clasps
his rosar\-, that refuge in the storms of life ; cf. Baldinucci,
edit. RiEGL, 215 Benkard, 45
; Sobotka, : Bildhaiiey der
Barockzeit, Vienna, 1927, 28.
' Denis, I.,
311, 316, 318. Ciampi, 173.
* De Rossi, *Istoyia, loc. cit. Cf. Ciampi, 174.
1 ;
Pope wonted mode of life. This

insisted in continuing his
hastened the end. dehrium set in and the physicians
Fits of
feared he might die suddenly Chigi accordingly had the :
Pope warned of the gravity of his condition by the Jesuit

Oliva. The sick man received the information with wonderful
calm, made and received viaticum. The two
his confession
nephews, and Ludovisi, were reinstated in their
Pamfili
offices. The Cardinals, who had been summoned to his death-
bed, he exhorted to choose a worthy successor. Cardinal

Sforza, who shortly before had' passed over to the Spanish
party, he exhorted to bear in mind that all things in this
world were vanity and that the love of God alone endured
for ever. To Cardinal Albizzi he said " May your Eminence :
preserve the merits and virtues to which you owe your present
position." The Pope's former violence now gave place to
meekness. He resolved to devote the remaining days of his
life Troublesome
exclusively to the salvation of his soul.
visitors and petitioners were refused admission by Chigi
even the nephews, whom the Pope had exhorted to concord,
were no longer allowed to see the dying man. Chigi and
Fr. Oliva were alone present at his death which occurred on
January 7th, 1655, at midnight, but was kept secret until
morning.
Innocent X.'s pontificate of ten years was neither a brilhant
^ Besides Pallavicino, I., 208 seq., cf. on Innocent X.'s last
illness De Rossi, *Istoria, loc. cit. ; Card. Colonna's *report to

Ferdinand III., dated Rome, December 28, 1654, State Archives,
Vienna the *reports of Girol. Albergati, dated Rome, January 2
;
and 5, 1655, State Archives, Bologna. Extreme Unction was

administered to the Pope by the parish priest of SS. Vincent and
Anastasius cf. *Liber in quo adnotantur obitus summorum
;
Pontif., Archives of SS. Vincent and Anastasius, Rome see ;
also Germano Alitino, Relazione dell' ultima malatia e della
morte del P. Innocenzo X. (sine die et anno) and the *Diario of

Girolamo Pelacchi da S. Giorgio (dioc. di Fano) candatario del
card. Sacchetti, in Vat. 8414, p. 10 scqq.. Vat. Library.
Many satirical poems on Innocent X. were also published.
Cf. CiAMPi, 308 ; *Cod. 656 Q. of the Library of Monte Cassino.
RETROSPECT. 379
nor a happy one. The thorns which had been foretold him
at his accession/ were not wanting to him, not only as a
result of the attitude of France but of that of Spain as well.
There was nothing he abhorred so much as war, }'et he was
forced to wage one, and though lie zealously worked for the
restoration of peace among the Christian nations, he failed
to put an end to the struggle between P>ance and Spain.
It was nothing less than a tragedy that though he lived to see
the restoration of peace in Germany, he found himself forced
to protest against a treaty which inflicted the most grievous
injurv on the Church.
A deep shadow is cast upon the pontificate of Innocent X.,
obscuring the Pope's good qualities and the few external
successes he by the almost boundless influence
secured,
which Donna Olimpia exercised over the weak old man.
This, as well as his own moodiness and violence, and the
family quarrels to which they gave rise, created for him endless
annoyances and involved him in a network of intrigues
from which the ablest of his advisers were powerless to
The avarice which Donna Olimpia exhibited
extricate him.^
after the Pope's death, ^ was likewise a characteristic of
Camillo Pamfili. The Lombard sculptor, Ercole Ferrata,
made a model of a large statue for a monument to Innocent X. ;
however, the Pamtili shrank from the considerable cost on the

pretext that the sculptor was too old to execute a piece of
work The very plain monument which was
of this kind.^
eventually executed after a design by Giambattista Maini,^
witli the bust of the Pontiff, is so placed in St. Agnes', in the
Piazza Navona, over the entrance and under the organ, that
many visitors to the church fail to notice it. The monument of
* A. Taurlilli, De novissima electionc Innocentii A'., Bononiae,

1644, 32.
^ RiiUMONT in Zeitschr. dcs Aachcner Gesch. Vcreins, VII.
(1885, 28 seq.).
' See above, p. 46.
* ClAMIM, iSi.
* Copy in Magni, // harocco a Roma, I., Torino, 191 1, 65;
Annuaire pontifical, 1916, 196 ; MuSoz, Roma, 327 cf. Ferrari.
;
a Pope who did so much for the adornment of the churches

of Rome/ deserved a more honourable position.
La toniba,156. The body was only translated from St. Peter's

to S. Agnese on January 4, 1677 see Cancellieri, Mercato,
;
115 seq., and *Avviso of January 9, 1677, State Archives, Vienna.

* Stress is laid on this in Giacinto Gigli's *Elogio dTnnocenzo X.,
in Sers. 359, p. 128, of the Bibl. Vittorio Emmanuele, Rome.
Besides Elogi there were not wanting Pasquinate after
Innocent X.'s death ; for samples see *Cod. 10806 of the British
Museum, London.
CHAPTER VII.
Innocknt X. AS A Patron of Art.
In contrast with his cultured predecessor, who had occupied

the very centre of the learned and hterary hfe of his time,
Innocent X. was merely a dry jurist whose main interest lay
in practical things. Thus he encouraged the researches in
Archives of the brilliant Sforza Pallavicino and the incom-
parable annalist, Odorico Rinaldi, whose studies were to be of
the utmost benefit to the Church,^ but for literature, not to
speak of poetical products, he had little or no liking at all.^ Of
the majority of painters he made as little account as of the
beaux espriis. Among the former, no doubt, there were some odd
characters. He once observed that he did not like to have
much to do with these people because they had occasioned
* On the favour shown to Pallavicino see Susta, Die romische

Kiirie und das Konzil von Trient, I., Vienna, 1904, ix, and Rom.
Oitartalschr., 305 seq.
1902, Odorico Rinaldi (Raynaldus),
the splendid continuator of Baronius' Annals, so deservedly
eulogized by I. F. Bohmer (see Regesti of 1198, 290; Regesti
of 1241-1313, IV. ; Regesti of Louis of Bavaria, 218 ; cf. Janssen,
Leben Boehmers, Riezler (Vatik. Akten, I., preface),
I., 326),
Grauert XT. 820) and Hipler (Geschichtsauffas-
(Hist. Jahrb.,
sung, 82 seq.), published in 1646 the 13th vol., in 1648 the 14th,
in 1652 the 15th and i6th, in 1659 the 17th, in 1663 the i8th :
volumes 19 and 20 appeared after his death in 1671. Innocent X.

offered the illustrious Oratorian the post of librarian of the
\'aticana ; see A. Marchesan, Letterc inedite di O. Rinaldi,
Trcviso, 1896, 10 seq., 14 seq. The nomination of Luke Holste
(September, 1653), ^-s successor to L. Ricciardi at the Vatican
Library,met with general approval see Miscell. di. star, ital., XV.,
;
(1875), 199. L. Allacci received a pension from Innocent X. ;
sec *Barb., XXXVIII., 6, Vat. Libr.

* Pallavicino, Vita di Alcssandro I'll., I., 302 ; *Poesie in
lode d' Innocemo X., in Otlob. 2896, Vat. Libr.
381
him nothing bnt annoyance and deception.^ It would,
nevertheless, be a mistake to deny to the Pamfili Pope lively

appreciation and sound judgment in questions of art.^ The
historian of his pontificate has to chronicle a number of
artistic creations, though they cannot stand comparison with
the great works that arose under Paul V. and Urban VIII. ;
however, even so they compelled the admiration of Evelyn,

notwithstanding that traveller's antipapal prejudices.^ But
the decline is unmistakable, its cause being the adverse
financial situation as well as the great parsimony of the Pope
who considerably reduced the building personnel.*
The temporary disgrace of Lorenzo Bernini who, like the
learned Felice Contelori,^ as a protege of the Barberini, had to
reckon with the numerous enemies of that family, falls into the
first period of Innocent X.'s reign. Bernini gave his enemies
an opening, for when under Urban VIII. a campanile had been
erected over the basilica of St. Peter's, facing towards the
Campo Santo, cracks appeared in the facade. Before taking
any action in the matter, Innocent X. was anxious to
have the opinion of a number of experts. One of the
first to be asked for his view, in the spring of 1645,
was his almoner Virgilio Spada. The latter's memorandum
was favourable to Bernini for Spada declared that the cracks
were of a temporary nature and that they were due to the
circumstance that the whole structure was not yet fully set.
^ Passeri, Vite, 112 Innocent X.'s exaggerated anxiety on

the subject of undraped figures, so greatly in favour just then
with many artists, is shown by the circumstance related by
Malvasia {Felsina, II., 269) who tells us that the Pope took
offence at a nude figure of the child Jesus in a picture by Guercino
in his possession ; despite his opposition, Pietro da Cortona
was compelled to clothe it.
2 lusTi Velasquez, II., 168.

^
Cf. C. Segre, L' Evelyn a Roma nel 1645, in Niiova Antologia,
1926, April 7.
*
Cf. PoLLAK in Zeitschr. fiir Gesch. der Architektity, III. (1910),
208.
5 Beltrami in Arch. Rom., III., 19 seq.
BERNINI AND THE BELFRY OF ST. PETKR'S. 383
I lie whok' matter was then discussi'd in detail in iivr sessions

of the Congregation of the Fahhrica between March 27th, l(i 1"),
and February 23rd, Ui-Ui. The Pope assisted in person at the
second and fourth session. Besides Cardinals and prelates
nearly every architect of note was consulted, as, for instance,
in addition to Bernini, Borromini, the two Rainaldi, Paolo
IMarucelli, Martino Lunghi and others. AH this shows that
Innocent X. was loath to abandon the work of his predecessor,
but in the end, at the last session, it was decided to take down
the whole of the campanile.^ A beginning was made in April,
164G.2 For the rest, Bernini retained his post as architect
of St. Peter's but in the artistic commissions of the new
Pope, preference was for a time given to his rivals, Borromini,
Algardi and Rainaldi.
Bernini did not lose heart during this painful period.
How much he trusted in his star is shown by the fact that
simultaneously with the famous " Ecstasy of St. Teresa ",
executed for Cardinal Cornaro, in Maria della Vittoria,^ S.

he was at work on an allegorical marble group " Time unveils
Truth ". As a matter of fact, he succeeded already in the
following year in recovering the full favour of the Pope with
1 RiEGL (in Baldinucci's Vita of G. L. Bernini, 132 seqq.,

140 seqq.) first opened the question in his controversy with
Fraschctti (161 seqq.) ; Ehrle (Spada, 22 seqq.) finally cleared it
up by drawing on the Acts of the Congregation of the Fabbrica.

The sittings of the Congregation were secret, a circumstance
that accounts for the inaccuracy of the subjoined *report of the
I'lnrentine envoy, dated June 10, 1645 " Fu tenuta hieri sera :
avanti il Papa
congregatione della Fabbrica, nella quale fu
la
risoluto di attcrrarsi il campanile di S. Pietro, alzato in tempo

di Papa Urbano dal cav. Bernini e perche I'aperture che si
;
allargano nella facciata di quella Chiesa, ogni giorno piii fanno

temere che non basti, si discorrera a suo tempo, se convenga
dcmolire la facciata. State Archives, Florence.
" See Gigli in Fraschetti, 163, and the Avviso of April 8,
1646, recently published by Denis (I., 35).

' On this work of " unheard of originality " and which was
greatly misunderstood by many, see Brin'ckmann, Barock-

skiilptiir, II., 2.\o seqq. Benkakd, 17 seqq.
;
his splendid plan for the monumental fountain in tlie Piazza

Navona. Innocent soon gave him two further important
commissions, namely that of a design for a monumental
equestrian statue of the Emperor Constantine for the portico
of St. Peter's and the decorations of the pillars of the six
chapels in the nave of the basilica. The statue was only
begun under Innocent X., but to the decoration of the pillars
Bernini was able to devote himself all the more keenly as
he had already made preliminary sketches at the time when
he incurred the disfavour of the new Pope.^ His plan in this
work has been very diversely appraised. It is impossible to
agree unreservedly with the opinion that it is simple and
dignified. 2 The colours have not been happily chosen, yellow
predominates too much and in particular, when compared
with the decoration of the Gregorian and Clementine chapels,
the general effect is unsatisfying. On the coloured marble
with which he faced the pillars, Bernini affixed medallions
held by puUi. In the upper and lower ones appear the busts
of holy Popes, in the middle ones the emblems of the papacy,
viz. the tiara and the keys, and at the bottom, in smaller
medallions, the dove with an olive branch, which was the
Pamfili coat of arms.^
Whilst this work was proceeding Bernini's pupils executed
the great stucco statues, representing the virtues, which
were affixed to the arches of the pilasters of the six lateral
chapels of the central nave. The Pope, who took the liveliest
interest in the adornment of St. Peter's,* replaced the simple

columns in the side chapels by 32 Cottanella columns — so
> KiEGL, Baldinucci, 155 scqq.
BoHN, Bernini, 84
2
cf. 65. ;
* BoNANNi, Numismata templl Vaticani, 136, and tab. 57 :
Reymond, Bernini, 101-4 Th. Hoffmann, Entstehungsge-

;
schichte von St. Peter (1928) 282, 287.

* As early as February 3, 1647, that is during the period
of Bernini's disgrace, it was reported that :
" *P. Innocenzo X.
si trasferi da Monte Cavallo a S. Pietro per vedere nella chiesa

alcuni disegui del nuovo adornamento a pilastri e le figure a
stucco neir archi delle cappelle." Diary in Doria-Pamfili Archives,
Rome.
WORK IN ST. Peter's. 385
called from a quarry near Castello di Cottanclla, in the Sabine

province. The splendid tints of these marble columns com-
pleted Maderno's architecture but they also modified it
profoundly.^ The Pope also commissioned Giovanni Battista
Calandri to adorn the domes of the chapels with mosaics,^
and he had placed the main entrance
in the interior, before
of St. Peter's, the circular slab of dark porphyry taken from

the old basilica, to which clung so many memories of imperial
coronations.^
In connexion witli tliis was another work, namely the
new mosaic floor of multi-coloured marble of the central
aisle, to the designs of Bernini. An inscription of the large
coat of arms in the floor states that the work was completed
in the jubilee year of 1050.^ Three years later the floor of
the porch and the benediction loggia received a similar marble

covering. A colossal inscription by the famous Jesuit Latinist
Famiano Strada, which was placed between the inscriptions
of Paul V. and Urban VIII. over the interior entrance into
the basilica, together with the arms of the Pamfili Pope,
informs future ages that the work on St. Peter's was brought
to its conclusion by Innocent X.^ St. Peter's basilica also
owes to Innocent X. the erection of a special altar near the

Madonna della Colonna for the reception of the relics of
St. Leo the Great. This altar, unHke the others, was not
adorned with a painting but with a gigantic relief representing
the preservation of Rome from Attila by the great Pope.®
^ RiKGL, loc. cit., 155 seq. ; Revmond, 105 scq. and PI. 14.
Cf. *Avviso of December 10, 1650, Papal Sec. Arch.

- Passeri, 168.
BONANNI, loc. cit.
» MiGNANTI, II., I05.
;
BoNANNi, loc. cit., 137

* there also, " ex libris fabricae,"
;
a note on the cost copy in MuSoz, Roma, 327. The coat of

;
arms was restored in 1928.

' MiGNANTI, II., 105. One medal bears this legend " Vaticanis :
sacellis insignitis " (Novaes, X., 33). The mosaics proposed by

G. B. Calandra for St. Peter's failed to please tlie Pope hence
the work was not carried out sec Bellori, 1G8. ;
• MiGNANTI, II., 105 scqq.
VOL. xx.\. c c
^
The relief was executed by Alessandro Algardi whose artistic

activity reached its zenith under Innocent X. He began it
in 1(346and with the assistance of his pupils, more especially

that of Domenico Guidi, he completed it in the jubilee year of
1650. Passeri and Bellori cannot find words with which to
extol the colossal work, yet it is but a " petrified picture ",
divided into two sections, in the manner of the school of

Bologna and for its effect it depends on the grandeur of its
proportions.^ Innocent X. presented Philip IV. of Spain with a
magnificently framed silver copy based on the original model.
A comparison of Algardi's relief with Raphael's representation
of the same subject in the Stanze shows the evolution that had
taken place ; the work of the latter displa^^s " effective
repose ", that of the Bolognese passionate movement. The

theme lent itself admirably to such treatment ; we see the
holy Pontiff and the King of the Huns in dramatic contrast ;
the one surrounded by his clergy, the other by warriors whose

faces reflect in varying fashion the effect of the miraculous
intervention of the Princes of the Apostles who are seen
floating down from the clouds. The violently agitated figures
spread beyond the proper field of the picture. The agitation
of the heavenly helpers communicates itself to all : the
garments flutter as if caught by the whirlwind.^
Innocent X.'s interest in the various works in St. Peter's
^ Passeri, 203 seq., 207, 211 ; Bellori, IL, 134 seq.
Cf. Brinckmann, Barockskulptur, II., 256 seq. ; Bergner,

106 seq.
• lusTi, Velasquez, II., 171 ; MuNOZ, Roma, 306 seq.
See Posse in Jahrb. der pveuss. Kunstsamnil., XXVI. (1905),

^
200, who, however, draws attention to the absence of skilful

concentration of and expresses the opinion that
the scene
" Algardi had no great sense of the dramatic ". Cf. on this
point MuNoz in Annuario dell' Accad. di S. Luca, 1912, Roma,
191 3, 51. The model for the Attila relief came into the possession
of the Oratorians through Virgilio Spada it was placed by them ;
on the great staircase leading into their library. On a model at

Dresden see Brinckmann, Barock-Bozzetti, 112.
RESTORATION OF THE LATERAN. 387
was shown 1)\- tlir fact that he repeatedly inspected them ^
and l)v his insistence on their completion for the jubilee

year. 2 'Jhe necessary funds wvvv taken from the revenues of
the Spanish Cruzada, though part of these was also devoted
to the restoration of the Lateran.^ Innocent's plans for the
gigantic de\-clopment of the Piazza of St. Peter's, for which
Carlo Rainaldi furnished the designs, were not carried out.*
The Popes had at all times devoted much care to the basilica
of the Latcran, " the Mother and Head of all the churches of
the city and the world," but the decay of a building dating
from the time of Constantine could no more be arrested than
that of old St. Peter's. After the inadequate restoration by
Eugene IV.,^ both Pius IV. ^ and Clement VIII. carried out
further repairs ; the latter Pope, in fact, completely altered
the transept of the basilica.' A similar restoration of the
nave could no longer be put oi^ without risking its collapse.
In consequence of many fires and earthquakes it had been
1 See the *Diario of Deone for February 1647, December, 1648,

and March, 1649 (Doria-Pamfili Archives), and Servantius,
*Diaria. 1649, October 28 (Innocent X. in St. Peter's " intuitus :
est resnovas in Basihca peractas et deinde accessit ad videndam

Navicellam iam erectam in conspectu ingressus palatii apostolici"),
December X. in St. Peter's
21 (Innocent viewed the " circum-
:
vallatio ante portam sanctam " and gave Bernini the direction
of everything), Papal Sec. Arch. On January 8, 1650, an ordinance
was published against the defilement of St. Peter's by snuff ;
see Bull. ]'at., III., 265 ;

periodical Roma, IV. (1926), 412 seq.
"^
A. Contarini in Berchet, Relaz., Roma, II., 76.
* XV., 674 scqq., and *Ktinziat. di Spagna, 347 (Lettere
Bull.,
al Nunzio), Papal Sec. Arch. Giotto's navicella was given a new
l^lace by Innocent X. see Cascioli, La Navicella di Giotto a
;
S. Pietro, Roma, 1916, 19. Innocent's arms on the Cantoria

of the Sistine Chapel show that he carried out some repairs
there.
* Baldinucci, Rainaldi, 362 ; Hempel, 24 seq.
'-
Lauer, 331.
* See our data. XI\'., 395.
' See our data, XXIV., 475.
^
found necessary to erect a brick wall round all the columns

of the nave, with the exception of four, thus turning them into
octagonal brick pilasters which, linked together by arches,
were made to carry the weight of the high longitudinal walls.
A plan for a complete restoration had been seriously con-
templated during the last years of Urban VIII., and in 1647
he had ordered its execution and himself contributed some of
the necessary funds. ^ As supreme supervisor [sopraintendente)
of the work of reconstruction Innocent X. appointed his
almoner, Virgiho Spada,^ who recommended for the restoration
Bernini's rival, Francesco Borromini, born in 1599 at Bissone,
on the Lake of Lugano,* and who, in 1648, was likewise
entrusted with the enlargement of the College of Propaganda.^
It isnot surprising that so convinced and reckless an exponent
ofbaroque as this architect of genius was, should have planned
from the first a complete reconstruction from floor to ceiling.
Public opinion in Rome supported Borromini and only the
Lateran Chapter advocated, on religious grounds, the preserva-
tion of the existing building. Innocent X. shared this view.
It will always be his great merit that he gave orders, at the
time of the restoration of the Lateran basilica, for the
1 See the valuable dissertation of H. Egger : Fr. Borromini's

Uinbau von Giovanni in Laterano, in Beitrdgen zitr Kunstgesch.,
S.
dedicated to F. Wickhoff, Vienna, 1903, 156.
- See the *conii in Cod. 31, B 14, p. 187, 262, of the Corsini
Library, Rome. Cf. the *Bull. of March 24, 1647, in Vat. 9313,
p. 259 scqq., Vat. Library Bull., XV., 675
; *report of L. Pappus
;
to Ferdinand III., dated September 26, 1652 (on money from

fines being spent on the Lateran), State Archives, Vienna ;
*Miscell. dementis XI., t. 12, p. 23, Papal Sec. Arch.

^ Cancellieri, Mercato, 52 seq. ; Lauer, 332 ; Pollak in
Zettschr. fiir Gesch. der Architektur, IV. (191 1), 204 ; Guidi,
Borromini, 99. Card. Ehrle has recently \\Titten, with his
wonted thoroughness, on Virgilio Spada : Dalle carte e dai
disegni di V. Spada [oh. 1662), Roma, 1927.
* Passeri, 386.
The *documents on the building
* in Propaganda Archives,
Rome, Fasc. 363.
RESTORATION OF THE LATERAN. 389
pri'servation of as much as possible of the old building.

Accordingly its proportions remained unaltered and no walls
were pulled down ; as many of the supporting pilasters
remained as could be preserved as well as the whole of
Constantine's eastern facâde. The frescoes of Gentile da
I-"abriano and those of Pisanello had to be sacrificed on the ;
other hand it was found possible to spare the wooden coffer

ceiling executed under Pius IV. after the plan of Daniele da
X'olterra.^ However, owing to the incapacity of the period
to conceive the true character of antiquity and to recall it to
life, after Borromini's restoration very few features of an old
basilica remained.- must be granted that
Apart from this it
the result was an extraordinarily imposing and splendid

interior, in the creating of which Borromini revealed his
unsurpassed talent as an architect.^
In token of their satisfaction, the Canons of the basilica,
who had at first feared for the sanctuary, decided to put up a
bronze bust of Innocent X.* The memor}- of the Pamfili Pope
islikewise kept alive by inscriptions and by the large coat of
arms above the interior of the porch. -^
The reconstruction of the Lateran basilica was carried
• Egger, loc. ciL, 156 scq. ; Dvorak, Fr. Borromini als Res-
taiirator, in Kiinstgesch. Jahrb. der h. k. Zcntralkonunission fiir
Erforschutig u. Erhaltimg der Kunst- u. hist. Denkmale, I. (1907),

Bcihl. filr Dcnkmalpflcge, 89 seq. K. C.\ssirer in Jahrb. der;
preuss. XLII. (1921), 55 seq.

Kunstsamml., Ci.ampi, 306 ; ;
Magni, J I barocco a Roma, I., Torino, 191 1, 93.

- Platner, III., I, 527. Cf. Brinckmann, S3 D. 1""rev, ;
Bramautcs St. Petcr-Entivurf, \'ienna, 1915, 50. A view of tlie

old Lateran basilica previous to Borromini's restoration, ca. 1640,
in S. Martino ai Monti is reproduced in L.\uer, 330, and in Mel.
d'arch., V., 379 seqq. (PI. 14).
=•
Pollak"s opinion in Thieme, I\'., 370. Cf. MuNOZ, Roma,
230 seq.,and Borromini, S.
* *Avviso of September 7, 1647, Papal Sec. Arch.
' Forcella, VTII., 61 seqq. Guidi, Borromini, 60 seqq.
;
(with illustrations).
out with such speed ^ that it was completed, in the main,

by the beginning of the jubilee jêar of 1650,^ when the pilgrims
were able to admire the high reliefs between the pilasters,
executed in stucco, after Algardi's designs, but the statues
in the niches and the pictures above them were still missing.
•''
The Pope likewise ordered the restoration of the porch and *
that of the precious marble floor work was completed

; this
in 1653.^ In its execution the principle was adopted of
preserving as much of the ancient material as could be used.
Most of the sepulchral monuments were again put up in the
new basilica ®way a number of Gothic monuments,
: in this
that of Cardinal Antonio de Chiaves, Vignola's monument of
Ranuccio Farnese, and Giotto's famous fresco were preserved.
This remarkable act of piety towards the relics of antiquity-
is nevertheless somewhat diminished by the circumstance
that Borromini placed the monuments in fiat niches in the
walls this led to an alteration of their former general aspect
:
" "
1*con celerita non credibile e senza risparmio alcuuo
we read in the marginal notes to Brusoni, Hist, d' Italia, in the
Doria-Pamfili Archives, 93-46, p. 121. In like manner the *Vita
d'Innocenzo X., ibid. In July, 1649, Innocent X. went to the
Lateran, " per veder la fabrica " (*Deone, in Cod. XX., III. 21
of Bibl. Casanat., Rome.
Egger, loc. cit., 161.
2 Cj. also on the work Rasponi, De basil.
Lateran., Romae, 1659, 37, 39 ; Crescimbeni, Stato d. chiesa
Lateran., Roma, 1723, 2 {cf. 92 on the " ringhiera " round
the baldachino with the heads of the Princes of the Apostles) ;
CiAMPi, 306 Lauer, 331

; seq. ; Hempel, Borromini (1924),
94 seq. ; Ehrle, Spada„ 15. Cf. also Magni, Barocco, 93.
* GuiDi, Borromini, 55. Cf. Ferrari, Stucco, 104 seq.
* II " Papa havendo ristorato la chiesa di S. Giovanni Laterano,
ha ordinato che si facci parimente il portico subbito che sara
passato I'anno santo, nel quale quella fabrica haverebbe dato
troppo impaccio per rispetto della Porta Santa. ..." *Diario
in Barb. 4819, p. 132^, Vat. Library.
^ *Cod. 31, B 14, p. 277, of Corsini Library. Inscriptions in
Ciaconius, IV., 649. Cf. Ortolani, 5. Giovanni in Laterano, 36.
* Not all ; cf. L'Arte, X. (1907), 97.
.
S. ANDREA DF.LLA VAU,K AND S. IGNAZIO 39I
and some pieces had to be removed altogether. Otherwise

they underwent no modification except that they were given
a magnificent new frame of a purely decorative character.*
Almost simultaneously with the work in St. Peter's and the
Latcran, the construction of the two sister churches of the
Gesii, viz. S. Andrea della Vallc and S. Ignazio, advanced
sufficiently to make it possible to open them for worship
in the jubilee year of 1G50. S. Andrea della Valle, begun
in 1591 by order of Cardinal Alessandro Pcretti, was continued
with the aid of his nephew Francesco. ^ On September 4th.

IO.jO, Cardinal Francesco Peretti was able to consecrate
the spacious church of the Theatincs ^ only the facade ;
was missing and this was completed in 1665.*

S. Ignazio had been begun by order of Cardinal Ludovisi
in 1626. The facade is not by Algardi but probably by Girolamo
Kainaldi.^ Though by no means completed, this imposing
church too was opened on August 7th, 1650, amid a mighty
concourse of people.^ On the following day the Pope came to
see the church.'
In May 1645, Pietro da Cortona began the mosaic decoration
'
DvoR.\CK, loc. cit., 92 secjq. Cf. the reproductions in Jahrb,
der preuss. Kimstsamml .
, XLIL, 65. On the decoration of the
Lateran baptistry, cf. Ortolani, loc. cit., 104.
* A. BoNi, La chiesa di S. Andrea della Valle, Roma,
1907.
' Servantiu.s, *Diaria, Papal Sec. Arch. *Avviso of Septem- ;
ber 10 1650, ibid. ; Amevden, * Diary, in Barb. 4819 \'at. Libr.

' Hempel, Rainaldi, 55 acq., who v.as the first to establish
the part taken by Rainaldi.
* PoLLAK, Algardi in Zcitschr. fiir Gcsch. der .{rchUcktur, W
(191 1 ), 66 seq., who was the first to throw light on the construction
of S. Ignazio.
* RuGGiERi, Annisanti, 177.
' Servantius *Diaria, Papal Sec. Arch., on August 13, 1650,
(iiovanni Piazza *rcp()rts " Domcnica li Padri Gesuiti apersero
:
la loro nuova chiesa di S. Ignatio con grandissimo concorso di

jiopolo, e la sera al 2° vcspro vi si trasferi N. S. nella qua!
occasionc la Signora Donna Olimpia prego trc volte S. S'^ per la
licenza di ciitrarc con \c dame del suo sccruito a vedere il
of the dome and the tribune of the Chiesa Nuova.^ In 1652

the learned Luke Wadding had the Cappeha Alaleona, at
S. Isidore, decorated by Carlo Maratta.^ At this time also the
high altar of S. Nicola da Tolentino was erected after a design
by Algardi : the cost was borne by Camillo Pamfili.^ An
extensive restoration was undertaken in 1650 by the General
of the Carmelites in the ancient basilica of S. Martino ai
Monti.* In the same
Martino Lunghi the younger built
jêar
for Cardinal Mazarin the facade of SS. Vincent and Anastasius

which he adorned with many columns,^ and in 1652 he erected
the national church of the Portuguese, S. Antonio, resplendent
with magnificent marbles. At this time also, through the
generosity of Camilla Farnese, there arose at the foot of the
Janiculus, the beautiful church of the Augustinian Sisters,
Our Lady of the Seven Dolours, after a plan by Borromini ^
who, in 1654, entered upon the last stage of the erection of

S. Andrea delle Fratte.'' This highty gifted master also
designed the spacious oratory adjoining Chiesa Nuova erected
collegio de' Padri,sapendo che gli era stata preparata una nobile
collatione. non rispose mai, e cosi la sera li Padri gli man-
N. S.
darono alia casa quanto havevano provveduto per rallegrarla."

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
1 See Pollak's information based on documents in Kitnst-
chronik., XXIII. (1911-12), 564 seqq. Cf. Voss, Malerei, 542 seq.,
and Strong, La Chiesa Nuova, Roma [1923], 115 seq.
" LoRENZETTi, C. Mavatta, in L'Arte, XVII., 147 seq.
^ PoLLAK, Algardi, loc. cit., 62 seq.
^ Angeli, Chiese, 418.
^ Pascoli, II., 517 ; Inventario, I., 53.

^ Angeli, 53, 390 ; Gurlitt, 401 seq. ; Guidi, Borromini,
76 Through my intervention the church of S. Maria dei
seq.
Sette Dolori, which is most difficult of access in consequence

of the " enclcsure ", was opened for O. Pollak, to enable him
to take detailed photographs. The monograph contemplated
by Pollak has been put in jeopardy by the premature death
[191 5] of that scholar. Reproduction of the interior in Munoz,
Roma, 224.
' Guidi, 88 seq.
PRISON REFORMS. 393
by Here wvvv held at one time, l)esid(,'s tlic

Virgilio Spada.*
daily evening de\'otions in Advent and Lent, the celebrated
religious concerts to which onl}' men were admitted. Finally,
Bernini also built the church of St. Agnes in the Piazza Navona
of which more will be said when we come to discuss the
adjoining family palace of the Pamftli.
Innocent X.'s pontificate is likewise noteworthy by reason
of several secular bnildinf^s.- Iiiipro\'ed prisons are one of the
achievements of our time. In tliis respect, as in so many
others, the Popes set a good example
and even Innocent X.'s ^
enemies are bound to recognize his good work in this field.*

ISesidcs Castel S. Angelo there were other prisons in Rome,
such as those of the Borgo, the Senate, Tor di Nona on the
' P. Misci.MKLLi in the periodical 5. Ftlippo Xcri, 192 1,

No. I ; Strong, loc. cit., 143 seqq., and especially Guidi, loc. cit.,
31 seq.
^ The Porta Portese was completed under Innocent X. ; he
al.so repaired the city walls (c/. Ciampi, 308 seqq. ; Nibby, Mura
di Roma, 340, 375 I., 254 Borg.^tti in Riv. di
; Inventario, ;
Artiglcria, XVL,
but stopped work on Urban VHI.'s
386),
fortifications {cf. Berchet, Relaz., Roma, 11., 76), whilst on the
other hand he repaired Castel S. Angelo {cf. Forcella, XIII.,
150). Innocent's arms on the right of Ponte Nomentano also
recall a restoration. An inscription on the cathedral of Frascati
proclaims the fact that its erection was begun under that Pontiff ;
at Viterbo the Pope's memory is kept alive by the Porta Romana

with its statue of St. Rose, the patron saint of the town and ;
at Ravenna by the Porta Nuova {ampliata, 1653, for that

reason also described as Porta Pamfilia cf. Ciaconius, IV., ;
651 Kevssler, II., 470; Ricci, Baiikunst der Darockzeit,

;
Stuttgart, 1 91 2, 205). A most work was the construction

useful
of the Canalc Pamfili to link Ravenna with the sea (Ciampi,
309). At Ancona Iiniocent XI. saw to the restoration of the
fortifications (Ciaconius, loc. cit., and *Cod. 31, B 14, p. 243 seq.
("orsini Library, Rome).
^ Particularly in earlier times, by promoting the guilds which
prcnided for the bodily and spiritual wants of prisoners. Cf.
Platner, III., 3, 414.
* Ciampi, 312 ; Cui.icdowski, IL, 245.
Tiber, where the Apollo theatre was subsequently erected,

and that of the Corte Savella, for the ancient family of the
Savelli, besides other privileges, such as that of the dignity
of Marshal to the Conclave, also enjoyed that of exercising
penal jurisdiction for minor delinquencies hence they also ;
had their own prison in the Via di Monserrato, near the

English College.^ These prisons were typically medieval,
narrow and damp. Even at this day the inscription which
Innocent X. ordered to be placed above the entrance of the
new prison erected by him [Carceri Nuovi) sounds like a
protest against the insanitary conditions and other serious
evils of the Corte Savella :
" Justitiae et clementiae, securiori
ac mitiori reorum custodiae, novum Carcerem Innocentius X.

Pont. Max. posuit, Anno Domini MDCLV " For the sake of —
justice and clemency and for the safer and milder custody
of the guilty, Pope Innocent X. erected this new prison in
1655.2
Innocent X. withdrew from the Savelli their judicial
powers.^ To replace the inadequate and insanitary prisons
of Corte Savella Nona, a new and practical building
and Tor di
arose in the Via Giulia, not far from Sangallo's Palazzo
Sacchetti. Here, for the first time in Europe, the modern
system of cells was introduced this was an immense advance
;
on a prison system which was maintained for years to come

in other places —
one need only think of the famous prisons
of Venice. The erection of the " New Prison ", for which the
Pope furnished the funds, began in the spring of 1652 and was
1 Moroni, IX., 266 seq. ; Ehrle, Spada, iz, who establishes

the position of the Corte Savella on the basis of Tempesta's
Topografia of 1593, published by H. Schiick, at Upsala, 1917.
FoRCELLA, XIII., 132. An ordinance providing for adequate
'^
food for the prisoners was issued in 1653 Bertolotti, Le ;
prigioni di Romanei secoli, XVI., XVII. e XVIII., Roma, 1890, 33.

' *i652, Settembro 22 :
" Si serrano le carceri di casa Savelli
"
e finivano li Savelli la loro giurisdittione in quel tribunale
(Diary in Doria-Pamfili Archives). Cf. Moroni, IX., 267 ;
Ratti, Sforza, II., 243.

PRISON REFORMS. 395
finished in It is a model of
1655 under Alexander VII.'
practical architecture and depends for its effect exclusively
on the material employed (red bricks with roughly dressed
travertine), the distribution of doors and windows and the
wide, recessed space which terminates the facade, above which
rises the last story like an immense attic. The small gatewaj',
with its broad, simple frame which narrows as it rises,

heightens the stern character of the building.^ The architect
was Antonio del Grande, who had already given proof of
Ills skill in the reconstruction of the Spanish Embassy in
the Piazza di Spagna. In 1()51 he began work on the wing

of the Palazzo Colonna, which faces the Via Nazionalc and
houses the celebrated Calleria Grande on the ground fioor.^
The palace on the Capitol, which in Michelangelo's plan

was meant to form a counterpart to the palace of the
Conservators and a museum of the antique sculptures of the
Citv of Rome, also heralded a new epoch. The foundations
were laid by Clement VIII * in 1644 Innocent X. gave
;
orders for the continuation of the building, in the great hall

of which his coat of arms is still to be seen. Since there was
question of a civic building, the City Council was made to
hear the cost. The methods used for raising the necessary
funds for the work by temporarily discharging officials and
other similar measures, caused a good deal of bad blood.
Carlo Rainaldi was the architect in charge.^ The Pope took a
lively interest in the building and repeatedly inspected it [in
1650 and 1654],^ in memory whereof the Roman Senate put
'
O. PoLi..\K, Antonio del Grande, in Kunstgcschichtl. Jahrb,
der K. K. Zeniralkommission fiir Kioist.- it. hist. Denkniale, iQoy,
135 seqq. Cf. E. Rossi in the periodical Roma, IV. (1926), 70 ;
Ehrle, Spada, 11 scq.

* PoLLAK, loc. cit.
' Ibid.,137 seqq., 152 seq.

* See our data, XXI\'., 313 ; Gigh in Canckllieri, Mercato,
53; Passeri, 222.
''
Rodocaxachi, Ccipitolc, 120; Hempel, Rainaldi, 94 seq.
' Fu
* Cancellieri, loc. cit., 53, i.— *October 3, 1645
n. :
levata la statna di Marfrnif) per causa della nuova fabrica c

up a more than life-size statue of Innocent X. in the great

hall of the palace of the Conservators, facing Bernini's statue
of Urban VIII. The commission for the statue was given to
Alessandro Algardi who, for a time, eclipsed Bernini. But his
statue does not compare favourably with that of the Barberini
Pope. Innocent's head is after Velasquez' painting, " the
most living of contemporary portraits, but precisely the most

impressive feature in the Spanish master's portrait, namely,
the piercing glance which was peculiar to Innocent X., is
missing in the statue," because Algardi, in order to avoid a

too marked resemblance with the statue of Urban VIII.,
gives a side view of the Pope's face, in fact the whole artistic
treatment is such as to place Algardi's work beneath that of
his gifted rival. ^ He nevertheless remained the real court
posta nella piazza vicina al cavallo di bronzo per mode di pro-

visione " (Diary in Doria-Pamfili Archives). Ibid., May1647 9, :
"Si fu accorto come la statua del cavallo di bronzo di Marco

Aurelio, che sta alia piazza di Campidoglio, pendeva assai verso
causa fu perche si era lograto di ruzza il
la chiesa d'Araceli, e la
ferro del perno impiantato nel piede manco dietro, si che li sig.
conservatori ordinando subito fosse puntellato con diligenza e
fattone consapevole S. S'^ ordinando a Msgr. Cessi fosse subito
accomodato come fu fatto e messovi mano." May 15 :
" Furono
levati li puntelli della statua del cavallo di bronzo per esser stato
di nuovo ricoperto di bronzo e reimbiombato e messi nuovi
tasselli dimarmo."
1 Thus Posse (in Jahvh. der prexiss. Kunstsamml., XXVI.,
193), whereas Munoz (in Annuario dell' Accad. di S. Luca, 1912,
Roma, 1913, 51 seq.) assigns the victory to Algardi. The statue
was unveiled on March 9, 1650 (c/. Ruggieri, Anni santi, 61 5^^.) ;
a decision to that effect had been arrived at in March 1645

{cf. RoDOCANACHi, Capitolc, 131). The following item in Deone's
Diary for September 4, 1645, shows how the authorities managed
in the meantime " *Fu scavata la statua fatta far per papa
:
Paolo IV., ch'era sotterrata nel cortile de' conservatori per

ordine di P. Innocenzo X., quale essendo di buona maniera e
fatta da valent'huomo serviva per la statua di S. Bê per metterla
nel palazzo nuovo " (Doria-Pamfili Archives). Cf. Fraschetti,
ALGARDI. 397
sculptor of tlu' Pamtili. It was he who created the reahstic

busts of the Pope for the palace of the Gonfalonierc at
Hologna and the dining hail of Trinita de' Pellegrini, as well as
that of Innocent X.'s brother, Benedetto, and that of Olimpia

Maidalchini in the Doria Gallery, with its energetic features
of the masterfulhead which stands out so effectively from the
voluminous widows' veil.^ In 1()4'.>, the year in which Algardi
finished his tomb of Leo XI. ^ for St. Peter's, he was given
a commission for the architectural fountain with the water-
spouting dolphins and the relief on the face of the basin,
with which Innocent X. adorned the Cortile of St. Damaso
in the Vatican.^ For the church of St. Agnes he designed
a relief representing the martyrdom of the Saint.* The
premature death of the artist (June 10th, 1654) is said to
have drawn tears from the Pope whilst Camillo Pamtili,
Algardi's special patron, paid him the honour of a visit as
he lay dying. ^
The large share which Algardi had in the laying out of
the great park which the Cardinal nephew, Camillo Pamhli,
created before the Porta S. Pancrazio, has only been estab-
^
lished in recent times.
154 ; Steinmann, Die Statnen der Papste aiif dem Kapitol,

Rome, 1924, 15 seqq.
' Bellori, II., 139 ; Posse, loc. cit., 194. Cf. above, p. 33.
*
Cf. Brinxkmann, Barockskulptur, II. 255 5^^.
' PoLLAK, Algardi, in Zeitschr. fiir Gesch. der Architektur, IV.
(191 1), 61 scqq. ; Posse, loc. cit., 194 ; MuSoz, loc. cit., 54 seq. ;
CoLASANTi, h'ontane d' Italia (1926), 203.

* It found a place in the crypt. Algardi has given different
presentations of the same scene cf. Tietze, Ein Bronzcrelicf
;
Algardi's in Ktinstchronik, 1923, No. 26-7, p. 523.

* Bellori, II., 141 Can'cellieri, Mercato, 113.
; L. Frati
(Varietd storiche artistiche, Cittd di Caslello, 1912) has published
Algardi's will. Frati fixes 1595 as the year of Algardi's birth,
instead of 1602, as has been thought up till now.
* Gandolfo continued to be the Pope's usual hohday

Ca.stcl
resort. Innocent X.'s throne is still preserved in the castle there,
as well as five magnificent gobelins (The I'light to Egypt) made
by order of the Pope.
In consequence of tlie \'illa I.udovisi and

destruction of the
since the Villa Borghese lias become increasing^ degraded
into a place of popular amusement, the Villa Pamfili, even
though it has not been spared drastic alterations, alone
conveys an idea, even at this day, of the superb Villas with
which the papal nephews of the baroque period surrounded
the Eternal City. Situate on the summit of the Janiculus,
on its western scarp, it has been rightly named by the Romans
" Belrespiro " owing to the pure, invigorating air which
prevails there even during the hottest months.^ The terrain,
which is crossed by the ancient Via Aurelia,^ is even more
extensive and more varied than that of the Villa Borghese
as well as exceedingly picturesque.^
The main entrance * led to a long alley with an
incomparable vista of the Vatican and the dome of St. Peter's
which appears isolated like some great shrine between green

hills. There is no other hint of the nearness of the metropolis ;
the visitor has a feeling of being in a vast solitude dominated

on the north by the purple outlines of Soracte. Here the aged
Pope was wont to seek quiet and refreshment amid his cares
and anxieties. Near the north entrance of the almost hidden
summer house, a magnificent park, divided into two sections,
stretches far away to the west. In the northern section
the characteristics of a pleasure garden were specially marked.
First there came a wide, open space which no doubt then, as
now, served as a playground. Then came copses and
orange groves adorned with a fountain and statues. Here,
^ This name is already found in N. A. Caferrius, Synthema

vctustatis sive florcs historiarnm, Romae, 1667.
2 ToMASSETTi, Campagna, II., 466.
^ For what follows, cf. above all Gothein, I., 353 seq. See
alsoNoHL, Skizzenbuch, 175 seq., 182 Wolfflin, Renaissance, ;
177 GuRLiTT, 403 seq.

; Bergner, 64 seq.
; V. Gerstfeldt- ;
Steinmann, Pilgerfahrten in Italien,* Leipzig, 1922, 357 ;
L. Dami, // giardino d'ltalia, Milano, 1924, 42, CXCIII. seqq. ;
Colasanti, loc. cit., 205, 207, 209.

* The section from the present entrance as far as " the \alley
of the deer " was only added in the nineteenth century.
VILLA PAMFILL 399
as in the \'illa Iôrghosc, a smaller Casino di juviiglia stood

against the wall of the terrace of the belvedere. The southern
section was renowned for its pine wood. Adjoining this
wood there was, as in the Villa Borghese, an extensive
zoological garden with woods and meadows which, in spring,
were studded with anemones. The central point was formed

by an oval basin in a little dell which was subsequently
transformed into a natural lake which provided an enchanting
spectacle in June with its water-lilies. Following a fold in
the valley, a canal, starting from this spot, cuts a straight line
across the pine wood and ends in an aquatic amphitheatre
above which rises a rotunda adorned with statues and a
Uly-shaped fountain. This artistic creation is so pecuhar that
some have thought it to be due to French inspiration.^
The summer-house in the north-eastern corner of the Villa
stands on uneven ground, hence on the northern entrance there
are two stories whilst on the south side, facing the garden,
there are three. A pavilion rises from the terrace of the roof.
Like the Villa Pia, the building is richly adorned with antique
and modern sculptures. On either side open-air steps lead into
the ornamental garden [giardino segrcto), surrounded by a
wall broken by niches and adorned with fruit-trees and
statues. Flower-beds and fountains and flower-pots on the
balustrades all around heighten the splendid and imposing
impression. The beds of the parterre show a pattern of box
arabesques filled-in with flowers —a floral tapestry of Italian
invention. 2 From the giardino segreto two sets of steps lead
to a garden at a yet lower level, adorned with flower-beds,
fountains, copsesand a very pretty theatre. A nymphaeum

"
stands between the steps, the so-called " Fountain of Venus
by Algardi.^
^ GoTHEiN, L, 356. It is a mere legend that Le Notre designed

the garden.
*
Cf. ibid.. 354.
* Bellori, II., 133 seq. ; Pollak, A. Algardi ah Architekt,
in Zeitschr. f. Cesch. der Architektur, IV. (h)ii), 53 seq., with
numerous illustrations. Cf. also Brinckmann, Baitkunst, 7 seqq.,
and Barockskulptur, \\., 255.
The progress of the construction can be accurately gauged

by examining the account books. It was begun in the last
months of 1644, and thereafter the Pope pressed for the
prosecution of the work.^ In the autumn of 1646 it became
possible to begin the internal decoration. The ground floor
received magnificent stucco ceilings, besides pictorial decora-
tions of which, unfortunately, but little remains. The summer-
house was finished in the beginning of 1648. Later payments
of the years 1648 and 1649 concern fountains and other
mason's work in the garden which was completed in 1651.^
In 1653 the engraver, Dominique Barriere, began work on
copper plates of the Villa and the antique statues. These
engravings, together with some others by Falda, were gathered
in a work appropriately entitled Villa Pamphilia.^ The account
books also supply information on Algardi's share in these
splendid undertakings. It was he who procured the antique
statues and restored them, designed the magnificent stucco

ceilings of the ground floor and superintended the sculptural
decorations of the Villa. However, the real architect was
Francesco Grimaldi.* It is due to him that notwithstanding
the great wealth of antique reliefs and busts, of stucco

decoration and other charming details, the exterior of the
summer-house gives an impression of simplicity and monotony,
as was already felt by his contemporaries.^ The most valuable
ornaments were within, but the statues and pictures were
removed to the Palazzo Doria at a later date however, ;
some frescoes and the stucco ceilings of the ground floor

remain to this day they bear witness to a profound study
;
of antique models in the Villa Adriana and as regards their
^ *Avviso of March 7, 1646, Papal Sec. Arch.

2 PoLLAK, loc. cit., who was the first to draw on the Doria-
Panifili Archives.
^ Villa Pamphilia eiiisque Palatiuni cum sttis prospectibus,
statuae, fontes, vivaria, theatra, areolae plautarurn viarimiqtte
ordines, Romae {sine anno). Cf. Pollak, 56.
* PoLLAK (57 seqq.) has proved this up to the hilt.
* Passeri, 202.
PIAZZA NAVONA. 4OI
quality, tlicy belong to the very best Roman products of the

kind in the 17th century.^
Even more than by the \illa lâiulili, Innocent X.'s name
is kept alive in Rome by the large scale works undertaken
by him in the Piazza Xavona.- It goes without saying that
the modest palace in the Piazza of that name which he had
owned as a Cardinal, was enlarged after his elevation. For
this purpose many adjoining houses were bought one after
another and their demolition led to the discovery of a number
and tiers of seats of Domitian's stadium.^
of travertine pilasters
The building turned out a somewhat plain one the architect ;
was Girolamo Rainaldi, father of Carlo.'* The Pope gave orders

for the preservation, during alterations, of the paintings
executed by his command by Agostino Tassi, a pupil of Paul
Bril.'' The work was pushed on with so much energy that it
was hoped that the new palace might be occupied by the
summer of l()4(i,'' but it only approached completion in
July 1048.'
1 Opinion of Pollak {loc. cit., 60), who gives illustrations of

two stucco soffits. C/. Belloki, II., 131 ; IMlnoz in Annitario
dell' Accad. di S. Liica, 1912, 56.
* See *Scriiiure concerncnti Ic fabriche fatte ncl pontificato
d' Innocenzo X. in Cod. 31, B 14, 15, and 16, of Corsini Library.
Cf. CiAMPi, 397 seqq., to which must be added the *documents
in the Doria-Pamfili Archives of which Pollak intended to
publish a considerable selection.
' Can'cellieri, Mercato, 99 ; Ehrle, Spada, 15 5^(7. ; a
specialized list of Acquisiti dellc cane die occupavano il posto del
moderno palazzo in Piazza Navona, in Doria-Pamfili Archives.
* Passehi, 221 ; Cancelueri, loc. cit., 100 ; L.de Gregori
(see below, p. 402, n. 4), 33 seq. Cf. GrRi.iTT, 3S1 ; Brinckmann,
Bauknnst, 92 scq., 121.
* Passeri, III. On A. Tassi, cf. Bkrtolotti, A. Tassi, Perugia,
1877 ; Gerstenberg, J)ic ideale LaiulscliaflsDuihrci, ?Ialle,
1923, 88 seq.
* " II Palazzo di Piazza Navona si tira avanti con molta
(liligenza et per tutta Testate potra esser finito." *Avviso of
Marcli 7, 1646, Papal Sec. Arch.
">
En RLE., Spada, 16.
VOL. XX.\. Del

A number of painters were

on the internalengaged
decoration as, for da Cortona, Giovanni
instance, Pietro
Francesco Romanclli, Giro Ferri, Andrea Camassei, Gaspard
Poussin, M'ho adorned the buildings with landscapes and
scenes from Roman history. Francesco Allegrini painted
biblical scenes on the soffits. Special admiration was called
forth by Pietro da Cortona's scenes from Virgil's Aeneid in
the long gallery. The choice of these subjects was inspired
by the circumstance that the dove (which the Pamfili carried
in their coat of arms) was the bird of Venus, Aeneas' mother.
,
The most famous scene was that of Neptune chiding the winds ;
for this picture the artist was rewarded with a poem by

Battistini. Venus' visit to Vulcan's forge also found many
admirers. For the pictures on the ceilings Cortona sought
inspiration in the works of Ovid and Homer. ^ These frescoes
were completed in 1654 and drawings made from them were
sent to Flanders as models for tapestries,^ whilst Carlo Cesi
of Rieti made engravings of them.^
Closely connected with the erection of the palace was the
correction of the Piazza Navona.* The Palazzo Aldobrandini,
near S. Giacomo, which protruded too much into the piazza,
was demolished ^ by this means the lines of the ancient

;
stadium of Domitian were once more clearly revealed. For

the centre of the piazza, a monumental fountain was to
replace the existing one —
a very simple one. The Pope gave
^ Cancellieri, loc. cit., 102 scqq. ; Fabrini, Vita del cavul.

Pietro Berretini, Cortona, i8g6, 102 seqq. ; Voss, Malerei, 543 seq.,
554 ; MuNOZ, Pietro da Cortona, 10 M. Lenzi in periodical

;
Roma, V. (1927), 495 seq. Cf. the payments given by Pollack

in Kunschronik, XXIII. (1911/12), 564 seq.
- Cerroti, Leitere di ariisti tratle dai nmnoscritti d. Corsiniatia,
Roma, i860, 10 seq.
Fabbrini, loc. cit., 113.
*
* A
view of the piazza before the alterations in P. Totti,
Ritratto di Roma moderna (1639), 232. Cf. the excellent study
by L. de Gregori Piazza Navona prima dTnnocenzo X., Roma,
:
1926.
»
Cf. Spicil. Vat., T., 117.
PIAZZA NOVONA. 403
ordt-rs for the embodiment in the new fountain of an olxlisk

of red granite of the time of the Emperor Domitian which
hiy in several pieces in the circus of Maxentius, on the Via
A{)pia. The learned Jesuit Athanasius Kircher made vain
attempts to decipher the hieroglyphs of the obelisk.^
Innocent X. intended to entrust the erection of the
monumental fountain in the Piazza Navona to Bernini's
rival Borromini, but the latter's design failed to please him.
Prince Nicolo Ludovisi, who had married a niece of
Innocent X., informed Bernini of the circumstance and
urged him to construct in secret a model of the proposed
work. Bernini fell in with the suggestion and the Prince so
arranged things that the Pope unexpectedly found himself
in presence of the model. On Lady Day, 1647, Innocent X.
had gone to the Minerva according to custom for the purpose

of distributing dowries to poor girls. Afterwards he repaired
to the Palazzo Pamfili. After breakfast, Cardinal Pamfili
and Donna Olimpia escorted him through the room in which
the model stood. The bold conception and the brilliant
execution of the design profoundly impressed the Pope. It is
said that at the end of an hour's examination he
half
exclaimed " We must give
: Bernini another commission,
despite the objections of his opponents people who do not :
want his works must not allow them to be brought to their

^
notice."
lêrnini was at once sent for and commissioned to carry out
the model. Thus a decisive hour of his life had struck he :
had recovered the papal favour. Evil tongues spread the

rumour in Rome that besides the clay model, the artist had
had another made of solid silver which he had presented to the
all powerful Olimpia.^ However, there was no need of such
KiRcuKR, Obeliscus Pamphilius, Romae, 1650, and (Edippus

'
C/ .Canxellieri, Mercfl/o,
spgyptiacus, 4 vols., ibid., 1632-1654.
42 seqq. Marucchi, GH obelischi Egiziani di Roma, Roma, 1898,
;
129 seq. Seuringer, Die Obelisken Rows, Augsburg, 1923,

;
37 -^f?-
- Baldiuucci, edit. Riegi., 147 ; Fraschetti, iSo.

^ 1'rasciietti, loc. cii.
shifts to win over a connoisseur like Innocent X. Bernini

had already given proofs of his mastery by his plans of
fountains under Urban VIII. ^ On this occasion also he solved
in superlatively brilliant fashion the dilftcult problem of
connecting an obelisk with a fountain. But the task had not
been an easy one. Some of his preliminary sketches, which
have been preserved, show how he wrestled with the problem.
The essential idea, that of an obelisk rising from a rock
pierced by caverns, appears already in one of the earliest
drawings in which armorial shields held by aquatic divinities
form the link between the rock and the immense stone colossus.
Another drawing, preserved at Windsor, carries this idea a
step further ; here the figures of the river gods are seated
at the corners under each of them is a fancifully modelled
;
shell-shaped basin supported by water-spouting dolphins.

In the end Bernini rejected this artificial composition the idea ;
of a grotto, which was only hinted at in the earlier designs,

is once more clearly emphasized in the model of the Casa
Giocondi. The work was carried out according to a uniform
plan in which the worlds' four great rivers were given a
predominating expression.^ To this end the river gods were
executed in marble so as to form a strong and picturesque
contrast to the warm tone of the cream coloured travertine
employed in the construction of the grotto.^
This cave, situate in the centre of a circular basin enlivened
by the figures of two fishesand lying a little below the level
of the piazza, consists of enormous travertine blocks and is
pierced on four sides. It is similarly divided into four parts
at the bottom and contains the giant figures of the chief rivers
of the then known four parts of the world. The Nile, the
personification of Africa, veils his head to signify the obscurity
which then shrouded his sources. In his right hand he holds
a shell adorned with Innocent X.'s coat of arms to his left ;
rises a palm-tree and a lion issues, roaring, from the grotto.
1
Cf. our data, XXIX., 512.
- H. Voss in Jahrb. der preuss. KunstsauiDiL, XXXI., no.
^ Benkard (22) in particular draws attention to this picturesque
effect. See also ]\Iunoz, Bernini, 18 seq.
FOUNTAIN OF THE TOUR RIVERS. 405
Ihc Danube (Europe) leans back and looks with amazement

at the obelisk by its side a rose grows out of a cleft in the
;
rock. The Ganges (Asia) holds a long oar in its right hand.^
The Rio de la Plata (America) is represented as a Moor ;
by his side there are some cactuses and a number of coins

s\'mbolizing the metal wealth of the new world, and a fanciful
monster.
On the summit of the rock, down whose flanks rush the
waters of the Acqua Vergine, the slim, reddish obelisk rises
securely and gracefully, its tip crowned with a resplendent
metal cross and the Pamfili dove. Work on this grandiose
scheme began in 1047. In August 1648, the obelisk was in
its place. The undertaking proved as diflicult as it was
costly. The people began to grumble, all the more so as
a fresh ta.\ had been imposed to meet expenditure. In June
Kiol, the work was completed. It was still covered up when
the Pope came to inspect it on the evening of June <Stli. Tour
days later the water was turned on and the covering removed.'^
The supreme direction of the work had been in the hands
of Bernini who left the execution of the figures to his pupils.
They, as appears from the terracottas in the archaeological
museum in Venice, strictly followed the plastic models of the
master. Francesco Barrata executed the figure of the Rio
de la Plata, Claudio Porissimi the Ganges, Antonio Raggi the
Danube and Giacomo Antonio Fancelli the Nile.-''
The boldness of the mighty work, its majestic movement,
the masterly combination of rock and water, make it impossible
for the visitor to Rome ever to forget the fountain of the
four rivers. \\'ith it Bernini created a new type ; here the
characteristics of the element of water and its mysterious
powers were for the first time gi\en plastic expression.*
' This is now nii.ssing.

" See Gigli in Cancellieri, Mercato, 59 Arch. Rom., II., 259. ;
' Fraschetti, 180 scq. Voss, loc. cit., iii scq.

;
* Voss, loc. cit., I2<). Cf. Hui.\cKM.\NX, lUtrock^kttlptuy, II.,

244 scq. ; Benkaru, 21 seq. ; W. \Vi;isbach, Die Kinist des
Barock in Italicn, Berlin, 1924, 31 ; Friedlander, Rom. Barock-
bniiiiu'H, Leipzig, 1922, 9.
The genius of the master is hlcewise revealed by the exceedingly

happy manner in which he correlated the fountain with its
surroundings. " From whatever angle one looks at it, it
presents a complete picture from whatever point one views

;
it, the beholder is impressed by the grandeur of the design

which, with the utmost boldness, as it were, raises the heavy
mass of the obelisk into the sky above the everlasting play
^
of the waters."
The full effect of the masterpiece was especially felt on
the occasion of the peculiar spectacle which, after 1652,^
was wont to take place in the Piazza Navona during the heat
of August. By stopping the pipes which carried away the
water, the whole piazza was flooded. Whilst the people
paddled to cool themselves, the gentry, instead of driving
in the Corso, drove round the fountain, which as a matter
of fact, was the centre of all the many public festivities
which used to be held in this magnificent piazza. Probabty
no fountain in the world has enjoyed the same popularity
as that of the four rivers. From the first, legends were woven
around it, and charming anecdotes became connected with
it. Thus it was said that on the occasion of its unveiling the
Pope asked Bernini with some irony "Is that all ? We :
have come to inspect a fountain, but we can see no water."

Thereupon the master pleaded that the monument was still
unfinished, but as the Pope was about to leave, he had the
taps opened when, amid general admiration, the water began
to spout and to gush forth on all sides. ^ Another legend
is to the effect that Bernini's enemies having spread the
rumour that the obelisk threatened to collapse, the master
mingled with the populace and, in order to calm the critics for
whom the catastrophe was too slow in coming, he had the
^ BoHN, Benini, 82.

CiAMPi, 304. The popular rejoicings only fell into desuetude
2
in the 'sixties of the igth century. Old illustration in Munoz,

Roma, 322.
* See Baldinucci, edit. Riegl, 154 scq. ; A. Cassio, Corso
dcir Acqiic antiche, I., Roma, 1756, 299.
^
FOUNTAIN OF THE FOUR RIVERS. 407
obelisk fastened by thin threads to the neighbouring houses.

Everybody laughed and Bernini left amid the acclamations
of the crowd. ^ The symbolism of the fountain also provided
matter for ironical comments thus it was said that the Nile
;
veiled his head so as not to be obliged to look at Borromini's

facade of the church of St. Agnes.
Innocent X. had four inscriptions placed on the fountain.
A medal was and he forbade the disfigurement
also struck
of the piazza by The inscription on the north
traders' stalls.^
side shows the survival of Si.xtus V.'s idea of making the
monuments of paganism subservient to Christianity.* It
gives the following explanation of the symbolism of the

dove and the cross on top of the monument " Above :
Egyptian monsters (supposed to be represented by the hiero-

glyphs), the guileless dove is enthroned (viz. true religion
crushes superstition) ; with the olive-branch in its beak,
and crowned with the lilies of the virtues,^ it makes of the
obelisk the symbol of its victory and triumph in Rome." ®
The Pope made the artist a gift of 5,000 scudi, and to his
eldest son he granted a canonry at St. Peter's.' In 1650,
he commissioned the artist to erect another family palace on
the site of an antique theatre on Monte Citorio, but that
building never got beyond the second story.*
How greatly Bernini's fame was enhanced by the fountain
' See D. Bernini in Cancellieri, Mercato, 41 cf. \. \alli:,

;
Una leggenda intorno alia fontana dei quattro fuimt in Piazza

Xavona, Roma, 19 13.
» The fountain was completed by 165 1, whereas Borromini
only undertook the erection of S. Agnesc in 1653.
• Cancellieri,
44 seq., 59, where there are details 011 the
many poems occasioned by the fountain ; rf. also Ciampi,
301 seq. ; Guidi, Fontane, 77.
«
Cf.our data. Vol. XXII., 240.
''
Innocent X.'s arms show three lilies above a dove.
• ClACONlus. IV., 650 EuRlNGER, Die Obelisken Roins,
; 40.
'
See Saggiatore, 1844, No. i, p. 3S3.
• Fraschetti, L'esposizione Benuviana a luniia, Roma, 1899,
12 5^17. CJ. W. ^ÊISBAC1I, Kioist dcs Barock, 28.
of the four rivers appears from the numerous poems it inspired

at the time.^ Someone even wrote a comedy in honour of
the Pamfih and the artist. Everybody admired the fountain ;
by it Bernini had made himself famous for all time, it was

said. 2 " The fountain is one of the finest artistic creations
in Europe," a Frenchman wrote immediately after its unveil-

ing.^ It has inspired a number of artists, especially French
ones, as well as, at a later date, the German Schliitcr's creation

of the four slaves on his monument of the Grand Elector in
Berlin. The latest adaption of the idea may be seen in the
groups of statuary in the gardens of Versailles, Caserta,
Aranjuez and Schonbrunn.^
When it was decided to reconstruct Gregory XIII.'s
fountain opposite the Pamfili palace, it was natural to employ
Bernini. He retained the existing structure, but placed in
the centre the figure of a marine god holding a water-spouting
dolphin. The fact that, as in the personification of Africa
on the fountain of the four rivers, he gave the figure the features
of a negro, was probably inspired by the reports of foreign
missionaries which were very popular reading in Rome just
then. The " Moro " was executed by Giovan Antonio Mari.^
In order to enhance the harmony and the character of the
Piazza Navona,^ Innocent X. resolved to replace by a new
building the old church of St. Agnes which was hidden by
houses. He also thought of transferring the fair to another
locality, and of concentrating in this most centrally situated
1
p. 407, n. 3, and M. Menghini, Le lodi e grandezze
See above,
della Aguglia e Fontana di Piazza Navona. Canzonetta di Fr.
Ascione (1657), published for Nozze-Cian-Sappa-Flandinet, 1894.
2 C/. Spicil. Vat., I., 118.
3 Denis, I., 263 ; cf. Cassiano del Pozzo's opinion in I\Iiscell.
di stor. ital., XV. (1875), 194.

* GuiDi, Fontane, 78, and Voss, loc. cit., 112, also draw
attention to the direct but stiff and unintelligent imitation
on the Columna del Triunfo at Cordoba (1765-1781).
^ CiAMPi,
305 Fraschetti, 201
; seq. ; Voss, loc. cit., 124 seq. ;
GuiDi, Fontane, 78 seqq.

8 Brinckmann, Platz und Monument, Berlin, 1923, 92.
CHURCH OF ST. AGNES. 409
square the offices of the notaries and cursnri who, until tlien,
had been scattered all over the city, to the great inconvenience
of the public.^
The new sacred edifice was intended to serve as a family
church, 2 like the one the Borghese possessed in the Capella
Paolina at St. Mary Major. Here the Pope wished to have
his last resting place. A rotunda seemed to recommend
itself for this purpose, ail the more so as such a structure
would best harmonize with the lines of the piazza.

On August 15th, 16r)2, Cardinal Giovan Battista Pamhli
laid the foundation stone of the church of St. Agnes on which
Girolamo Rainaldi and his son Carlo worked for a period of one
year. The supreme direction was in the hands of the nephew
Camillo Pamfili, who instructed Rainaldi to construct a flight
of steps of such as would have disfigured the whole
size
piazza. The Pope noticed this on SS. Peter and Paul's day,
1653. He took the nephew severely to task over it, and both
he and Rainaldi were dismissed from their posts of
superintendents of the construction, which was thereafter
entrusted to Borromini. The work was vigorously pushed
forward up to the Pope's death, but it was only completed
in the seventies of that century.^
' This appears from a memorial of Propaganda to Innocent X.

in 1652, Propaganda Archives, 363, p. 65.
- For this reason the cardinalitial title was transferred to
S. Agncse fuori le Mura on October 5, 1654.
' Canxellikri, Mcrcato, log seqq., iii, 113 Hpimpki,, Rainaldi,
;
2<) sc(j. De Rossi reports {*Istoria, Vat. 8873, p. 115 scqq., Ya.t.
Libr.) :
" Passo dunque [il Papa], come diccmmo, c viddc con
ammirazionc chc i cimenti della fabrica, secondo il di.segno

datone dal cav. Carlo Raynaldi, si C-stendevano in occupare non
lôco spazio di Piazza Xavona. Sua S^^ che per render qucsta
piu ampia e disbrigata, havcva gia fatto buttare a terra Ic case
contigue a S. Jacopo dc' Spagnuoli, et oltrc al nobile edilicio
deiri-stessopalazzo riceveva la Piazza Navona abbellimento si
grande della hcllissima guglia e fontana fattcvi collocare, quando
vidde la sproportione c ringombro della fabrica, dimando subito
adiratamcnte, con quali ordini ct autorita fosse stato introdotto.
The church of St. Agnes is a Greek cross with an apse ;
its sides up to the frieze

are entirely faced with white marble
where gilt stucco and paintings begin. The effect of the
interior is pleasing and imposing, whilst the exterior has met
with the approval of the severest critics. It recalls the
impression made by the basilica of St. Peter's with Maderna's
towers. The detached campaniles harmonize wonderfully
with the cupola and dominate the spacious piazza.^ The
church is a perfect example of Borromini's style, both in
the slim, pointed shape of the cupola, and the facade which
dominates the piazza.
The constructions of the Pamhli in the Piazza Navona
and their Villa on the Janiculus are among the most remarkable
artistic creations of papal nepotism in the 17th century,
and their splendour helps us in part to forget the darker
side and the weakness of such a system. Nevertheless, however
Gh fu risposto che D. Camillo I'haveva comandato ; sono in-
esplicabili i risentimenti che ne face anco in pubUco, e condottosi

poscia alle sue stanze ne sbravio con tal vehemenza di sdegno
il nipote che esse airincontro non si pote contenere di non
esprimere il desiderio che aveva di vedersi una volta disciolto
dei continui rancori, nei quali per I'lncontri del zio si trovava.
Per molti giorni face il Papa soprasedere la fabrica e poi depute
il chierico di Camera Msgr. Franzoni, toltane ogni incumbenza

a D. Camillo per sopraintendervi e proveduto di nuovo architetto,
del Borromino." Cf. Cancellieri, Mercato, in Guidi, Borro- ;
niini, 8i seqq. An *Avviso of January 23, 1672, refers to the

consecration of S. Agnese On Sunday Cardinal Gualtieri con-
:
secrated the church of S. Agnese in Navona :

" fatta fabricare
da fondamenti m. d'Innocenzo X. molto vaga et bella

dalla f.
ornata di oro e di fini marmi con bellissime colonne et statue,

e gl'altari tutti di basso rilievo di marmi, sicome sara I'altare
maggiore con superbissimo organo, mancandovi di dipingere la
cuppola, e di farvi il deposito di domino Papa da esservi trasportato
dalla Basilica di S. Pietro." Papal Sec. Arch.
1 Bergner, 60.
Cf. MuSoz, Roma, 234 seq., and Borromini, 8 ;
Magni, 16, 63, 64 Briggs, 24

;
Hkmpel, loc. cit., 35, and
;
Gurlitt's praise (393 scq.), who still ascribed everything to

Rainaldi.
THE POPES AND NEPOTISM. 41I
much \vc may be compelled to value the continued patronage

of the arts, and to pay our tribute of admiration to what
was then achieved, the historian of the Church cannot overlook
the harm done by the excessive favour shown by Innocent X.
and Urban VIII. to their relatives, and the great loss of prestige
which the Holy See suffered in consequence. Like his
predecessors, Paul III. and IV., Innocent X. also realized
this fact in his more thoughtful moments. However, the aged
Pontiff was no longer possessed of sufficient energy to do
away with an abuse to which an end was only put at a later
period by Innocent XII.
APPENDIX
OF
UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
AND
EXTRACTS FROM ARCHIVES
APPENDIX
1. Thk Cardinal Skcretary of State to the Spanish
Nuncio ^
Kome, December 17, ltS5(J.
II sigi" D. Diego de Silva Velasquez della Camera di Sua

Maesti Cattolica, il quale, havcndo qui dimorato lungo tempo
per servitio della M'-* Sua, ha non solo in esso adempito intiera-
mente le sue parti, ma mostrato ancora straordinario valore
nel fare il ritratto di Nostro Signore medesimo ha porto materia
hii, per lo che mi ha imposto di scrivere a V. Sig'^ che nella
alia S'^ Sua d'inclinare benignamente ad ogni giovamento di

pretensione, che egli ha, di conseguire da Sua M'^ uno de* tre
habiti militari, Ella promuova con ogni efficacia Tistanza
del sigf D. Diego. Et io havendo ancora particolari cagioni di
desiderare a lui sodisfazioni et augumento, sono ad accertar
V. Sig'* che rechcro a mio debito verso Lei tutto cio ch'Ella
sara per operare in vantaggio di lui. E le prego dal Sig'"'' Dio
vira prosperita.
2. The Holy See and the Peace of Westphalia ^
The material for Chigi's activity as a mediator at the Peace

Congress of Westphalia, and the Curia's policy at the time is
extraordinarily plentiful, and it has been preserved in its
entirety. Whatever Chigi wrote, read or had on his table
(luring his stay at Miinster, is almost completely before us.
One part of the documents is in the Papal Secret Archives,
another and no less valuable a section is in the Chigi Library.
In the Papal Secret Archives {Xnnziatura di -pad, 16-28) are
preserved the decoded copies of Chigi's reports from Miinster
and Aix-la-Chapelle a complete series, together with his
:
letters en chiir, and and instructions of the

lastly the replies
Secretary of State in cypher. Steinberger has made use of
these documents, though onh' for the specialized purpose of
' Page 20, n. 2.

* Page 04, n. i.
415
his valuable work on the Jesuits and the question of peace,

whilst he unfortunately had no access to the material in the
Chigi Library. The first to give some account of this were
Gachard {La bihliotheque dcs Princes de Chigi) and Ciampi
in his essay L'epistolario inedito di Fabio Chigi poi Papa
Alessandro VII, in Atti dei Lincei, CI. di scienze morali,
Serie III., vol. i (1877). Brom used them in the measure in
which his particular purpose required it, in the third volume of
his Archivalia.
When in 1905, in my capacity as Director of the Austrian
Historical Institute, I resolved to examine the part played by
the Holy See in the great peace negotiations of the 17th
and 18th century, the Westphalian Peace Congress was
entrusted to the Prague historian, Dr. W. Kybal, who had the
co-operation of a number of members of the Institute, especially
that of Dr. von Lohr, Dr. Martin, Dr. Stolz, Dr. Haid and
Dr. Grosz. It was of the utmost advantage for us that Prince
Mario Chigi {oh. 1915), who, since 1879, had most liberally
seconded my research work in the Archives, gave permission
to use all the material preserved in his library. How rich this
is appears from the following extract from the catalogue of
MSS. :
All. Registro di lettere scritte in Munster per la pace

generale al sacro collegio, a Papa Innocenzo X., a'signori
cardinali Panzirolo e Pamfilo, dal 1644 al 1645. — Cod. chart.,
ipsis In fol.
annis scriptus.
A I 2 — ed abbozzo di lettere in confuso a
5. Registro
diversi, in IV tomi divisi, dall'a. 1631 al 1644. Codd. chart, —
praedictis annis exarati. In fol.
A I 6. [Fabio Chigi] Lettere scritte da 22 di Dicembre 1644
fino a 26 di Ottobre del 1649. —
Eorum, ad quos missae sunt,
secundum litterarum sericm, index praecurrit. C. ch., —
praedicto tempore exaratus. In fol.
A I 7. [Fabio Chigi] Lettere italiane scritte dal 16 di
Novembre di 1649, fmo tutto il 31 di Dicembre del 1650.—
Sequuntur Lettere latine scritte da' 12 di Dicembre del
:
1649 fino tutto il 31 di Dicembre del 1650. Utriusque linguae —

epistolis index litterarum ordine praecedit. C. ch., scr. —
praedictus annis. In fol.
A I 9-13. Scripturarum ad pontificium secretum missarum
et per numeros expressarum acta, cum litteris separatis Fabii
—— — —
APPENDIX, 417
Chisii, Nuntii apostolici ordinarii ad tractus Rheni, ct extra-

ordinarii Monasterii pro pace general!, ab a. 1644 ad a. 1650.
Ouinque voluminibus comprehenduntur nonnullae italo :
sermone et gallico exaratae miscentur singulis voluminibus ;
materiarum index praelixus. Codd. ch., scr. saec. xvii. In fol.

A I 14-18. [Fabio Chigi] Registro di lettere e cifre scritte a
Palazzo, mentr'cra Nunzio ordinario al Reno e straordinario per
la pace generale a Munster di Vestfalia, dal 1646 al 1651, che fu
il suo ritorno in Italia, comprese in V tomi. C. ch., scr.
praedicto tempore. In fol.
A [Fabio Chigi] Registro di lettere a M*"" Macchiavelli,

I 21.
patriarca di Constantinopoli, e vescovo di F"errata, poi
cardinalc, dal 1641 al 1652. —
C. ch., praedictis annis exaratus.
In fol.
A I 22. [Fabio Chigi] Registro di lettere scritte a monsignor

Albizzi, assessore del Sant'Offizio, dal 1639 al 1651. —C. ch.,
scr. praedictis annis. In fol.
A [Fabio Chigi] Registro di lettere scritte da Munster

I 23.
di e poi da Aquisgrano, a monsignor Camillo
Vestfalia...,
Meltio, arciv'O di Capoa e Nunzio della Santa Sede appresso
rimperatore, dal 1644 al 1652. — C. ch., praedictis annis.
In fol.
A I 24. [Fabio Chigi] Registro di lettere scritte da Munster

di Vestfalia dal congresso per la pace generale, e poi da
Aquisgrano, dal 1644 fino al 1651, a monsignor Niccolo de'
conti Guido, Nunzio al Re Cristianissimo Luigi XIV.
(". ch., scr. In fol.
praedictis annis.
A[Fabio Chigi] Registro di lettere a monsignor d'Elci,
I 25.
arcivescovo di Pisa e Nunzio apostolico in Venezia, dal 1647
al 1651, e a monsignor Rospigliosi, Nunzio in Madrid, dal
1644 al 1652. —
C. ch., scr. saec. xvii. In fol.
A [Fabio Chigi] Negoziato del 1632 fatto da M. Corsini
I 26.
et da M. Chigi, commissari sopra le controversie tra la Sede

Apca e la Rep^'* di Venezia per li confini di Aviano e di Loreo.
C. ch., scr. saec. xvii. In fol.
A I 31. [Fabio Chigi] Lettere a familiar], dal 1632 al 1647.—
C . ch., anep., autogr., scr. saec. xvii. In fol.
A I 32. I
Fabio Chigi] Lettere a diver.si, dal 1626 al 1643.—
C. ch., titulo carens. autogr., praed. ann. In fol.
A I 31). [Fabio Chigi] Lettere a Don Augusto e Don

Agostino Chigi, dal 1648 al 1654. C. ch., autogr., praed. In fol.
VOL. .\XX. K e
— — — —— —
A I 40. [Fabio Chigi] Lctterc a Don Mario Chigi, dal 1649

al 1654.— C. ch., autogr., ips. annorum. In 8°.
A I 42. [Fabio Chigi] Memorie, note e polizze circa i trattati
della pace in Munster dal 1644 al 1649. C. ch., autogr., saec.
XVII. In 4". (Cfr. p. quoted as Diarium.)
A II 27-29. [Fabio Chigi] Registro di lettere scritte a varj
pcrsonnaggi, dal 1632 al 1652, raccolte in tre tomi. Virorum —
index singulis libris praemittitur. Codd. ch., dictis annis scr.
In fol.
A44-45. [Fabio Chigi] Epistolarum latinarum ab a. 163i)
I
ad 1649 variis ex locis datarum acta, in duo volumina divisa

a. :
utrique ecrum, ad quos litterae scriptae sunt, iuxta litteras

index praecurrit intermiscentur quaedam italico et gallico
;
sermone exarata. Cod. ch., anep., scr. praedictis annis.

In 40.
A monsignor [Fabio
II 36-46. Lettere e cifre di Palazzo a
Chigi], vescovo di Nardi. Nunzio per la pace generale a
Munster in Vestfalia, dal 1629 al 1651, in XI tomi raccolte.
Viri, qui scribunt, singulos tomos praecedunt. Codd. ch.,
autogr., scr. saec. xvii. In fol.
A II 47. Registro di cifre di Segretaria di Stato a monsignor

Chigi, arcivescovo [!] diNardi e Nunzio apostolico al Reno,
dal 1646 al 1651. — Scribentium index praemissus. C. Ch.,
scr. saec. xvii. In fol.
A II 49. Lettere della Congregazione del Sant'Offizio a
monsignor [Fabio Chigi] Nunzio di Colonia, ed in specie circa
il matrimonia del duca di Lorena, il Giansenio e le missioni di
Olanda, dal 1639 al 1648. Aliquae latiae et galliae immistae.

C. ch., autogr., scr. saec. xvii. In fol.
A II 51 52, III 53-69, B I 1-3. Lettere su varie materie
scritte in diversi tempi ad Alexandrum VII, dal 1620 al 1654,
in XII tomi raccolte. — C. In fol.

ch., scr. saec. xvii.
B I 4. Contarini, Alvise, Venetae reipubhcae ad Romanam

aulam legatus Lettere scritte, da' 13 agosto 1649 a' 29 luglio
:
1650, ad Alessandro VII, mentre era Nunzio in Colonia.

C. ch., scr. saec. In fol.
xvii.
a varj personnaggi, brevi, decreti,
II 46-49. Lettere
relazioni, e scritture su varie materie pohtiche, dal 1643 al
1644, ripartite in IV tomi. Alia latine, aha gallice scripta ;
singulis tomis materiarum index praefixus. Index IV. tomi

est Fabii Chisii manu exaratus. Epistolas et orationes
— —
APPENDIX. 419
aliquorum viroruni littciis illustriuni iiiistas repcrics. (dc/d.

ch., anep., set. saec. xvii. In fol.
Q II 54. Scritture diverse spettanti al trattato della pace di

Colonia e di Munster. —
Materiarum index praecedit haec :
sermone cxarata. Saec. xvii. In 4°.

italo, ilia gallico —
O III T)?. Scritture per la pace generale delle due corone di
Francia e di Spagna in Munster, dall'a. 1044 al 1G49. Legenda
nota praemissa et aliae passim insertac manu i-'abii Chisii.
Saec. XVII. In fol.
O III 08. Scritture per la pace tra I'lmperatore e il Re

di Francia in Munster dall'a. 1G44 al lG4i). Legendae notae
scriptae manu Fabii Chisii, pleraque gallico et latino scripta
sermone. — Saec. xvii. In fol.
Q Generanda, comes et Hispaniarum Regis legatus

III 59.
et arbiter in pace Monastcrii lirmanda Lettere spagnuole per
:
la pace di Munster, dal 1654 al 1G49, a Fabio Chigi. Accedunt

nonnullae Imperatoris et Galli ministri epistolae ad eundem.
In fol.
O III GO-63. Scritture diverse del trattato di Munster, dal

1G49 1G50, raccolte in IV protocolli. Praecedunt nonnulla
al
ab a.1G38 ad 1643. Omnia latine, itale e gallice exarata.
Scr. saec. xvii. In fol.
O III G5-6G. Trattati, concordati e lettere diverse per la
pace di Munster, dall'a. IGIO al 1G4G, raccolte in due tomi.
Singulis materiarum index praemissus. Scr. saec. xvii. —
In 40.
Q III 69-77. Scritture, trattati, editi, articoli, rimonstranze,
proteste, lettere e cose simili per la pace di Munster, dall'a.
1644 al 1649, divise in IX volumi. Alia latina, alia itala, alia
gallica. In 1° vol. interseruntur nonnulla poetica et aliqua in
hoc et in ultimo Fabii Chisii manu scripta praeter quatuor ;
prima, cetera indicem materiarum habcnt praefixum. Saec. —

xvii. In 40.
When all the material had been examined, that is botli that
in the Chigi Library and that in the Papal Secret Archives,
Professor Dr. Kybal, who had bestowed the utmost diligence
on the task, began to have all the more important pieces
copied. In this he was assisted by the Austrian Ministry of
Education. The work had so far progressed that in his book
Das Oesterreichische Historische Institut in Rom 1901-1913
(Vienna, 1914), Dengel was able to express the hope that
;
publication would begin in the near future. But then the

World War l^roke out. I still hope that somehow, with the
coming of better times, the publication on which Professor
Kybal has bestowed so much toil, will be realized. Out of
consideration for him I have refrained from printing some of
the reports.
3. Paolo Casati S.J. on the Conversion of Queen

Christine of Sweden ^
November 19th, 1655.
Al M. R. P. in Christo P. Franco BonelH della Compagnia di

Giesu.
Non posso lasciare di sodisfare alia giusta curiosita di V. R.
che ha desiderato di sapere in ristretto e brevemente, con
qual progresso sia andata la resolutione della Ser^^ Regina di
Svetia di lasciare il regno e farsi cattolica. Ecco dunque breve-
mente il fatto. Comincio la Regina internamente a dubitare
di molte cose della setta Luterana, e tanto piii, quanto meno
le vedeva spiegate dalli suoi Pastori (che cosi chiamano cola
li predicanti e ministri), onde con maggior attentione e
diligenza studiando ne' libri di quella setta, tanto piu si
confermo ne' suoi dubii, e percio con sollecitudine e straordinaria
agitatione di mente
diede ad informarsi di quanta sette
si
sono mai state, e per trovar se in alcuna potesse acquietarsi, et

in questo occupo lo spatio di cinque anni continui non man-
cando di conferire con piu dotti homini, che cola capitassero,
anche da lei chiamati ma non ritrovando sodisfattione in
;
alcuna, si risolse di seguire quella, in cui era allevata, stimando

che dal canto suo bastasse nell'opre seguire in tutto il dettame
della ragione, ne far cosa, di cui potesse giamai arrossirsi
parvele di haver trovato quiete, e cosi stette due anni in circa ;
ma il Signore Iddio, che vedeva la sua buona volonta, voile

illuminarla neirintelletto con eccitar di nuovo la sollecitudine
per trovar la vera fede. Stava in questa anzieta, quando
^
Cf. this work, p. 343 seqq. Extracts in Ranke, III., 61 seq.,
183* seq. For Casati see Arckenholtz, I., 471 ; Sommervogel,
II., 799 seq. ; IX., 2 seq.
APPENDIX. 421
giunse a Stockolm un'ambasciatore di Portogallo, chc seco

condiiceva due Padri dclla Comp. di Giesu, uno de' quali era
il P. Antonio Macedo, che serviva d'interprete all'ambasciatorc
con sua M'^ ;

quest 'occasione di trattare col Padre fece che
la Rcgina lo scoprisse per huomo prudente e fidato onde
:
assicurandosi della di lui secretezza, ne sperando d'haver mai

piu simile occasione, s'indusse a persuaderlo di partir nascosta-
mente, et aU'improviso alia volta di Roma, consegnandoli sue
lettere indirizzate al P. Franc. Piccolomini Generale della
Compagnia, nelle quali lo richiedeva che mandasse doi Padri,
e nominatamente li voleva Italiani, co' quali potesse conferire
alcune cose di rehgionc, dando intentione di farsi cattolica,
reconosciuta ch' havesse la verita. Giunse il P. Macedo a Roma
sul fine di Ottobrc del 1651, dove trovando morto il P. Piccolo-
mini, diede le lettere al P. Vicario, che hora e Generale. Egli
le apri, et essendo quelle in lingua francese familiarissima alia
Regina, le confido al P. Anat Assistente di Francia, col quale e
col P. Assistente d'ltalia e P. Segretario consulto per elettione
di chi dovea mandarsi, et a me tocco questa buona fortuna ;
e si scrisse accio da Torino si spiccasse il P. Franc, de Malines,

e venisse a trovarmi nel luogo assegnato. Partii alii 22 di
Novembre di quell'anno 1651, et accompagnatomi per strada
col P. Malines arrivammo a Stockolm il giorno di S. Matthia
1652, circa il qual tempo S. M'^^ ci stava aspettando, conforme a
quello che da Roma se I'era scritto. Furono frequentissimi e
di molte hore per volta li colloquii (trovando la prudenza di
S. M'^ I'opportunit^ del tempo e del luogo) et assicuro V. R.
che ho visto con evidenza gli effetti della divina bonta, la
quale immediatamente scioglieva i nodi inestricabili che
tenevano impegnata la mcnte della Regina, et operava molto
piu nel cuore di quello di fuori apparisse. Ella havea tanta
cognizione delle cose della religione cattolica, che non havea
mcstieri d'istruzione, sgombrate le nebbie de' dubii che haveva
intorno ad alcune cose particolari ; e la perspicacia del suo
ingegno, aiutata da una singolar gratia dello Spirito Santo,
facea che in un coUoquio si potesse discorrere di molte dificolta,
alle quali date che havevamo le risposte, che il Sig'" Iddio ci
suggeriva proportionate alle interrogationi, lasciavamo che il
Sig° Iddio pefettionasse I'opra che havea cominciata. Ella
finalmente alia fine d'aprile si risolse d'abbracciare la santa
fede cattolica, c perchc gia molto prima havea pcnsato a
cio, ch'clla dovesse fare in evento che a cio si risolvesse ct,

in caso che senza pericolo della sua salute non potesse
congiungere alio stato reale la vera fede, vedendo non esser
possibile introdurre nel regno la rcligionc cattolica, ne fermarsi
nel governo di essa senza pericolo di far cosa ripugnante alia
protestatione della vera fede, chiaramente disse, che voleva
rinunciare al regno, e dissegnatone il modo, subito spedi me
verso Roma, accio per mezzo del P. nostro Generale si rap-
presentasse a Nostro Sig^^ Innocentio X
di fel. mem. et accio
io pighassi alcune informationi spettanti a questo. Partii di
Stockolm con suo passaporto sul principio di Maggio di quel-
I'anno, ma non potendomi dar lettera per Sua Santita, poiche
non era gionto certo corriere, ch'ella aspettava, mi commando
le aspettassi in Nambourg, ma tardando I'arrivo del corriere,
con lettera delli 21 di Maggio m'impose, che partissi con una
sola sua lettera al P. Generale, ch'era lettera di credenza a
quello, che io haverei esposto, ma con espressa riserva di non
parlarne con N™ Sig^*^, non ricevessi le lettere ch'ella mi
sinche
havria mandato a Roma per mezzo del P. Malines, che pensava
doversi spedire dopo 15 giorni. Non comparve mai il P. MaHnes,
ne le lettere, onde spediti gl'altri negotii commessimi, et
havute le informationi necessarie, parte delle quali s'hebbero
dall'Emo Chigi ora Nô Sigê Alessandro VII, il quale unica-
mente era consapevole del butto sin da principio, partii sul
fine di Settembre da Roma, et essendomi per strada per varie
contingenze trattenuto, giunsi alia fine del 1652 a Nambourg.
Ivi trovai lettere di S. M'^ che m'ingiongevano di non passar
avanti avvisai del mio arrivo e ricevei ordine di mandare le
:
informationi portate e d'aspettare il P. Malines ma tardandoe

;
questi, finalmente hebbi licenza di tornarmene in Italia circa la

meta di Marzo 1653, et il penultimo di Giugno giunsi di ritorno
a Roma.
Mentre nell'estate del 1653 io era di ritorno a Roma, giunse a
Stockolm il Antonio Pimentel inviato dal Re di Spagna,
Sig^ D.
che seco havea il P. Carlo Manderscheidt della nostra
Compagnia, et ambedue riconobbero il P. Malines gia da loro
conosciuto in Fiandra molt'anni prima. In progresso di tempo
S. M^^ prese confidenza nella prudenza del Pimentel, e com-
municatagli la risolutione di lasciare il regno per farsi cattolica,
e che prima di venire a Roma volea ritirarsi nclli stati di
S. M'^ Catt^!^, dovea D. Antonio andare in Hispagna a
APPENDIX. 423
rapprescntarlo al Re Ma non potcndo egli all'hora andaro, si
prcsc ispcdicntc d'inviare un Padre Domcnicano Spagnuolo, il
quale, quand'io era in Svctia, stava in Copponliagen cappcllano

del contc di Rebogliedo ambasciatore di Spagna appresso il
Re di Danimarca. Se questo Padre fosse chiamato a posta o
ivi si trovasse a caso, non lo so, perche gia erano molti mesi che
m'ero partito ; a lui, come a Religioso prudente che havria
guardato il segreto, fu communicata la risolutione gia presa
dalla Regina, e fu spedito in Spagna, dovcndo poco dopo
seguitare D. Antonio ma questi tardando la sua partenza, al
;
Padre Malines, che al fine di Marzo dovea venire per ritornare

meco in Italia, mando la Regina ordine di passare in Spagna.
d'onde fu di ritorno a Roma al tine di Giugno 1653.
Non stava la Regina otiosa per I'essecutione de' suoi
dissegni, e gia inviava la sua biblioteca, come m'avviso con
lettera di Agosto 1653, e con altre lettere scritte al P. Generale
mostrava grandissimo desiderio di venire a line de' suoi
dissegni, scmprc assicurandoci della sua costanza e della
prontczza per superarc ogni difhcolta. Ouando hnalmcnte con
una delli 26 di P'ebbraio 1654 scritta da Upsal tutta piena
d'allegrezza mi avviso di haver conchiuso la sua rinoncia del
regno, e che con pretesto delle acque di Spah saria venuta in
—
Fiandra il che s'essegui com'e noto a tutti. Si trattenne
qualche tempo in Anversa, poi andata a Bruselles immediata-
niente avanti la festa di Natale I'istesso anno 1()54 alia presenza
del Ser"!*^ Arciduca Leopoldo, del General conte Montecuccoli,
chiamato da Vienna dalla stessa Regina, di D. Antonio
Pimentcl e D. Antonio de la Cucva fece privatamente la
professione della fede cattolica. E perche molto si premeva
che la cosa si communicasse a quanti meno si poteva, giudicorno
di non chiamare altra persona ecclesiastica, havendosi ottenute
le necessarie facolt^ per il Padre Domenicano, ricondotto di
Spagna dal Pimentelli per segretario suo dell'ambasciata e
;
(juesti poi ha sempre segretamente servito la Regina da

cappellano e di confessore. Quest'estate poi del 1655 scrisse la
Regina a N^'o Sig""*^ Alessandro settimo dando a Sua S** parte
della risolutione e di venirsene a Roma, e si concerto che
uscita da luoghi mescolati d'eretici, in Inspruck facesse
publica professione della fede cattolica, com'ella ha fatto alii
3 di Novcmbre, con quelle circostanze che per esser note a
V. R. non giudico di replicare, bastandomi con questo semplice
e breve racconto di haver soddisfatto al desiderio che ho di
dichiararmi.
D. V. R.
dal Collegio Romano li 19 Novembre 1655.
UmiHssimo servo nel Sig""^
Paolo Casati
della Compagnia di Giesu ".
[Contemporary copy in the State Archives, Modena,

Documenti di Stati Esteri, Svezia, B*^ I.]
4. Memorandum of P. Sforza Pallavicino for
Alexander VII. on the Benefices of the Nephews ^
May 9th, 1656.
He thanks the Pope for his confidence. He discusses the

reasons for and against calhng the nephews. He then proceeds :
" Per evitar i narrati incomodi dell'una e dell'altra parte io

non veggo altro modo se non quello che le accennai nell'ultima
audienza, cioe che la S'^ V. col publicare la risolutione di
chiamare i signori suoi parent! promulgasse anche una bolla
giurata ad lei e da tutti i cardinah, la qual e necessaria a due
cose Tuna da assicurar il mondo della sua futura moderazione,
:
della quale non si fidara mai in altra maniera, havendo veduto

questo primo passo ed anche I'esempio degh antecessori,
ciascun de' quali ha cominciato protestando di voler esser
moderato e poi ha dato in eccessi. L'altra, obligare i successori
all'imitazione, gia che un motivo principale della chiamata e
lasciare un esempio imitabile.
In questa bolla si potrebbe prescrivere quello che i Papi al
piu dovessero dar a i loro parenti, non gia con tanta strettezza
quanta V. S'^ disegna rispetto a se, perche io stimo che a
questa i pontefici non siano obhgati, ma dentro a quel concetti,
tra quali si custodisse insieme la discrezione c la edificazione,
aggiugnendosi che quando fusser piii il successore, debba

ritorlo con tutte le altre cautele, per le quali habbiamo vedute
osservate le bolle di Pio e di Sisto.
Oltre a cio dovrebbe contenere la medesima bolla che non
debbano i Papi promuover al cardinalato alcun de' loro parenti
1
Cf. Vol. XXXI.. p. 24.
APPENDIX. 425
se non dopo tanto tempo di vita clcricale c di prclatura, il

chc sarebbc di grand'cditicazione per molti capi c terrebbe in
ofifizio fra tanto qucllo, il qiial suol poi csser I'arbitro del
pontificate e darcbbe commodity al Papa et agli altri di conos-

cerlo nell'esperienza. E sc V. S'^ non provede a questo con
bolla da non potra difendersi ella medesima dalle
sc giurata,
violenti istanzc de' principi, quali pcnsaranno di guadagnarsi
i
il signer D. Flavio con strappar dalle mani di V. S^* in poche

settimane iin lui. E pure la sua gioventu e
cappelle per
I'essere state fin hera secolare non par che lo renda mature
a questa dignita nc secendo I'idea di Christe ne secendo di
([uella della S'^ V. E finalmente converrebbe statuire in questa
bolla che a si fatti cardinali non si petesse dar piu che una
entrata ragienevele, per esempie di 12™ scudi, il che sarebbe
di gran conselatiene al Collegio.
Terze potrebbe V. S^* ordinare che i signori suei congiunti
trattassere con assai minor altura chc non hanne usata i
passati nepeti de' Papi. II che cagienarebbe edificazione et
amorc. E cio senza verun pregiudizio, perche non essende

quclla magnifica scena de' nipoti de' Papi durabilc dopo la
morte del zio, e meglio mcttcrli in poste d'onde poi non debban
calare.
Quarto. Potrebbe dichiararsi la S. V. publicamente in
concistere che da' cardinali, i quali elle e per fare in sua vita,
non richiede per gratitudine che nc' cenclavi futuri seguane
altri che Criste, anzi che riputera ingrati a lei quelli che pre-
cederanno ivi con altro rispette.
Con questi concettini la chiamata di quei signori puo
riuscire utile c non dannesa al governo nc scandalosa al
cristianesimo, anzi d'edificazione."
[Chigi Librarv, Rome, C. Ill, 70, p. 156-9.]
7). Instruction for B.\ldeschi, Nuncio in Switzerl.and ^
1665.
"... QucUi Pontefici che messi da smisurate zele stabilireno

che setto pena di scemunica nen si devesse pratticar cegli
eretici, non ebbere mai la mira d'includcr colore che dovevane
affaticarsi alia lora conversiene et in fatti come e possibile
:
'
Cf. Vol. XXXI., p. 14S.
di tirar gl'herctici alia nostra fcdc, sc non si pratticano, se non

si conversa con cssi loro ?
lo non dico die V. S. cntri a trattato alcuno con i Cantoni
protestanti, ne comunicar con i loro deputati ma bensi
;
di levarsi ogni scrupulo di conversar con i loro particolari, et

e certo che quei Nuntii, che sono stati li piu retinenti a far cio,
sono quelli che hanno meglio riuscito ne' negotiati e che hanno
rotto e non risarcito i trattati."
Conviene conoscer prima gl'humori particolari degl'huomini,
chi vuol ben negotiare cogl'huomini public! delle nationi ;
che pero il conversar di quando in quando con le persone civili

dei Cantoni protestanti e I'ordinare alii suoi domestici che
faccino lo stesso, non puo portar che grandi avvantaggi alia sua
Nunziatura, perche in questa maniera imparera a conoscere
li loro humeri sopra di che le sara piu facile di fondare quel
;
tanto che deve negotiare.

Oltre a questo, conversando V. S. li protestanti con quella
gentilezza e prudenza che sono state sempre naturali alia sua
persona, portara un gran beneficio alia nostra religione
medesima et aprira tanto maggiormente la strada alia con-
versione di quei popoli, quali hanno impresso nell'animo, come
ancora tutti gl'altri protestanti del mondo, il cattivo concetto
che noi habbiamo di loro e I'avversione che verso di loro hanno
i nostri popoli, che si muovono, se non per altra, per questa
ragione ad odiarci e a star costanti alia loro durezza onde ;
bisogna con la frequentatione disingannarli a puoco a puoco

della opinione che hanno che noi li odiamo, e fargli conoscere
che il nostro humore e contrario alia loro imaginatione. Cosi,
se una volta saranno spogliati della avversione che hanno per
noi, si rendera facile il modo d'istruirli ncUa nostra dottrina,
particolarmente nei punti che essi ignorano e che noi siamo
obligati di farli conoscere.
Non sono 20 anni che alcuni deputati d'un certo luogo del...,
che non voglio nomare per qualche consideratione, andarono
per negotiare nella corte d'un principe d'alto grido, ma quello
ch'e piu curioso, essi avevano intrapreso la deputatione con
ferma speranza di guadagnar tutto, perche s'imaginavano
questa corte plena d'huomini di puoca esperienza, et accet-
tuatone un solo, mettevano tutti gl'altri alia dozzena e ;
pure li ministri di questa corte per lungo spatio di tempo si

erano assuefatti nel trattare con li ministri di molti principi
APPENDIX. 427
negl'affari e negotiati })iu iinportaiiti dcU'Europa ; ct cssi

non havcvano mai ncgotiato altro che (lualchc cause civile di
diccc scudi, o per lo piu esscrcitati a condannare alcuna
puttanella alia frusta tanto piu che essendo restati puoco
;
men che due mesi in detta corte, si viddero loro stessi ligati con
(luei niedesimi lacci, con i quali credevano ligar gl'ahri, e
posti in un labirinto, di dove non poterono svilupparsi che
con puoca loro riputazione e con danno notabile del loro
principe.
Somigliantc cosa successe ad un nostro Monsignore assai
bene conosciuto da V. S., il quale nel pontificato di
Urbano VIII fu eletto per essercitar la Nuntiatura nella
Svissa, che abbraccio volentieri, havendo ancor egli negl'affari
politici maggior fumo che arrosto, essendosi posto in testa di
poter ridurre in breve tutta la parte heretica in cattolica e
tutta la cattolica obligar a riconoscere il Pontihce per arbitro
sovrano di tutti gl'affari civili e criminali de' Cantoni. Fondava
questi suoi pensieri e ventose intraprese sopra alcune historic
\'ecchie lette da lui e sopra certi rapporti interessati riferiti piu
tosto per ridere che per altro, quali gli havevano preoccupato lo
spirito e ridottolo a credere che gli Svisseri erano huomini di
grosso legname, mercenarii della loro vita istessa da loro
ordinariainente venduta per denari, ignoranti di lettere, puoco
assidui nella lettura dei buoni libri e costumati ad imbriacarsi
dalla mattina ftno alia sera che pero stimava egli facile di
;
guadagnar tutto sopra lo spirito di huomini si fatti onde nel ;
viaggio in quelle parti andava dicendo ad alcuni suoi piu

confidenti che sperava in breve di poter mettere Svisseri i
tutt'insieme in un fiasco.
Magiunto alia giurisditione della sua Nuntiatura, trovo
le cose molto diverse da qucllo egli si era immaginate, et in
cambio di mettere li Svizzeri in un fiasco, si vidde egli medesimo

posto dagli S\'izzcri in una scatola, e in tre anni di Nuntiatura
non pote mai spuntare alcuna cosa che fussc favorevolc alia
Sede Apost., e pure Svizzeri spuntarono molti punti in
i
loro favore et in detrimento di Roma, che non havevano

mai potuto ottenere in tempo dell'altro Nuntio. Onde,
ritornato doppo questo pur buon ministro a Roma, andava
dicendo per tutto, che " gli Svizzeri erano grossolani di nome,
ma non d'cffetti " et e certo che questa carica lo fece pcrder
;
molto (li stima, e non per altro forse se non perche si era
addormentato sopra la speranza di dover trattare con popoli

rozzi e di puoco valore ; che e un grand'errore proprio a far
perdee molti ministri, quali devono sempre immaginarsi di
dover negotiar con huomini molto piu esperti di loro, perche
questa immaginatione I'oblighera a studiar sempre piu le
maniere di ben negotiare.
Sono veramente li Svisseri puoco inclinati alle lettere, perche
il loro mestiere principale e quelle dell'armi ;ad ogni modo vi
trattengono di buonissime universita publiche, dalle quali sono
usciti sapientissimi huomini, ma in picciolo numero, essendo
vero che generalmente il loro spirito non e delli piu sottili del
mondo ne dei piu speculativi della terra, conservando non so che
di rozzo, che si crede generato dall'asprezze di tante montagne
che circondano quel paese. Ma, sia come si voglia, havendo da
qualche tempo in qua introdotto il costume di far viaggiar
la gioventu, hanno dato con questo quasi un'altra natura a
quel luogo, e con la prattica delle nationi straniere si sono cosi
bene assottigliati che al presente sorpassano nella finezza quasi
tutti gl'altri popoli di Europa. Onde un certo ministro di
sperimentato valore che haveva lungamente negotiate con
quelli Cantoni, si lascio intendere che questi popoli erano
divenuti tanto sottiH, che bisognava stracciare i fogli di tutti
quel libri che li descrivevano per grossolani. Et io ho inteso
dire ad un Francese, che al presente era piu facile d'ingannare
un cattivo Spagnuolo che un buon Svizzero. Et in questi
sentiment! s'accordano molti altri ministri che negotiano con
dette Cantoni.
Bisogna di necessita confessare esser questi popoli molto
prudenti et accorti nel maneggiare i loro interessi, e dicano
gl'altri quello che voglioni, giache hanno saputo mantenersi
per si lungo tempo in liberta e vivere nel mezzo d'una diversita
si grande di religioni con tanta quiete tra di loro, oltre che
sanno cosi ben fare i fatti loro, che i piu grandi principi
d'Europa con solenni ambasciate li ricercano per confederarsi
con essi loro, e li trattengono con buone somme di danaro,
e tra tante rotture tra Francia e Spagna hanno saputo benis-
simo e con molto ingegno mantenersi con ambe le parti, cavar
dall'una e dall'altra immensi tesori, e ben spesso per ragion di
politica si sono dati a contrapesar la bilancia, potendosi dire
che la liberta dell'Italia e stata piu volte mantenuta dal valore e
prudenza delli Svisseri ; ne queste cose si operano che da
APPENDIX. 429
grandi giudicii cssendo vcro che sotto una cattiva scorza

; si
nascondc spesso un dolcc frutto. ..."

[Papal Sec. Arch. Xinizicit. diverse, 242 scq., 341-4.]
"... La malitia humana o cresciuta et avvanzata si oltre,

che molti principi c scnati dc' piu cattolizzanti si vanno
allontanando con ogni industria da quella continua obbedienza
che doverebbero prestare alia Scde Apost., c per lo piu tengono
a gloria di allontanarc il Pontefice da tutti li loro negotiati, et,
in cambio di sottomettersi a' suoi consigli paterni,non vogliono
neanche communicarli quel tanto che da loro stessi havranno
negotiato con altri, scusandosi con dire che il Pontefice non
deve ingerirsi nolle niaterie di stato, ma in quelle cose che
riguardano I'anima solamente, come se non fosse I'anima quella
che dee condurre il corpo ad oprar bene, o che fusse possibile la
divisione di queste due parti e gi^ si sa che ultimamente nel
;
trattato di pace tra Francia e Spagna li plenipotcntiarii da per

loro accommodarono che piu importa,
tutti gl'articoli e, quel
anco in cio dove vi andava Papa, senza che
I'interesse del
gliene participassero cosa immaginabile, essempio invero di
molto pregiuditio alia grandezza della Sede Apost. et alia
Maestk pontiticia, perche dicono gl'altri Se il Mazarino, che
:
era cardinale e per conseguenza obligato a portar inanzi

gl'interessi del Pontefice et a render la Maesta di questo di
maggior riputatione, non volse ne meno che si sapesse che
egli havesse parte alcuna a' trattati di quella pace procurata
molto tempo prima dal zelo dello stesso Pontefice, perche
permetteremo noi che detto Papa s'introduca a' nianeggi
politici de' nostri stati e consigH ?
Li Cantoni protestanti, che sanno molto bene questa puoco
buona dispositione de' principi cattolica verso la Sede Apost.,
ne godono sommamente, e.ssendo un punto di gran conseguenza
al loro mantcnimento che la Maesta del Pontefice perda di
concetto nel mondo c che la corte di Roma non sia chiamata
a parte di alcun maneggio onde, come gia ne ho toccato
;
qualche cosa, studiano ogni industria per divertire i Cantoni

cattolici e farli risolvere a fare le cose da per loro, senza
mescolarvi I'autorita. del Papa e fortificano questi loro
;
consigli con gl'cssempii de'principi cattolici medesimi. Che

pero V. S. deve star con gl'occhi aperti in questo particolare,
perche, se una volta s'impossessa qualche sinistro concetto
del Papa nrlla iiicntt' ck'Hi Svisscri, potrebbcsi in breve rin-

versarc tutta la rcligionc in quci paesi. Certo e che tra tutti
li principi del christianesimo non se ne trova alcuno che sia
piu ossequioso delli Svisseri verso la Sede Apost., onde bisogna
saperli conservare procurandoli qualche avvantaggio col fargli
vedere che I'intentione di Roma non batte ad altro che ad
avvantaggiare sopra tutti gl'altri i loro interessi, et in fatti
converra mostrarlo con I'opere.
Fra le mani de'Cantoni protestanti vi sono un'infinita di
beni ecclesiastici alienati e venduti da' loro magistrati a molti
particolari, che li godono come proprii e che conviene a nostro
dispetto, per cosi dire, lasciargheH godere, non trovandosi
alcun rimedio sino a che la Providenza Divina non disponga le
cose in altra forma e non gh dia altra faccia.
II parlar di racquistar tali beni, cio sarebbe il metter tutta la
Svissa in rivolta, et in questo s'interessarebbero gl'Olandesi e

tutte le altre citta de'protestanti, per le conseguenze che da
cio ne risultarebbero a lor detrimento. Ben e vero che tra li
confini d'alcuni Cantoni cattolici e protestanti vi sono certe

cure e beni di monasterii, che essi protestanti godono, quan-
tunque confinanti con i territorii de' cattolici in che potrebbe ;
V. S. adoprarsi per la restitutione, se non in altra forma,

almeno con la compra di detti beni, quando pero volessero
consentire per levargli dalle lor mani. . .
."
[Ihid., 242 seq., 345-6.]
G. The " Vita di Alessandro VII " of Sforza Pallavicixo.

At the time of Alexander VII's election, Sforza Pallavicino's
famous History of the Council of Trent, the first volume of which
appeared in 1G56, was almost complete in MS. But now he
undertook another historical task when he began a biography
of the reigning Pope whose friend he had been from his
youth. ^ Unfortunately, the work was never completed. The
cause was not, as Muratori affirms {ad a. 1656) and as was long
believed, that his pen fell from his hand when he saw the
Pope's nepotism, for he has left a full account precisely of
this incident. 2 His account reaches the year 1659. On
'
Cf. Macchia, Relazioni fra il P. Sf. Pallavicino e Fabio
Chigi, Torino, 1907.
'^
Cf. above, XXXI., p. 22 seqq.
APPENDIX. 431
Xoxcinbcr lOtli of that yvdv Palla\icino was raised to the

purple, so that there can be but doubt that this event was
little
the cause of the interruption of the work, for Pallavicino

was as conscientious a historian as he was a conscientious
Cardinal. His duties as such were more weighty than those of
a liistorian, hence the latter were put on one side. To this
must be added the infirmities of age.^ The continuation of the
Vita was put off. It was only a fragment when Pallavicino
died on June 5th, 1007, at the age of (iO.^ Though no one
thought of publishing it, it was widely spread in manuscript,
though often enough with many errors. We find it in the Papal
Secret Archives {Cod. Bolognetti, 246-7) and in the Vatican
Library {Cod. Ottob. 2574-5, as well as in the MSS. collec-
tions of the Altieri, Albani, Barberini,^ Corsini,* Chigi, and in
the Alessandrina.'^ Affo ^ mentions copies at Mantua and
Turin, and Novaes one in the library of the Roman Jesuits."
Many of these MSS. are so fragmentary that Ciaconius thought
' On July 12, 1664, Pallavicino writes to Ang. Correr :

" La
mia eta e della mia coniplessione mi predicano che
sterilita della
rultimo volume della mia i.storia, pur uscito ora a luce, sara
Tultimc) della mia pcniia " [Lettere, III., Roma, 184S, 171).
After that Pallavicino wrote his splendid introduction to Christian
life and thought [Arte della perfezione cristiana) which appeared
in 1665, inasmuch as he felt an obligation " di scriver
July,
alcuna cosa indirizzata meramente ad onor di Dio " {Lettere,
I., 29). Here also he speaks of his man^- duties. Cf. Luigi Rossi
Da Lucca in La Provincia di Teranio, i(jo2, No. 42.
- His funeral inscription, of classic simplicity, on the iloor
of S. Andrea al Quirinale, in Forcella, IX., 120.
' LIV., 54655. Latin translation entitled " Alexandri VII.
Co(/.,
de vita propria liber primus et tertius cum fragmentis libri

secundi " in Barb. 2575, Vat. Lib. Cf. Ranke, III., App. No. 130,
who, as usual, gives no reference. This whole passage in Ranke,
as Reumont {Hist. Jahrbiich, V., 636) already obser\ed, has
not been altered in subsrcpient editions so that it is whollv out
of date.
* Cod., 173-4, 729-731.
•'
Cod., II., L., 9.
* Metnorie degli scrittori Parmigiaui, \., 158 scq
'
NovAEs, X., 195.
that there was no question of a Vita but merely of a collection

of notes for private use, for the purpose of fixing the more
important events.^ In reality, Pallavicino's Viia di
Alessandro a finely executed biography of great
VII. is
historical value. At first only selections from it were published,

as in 1837 the description of the plague in Rome,^ and in the
following year the Chapter on Queen Christine of Sweden.^
The first complete edition appeared in 1839 at Prato, followed
by a reprint at Milan in 1843.
Although the Prato edition has for its sub-title " tratta dei
mighori manoscritti esistenti nelle biblioteche di Roma ",
it teems with inaccuracies, so that it was only right that
Ottavio Gigli, the editor of other works of Pallavicino, should

prepare a new edition based on a better manuscript.* Unfor-
tunately, as a result of the storms of the revolution, only 240
pages of the first volume appeared, that is the first Book and
part of Book II, up to Chapter V. The text breaks off abruptly
at the account of Astalli's elevation to the cardinalate.^
CiAcoNius, IV., 741.

^
Descrizione del contagio che da Napoli si communico a

-
Roma neH'anno 1656 e de' saggi provvedimenti ordinati allora

da Alessandro VII., estratta dalla vita del medesimo che con-
servasi manoscritta nella biblioteca Albani, opera inedita del
card. Sf. Pallavicino, Roma, 1837.
3 Descrizione del primo viaggio fatto a Roma dalla regina di
Svezia Cristina Maria . . . e delle accoglienze quivi avute sino
aliasua partenza, opera inedita del p. Sf. Pallavicino, tratta da
un manoscritto della biblioteca Albani, Roma, 1838. The publica-
tion gave rise to the erroneous notion, still held by Claretta
{Christina X.), that Pallavicino had written a special history of
the Queen of Sweden.
* Viia di Alessandro VII., Opera inedita, pubblicata secondo
la lezione del codice chigiano, tomo i, Roma, Tipografia della
Societa Editrice Romana, 1849 (Opere edite ed inedite del cardinale
Sforza Pallavicino, tomo xiv, 1849 : Biblioteca classica sacra
sia Raccolta di opere religiose di celebri autori edite ed inedite
del secolo xiv al xix, ordinata e pubblicata da Ottavio Gigli,
secolo xvii, tomo xxxi).
^ At the words " Fu d'infinita
: ammirazione alia qual non
vedea nel " (Prato edition,
155).
APPENDIX. 433
It has become very rare. Giuseppe Cugnoni, Professor at the

Roman University and head of the Bibhoteca Chigiana up
to the time of his death, had planned a new edition, but he
failed to find a publisher. Much of his material was given by
him to Professor Luigi Rossi Da Lucca for the latter's excellent
articles on " Sforza Pallavicino prosatore ", unfortunately
published in a little-known periodical {La Provincia di Teramo,
li)U2, No. 27-52 1*»03, 1-13). I too owe much valuable
;
information to Cugnoni not only for the present dissertation

but for the whole of my presentment of Alexander VII.
The Chigi Library has the following MSS. of Pallavicino's
\'ita di Alessandro VII.
(1) E I 1-5. Five small volumes, in 4°.
(2) D and 47. Two volumes in folio, probably the

III 4G
copy mentioned by Affo, loc. cit., which had belonged to
Cardinal Imperiali and of which there are several copies in
the Chigiana.
(3) D III 41). One volume in folio, incomplete.
Unsigned " Vita di Alessandro Papa settimo fino alia
(4) :
sua elezione in pontefice, cioe fino a tutto il secondo libro."

(5) D III 42. Latin translation of the Vita, but incomplete.
The first MSS. is undoubtedly the best. It is the
of these
real original MS. which Pallavicino left by will to Cardinal
Flavio,* who consigned it to the Roman family hbrary. There
the MS. remained long unnoticed, until Luigi Maria Rezzi
lirst drew attention to it.- Gigli also recognized its value and
based his edition upon it, whereas the Prato edition is for the
most part based on the less satisfactory copy in the Albani
library.
The Codices E I 1-5 are by different hands, though this
should not create any difficulties, for as Pallavicino himself
informed the Pope, he had his work written out by copyists, on
account of his own extraordinarily bad handwriting.^ That
this text is the best of all is proved by the corrections of the
* AfTc), Vila del card. Sf. Pallavicino, Roma, 1845, 133.

^
Cf. PiETRO GlORD.\Ni al cclcb. Mons. A. Mai, 1820 {Scritti
cdili e postunii. III., 404).

' Cod. C III., 63, p. 231, of Bibl. Chigi, Rome. Pallavicino's
bad handwriting may be seen in his letters in the Bibl. Casanat.,
Rome.
VOL. XXX. Ff
author which mingle with corrections from the hand of

Alexander VII. himself, for Pallavicino submitted to the Pope
the various parts of his work as they were completed.
Alexander VII. 's corrections are for the most part concerned
with dates and names, and at times with the text itself.^
These corrections are either in the text or on the margin,
unfortunately some of them were written in pencil and have
become illegible. As
the Pope's corrections,
a result of
Pallavicino himself altered many
passages and added others.
How closely the Pope revised the work appears from the fact
that he corrected even minor mistakes.^
There can be no doubt of the high value of Pallavicino's
biography of Alexander VII., seeing that it was, as it were,
written under the very eyes of the Pope and by one of his
oldest and most intimate friends, who had been, for the most
part, an ocular and auricular witness ^ of what he recounts
and whose advice the Pope had often taken in the most
important questions.* In his preface he himself says that
during a period of thirty years he had enjoyed the confidence
of Alexander VII. to such a degree (as proved by oral and
written communications), that he believed he knew all that
the Pope did, and even what he thought. Even after his
elevation to the Chair of Peter, Alexander continued to com-
municate to him all the secrets which he needed to know for
his work.^ The correspondence between Pallavicino and
Alexander VII. {Cod. Chigi, C III, 63) reveals the intimate
relations between the two men, as well as the fact that
Pallavicino turned to his friend on the papal throne for
" e "
1 Thus the sentence on neppure
Chigi's stay at Miinster :
up to " Spagnuoli " (I., 132), is an addition by the Pope.

"
' Thus in IV., 9 (Prate edition, II., 73) he changed " nipote
into cugino " and " zio " into " cugino ". In IV., 16, Pallavicino
'
had given " Andrea " as Cremonino's Christian name this was ;
changed into " Cesare " by the Pope. The Prato edition (II., 125)
has this correction.
^ See the opinion of Luigi Rossi Da Lucca in Provincia di
Teramo, 1902, No. 38.
*
Cf. Pallavicino's letters to Alexander YIl. in jMacchia,
67 seqq., 82 seqq.
* Vita, I., 20 ; cf. II., 171.
^
APPENDIX. 435
infoiiiKition for his work.' They corresponded not only on tlie
contents of the but on the style and even the orthography.

I 'ita,
How carefull\- Pallavicino prepared himself for his task is

shown by his preliminary studies, many of which are still
preserved in the family Archives at Ariccia. The value of the
work is further enhanced by the fact that, as appears from
several passages,- many parts were written at the time when
the events took place. Subsequently also no changes were
made thus the curious passage on youthful Louis XIV. was
;
retained,^ though the subsequent conduct of that monarch

did not confirm it.
Real errors occur extremely rarely in the biography,^

and with few exceptions the author's judgments may be
accepted.^ The freedom with which he describes the shadows
in Innocent X.'s rule is worthy of notice. If there are none
such in that of Alexander VII., the reason is that the first
five years of his pontificate gave no room for criticism. That
Pallavicino did not approve of the subsequent lapse into
nepotism is shown by his sharp comments before his death.
However sincere an admirer of his hero Pallavicino may have
been, he never falls into flattery or untruths, for he was aware
that a falsehood would have been the surest means to forfeit
the favour of the Pope.''
If we compare Pallavicino's presentment with the many
new documents that we now possess, we find it fully con-
firmed.* Hence it is most regrettable that he only described
* See *letters in Codex S. 22, 26, 46.

* Vita, II., 90.
" "
' Ludovico XIV. giovane di 16 anni candidoepio di costumi
{Vita, II., 296).
"
* Thus Mazarin is described as " piccolo gentilhuomodiSicilia
whereas he was born at Pescina in the Abruzzi see Orlandini, ;
La patria c la famiglia del card. Mazarino, in Riv. Abruzzese,

IX. (1911).
* Thus (I., 272), Adrian \1. is as wrongly judged as he is in
the History of the Council of Trent ; cf. our data IX., 226 seq.
* Arch. stor. ital., App. VI., 394 seqq.
' Vita, I., 21.
* This has been pointed out by Scarabelli in Arch. stor. ital.,
App. VI., 389, who also shows that where A. Corer disagrees with
the first five years of the pontificate. The passages concerning

Queen Christine prove that Pallavicino had access to the
very best sources and that he sometimes quotes them textually,
If chronological data are less prominent in his narrative, the
fault one that Pallavicino shares with his contemporaries.
is
But there are no inaccuracies. The narrative is as detailed as

it is lively, and connoisseurs such as Luigi Rossi Da Lucca
praise his style. ^ Certain obscurities are due to the circum-

stance that the printed edition is not based on the original
manuscript.
2
7. Bargellini to Rospigliosi
Paris, September 25, 1668.^
" Con mia estrema mortificatione et infinito dispiacere hieri

in occasione di vedere monsieur di Lionne a San Germano, e
questa mattina in casa sua propria, ho conosciuti avverati i
miei sospetti. Dolendomi confidentemente, e rappresentando
a S. Eccâ cio che hebbi I'honore di portare coll'ultima mia
cifra a V. E., mi ha risposto che, quando i quattro vescovi
habbino fatto un processo verbale, e che stia nascosto, la
Chiesa non deve giudicare delle cose occulte che hanno ;
imitato I'esempio di quarant'altri, de' quali non si e parlato, e

che le pareva di havermene dato motivo una volta nel bel
principio che si fece la prima propositione a V. E. Ho risposto
che assolutamente non mi e stato parlato di processo verbale o

di altra cosa che potesse intorbidare la pura signatura, e
mostrata la copia della lettera scritta a V. E. il primo giugno,
ricordato quante volte io mi sono dichiarato che la sotto-
scrittione doveva essere sincera, S. Ecc^^ mi ha repHcato che
Pallavicino, the latter is more credible. Scarabelli singles out in

Pallavicino's Vita " la parsimonia delle lodi e delle frasi affettuose,
siche proprio non trovi che cio che I'encomiato non avra potuto
comandare airamico di togliere ".
^ La Provincia di Teramo, 1902, No. 39. " Bartoli, Pallavicino
and Segneri," Wiseman writes (Recollections of the last four

Popes, II.) " were the only ones who were not affected by the
bad taste of the period."
2 Vol. XXXI., p. 388.
^ Decoded October 18.
APPENDIX. 437
questo colpo era incvitabilc, che quando li commissarii

havessero proccduto contro li quattro vcscovi, li medesimi
havrebbcro prodotta la loro signatura sinccra c libera in
questa manicra ma con il processo verbalc a parte e che
;
all'hora trattandosi giuridicamcnto, Roma era in necessita

o di lasciarla passarc, o di proccder contro quarant'altri,
e che hora si puo dissimular saperlo, c dar la pace alia Chiesa..."
[Papal Sec. Arch., Xunziat. di Francia, 137, f. 339.]
8. To Bargellim 1
Rome, October 11th, 1668.
1.
" Scntitasi dalla S'^ di N. Sê la forma tcnuta da V. S. nel

rispondere allc Icttcrc che a lei scrissero li quattro vcscovi,
quando le dettero ragguaglio della sottoscrittione che dicevano
haver fatto del formulario, delle quali risposte ha ella inviata
copia con le sue Icttcrc delli 18 scorso, come anco il contenuto
di trc sue cifre scritte sotto li 21 e 25 del medesimo, me ha
comandato la S''^ Sua di scrivere a V. S. ch'ella insista per
haver I'atto autentico della sottoscrittione del formulario,
qual sottoscrittione non importa che in alcuna scrittura sia
chiamata libera, ma sara veramente e qui si stimerci libera e
sincera, quando sotto la formula data dalla Scde Apost. si
saranno in effetto sottoscritti i detti vescovi senza restrittionc
ne limitatione alcuna. Mostri pero V. S. di haver creduto
meglio di non dar parte qua delli processi verbali, che possano
esser stati fatti, o possano farsi intorno a quest'atto da i
quattro vescovi, et haver ella cosi operato anche in riguardo
del consiglio datole dal signor di Lionne, e perche in realty
si come la Scde Apost. non ha voluto altro da i quattro vescovi
che la sottoscrittione pura del formulario, cosi essendo questa

seguita, ct asscrcndosi talc da quattro vescovi medesimi e
i
da quelli che hanno trattato a nomc loro nello scrivere a S. S'^,

ella deve presumere, o che non vi sia alcun processo verbale,
o che essendovi non sia punto contrario alia sottoscrittione
sincera, ne appartenere a lei hora il cercar altro. Si dichiari
pero col sig"" di Lionne, che se mai apparira in quahuKjue mode
» Vol. XXXI., p. 390

essersi da' quattro vescovi fatto processo verbale che pre-

giudichi alia sincerita della sottoscrittionc, V. S. sara obligata a
scrivcre a S. S*^, e saranno grinconvenienti maggiori di
prima."
[Papal Sec. Arch., Nunziat. di Francia, 137, f. G4b.]
" Procuri V. S. di sapere con la maggior destrezza ch'ella

potra non da monsu di Lionne ne da alcuno di quelli che han
trattato a nome de' quattro vescovi, ma con somma cautela e
per quella via per la quale potra ella piu assicurarsi della
segretezza, e che non sia penctrato da alcuna persona, benche
sua confidente, e particolarmente ministro della corte, se i
processi verbali che hanno fatti i sudetti vescovi nell'atto
della sottoscrittionc, siano stati da loro fatti nel sinodo in
modo che siano parte degli atti del medesimo sinodo, e pero
publici a segno chenon possa mostrarsene ignoranza.
Sara anco opportuno ch'ella s'informi se ne' processi verbaH
fatti da i quattro vescovi vi sia stata fatta o inserita cosa
contraria alia libera e sincera sottoscrittionc del formulario,
con avvisar poi qua cio che ne havra riportato di vero e di
sussistente, ma senza mostrare a persona veruna di haver
fatta tal dihgenza."
[Ibid., f.
65b.]
3.
" Sar^ molto opportuno che V. S. dica a monsu di Lionne

ch'ella ha stimato megho di non scriver qua cosa alcuna de'
processi verbaU fatti da' quattro vescovi, perche essendosi
N. Sê in questo punto mosso ad operare ad instanza del Re
e riposando nell'autorita e nel zelo di S. W^ e dell'istesso signor
di Lionne, ha ella stimato che sia il maggior vantaggio di
S. S*^ I'haver sicurezza della sincera sottoscrittionc del

formulario dalla parola di S. M'^ e dell'istesso signor di Lionne,
senza cercar di piu, supponendo che cosa si grave e che importa
egualmente all'interesse et alia pieta di S. M'^ che all'autorita
del Papa, non possa S. S'^ temer di csser defraudata, mentre
APPENDIX. 439
sie appoggiata alia fcde della M*^ Sua c di monsu di Lionnc

medcsimo, e per conscguenza vi va deirhonour della M'^ Sua,
che non possa mai dirsi csscrsi in qucsto pun to mancato a
S. Bn«."
[Ibid., f. GG b.]
9. Session of the Inquisition of December 23ri), 1GG8 ^
" Ginetti Ouatuor episcopos satisfecisse plenc. Ottoboni

: :
likewise neque obstare voces et scripturas informes, quibus

;
dicitur subscripsisse cum reservationibus circa quaestionem

facti et iuris et circa materiam gratiae efficacis, quia cum
constct per publica documenta dc sincera subscriptione, et de
contrario non constet nisi de auditu et per scripturas informes,
non videtur insistendum pro alia declarationc, maximc cum
immincant ma.xima et gravissima pericula." The four must
not be praised " nc elati, ubi sunt audacissimi, ostentent in
Galliis favorem et gratiam Santitatis Suae ". Borromeo dixit,
convenire cum Ottoboni et praccipue quia a principio semper
protestatus fuit, quod in rebus facti non potest SS. Pontifex
obligare fideles ad actus internos et nunc versemus in quaestione
facti quoad illam partem formularii, in qua dicitur iuxta :
sensum ab auctore intcntum. Albizzi dixit, actum esse de

religione in Gallia et de infallibilitate SS. Pontificis, si quando
e.x constanti rumore et notorietate necnon ex depositionibus
canonicorum cathedralis Apamiensis constat de restrictionibus
appositis in subscriptione, SS. Pontifex iis postpositis respondet
episcopis et declarat, ipsos satisfecisse mandatis Scdis Aposto-
licae, praecipue cum declaratio episcopi Chalon. sit de
voluntate alterius et archiepiscopus Rothomagensis explicct
praedictam declarationem iuxta ipsiusmet mentcm. Ouare
addidit, consulendum esse Pontificem [sic !], ut emissa nova
Constitutionc coniirmet condemnationcs factas per
Innoccntium X et Alexandrum VII fel. rec, necnon omnes
et singulas prohibitiones tam mandamentorum quam aliarum
scripturarum emanatarum adversus praedictas con-
demnationcs. Chisius : Incumbendum esse in exhibitione
processuum verbalium et Ouatenus vero
subscriptionibus.
alii EE. DI). aliter censeant, debcre rcsponsum [darij per
> Vol. XXXI., p. 394.

;
breve, in quo S. D. N. dicat, episcopos pure et simpliciter

subscripsisse. Rasponus Esse in voto cum Chisio, sed
:
praecipue animadvertcndum, ut in brevi non apponantur

verba, ex quibus possit dubitari, quod SS. Pontifex non fuerit
certior factus de sincera subscriptione ad formam Constitu-
tionum. Rospigliosi Respondendum esse ad formam
:
declarationis episcopi Chalon. et Antonii Arnaldi, necnon

iuxta dcclarationes Rothomagensis, quia ex
archiepiscopi
carum tenore clare percipitur, quod
si episcopi contumaces
subscripserunt eo modo, ut declarant episcopus et Arnauld

necnon Rothomagensis, plene satisfactum fuit mandatis
Sedis Apostolicae, nee amplius potest expeti a quocunque
episcopo catholico, cum sub ilia generalitate remaneant attrita
mandamenta et processus verbales, necnon omnia, quae in
contrarium adduci unquam possent. Azzolini riepilogando
omnia dicta et adhaerendo sententiae Rospigliosi dicit :
Respondendum omnino neque protrahendum amplius tam

grande negotium, perpendenda tamen esse verba responsionis.
Celsius dixit Si constaret de sincera subscriptione quatuor
:
episcoporum, utique conveniret cum DD., vero pia confessio

subscriptionis non est subscriptio, ideo instandum, ut episcopi
doceant de reali subscriptione facta in synodis. Tunc em.
Ottobonus respondit. regulam procedere in actibus pro-
ducentibus obligationem, non in casu praesenti. Et em.
Borromaeus dixit Ubi agitur de declaratione animi tantum,
:
sufficit quaecunque manifestatio. Em. tamen Celsius perstitit

in sua sententia.
Omnes igitur, exceptis em. Albizzi et Celsio, dixerunt :
Respondendum esse episcopis, lirmetur minuta brevis

revideatur primum per em. Azzolinium, deinde communicetur
omnibus em. Cardinalibus Congregationis particularis et
mittatur Nuntio iuxta mentem cardinalis Rospigliosi.
Eadem die hora prima noctis retuli S. D. N^ omnia acta et
gesta in s. Congregatione, necnon singula suffragia EE. DD.
et minuta Constitutionis faciendae iuxta sententiam em.
Albizzi [he had himself handed in the draft], quibus auditis
Sanctitas Sua praecepit mihi Assessori, ut componerem
minutam brevis illamque traderem R. P. D. archiepiscopo
Florentine, necnon agerem cum em. Rospigliosi et Azzolini,
ut quam primum expediantur responsa danda in Galliis, ut
cito rediret ad suos tabellarius.
APPENDIX. 441
An anonymous letter from a French Jesuit also lay before

the meeting.
[From codex : lanscnio c Foruiulario of the Holy Office.

Biblioteca Angelica, Rome, S. 3. 1, p. 118 scqq.]
There follow in the code.x various drafts of the Brief and

-Mhizzi's objections :
" Albizzi avcndo i medesimi vescovi publicato non

Ui piu
:
solamentc nei loro sinodi che N. S. Clemente IX meglio

informato della dotrina del Jansenio haveva approvati i
loro mandamenti ed era reccduto dalle Constitutioni de' suoi
predecessori, ma fatto cio publicare per mezzo dci loro adherenti
per tutta I'Europa, come
vede dalle relazioni e dalle gazette
si
di Parigi, d' Amsterdam e di Bruxelles, non pareva rimedio

bastante per salvare I'onore e la fama di N. S. e I'autorita
della S. Sede, di passarlo con una risposta alia Icttera dei
quattro vescovi, la quale se si mandera alle mani del Nuntio
per preservarla [presentarla ?], impegnato a sostenere il suo
inganno, Dio sa, che non vi faccia difficolta in porla nelle
mani dei quattro vescovi, e mandi in lungo il negotio che pure
fa di mediari [mestieri ?] di finire prestamente. Se poi si
mandar^l a dirittura ai vescovi, o negheranno d'haverla
ricevuta, o la glosseranno o la falsificheranno, come hanno
falsificata la mente di N. S. . . .
lo prego V. S. a leggere per distcso questomio voto a N. S.,

adempieto quell'obligo, che mi
affinche io resti sicuro d'haver
corre come cardinale di s. Chiesa, persuadendomi che S. S.
possa avere a me qualche credito piu degh altri, perchc per le
mie mani e passata la materia del Jansenismo nel suo
nascimento e nel suo progresso, ne posso sopportare, che si
vogha far parere al mundo esser estinta quest'eresia, mentre
nella sua pretesa estintione si vede piu che mai rinovata.
[January 6th, 1669.]
Celsi was also decidedly against a Brief Dico dunque :
brevemente, che o li vescovi suddetti hanno sottoscritto al

detto formolario, o no. Se hanno sottoscritto, e necessario che
apparisca detta sottoscrittione, ct in tal caso forse sar^ luogo
alle dichiarazioni da essi fatte, di aver sottoscritto puraniente e
sinceramente. O non hanno sottoscritto, e non pu6 la Sede
Apost. senza gran discapito recedere da boUe, decreti e tanti
The declarations are inadequate, perche colui che
altri fatti.
deve esseguire un atto, non basta il dire d'averlo fatto, se

non consta cffct tivamente radempimento di esso. Piccolomini,
who had not been present, was also opposed to the dispatch of
a Brief.
[Ibid., p. 860.]
1
10. RospiGLiosi TO Bargellini
January 20, 1669.
1.
" La dichiaratione fatta a V. S. da monsignor di Chalons in

assenza degli altri due vescovi mediator!, sottoscritta da
monsii Arnauld e confermata poi daH'arcivescovo di Sens, le
certificationi autentiche a lei inviate parimente in scritto da i
quattro vescovi di haver sinceramente sottoscritto e fatto
sottoscrivere il formulario, e le sicurezze che monsii di Lionne
ha di cio date a V. S. con quel di piu che I'arcivescovo di
Roano et altri ne hanno attestato, pare a N. S^^ che costi-
tuiscano una prova, la qual prevaglia di gran lunga per ogni
ragione a quanto si era sparso in contrario su qualche foglietto
et avviso particolare del contenuto de' processi verbaH, onde
possa e deva la S'^ Sua su la fede del Re e de' sudetti gravi e
repHcati testimonii ben appoggiar la sua credenza dell'effettiva
et intiera obedienza de' quattro vescovi e della sincera sottos-
crittione fatta da loro del formulario.
Ha pero S. a i medesimi vescovi nella forma che
B"'' risposto
V. S. vedra dalla copia del breve che se le manda per loro, la
quale V. S. dovra ben considerare in ogni parte e prenderne a
mente il tenore per poter conformarsi ad esso anco ne' discorsi
ch'ella havra occasione di far con chiunque bisogni nella
materia. Si e stimato necessario I'accennar nel breve cio che
nell'animo di.S. S^^ havevano eccitato gli avvisi e le scritture
uscite circa i processi verbali, et insieme I'impulso havuto
dalle nuove e gravi testimonianze giunte a S. S^^ della sincera
sottoscrittione e della plena sommissione et obedienza de'
quattro vescovi, perche essendo questo il fondamento, al
quale s'appoggia la giustificatione della clemenza che S. B"^
usa hora verso di loro, chiunque vedra mai cio vegga insieme la
ragione che porge a S. B"*^ giusto motivo di farlo e riconosca
haver la Santa Sede ricercato per una risolutione di tanto peso
cio che conveniva per condescendervi.
1 XXXI., p. 398.
APPENDIX. 443
Se per li riguardi altrc volte considerati costi di sottrarrc a

gli spirit! inquieti ogni materia di nuovo cimento, c per con-
servar piu stabilmcntc I'unione e la pace si stimera conveniente
il non dar fuori copia del breve scrittoda S. B"* a quattro i
vescovi, potra V. S. non darla ne far altrc per sua parte che
possa interpretarsi ad ostentatione e propalatione non
necessaria di quanto e seguito.
Ma in termini gravi e generali non lascera ella di dire ove
bisogni, haver S. B"«, sodisfatta dell'intiera obedienza de'
quattro vescovi, usati verso di loro gli atti della sua clemenza.
Non e gik dovere per la liberta che prenda alcun cervello
inquieto di spargere o scriver cose contro la verita di questo
successo, far publiche dichiarationi e racconti della serie di
esso, ma quando si procedessc veramente con doppiezza (il
che non si crede, ne si ha hora cagione di credere) e si volesse
in pregiuditio dell'autorita della Santa Sede e del candore e
decoro col quale si e di qua operate, divulgar menzogne che
facdssero apparir minore la piena obedienza che si e professato
di rendere a S. S^^, sara necessario dar fuori non solo la copia
de' brevi, ma quant'altro appartiene al fatto per sincera
testimonianza del vero. Onde V. S. dovra col signor di Lionne
fermar bene questo punto per non esser ridotta a simile
necessita, nella quale pero quando pur ella si trovi, sara bene
che potendo darne avviso qua c riceverne ordini in tempo, lo
faccia, schivando di prendcr impegno, quando non vi sia
necessita, per quelle ragioni delle quali si lascia il giuditio
alia sua prudenza."
[Papal Sec. Arch., Ximziai. di Francia. 137 f., 1)4 f.]
" Non si convonga, nominando nol breve il

c stimato che
formulario, aggiungervi la parola di fcdc ', pcrche esscndosi
'
prcteso da chi ha havuta sinistra intcntionc che il formulario

havesse due parti, Tuna di fede che riguarda il jus, e I'altra
non di fede che riguarda il fatto, poteva quell'aggiunta inter-
pretarsi per tassativa e rcstrettiva nel signihcato sudetto.
II che si partecipa a V. S. non pcrche cUa formalizzi o faccia
nuova contestationc sopra quella parola, ma perche sappia

tutto cio che puo intendcrvisi da altri, benchc hora convenga
dissimularlo ct intcndcrla a nostro modo.
Sarebbe stato molto gradito il sapere, quali fossero le due

parole che I'arcivescovo di Sens haveva lasciate nella dichiara-
tione sottoscritta, chc poi ha egli mandata intiera, essendo in
questa materia si grave importantissima ogni minuzia."
[Ihid., f. 97b.]
11. To THE Spanish Nuncio^

Rome, August 31st, 1669.
" La pace fra le corone ; la parola ottenuta dal Re Chrisfô

di non offender cotesta per quest'anno ; le concessioni e le
proroghe di gratie notabilissime d'impositioni nuove sopra
il clero, che ben sa V. S. quanto siano gravi a chi le soffre e
questo in tempo non di guerre con gl'infedeli, su le quali
eran fondate molte di esse, ma di leghe con essi e di pace con
tutti la tranquillita ultimamente ristabilita in cotesta
;
monarchia con maniera di tanto impegno e pericolo per Sua

S'3', che ogn'altro secondo il solito di qui haverebbe fuggite ;
e finalmente la riserva spontanea d'un cardinalato, nel modo e

nelle circostanze che il mondo e la corte di Roma ha veduto con
ammiratione, mostrano, qual sia la tenerezza di S. S^^ verso
cotesta corona. E I'havere impegnate in Candia le armi del
Re Chrisfô e fattele servire a defender I'antemurale di Sicilia
e di Napoli contro il Turco, fa vedere che, se Sua S^^ ha fatto
un cardinale alia Francia per averne ottenuta un'armata
intiera marittima e terrestre pagata per tutto quest'anno
contro il Turco, I'ha fatto per mantener con questo mezzo la
pace alia Spagna e difendere gli stati di essa con I'armi di
Francia. II che piaccia a Dio che non apparisca pur troppo
vero dall'effettiva incursione di questi barbari nel regno di
Sicilia dopo che Candia si sara perduta. Nel rimanente la mia
gita in Francia sa il mondo et i ministri medesimi qui del Re
Cattô non essere stata per altro che per procurar di fermar
I'armi del Re Chrisfnô dall'inoltrarsi in Fiandra, e se cio
non mi almeno incaminate le cose al
fu permesso, rimasero
trattato d'Aquisgrana et impegnato il Re a consentir non solo
alia pace, ma a prometter che per ragioni delle nuove conquiste
non se ne sarebbe impedita I'csecutione. Onde se ben si
riguarda costi, sara facile il ravvisare, in ogni passo che
Nro sigre j^^ dato verso la Francia, una particolare intenzione
1
Cf. XXXI., p. 341-
APPENDIX. 445
e volonti di giovare a cotesta corona, la quale, se per la

condizione de' tempi ha in tante cose stimato clla mcdesima di
dover cedere alia fortuna e deferire alle sodisfattioni del Re
Christ'"*', quanto piu deve conoscer la necessita che preme S.
Beat"*^ come padre comune di tenersi in buona corrispondenza
con chi puo influir tanto al bene del christianesimo e della
pace, e di conservarsi in stato di poter sostentarla, ct esser di
profitto alia Spagna medesima nell'occasioni.
All'incontro a Napoli si tengono in sequestro ai vescovi
I'entrate, si fa violenza d'oppositione alle decime e pregiudicio'
insoffribile coll'istessa permissione del farle esigere ; si
suscitano pretensioni sopra le lumiere con una insolita novitk

senza esempio e riservata solo al pontificato di N. S""*^ si ;
nega I'Excquatur agli appaltatori della Camera Apost. per

vender I'alume nel regno. Cio e stato sentito da S. S^^ vivissima-
mente e \'. S. non potra dolersene a bastanza costi, perche
e un sommo torto, che si fa alia S. Sedc il metter solo in discorso
la pretensione d'aprir lumiere nel regno di Napoli ma il ;
proceder de facto a negar I'Exequatur agli appaltatori della

Camera Apost., dopo il possesso ch'essa ha in contrario, non
mai intcrrotto ne controverso, e un'apparcnte violazione del
giusto et un'aperta volontci di togliere alia Scde Apostolica
quel che e suo senza riguardo di ragione.
Le stravaganze del Cappellano Maggiore e tant'altri
pregiuditii della immunita e giurisdittione ecclesiastica, le
innovationi fatte qui nella Dateria non sono inventioni del

sigr. cardinale Litta, il zelo del quale e solo di sostenere i
dritti della Chiesa, c non puo conseguirlo con tutta la sua
virtu. . . .
[Papal Sec. Arch., Xituziat. di Spafûa, 130 f., 124-6.]
12. To TIIK Sp.wish Nun'CIO *
Rome. August Kkh, 1672.

" I due discorsi fatti con V. S. dal conte di Peneranda e
dall'ambasciatore di Francia sono ben ingegnosi, essendosi
ciascheduno di essi prescritto il line di tirar il Papa ne' proprii
interessi, I'uno esagerandone la necessita, I'altro proponendone
la gloria.
Ouando il Re Christ'"" opprime gl' eretici, fa risorger la fede
sepolta in quelle provincie cd accresce il figliuoli e i sudditi
1
Cf. XXXI., p. 635.
all'autorita spirituale della S. Sede non pu6 Sua Beat"^

;
se non render grade a Dio di si felici successi. All'incontro con

simil paragone i pregiuditii che si ricevono in Fiandra dal conte
di Montereij dopo
disapprovata permissione data agli
la
Olandesi, nelle gravezze che vuole imporre a i mendicanti, per
trarre dalle loro povere sostanze gl' aiuti da sostenere i ribelle a
Dio ed alia religione cattolica, sono troppo sensibili, e prevale
tanto nel paterno cuore di Sua S^^ il bene delle anime ad ogni
altra qual sia forte consideratione, che non saprebbe dar luogo
ai motivi dei pericoli o dei vantaggi temporah, senza un
vehemente dubbio di derogare al obligo del suo quasi divino
ministero.
E verissimo che i non solamente
principi uniti potrebbono
resistcre, ma assalire
Turchi per imprese assai piu vantaggiose
i
che non sono quelle, le quali risultano dalle guerre che tra
rimovono e si coltivano di tempo in tempo ma quanto
essi si ;
comporne I'unione, I'esperienza I'ha dimostrato.

sia difficile di
Cio che hora conviene e di pregare la bonta divina che faccia
risplendere il zelo del Re nella mortificazione degli Olandesi e
nella restitutione della liberta ai fedelh, non permettendo che
il fuoco pill oltre si stenda che a consumar gl' eretici, nel
qual caso tutte le nazioni cattoliche rimarranno obligate alle
opere grandi del Re, e sara glorificato Dio nelle prosperita
di esse. Gli Spagnuoli havranno in Fiandra migliori vicini ;
I'eresia non sara fomentata altrove, ed i Turchi saranno meno

arditi, quando tra i cattolici sara mancata la contradittione e
la disunione del credere la verita di fede, che rende i principi
meno atti a congregare le forze ed a tentare gl' acquisti
dell'Oriente. ..."
[Papal Sec. Arch., Nunziat. di Spag>ia, 139 f., 49 f.]
13. Cardinal x\ltieri to Cardinal Nerli ^
Rome, July, Uth, 1673.

" Fra le cose, che nel corse di pochi mesi si sono attentate con
esempio inaudito in cotesta corte a pregiudizio della Sede
Apostolica, non ha certamente I'ultimo luogo I'editto per la
creazione degli ufficii di banchieri e spedizionieri per la corte di
Roma e legazione d'Avignone, non solo perche con quello viene
a restringersi a' fedeli la liberta di ricorrere al loro padre
1
Cf. XXXI., p. 495-
APPENDIX. 447
comniiinc per li bisof^ni <• (lirrttit)nc dellc coscienze, ma

perchc lo stcsso cditto si a\anza a dichiararc nuUi e di niun
effctto li rescritti ct atti apostolici in altra maniera ottenuti ;
onde, conosciutasi questa verita, in una congregazione di

cardinali unita per ordinc di Nô S'''^, fu in quclla risoluta che
Sua Beat"*^ non potca in modo
alcuno permettere si fatta
innovazione c che dovea, come perniciosa e di pcssimo esempio
alia cristianita tutta, annullarla c irritarla ma in ogni modo,
;
volendo la S*^ Sua procedere in questo affare con la solita

mansuetudine, et apprcndcndo che quci che hanno suggerito
la pubblicazione di un simile editto, siano poco istrutti della
rilevanza di esso c di cio ch'e succeduto in altri tempi, quando
si e voluto attentare, volse col mezzo d'un suo Breve signilicare
i suoi sensi alia M^^ del Re, sperando che dalla pieta e giustizia
d'un principe si religioso fusse potuto togliere affatto questo

scandalo dal cristianesimo, e cio s'induccva a sperarlo tanto
piu facilmente, quanto che, per le notizie havute, s'era conos-
siuto ch', essendosi in diversi tempi per I'avidita d'alcuni
banchieri solo intenti al proprio interesse fatti intorno a cio
alcuni regolamenti, erano sempre stati a richiesta del clero,
giustamente interessato nella liberta ecclesiastica, rivocati et
annullati, come si credeva che potesse succedere di presente per
i rincontri datine da V. E. Hora, vedendosi che non solo si
e proceduto alia dcputazione de' spedizionieri, ma che se n'e
publicato I'editto, si e giudicato bene di dirle che assoluta-
mente qui non si potra piu soffrire un attentato si pernicioso ;
in conseguenza di che sar^ obbligato Sua Beat"^ con sommo suo

dispiacere a pratticare quelle risoluzioni, che in casi simili
meditavano di fare i suoi antecessori, e con tutto che si tenghi
per in f alii bile clio Ic pessime conseguenze, che ne deriveranno a
pregiudizio de' sudditi di Sua Maesta e a profitto solamente
dell'avarizia di pochi, daranno motivo alia Maesta Sua di
ritrattar qucst'editto e di lasciar che nelle spedizioni si osservi
I'antica liberta, in ogni modo non deve Sua Beatitudine
aspettare che succedino scandali cosi inevitabili, ma deve, per
quanto puote, prevenirli, come fa col mezzo di questa, incari-
cando a V. E. di applicar tutto lo spirito nell'imprimere a'
cotesti ministri, che Nostro Signore e costituito in questa
obligazione e che deve in tutti i modi adempirla.
[Papal Sec. Arch., Xtmziat. di Francia, 432, f. 171 s. (now
148-9).]
;
14. Clement X. to Louis XIV.

Carissimo in Christo filio Ludovico Francorum Regi
Christianissimo Clemens PP. X.
1.
Carissime in Noster salutem etc.

Christo fili Strenua
Traiecti superioris expugnatio per nobilem virum Ducem
Destroeum Maiestatis tuae nomine nuntiata Nobis eximiae
iure merito tibi ab Apostolica Sede laudes comparat, cuius
profecto praeclara incrementa sunt victoriae tuae. Invisam
enim dum Superis gentem, arcibus munitissimis obvallatam
atque in multitudine divitiarum suarum gloriantem de
sacrilega dominatione deturbas, antiqua coeli iura restituis
subiugatisque Ecclcsiae perduellibus nationes edoces universas,
non execrandum tantummodo, sed infelix quoque tandem
scelus esse impiam ab orthodoxa matre defectionem. Excelsos
itaque invictae fortitudini tuae ct pontificio solio plausus
excitantes, te, carissime fili, natum ad palmas, educatum ad
triumphos, amantissime in Domino complectimur, indefinitam
inclytis conatibus tuis gloriae metam auspicamur, omniumque
bonorum authorem Deum accuratissimis precibus obsecramus,
ut apostolicam benedictionem, quam Maiestati tuae ex omni
cordis Nostri sensu impertimur, profusis ipse quoque
beneficentiae thesauris cumulate confirmet.
Datum Romae apud Sanctam Mariam Maiorem sub annulo
XXVI. lulii 1673, pontificatus Nostri anno 4°.
piscatoris die
Papal Sec. Arch., Clementis X. epist. ad principes, Arm. IV-V.,
f. 28 seq}
Carissime in Noster salutem.

Christo
fili lucundum
admodum Nobis praeclarum testimonium, quod de
accidit
egregie gesta a dilccto filio Nostro Francisco cardinali Nerlio
apud Maiestatem tuam Apostolici Nuntii provincia necnon de
ipsius virtutibus ac promeritis accuratis ad Nos litteris dedisti
gavisi enim magnopere sumus impensam eidem praecipuis
documentis voluntatem Nostram luculenter tanti regis
suffragio comprobatam esse. Eximiae insuper argumentum
1
Cf. XXXI., p. 497.
APPENDIX. 449
laetitiae sumpsimus cum ex iisdem litteris turn ex voce

praedicti dilecti filii Nos atque Sanctam
Xostri, qui filialem ergo
banc Sedem observantiam tuani disertis coram significationibus
prosecutus est effervescentibus autem vicissim in Nobis
;
erga Maiestatem tuam paternae caritatis ardoribus, te ortho-

doxae decus totiusque christianae reipublicae orna-
religionis
mentum Domino complectimur, meritum
intimi amoris sensu in
tibi pro Traiccto superiori expugnato ex apostolica statione
iterum iterumque plausum damus ac pontificiam benedic-
tioncm amantissime impertimur.
Datum Romae apud S. Mariam Maiorem sub annulo
piscatoris die XXII. Augusti 1G73, pontificatus Nostri anno
quarto.
[Ihid., f. 36.]
15. Biographies of Pope Innocent XI.

For a long time we were reduced to a few small works for the
lifeof Innocent XI. ^ The first is by Giovanni Battista Pistoni,
Vita d'Innocenzo XI. (Venice, 1891 new edition, 1716). ;
The work cannot offer much, were it only by reason of its

brevity. Not much more is to be found in the Vita by
Giovanni Albizzi, Venice, 1695. More detailed are the
writings of Fr. Caccia, O.F.M. Leben Innozenz XI. (Neyss,
;
1696; Frankfurt, 1697), and Filippo Bonamici's book

iledicated to Pius VI. : De vita et rebus gestis venerabilis servi
Dei Innocentii XI. Pont. Max. commentarius, Romae, 1776,
printed in N.^'it. Alexander, Hist. eccl. snppL, III., 48-92
(without the introduction), and in Berthier, Innocentii XI.
Epistolae, I., ix-hi (complete). The value of Bon.\mici's work,
written in elegant Latin, lies chiefly in the circumstance that
he was able to make use of the notes of Marracci, Innocent XI's
confessor. Lebret gave a German translation of Bonamici's
work (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1791), with anti-Jesuit remarks
in keeping with the superficial " enlightenment " of the
period.''
' The bizarre work of Gasper Saz : Ecos sagrados de la fania

gloriosa de Innocencio XI. S.P.O.M. Panegyrico ecometrico,
Madrid, 1681, is of no historical value.
- The Vita Innocentii XI. by Comes .\ Tukre Rezzonico
has remained in MS. in the Monti .\rchives, Como.
VOL. XXX. Gg
Three other biographies of Innocent XI. only became known

through the Dominican Berthier {Vita d'Innocenzo XL,
Roma, 1889), to whom we also owe an edition of the Latin
letters of the Pontiff they are
; :
1. An anonymous biography, composed in the year of the
Pope's death (Berthier, 258-277), but which is wrong on

several points and, as a matter of fact, does not give much
that is new.
2. The Vita Innocentii XI. exaraia a P. Ludovico Marracci,
qui ipsi fuit a confessionibus (Berthier, 240-258), sincere,
most trustworthy, and giving much that is new but no real
biography.^
3. The Vita del servo di Dio Papa Innocentio XI. raccolta
in tre libri per Mattia Giuseppe Lippi. The original of this

biography, which fills a whole volume (Berthier, 1-203),
is preserved in the Odescalci Archives, Rome. Copies are
found in the Bibl. Vallicelliana (K 48) and in Bibl. Corsini,
Rome. A third copy, of the year 1719, I found in the Ricci
Archives, Rome, and a fourth is in Cod. 6306 of the State
Library, Vienna. Ranke (III., 202) gives a short extract of this
work, whose author remained unknown to him. He quotes in
his own peculiar fashion as " Ms. Rom." he probably used
:
the MS. of the Corsini Library (39 D 3).

Lippi's Vita is divided into three books the first treats of
:
the antecedents of the Pope the second of his government,

:
with the exception of his efforts for the Turkish war to this, ;
Innocent XL's greatest effort, the whole of the third book is

devoted, ending with his death and an account of the venera-
tion of which he became the object after his death. The work
is of very great value inmany ways, for it is that of a contem-
porary (composed 1693), who kept his eyes open and who had
the assistance of well-informed men, such as Cardinal Colloredo
and the Oratorian Carafini. Naturally enough, Lippi was not
initiated into the details of diplomatic negotiations for this ;
we depend on the documents preserved in the Archives.

Moreover there are shadows on which Lippi does not dwell.
Lippi is completely mistaken with regard to the government
1 Marracci also wrote a book entitled : L'Ebreo preso per Ic

buone overo discorsi faniigliari et amichevoli fatti con i Rabbini
di Roma iniorno at Messia, Roma, 1701.
APPENDIX. 451
of the Jesuit General Gonzalez (p. 55), but it is his merit to

have adopted from the first a critical attitude towards the
legends which (juickly gathered round the person of the
Pope (p. 184).
An apology, obviously written in view of the eventual
canonization of the Pontiff, has for its author the learned
Dominican and friend of Benedict XIV., Tommaso Maria
Mamachi {Pro Innocentio XI. Pont. Max. liber singularis).^
There is a copy in the Odescalchi Archives and in those of the
Roman Dominicans. In his Appendix, Berthier has given a
few passages from this refutation of the unfounded accusations
of which Innocent XI. has been the object. Berthier also
quotes the Acts of the process of beatification, but without
indicating that important sections of them had already been
printed in the Analccta juris pontificii, 11th series (1872),
271-327.
New light has been thrown upon Innocent XL's aims by the
Briefs published by Berthier,- and by the partial publication
of the nunciature reports.^ The best recent presentment is
that in Immich's monograph (1900), but the latter limits
himself to the Pope's political activity where he touches on
;
his ecclesiastical activity, he commits more than one blunder.

Michaud's book, Louis XIV. et Innocent XI. (4 vols.,
Paris, 1882) is valuable for the unpublished documents we
find in its pages for the rest it is a tendentious piece of work
;
(see XXXII, p. 126, n. 2).
IG. Instruction for A. Pignatelli, Nuncio in Germany

*
(Innocent XII.)
1668.
. . . Dalla maggior parte de' politici si crcde hoggidi che tra

tutte le Nuntiature quella di Germania sia la meno faticosa e
*
Cf. Moroni, XL II., 95 seqq.
* The text is faithfully but uncritically printed.
* To the data collected by Immich
(p. 9) on this publication
must be added the recent but incomplete work of Bojani, though
it is not free from grave defects, cf. Rom. Ouartalschrift, 1914,
59* seqq. ; Rev. d'hist. eccles., XII., 127 seqq. ; Hist. Jahrbiich,
XXXI., 814 seqq. ; Rev. d'hist. de I'liglise de Prance, V., 392 seqq.
'
Cf. XXXII., 572.
VOL. XXX. Gg*

la pill da reggere con somma riputazionc della Sedc

facile
si trovi qualche fondamento non
Apost., in che pare che vi
mediocre, perche nella Francia ordinariamente il Nuntio
trova inviluppi cosi grandi rispetto a' privilegi della chiesa
Gallicana, alia liberta del Parlamento et alle maniere ardite
de' popoli, che quasi non sa come svilupparsene. In Spagna
s'incontrano difficolta non ordinarie per la liberta, la gravitci
del Consiglio di Stato, per le pretentioni de' Spagnoli e per il
troppo zelo del Cattolico Re, in che fidati li Nuntii credono di
poter ottenere tutto quello che vogliono, ma si trovano
ingannati, perche il Re non cerca altro che a scuotersi da quel
predominio che gli ecclesiastici hanno preso sopra di lui e de'
suoi Stati, quali esendo amplissimi, danno sempre differenti
materie di dispareri, che servono a moltiplicar le fatiche dei
Nuntii.
Di Venetia non dico nulla, mentre si sa benissimo dalla
corte che questa Nuntiatura serve al Nuntio di prigione, e non
bisogna andarvi con una testa di cristallo, perche non vi sara
molto a guadagnare, e portandosene una di ferro, e pure peri-
coloso, non potendo mai far bene duro con duro onde fa di
;
mestieri cercar la strada di mezzo, che non e senza pericolo,

havendo da due lati i precipitii et abissi. Quali ragioni non
militano nella corte dell'Imperatore, riconoscendo questo,
come vogliono questi politici, la sua grandezza dalla grandezza
di Roma, essendo obligato per il dovere del suo scettro di
conservare et augmentare la maesta della Sede Apost., la
quale cosa rende ai Nuntii molto piu facili li negotiati, gia
che Cesare istesso e obbligato di procurar le sodisfattioni del
Papa.
lo ad ogni modo non ardisco affermare ne sottoscrivermi a
questa opinione, anzi io trovo che non vi e Nuntiatura pie
difficile da maneggiare di quella della Germania, perche
rimperatore in tempo di pace ha limitata la sua autorita
dalla Dieta elettorale, et in tempo di guerra, riconoscendo la
sua autorita dalla forza dell'armi, puoco cura di humiliarsi alle
dimande di Roma. Ogni trattato si rende nella corte imperiale
difificile, contrastando insieme i privilegi degl'Elettori e la
suprema M'^ dell'Imperatore, gl'uni volendo far dell'impero

una republica, e I'altro pretendendo far della republica
elettorale una sovranita particolare. Onde per lo piu non si sa
a qual partito appigliarsi, tanto piu che i partiti di Roma danno
APPENDIX. 453
al prescntc una gclosia troppo grandc agrintcrossi dclla

Germania.
Tuttavia diro con buona ragione che V. S. I. truova aperta
una porta, perdove entrando, se gli rcndcranno facilissimi i
negotiati ct in fatti la Nuntiatura di Polonia e una scuola
;
de' primi durimenti della Nuntiatura di Germania. Qui

s'imparano Ic prime regole di quei grandi studii che conviene
essercitare nella corte imperiale. In Polonia si celebrano le
vigilie, et in Germania le feste, trov-andosi molti trattati quasi

di una medesima specie, costumandosi pian piano il Nuntio
nella corte di Polonia a riconoscere la differenza che si trova di
vivere in Roma o in altri rcgni fra huomini d'una stessa rcligione,
e di conversare, anzi trattare con politici di credenza, e pero
havendo con tanta sodisfattione de' Polonesi, del Re Casimiro
e della Sede Apost. esercitata V. S. I. quella Nuntiatura,
certo e che non si trovar^ alcuna diflficolta di essercitare quella
della Germania, servendosi deU'esperienza e prattiche di
fresco passate.
Veramente, se non si avesse da negotiare che con il solo
imperatore o che questo fosse monarca di disponere ogni cosa a
suo beneplacito, i negotiati si renderebbono i piu facili che si
potessero mai desiderare mentre Cesare conservando quel
;
naturale zelo di religione, anzi quello ossequio e riverenza verso

la Sede Apost., che sono tanto conaturalizzate nella case di
Austria, procurarebbe di far cadere il tutto in sodisfattione
del Papa. Ma il male e che si trovano molti traversi, et il
numero grande de' protestanti interessati nella corte imperiale
rompono per lo piu ogni buon disegno, et all'hora appunto
quando si crede di haver per guadagnato e vinto qualche
punto, sia di religione o di politica, conviene perdere il tutto a
ricominciar quasi da capo il trattato, perdendosi molto tempo a
rompere disegni di qucUi che non hanno altra mira che a
i
rinversare ogni cosa. . . .
[Papal Sec. Archives, Nimziat. diverse, 242, f. 353-5.]
[Means for helping the Church in Germany.]

... II primo e I'aggrandimento et il perpetuo stabilimento
dell'imperio in una case cattohca. II 2^ I'unione de' principi
cattolici con il partito di Cesare. II 3^ la propagatione della
religione Romana. II I" la riputationc dcll'autorita apostolica
e il ristoro della immunita e giurisdittione ecclesiastica. Et
il 50 la riforma dc' costumi del clcro c dclla disciplina eccle-

siastica . . .
[Ibid., i. 358]
. . . Ouesto era lo scudo delli Nuntii, quando bisognava star

nelle difese ; ma
presente per la di Dio gratia noi siamo a
al
cavallo, perche sicome i cattolici nei tempi andati temevano
gli avvanzi dei protestanti, hora al contrario i protestanti
temono avvanzi dei cattolici e si guardano piu di noi che noi
gli
di loro, e questo vuol dir che pensano piu tosto a difendersi da'
nostri colpi che a tirar verso di noi quel colpi che ci hanno dato
per I'addietro.
Corre fama che si tratti da' Calvinisti I'unione delle due
religioni Luterana e Calvinista, e benche questa sia un'opera
piu tosto da desiderarsene che da vedersene la loro essecutione,
con tutto cio sara bene d'invigilar negl'andamenti degl'uni e
degl'altri, perche, quando questo si potesse mettere in effetto,
la religione Romana correrebbe rischio di vedersi in peggiori
calamita di quelle in che si vidde nel tempo di Gustavo Adolfo.
La Francia ad ogni modo dalla sua parte si sforzarebbe di
romper tali disegni, quando si vedessero in campo, per non
render gl'Ugonotti di quel regno troppo appoggiati nel di
fuori onde la rottura de' trattati sara facile, tanto piu che
;
materie simili non si possono trattare in segreto pure non ;
bisogna addormentarsi sopra la speranza dell'impossibile, per

non restar da se stesso ingannato e malamente deluso.
In quanto al 4° potrei dir molte cose, ma scegliero il piu
necessario, che pure servira per istruttione del 3° punto di
sopra accennato. E veramente I'autorita apostolica e giuris-
dittione ecclesiastica hanno sofferto ferite sensibilissime nella
Germania, che pero sara bene procurarne la guarigione. Dovra
dunque V. proteggere e far proteggere con ardente zelo
S. I.
dairimperatore tutte le universita de' cattolici, accioche

alia gioventii non s'insegnino false dottrine, parimente molti-
plicar piii il numero de' parrochi cattolici in tutte le
sempre
citta imperiali come ancora in altri luoghi dipendenti
dall'imperio, e sopra tutto che vi sia buon numero di maestri
di scuola tutti cattolici, e far continuare con assiduita I'uso
de' catechismi. Sarebbe da desiderare che nelle citta imperiali,
e particolarmente nelle piu considerabili, non vi fussero altri
librari che cattolici, e laddovc il numero degli heretici e
APPENDIX. 455
troppo grandc e potcnte, ottencre che vi sia trai librari heretici

alcuno cattolico che habbia buona provisionc di libri
concernenti la nostra rcligione. Ben e vero che Ubrari di i
questi tempi sono tanto mercenarii, che si fanno lecito di

vender Hbri contro Christo per tirar dalle mani di iin scelerato
dieci quadrini. Onde esorti V. S. I. alio spesso Sua Maesta
Cesarea, accio da' suoi commissarii si visitino per tutto tutte le
stampe di quando in qiiando c librarie dcgli heretici et ancora
de' cattolici, accioche non mettino in publico I'opcre degl'empii
autori.
Per far riluccrc la autorita apostolica non vi e mezzo piii
efficace che la moltiplicatione de' Gesuiti, che sono veramente
quelli che non solo hanno difcsa, ma di piu propagata la maesta
del Pontefice. Quindi e che, conoscendo gli heretici il zclo,
bont^, valore e virtu di questi Padri, temono piu della dottrina
di mezza dozzena di dctti religiosi che di tutto il resto della
frateria onde procurano con tutte le massime piu diabolichc
;
di screditarli ncl mondo, per levarsi dinanzi gl'occhi questo

ostacolo, dal quale preveggono il loro sterminio che pcro ;
conviene che V. tenghi con essi loro e gli esorti a

S. se la
moltiplicar le missioni, le prediche e le loro opere, le facci
correr per tutto e conservi il lor credito nella corte di Cesare e
nella mcntc di tutti.
Si guardi di tener la mano a questi rimedii con troppo
rigore, benche coperto di zelo, e non permetta che usi mai contro
gl'heretici la forza o fargran strepito, perche con questo si
potrebbe commover tutta la Germania e mettcr di nuovo
I'armi nelle lor mani, mentre gli heretici ci stanno all'erta, e
basta la persecutione d'un solo per dare all'armi, come se fusse
una guerra di religione ma conviene procedere a puoco a
;
puoco conforme la quality de' popoli e con I'ardor suave e la

piace volezza ardente che suole usare nelle opere sue lo Spirito
Santo. E piacesse a Dio che V. S. havesse tanto di gratia
che per opera di Lei et a suo tempo si cominciasse a stender
nelle parti piu heresiarche la cattolica religione che certo ;
con I'autorita pictosa di Sua Maesta unita al suo zclo e con

le prcghiere di Sua Santitil se ne potrebbe sperare ottimo
fine. . . .
[Ibid., f. 3G0s.]
. . . Esorti li prelati a continuarc le visite per le loro diocesi

et a tenere la mano vergognosa vita degli ecclesiastici et

alia
in particolare dei monasterii. Ma sopra I'altre cose egli e
mestiere, per la grandissima penuria che vi e di sacerdito e di
operarii cattolici, il ritorno indietro a far di nuovo e rimettere
in piedi i seminarii et i collegii de' poveri, et il fondarne di
nuovo, assegnando a quelli per mantenerli li beni ecclesiastici
alienati et occupati dagli heretici, che si dovrebbero con ogni
studio ricuperare e non meno da questi che da' beneficii
;
pill grossi si potrebbe ancora cavare il mode di andare alimen-
tando i poveri convertiti alia fade. . . .
[Ihid., f. 362.]
... In quanto poi al pratticare degli heretici, che un punto

tanto essentiale per le cose della Germania, diro che non
conviene dar segno di aborrirli, come hanno fatto altri, tanto
che oltre all'usato I'habbiamo ad odiare maggiormente.
V. S. ad ogni modo fara maggiore opera, per facilitarne
I'essecutione della sua carica, a mostrare di havere loro anzi
compassione che odio, e cercara con la dolcezza del trattare e
con termini di benevolenza di renderseli confidenti piu tosto
che avversi, perche potra con questo assicurarsi che non gli
riuscira inutile all'ufficio intrapreso una cotal destrezza di
operare, come lo vedra per esperienza.
Ouando occorrono dispute particolari tra gentilhuomini
cattolici e protestanti, non dia mai segno nel sentirne discorrere
di dipendere, prima delle necessarie informationi, dalla parte
de' cattolici ma con dovuti termini tenga la parte della
;
ragione e non dia motivo con parole ingiuriose o altro a'

protestanti di crederlo troppo appassionato, e, se si puo,
scusi la debolezza dei protestanti, anco quando conosce il torto
esser tutto dalla lor banda. . . .
[Ibid., f. 378.]
INDEX OF NAMES IN VOL. XXX
Abdegal, Archbishop of, Anna Sophia, Countess Pala-

Aleppo, 195. tine, 137.
Aragona, Ottavio Acquaviva Annat, Frangois (Jesuit, Asst.
d'. Cardinal, 189. Gen.), 256, 275, 295. 296.
Adami, Adam (O.S.B.), loi, Antonio di S. Maria (Fran-
113, 115-18. ciscan), 201, 205.
Aiguillon, Duchess of, 193. Antrim, 164.
Aiguillon, d', mathematician, Archangel, Fr. (Capuchin), 213,
349- Aragona, Antonio, Cardinal.
Albergati, Nicolas, Cardinal, 187.
186. Arnauld, Angelique (sister of
Albizzi, Francesco, Cardinal, Antoine), 225, 238, 289.
102, 190, 229, 256-277, Arnauld, Antoine, 57, 216-19,
280, 300, 378. 224-234, 238, 239, 251-
Albornoz, Cardinal, 15, iS, 20, 3. 259, 295, 296.
23. 74. 76- Arnauld, Henri (Bishop of
Aldobrandini, the Family, 373. Angers), 57, 58, 60, 62,
Aldobrandini, Baccio, Cardinal, 259 n., 2S9.
189. Asinelli, Sansone, 370.
Aldobrandini, Olimpia (Prin- Attichi, Louis d' (Bishop of
cess of Rossano), 37-40, Autun), 297 n.
44. 189. 373- Aubusson, George (Bishop of
Alexander Heinrich of Sonder- Embrun), 297.
berg, 138. Augustine, St., 216-224, 242-
Alexander VII., Pope, 6, 9, 12, 251. 257,259, 270-282,
193. 395- 289-299, 303, 309, 319-
Alexander VIII., Pope, 237. 320, 326, 328, 339-343-
Algardi, Alexander, 28-33, 184. Authier, Christoph, 177.
383. 386, 390-400. Aversa, Raphael (CI. minor),
Allegrini, Francesco (artist), 268.
402. Azzolini, Decio, Cardinal, 42,
Altieri, Emilio, Cardinal, 15, 45. 189.
16, 82, 83, 180.
Amalia, Landgravine of Hesse- Bachamel (Jesuit), 207.
Kassel, 104, 121, 137. Bagno, Niccol6 Guido (nuncio),
Ameyden " Deone "-Theodore, 54, 68, 193, 231-250, 257,
373- 284-295.
Andilly, Robert d', 229. Bagot, John (Jesuit), 193.
Angclis, William ab, 304, 315. Baillie, 146.
Angran, Doctor, 262. Baius, Michael, 219, 228, 257,
Anne, Queen (wife of Louis 326.
XIIL), 30, 66, 70, 156, Baldino, Giovanni, Giacomo,
215, -221-8, 265, 284. 377-
457
458 INDEX OF NAMES.
Baltasar, Carlos, of Spain, 88. Bichi, Antonio, Cardinal, 264,

Balue, Jean de la. Cardinal, 300, 301, 305-325, 330,
69. 332.
Barberini, the Family of, 49- Berulle (Oratorian), 223.
51. 53-7, 60-2, 65, 92, Blume, Heinrich Julius, 137.
189, 373- Bollandus, 349.
Barberini, Antonio, Cardinal, Bonfilz, 199.
15. 17- Boonen, Jacob (Archbishop of
Barberini, Antonio,
Cardinal, Malines), 301, 302, 307,
15, 20-3, 48, 52, 64,
18, 309, 314-19, 327-330, 334-
91, 191, 261, 263. 6, 338-348.
Barberini, Carlo, Cardinal, 92, Bordel, 213.
189. Borghese, the Family, 373.
Barberini, Francesco, Cardinal, Borgognone (artist), 372.
15- Borgia, Cardinal, 15.
Barberini, Francesco, Cardinal, Borromeo, Gilberto, Cardinal,
15-18, 21-6, 53, 55, 62-5, 189.
190. Borromini, Francesco, Cardinal,
Barberini, Matteo, 92. 283, 288-292, 403-410.
Barberini, Taddeo, General, Bosquet, Fran9ois (Bishop of
14. 53-6, 64. Lodere), 71.
Barcos, de, 217, 234, 235. Bossuet, Jacques Benigne
Barrata, Francesco (sculptor), (Bishop of Meaux), 3, 4.
405- Bourbon, Henry (D. of), 233.
Barriere, Dominique, (en- Bourdalone, Louis, 3.
graver), 182, 400. Bourgeois, Jean (theologian),
Battaglia, Girolamo, 76, 77. 229, 230, 233, 234, 242.
Battistini (poet), 402. Bourgoing (General of Ora-
Basadonna, Pietro, Cardinal, torians), 224, 237.
90. Bouthillier (Archbishop of
Beatrice, St., 89. Tours), 397 n.
Beaufort, Duke of, 58. Bo^Tieburg, Johann Christian
Beaupuy, Count of, 58. von, 137, 138.
Bellegarde, Octave de (Bishop Bragadino, Cardinal, 16.
of Sens), 230. Brancaccio, Cardinal, 16.
Bellings, Richard, 157, 158. Breze, de. Admiral, 19, 60.
Bellori, 386. Bril, Paul (artist), 401.
Benedict XIII., Pope, 13. Brisacier, Jean de, 229.
Benedict XIV., Pope, 12, 204. Brousse, 262, 263, 275.
Bentivoglio, Guido, Cardinal, Broussel, 235.
16, 22, 229. Browne, 164.
Bereur, 319. Bufalo, Maria Flaminia del,
Bernini, Lorenzo (architect), 24.
28-31, 188. 382-396, 403-8. Bruni (Augustinian), 270, 300.
Beron, le (Bishop of Valence), BuUialdo, Ismael, 77.
259 n. Buzenval (Bishop of Beau vais),
Bertier (Bishop of Montauban), 259 n., 290.
259 n.
Beusecom, Christian, 304. Cabrera, Admiral, 58, 59.
Bichi, Alessandro, Cardinal, Caelen, Henry van (Calenus),
16, 19-25, 30, 32. 302, 308-314, 327, 335.
. ,,
INDEX OF NAMES. 459
Caflfarelli, Prospero, i8g. Cesi, Cardinal, 15, 20.

Cajetan, Cardinal, 98. Cesi, Carlo, of Rieti (engraver),
Calandri, Giovanni, Battista 402.
(artist), 385. Charles I. (King of England),
Caiasanzio, Joseph, 177. 143-155. 160, 164, 167.
Calderon (Jesuit), 2, 88, 90. Charles II. (King of England),
Calixt, Georg (professor), 138- 151. 152.
140. Clement VIII., Pope, 24, 25,
Calvin, 218. 259-264, 273, 310, 387-
Camassei .Andrea (artist). 402. 395-
Campanella. Domenico (Carme- Clement IX., Pope, 9, 12
lite), 268. (Rospigliosi, q.v.).
Candido, Vincent (Dominican), Clement X., Pope, 9, 12.
269-272. Clement XI., Pope, 13, 204.
Canisius, Peter, 109. Clement XII., Pope, 13.
Canonici, Francesco (Mascam- Charruau, 239.
bruno). 376. Chavigny, 216.
Capello, Giovanni (General), Cherubini, Francesco, Cardinal,
360. 187.
Capello, Giovanni Ambrosio Chiaves, Antonio de. Cardinal,
(Bishop of Antwerp), 345. 390.
Capillas, Bl., 201. Chigi, Fabio (Pope Alexander
Capponi, Luigi, Cardinal, 15, VII.), 42-6, 94-120, 124,
16, 68, 129, 131, 180, igi. 130, 141, 188, 264-6, 275-9,
Caracena, Marquis de. 89. 377. 378-
Carafa, Pier Luigi, Cardinal, Choiseul (Bishop of Comminges)
186. 259 n., 290, 298, 299.
Carafa, Vinccnzo (General of Chri.stine (Queen of Sweden),
Society of Jesus), 178. 140.
Caramuel v. Lobkowiz (Abbot), Cibo, Alderano, Cardinal, 186.
no, 134. Ciria, Angelo Maria (Servite),
Cardenas, Bernardino de 268.
(Bishop), 207. Clanricarde, Lord, 165, 172.
Carlo Emmanucle of Savoy, Colbert, J. B., 4.
Cardinal, 189. CoUicola, 15.
Carlo Pio of Savoy, Cardinal, Colonna, the Family of, 373.
189. Colonna, Anna, 56.
Caron, Raymond F. M., 194. Colonna, Cardinal, 15, iS, 19,
Cassini (scientist), 4. 56, 69, 180.
Castel Koderigo (Governor of Conde, Henry Prince of, 4,
Madrid), 300-3. 310. 216, 252. 331.
Catinat, General. 4. Condren (General of Oratorians)
Caumartin, Lefevre de (Bishop 224.
of Amiens), 223, 259 n. Contarini, Alvisc, Cardinal, 96,
Cecchini, Domenico, Cardinal, 98, 100, 125, 353, 355, 360.
40, 186, 265. Contarini, Angelo, 252.
Cenci, Tiberio, Cardinal, 1S6. Contelori, Felice, 352.
Cennini, Cardinal, 15, 16, 22. Coote (Parliament General),
Cesarini, the Family of, 373. 167.
Cesi, Angclo (Bishop of Rimini) Cornaro, I'ederigo. Cardinal,
353. 361. 15. 69, 352. 383-
460 INDEX OF NAMES.
Corneille, 3. Elce, Scipione d', Cardinal

Cornet, Syndic, 234, 240-4, (Archbishop of Pisa), 133,
261. 140, 361.
Corrado, Jacopo, Cardinal, 188. Elizabeth of Bourbon (Queen
Corsini, Neri (nuncio), 66, 67. of Spain), 87.
Cortona, Pietro da, 17, 28, Elizabeth, Stuart (Princess),
65, 391, 402. 155-
Costa, Juan da (Dominican), Ernest, Landgrave of Hesse
198. Rheinfels, 137-140.
Costaguti, Vincenzo, Cardinal, Espada, Cardinal, 202.
15- Estampes de Valen9ay, Achille
Cottington, Lord, 151. d', 15. 23, 56, 58.
Crane (envoy), 115. Estampes de Valen9ay, Henri
Crelly (Cist. Abbot), 168. d', 66, 71.
Crescenzi, Cardinal, 15, 16. Este, Rinaldo d'. Cardinal, 1,8,
Crocius of Marburg, 139. 58-62, 70, 261.
Cromwell, Oliver, 143-152, 167- Eudes, Jean, 178.
171. Eugene IV., Pope, 387.
Cueva, Cardinal, 15, 16, 303, Evelyn, John, 382.
310.
Cunha, Nuno da, 77. Fabriano, Gentile da (artist),
Cyril of Alexandria, St., 8. 389-
Facchinetti, Cardinal, 23.
Dabert (Jesuit), 223. Fairfax, General, 147.
Damasus I., Pope, 286. Falconieri, Cardinal, 15.
Dares, Professor, 244. Falda (engraver), 400.
Daubray, Frangois, 215. Fancelli, Giacomo Antonio
Dechamps, Etienne (Jesuit), (sculptor), 405.
228. Farnese, Camilla, 392.
Delbene (Bishop of Orleans), Farnese, Francesco Maria,
259 n. Cardinal, 186.
Delbene, Bartholomew (Bishop Farnese, Ranuccio (D. of
of Agen), 259 n. Parma), 369, 370, 390.
Depretis V. (General of Augus- Fasli, Pasha, 361.
tinians), 268-271. Fenelon (Archbishop of Cam-
Descartes, Rene, 3. brai), 3.
Desmares (Oratorian), 275, 276. Ferdinand H., Emperor, i,
Despruets, Bernard (Bishop of 58. 313-

Saint-Papoul), 259 n. Ferdinand IIL, Emperor, 114-
Diaz, Manuel (Jesuit), 201. 16, 119, 120, 132, 134, 313.
Digby, Kenelm, 157, 160, Fermat, Pierre, 3.
161. Ferrata, Ercole (sculptor), 379.
Dinet, Jacques (Jesuit), 254, Ferri, Ciro (artist), 402.
256. Feydeau, 220.
De Dominis, Marcantonio, 233. Filleau, Advocate, 295.
Donghi, Cardinal, 15. Filomarino, Cardinal, 16, 79-
Due, Fronton du, 3. 82.
Duchesne, 234. Fisher (Jesuit), 213.
Duhamel, Henri, 217, 223. Fleury, Francois de, 225.
Durazzo, Marcello, Cardinal, Fontenay-Mareuil, Marquis de,
15- 61-3, 81-3.
INDEX OF NAMES. 461
Foscarini, Pier (envoy), 360. Gottschalk, 240.

Four, du (Dominican), 250. Grande, Antonio del, 395.
Frangipani, the Family, 373. Gregory XHL, Pope, 210, 257,
Friedrich, Landgrave of Hesse, 273, 40S.
t88. Gregory XV., Pope, 16, 26, 190,
Frederick William (Duke of 210.
Brandenburg), 98, 100. Gregory of S. Vincent, 349.
Froidmont, L. (Fromondus- Gremonville, M. de, 49, 50,
Fromond), 302-314, 335, 75. 76, 357-
34 3 -^J- Grillet, Jean (Jesuit), 207.
Fuensaldana. Count, 319, 348. Grimaldi, Cardinal, 15, 19,
Fulgentius, 272. 23. 56, 59, 85, 234.
Fustado, Francesco (Jesuit), Grimaldi, Francesco (archi-
201. tect), 400.
Grimani, Battista, 361.
Gabrielli, Giulio, Cardinal, Gualteri, Carlo, Cardinal, 189.
15. 22. Guerike, Otto von, 2.
Gaetani, Francesco (Archbishop Guidi, Domenico (artist), 386.
of Rhodes), 42, 91-3. Guise, Henry Duke of, 84, 85.
Gan, Clement (Dominican), 201. Gustav, Adolf (Count of
Gatta, Carlo della, 60, 61. Nassau-Saarbrucken), 137.
Gault, Jean Baptiste (Bishop).
224. Haberkorn, 139.
Gavazzi, Modestus (Francis- Habert, Isaac (Bishop of
can), 268. Vabres), 227-233, 253,
Genoino, Giulio, 80. 257-9-
George, Christian (Landgrave Hallier, Fran9ois, 243, 244,
of Hesse), 137. 263-5, 268, 274, 275, 283,
Georg, Frederick Philipp von 292-300.
Greishcim, 137. Harlay, Fran9ois (Archbishop
Guarda, Cristoforo (Bishop of of Rouen), 256, 297 n.
Castro), 370. Haro, Luis de, 88.
Ginetti, IVIarzio, Cardinal, 190, Harrach, Cardinal, 15, 18, 24,
202, 265, 277. 134-
Giotto, 390. Henry VIII., King of England,
Giustiniani, the Family, 373. 179.
Giustiniani, Giovanni (envoy), Henrietta, Maria, Queen of
73, 78, 146, 362-5. England, 156, 157, 160,
Giustiniani, Orazio, Cardinal, 164.
51, 186. Henschen, Gottfried (Jesuit),
Giustiniani, Olimpiuccia, 92. 349-
Glamorgan, Earl of Raglan, q.v. Hcrsent (ex Oratorian), 250,
Godeau, Antony (Bishop of 261.
Grasse), 262, 285-7. Hilerin, 217.
Godefroi, 370. Hoist, Lukas, 140.
Gondi, Jean Fran9ois de, Holzhauser, Bartholomew, 17S.
Cardinal von de Rctz. Hovvnc, d', 318-321, 325, 330,
Gondrin, L. H. de Pardaillon 348-
(Archbishop of Sens), 215, Hughes, Canon, 323.
259 n., 291, 295-g. Huygens (scientist), 4.
Gookin, 175. Huyssens (architect), 349.
462 INDEX OF NAMES.
Imbene, Tommaso (Theatine), Labadie, Jean (Jesuit), 223.

268. Labbe, 3.
Imperiale, Lorenzo, Cardinal, Ladislaus (King of Poland),
189. 138.
Inchiquin (Parliamentary Lafontaine, Jean de, 3, 9 n.
General), 166, 169. Lagault, 264, 275, 281, 287.
Infantado, Duke of (Spanish Lalane, Doctor, 262, 276.
Ambassador), 42, 74, 181. Lamberg, Leopold Joseph von,
Ingoli,Francesco (Secretary of II.5-
Propaganda), 190, 191. Lante, Cardinal, 15, 16, 59, 180.
Innocent VIII., Pope, 23. Lapide, Cornelius a, 349.
Innocent X., Pope, passim. Lauri, Baldassare (artist), 17.
Innocent XL, Pope, 6, 9-12. Lauri, Francesco (artist), 17.
Innocent XII., Pope, 11, Laval, Francois de Mont-
411. morency, 193, 214.
Innsbruck, Claudia (Arch- Leibnitz (philosopher), 2.
duchess of), 88. Leonardi (artist), 344.
Ireton (Parliamentary General), Leo the Great, Pope St., 385.
170. Leo X., Pope, 28, 397.
Isidore of St. Joseph (Carme- Leopold (Prince of Florence),
lite), 334- 181.
Leopold, Williani (Archduke
Jansenius, Cornelius, 217-223, of Netherlands), 312-325,
226, 228, 238-249, 253- 341. 348-
262, 267-281, 286-8, 295- Le Roux, 240. •
305. 309-328, 336-347. Lescot, Jacques (Bishop of

Chartres), 297 n., 298.
John Augustine of the Nati- Lessius, 349.
vity, 268. Le Sueur (artist), 3.
John Frederick (Duke of Leuxselring, Johann, loi, 117.
Brunswick Luneberg), Lingendes, Claude de (Jesuit),
137-9, 184. 228.
John of St. Thomas, 300. Lionne, Hugues de, 72.
John IV. (King of Braganza), Lippay, George (Primate of
74. 78. Hungary), 135.
Joisel, 264, 274. Loisel, 243.
Jones (Parliamentary General), Lomellini, Gian Girolamo, Car-
165, 167-8. dinal, 188.
Joseph III. (Maronite Pat- Longueville, Duke of, 104, 121.
riarch), 195. Lope (Spanish poet), 2.
Juan, Don (son of Philip IV.), Lorrain, Claude (artist), 3.
Si, 89. Le Loup, Christian, 311.
Louvois, 4.
Kepler, 2. Ludlow (Parliamentary
Kinscot (Chancellor of Bra- General), 170.
bant), 319. Ludovisi, Alessandro (Gregory
Kircher, Athanasius (Jesuit), XV.), 26.
403- Ludovisi, Ludovico, Cardinal,
Klesl, Cardinal, 69. 89, 378, 391-
Kuaringen, Henry von (Bishop Ludovisi, Niccolo, Prince, 33,
of Augsburg), 10 r. 40. 48, 57. 61, 353, 360, 403.
.
INDEX OF NAMES. 463
Ludovisi, Princess, Oz. Marie Louise of Gonzaga-

Louis XIII., King of France, Clevcs (Queen of Poland),
3- 22 s
Louis Xl\'., King of France, Marini, Domenico (Archbishop
3-13, 68, 85, 164, 285. of Avignon), 69, 70, 92.
Lugo, Juan de. Cardinal, 15, Marten, 148, 149.
21, 23, 56, 180, 231, 232, Martinez, 300.
265. Marucelli, Paolo (Architect),
Lunghi, Martino (architect), 383-
383. 39^- Masaniello, 79, So.
Luther, Martin, i, 139. Massari (Duke of Fermo), 162,
Lutti, secret., 229. 189, 191.
Massilon (poet), 3.
Machiavelli, Cardinal, 5. Massimo, Camillo, 91-3.
Maculano, Vincenzo, Cardinal, Mattel, Cardinal, 15, 16, 18,
i6, 21, 23, 180,
265. 20, 22.
Maderno, Carlo, 385, 410. Matthias (Prince of Tuscan^-),
Magni, Valerian (Capuchin), 181.
134. 139- Maximilian of Bavaria, loi,
Magnoni, Valentino (Jesuit), 103, 112, 115-121.
20. Mazarin, Jules, Cardinal, 13-
Maidalchini, Andrea, 375. 22, 48-75, 78. 84-6, 128,
Maidalchini, Francesco, Car- 156, 157. 222-
187, 216,
dinal, 39, 180, 187. 236, 284, 297, 357, 360, 392.
Maidalchini, Olimpia, 32-4, Mazarin, Michel, Cardinal, 49,
35-41. 44-6, 62, 92, 50, 58, 63, 64, 187.
181-9, 279, 375-9, 397. Medici, Francesco Maria de'.
403- Cardinal, 15, 16, 18, 76,
Maini, Giambattista (sculptor), 186.
379- Medina de las Torres, Duke of,
Malatesta of Baglione, 371. 77-
Malatesta of Goligiano, 371. Melzi, Camillo, Cardinal, 103.
Mancini, Francesco, 92, 93. Mesplede (Dominican), 225.
Manessier, 275. Meynell, Robert, 151, 152.
Mangelli, Andrea, 330-6, 341-7, Michelangelo, 395.
350. Minden, iii.
Maratta, Carlo (artist), 372, Mignard (artist), 374.
39-2. Mole, President, 243, 244.
Marca, Pierre dc (Archbishop Moliere, J. B., 3.
of Toulouse), 285-7, 297. Molina, Luis (Jesuit), 219,221,
Marco, Antonio (Capuchin Proc. 262, 303, 327, 350.
Gen.), 268. Monk, General, 165, 167.
Margaret of Savoy, 181. Monroe, General, 155.
Mari, Giovan Antonio (sculp- Montalto, Cardinal, 15, 89.
tor), 408. Montchal, Charles (Archbishop
Maria, Princess (sister of Philip of Touk)Use), 225, 255.
IV.), 88. Monteiro, Nicholas (Prior of
Marianne, d. of Ferdinand III., Sodofeita), 74, 76.
88, 89, 181, 313. Monti, Cardinal, 15, 16.
Maria Anne (Princess of Morales, J. B. de (Dominican),
W'iirttemberg), 137. 201-5.
464 INDEX OF NAMES.
Morgan, Major, M.P., 174. Pamfili, Agata, 24, 44.

Morin, Jean, 3. Pamfili, Alessandro, 24.
Mortelle (advocate), 331. Pamfili, Angelo Benedetto, 24,
Mothe-Hondencourt, Henri de 397-
la (Bishop of Rennes), Pamfili, Camillo (father of
297 n. Innocent X.), 24.
Murillo, 2. Pamfili, Camillo (nephew).
Muskerry, 164. Cardinal, 36-49, 186, 189,
Mutale (King of Ceylon), 198. 265. 277, 308, 375-9, 392-7,
403, 409.
Nani, Giovanni (Venetian en- Pamfili, Camillo (Astalli), 39-
voy), 53. 42, 187.
Najera y Maqueda, Duke of, Pamfili, Costanza, 33.
89. Pamfili, Giovan Battista, 15,
Napoleon, Bonaparte, 9. 16, 18, 19, Innocent X.,
Navarro, 348. q.v.
Nini, Paolo, 33. Pamfili, Girolamo, 24, 25, 43,
Noirmoutiers, Marquis of, 61. 44.
Pamfili, Maria, m. Prince
Odescalchi, Benedetto, Car- Ludovisi, 33, 62.
dinal, 186. Pamfili, Pamfilio, 24, 33.
Olier, Jean Jacques, 220, 221, Pamfili, Prudenza, 24.
226. Panciroli, Cardinal, 15, 35-41,
Oliva, John Paul (Jesuit), 378. 95, 109, 231.
Olivares, 26, 128. Pannelini, Giovan (Inquisitor
Omodei, Luigi A., Cardinal, of Malta), 355.
188. Pallu, Francois (Bishop of
Onate, Count, 73, 77, Si, Heliopolis, 193.
85- Papebroch, Daniel (Jesuit),
O'Neill, Eugene, General, 158, 349-
162-6, 170. Pascal, Blaise, 3, 203.
Ormond (Viceroy of Ireland), Passeri, 386.
153-166, 168, 172. Passionei (Papal agent), 7 n.
Orsini, the Family, 373. Paul III., Pope, I, 411.
Orsini, Cardinal, 15. Paul IV., Pope, 51, 411.
Orsini, Virginio, 373. Paul v.. Pope, 259, 263, 282,
Othenin, Henri d". Canon, 335. 285.
Ottoboni, Pietro, Cardinal Pacificus (Capuchin), 213.
(Alexander VIII.), 188. Pazmany, Peter, Cardinal, 135.
Oxenstjerna, Axel, 120. Pefieranda, Count, loi.
Peretti, Alessandro, Cardinal,
Paepe, 321. 391.
Palafox y Mendoza, Juan Peretti, Francesco, Cardinal,
(Bishop), 207-213. 391-
Pallavicino, Sforza, Cardinal, Petau, Denis, 3, 218, 227 n.,
47, 96, 102, 107, 268-271, 228.
381. Philip, Catholicos of Armenia,
Paladan, Michel (Augustinian), 195-
338. Philip of Hesse, 137.
Pamfili, the Family of, 373, Philip II. (King of Spain),
393, 408, 410. 2, 6.
INDEX OF NAMES. 465
Philip IV. of Spain, 29, 73, 81, Rassenghien, Baron von

85-91, 164, 180, 199, 207, (Bishop of Tournai), 312,
211, 308-325, 354, 386. 315-
Philippucci, Francis Xavier Ravaille, Reginald, 275.
(Jesuit), 203. Recht, 316, 318.
Pimentel, Doningo, Cardinal, Recke, von der, 137.
188. Retz, Jean Fran9ois Paul de
Pique, Bishop, 193. Gondi, Cardinal, 67-71,
Pisanello (artist), 3S9. 188, 215, 222, 283.
Pius IV., Pope, 387, 389. Rhodes, Alexander, 192, 193,
Pius v.. Pope, I, 16, 257, 198.
273. 354. 356. Richelieu, Cardinal, 7, 13, 64,
Pius VI., Pope, 13. 224, 233, 237, 250.
Plessis-Besanôn du, 85. Richelieu, Alfonse Louis, Car-
Plunket, Nicolaus, Baron, 166. dinal, 15, 18, 19, 23.
Poirters (Jesuit), 349. Rinaldi, Carlo, 182.
Ponce de Leon (Duke of Arcos), Rinaldo, Oderico, 17, 381.
79- Rinuccini, Battista (Archbishop
Pontan (Pontanus), Rector of of Fermo), 157, 159, 161-6,
Liege, 308, 343. 171, 189.
Porissimi, Claudio (sculptor), Ripalda, J. Martinez de (Jesuit),
405- 228.
Poussin, Nicolas, 3, 28. Rivius (Augustinian Provin-
Poussin, Gaspard, 402. cial), 338.
Preston, General, 158, 163, Rocci, Cardinal, 15, 16, 56.
165. Rochefoucauld, Cardinal, 15.
Prosper, St., 272. Roma, Cardinal, 15, 16, 245,
265.
OuESNEL, 12. Romanelli, Giovanni Francesco
Quiroga (Capuchin), no. (artist), 402.
Rondinini, Cardinal, 15, 56.
Racine, Jean (poet), 3, 9 n. Roose, Peter, 301-310, 314-18,
Raconis, Abra de, 216, 228- 326.
231- Rosa, Salvatore, 28.
Raphael, 28, 386. Rospigliosi, Giulio (Clement
Raggi, Antonio (sculptor), 405. IX.), 87-91, 300, 306,
Raggi, Lorenzo, Cardinal, 187. 317-
Raglan, Herbert (Earl of Rossetti, Cardinal, 16.
Glamorgan), 154-6, 159- Rovenius (Vicar Apost. in
161. Holland), 142.
Rainaldi, Carlo (architect), 24,
383. 387-395. 401. 409. Saavedra, Diego, 95.
Rainaldi, Girolamo (architect), Sable, Marquise de, 220.
383, 391, 401, 409. Sacchetti, Cardinal, 15, i6,
Rancati, Hilarion (Cistercian), 19-23-
248-250. Sacchetti, Marcello, 17.
Randoutt, Valentin, 346. Sacchi, Andrea, 17.
Rantzau, Christoph, Count of, Sagredo, Niccolo (Venetian
137- Ambassador), 365.
Rapaccioli, Cardinal, 15, 23, Saint-Amour, 240, 243, 261-4,
56, 180. 267-276, 280.
466 INDEX OF NAMES.
Saint-Chamond, Marquis, 19, Sirvela, Count, 19, 20, 75-7,

20, 22, 48. 95-
St. Cyran, 216, 220, 224, 231, Sixtus v., I, 407.
238, 243, 253. Solminihac, Alain de (Bishop
Sainte-Beuve, 238, 241, 242. of Cahors), 225.
Salette, J. Henri de (Bishop of Spada, Cardinal, 23, 42, 190,
Lescar), 259 n. 212, 261-277.
Salvatierra (Viceroy of Mexico), Spada, Virgilio (Almoner), 282,
209. 288, 293.
Salvius, 117, 120. Spinola, Agostino, Cardinal, 15,
Sandoval, Cardinal, 15, 93. 16.
Sanfelice (nuncio), 178. Spinola, Giovanni, Cardinal, 15.
Sangallo (architect), 394. Strada, Famiano (Jesuit), 385.
Sanguin, Nicolas (Bishop of Suarez, 303, 350.
Senlis), 228. Sullay, " official " of Paris,
Santa Croce, Marcello, Cardinal, 28S.
188.
San Vito, Marquis, 22. Taafe, General, 163.
Savelli, the Family, 372-394. Taignier, 288.
Savelli, Federigo (nuncio), 14, Talon, Denis, 236.
19, 128, 129. Tassi, Agostino, 401.
Savelli, Francesco, Cardinal, Taylor, Jeremy, 146.
187. Teodoli, Cardinal, 15, 22.
Scarampi (Papal envoy) , 156. Thomassin, Louis de, 3.
Schacht, Heinrich (Lutheran Tommaso, Prince of Savoy,
preacher), 137. 86.
Schall, Adam (Jesuit), 200. Torre, James de la (Archbishop
Schega, 323. of Ephesus), 142.
Schinckel, John, 304, 305, 307. Torres y Rueda, Marcos de
Schliiter (sculptor), 408. (Bishop), 210.
Schonborn, J. Philipp, von Trauttmansdorff, Max, Count
(Archbishop of Mayeuce), of, 101-7, 110-14.
117, 120, 121, 130, 178. Triest, Anthony von (Bishop of
Schott, Andrew, 349. Ghent), 326, 327, 335.
Shung-ti (Tartar Emperor) 200. , Trevulzio, Cardinal, 15, 18, 69,
Schwarzenberg, Count, 319. 82, 92.
Scialac, Victor (Maronite), 195. Truchsess, Cardinal, 100.
Sebille, Alexander (Dominican), Turenne, General, 4.
336, 337. 345-
Seghers, Daniel (artist), 349. Ulrich, Duke of Wiirttemberg,
Seguier (nuncio), 216. 137-
Seldon, 148. Urban VIII., Pope, i, 12-20,
Semedo, Alvaro, 201, 202. 26-32, 51, 63, 74, 155,
Senecey, Marquise de, 215. 181, 190, 191, 201 seq,,
Sevigne, Madame de, 222. 273, 277, 348, 351, 366,
Sforza, Cardinal, 55, 186, 378. 382 seqq., 411.
Silesius, Angelus (poet), 137. Ursacius, 272.
Sinnich, Johann, 229, 307, 308,
321, 343- Vacher, Philippe le (Lazarist),
Siri, Vittorio, 84. 196.
Sirmond (Jesuit), 3. Valens, 272.
INDEX OF NAMES. 467
\'an den Linden (Oratorian), Volmar, Isaac, no, 116, 117.

336. Volterra, Daniele de, 389.
\'asquez (Abbot), 332. Vorberg, 117.
\'ascjuez, Gabriel, 303, 350.
Vauban, 4. Wadding, Luke (Franciscan),
Velasquez (artist), 2, 28, 31. 268-271, 392.
Vcntadour, Duke of, 288. Wangnereck, Henry (Jesuit),
Vernulaeus (Rector of Louvain loi, 108, no, 114.
University), 343, 344. Wartenberg, Wilhelm von
Veron, Fran9ois (Jesuit), 239- (Bishop of Osnabriick),
242. loi, 108-115, 121.
Verospi, Cardinal, 15. Werm, van (professor), 308,
\'ervaux, Johann (Jesuit), loi.
343-6.
Vialart, Felix (Bishop of Cha- Wetzhausen, Count von, 137.
259 n.
lons),
Winchester, Marquis of, 144.
Vianen, Fran9ois de (Rector of Winter. 168.
Louvain University), 343, Worcester, Marquis of, 154.
344- Wright, Peter,
Vidman, Christopher, Cardinal,
187.
\ iete, 3.
Xavier, Andrew (Jesuit),
Vignola (sculptor), 390. 200 n.
Vincent de Paul, St., 193-6,

215-17, 226, 234, 250-7, Yves (Capuchin), 228.
288-292.
Visconti, Filippo, 268-272. Zambeccari, Alessandro, 360.
Visconti, Uberto Maria, 368. Zinga, Queen, 197.
~~~i

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LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

THE HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated from

Vols. I. and II. a.d. 1305-1458

The original German text of the History of the Popes is published

HISTORY OF THE POPES

DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER

FROM THE GERMAN OF THE LATE

LUDWIG, FRUIHERR \0N PASTOR

DOM ERNEST GRAF, O.S.B.

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY

at the deathbed of my beloved husband,

Comment peut-on etre Chretien sans etre catholique ? Et

Queen Christine of Sweden, Pensees, id. De Bildt, p. 34.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXX.

Foreword to the German Edition ..... PAGE

Complete Titles of Books in Volumes XXX., XXXI.,

Table of Contents ....... xliii

List of Unpublished Documents in Appendi.x . . . xlvii

Innocent X., 1644-1655 — Introduction ... i

The Conclave of 1644. Innocent X. and the PamfiH . .

The Peace of Westphalia and Religious Conditions in

Innocent's Work Within the Church —The Jubilee Year. 177

Jansenism in France and the Netherlands . . . 215

Innocent X.'s Relations with Venice — The Pontifical

Innocent X. as a Patron of Art. .... 381

Appendix of Unpublished Documents

Index of Names. 457

Even one glance at the title page of the present volume

justified because there was question of climaxes in the story

during fifty years of tireless toil, he omitted everything that

In the second half of this volume, and in all subsequent

Freiburg in Breisgau. The Publishers.

COLLECTIONS OF ARCHIVES AND MANU-

Aix (Provence) — Mejanes Hague, — Library.

Abhandlungen der Kgl. bayr. Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Archivi italiani, Gli. Vol i seqq. Naples, 1914 seqq.

Bain, F. W., Christina, Queen of Sweden. London, 1890.

senato degli ambasciatori Veneziani nel sec. xvii. First

France, 3 Vols., between 1857-1863 ;

Turkey, i Vol., about 1871-2.

Bayle, Dictionnaire historique et critique. 4 Vols. Rotterdam,

numbers. Florence, 191 1 seqq.

Biermann, B. M., Die Anfange der neuern Dominikanermission

Bildt, Baron Ch. de, Svenska minnen och marken i Rom.

fecerunt Barberini." Ricerche storiche. Rome, 1898.

Brosch, M., Geschichte des Kirchenstaates. Vol. i. Gotha, 1880.

Bullarium Congregationis de I'ropaganda Fide. 7 Vols. Rome,

Cabrol-Leclerq, Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne et de liturgie.

Carabelli, G., Dei Farnese e del ducato di Castro e di Ronciglione,

3rd and 4th Vols. Rome, 1677.

Colombo, G., Notizie biografiche e lettere di Papa Innocenzo XI.

Conring, H., Commentar. historic, de electione Urbani VII I. et

Dam, P. A. N. B., Histoire de la Republique de Venise. 8 Vols.

di Venezia in Rom.) Leipzig, 1909.

Diarium Europaeum. 45 Vols. (1657-1681). Frankfort s. M.,

Dupin, Louis Ellies, Histoire ecclesiastique du dix-septieme

Egger, H., Romische Veduten. Vienna and Leipzig (191 1).

Erythraeiis, lanns Nicius, Epistolae ad Tyrrhenum. Coloniae

Faillon, Vie de M. Olier, fondateur du seminaire de Saint-Sulpice.

Ferrari, Giulio, Lo stucco nell'arte italiana. Milan (s.a.)

Gaedeke, Am., Die Politik Osterreichs in der spanischen Erbfolge-

Gartner, C, Corpus iuris ecclesiastic! catholicorum novioris quod

Vols. 4-6 by F. F. Carlson ;Vol. 7 by L. Stavenow. Hamburg-