War of the Rockets

How Israel’s Second War in Lebanon Impacted the People and the State
of Israel

Talks given by policy experts, public officials, military officials, jour-

nalists, rabbis, civic leaders, and citizens during AJC solidarity mission
to Israel, September 4-7, 2006

Edited by Gary Spruch

AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE

Contents
Foreword 5

Prime Minister Ehud Olmert 7

Col. (res.) Uri Dromi 8

Professor (Emeritus) Shlomo Avineri 9

Journalist Yossi Klein Halevi 10

Former Minister Dan Meridor 12

Member of Knesset Ran Cohen 15

Ehud Yaari, Mideast Commentator 17

Rabbi Ed Rettig, AJC Israel office 20

AJC Executive Director David A. Harris 21

Col. (res.) Miri Eisin, Foreign Press

Advisor to the Prime Minister 22

Daniel Taub, Director,

General Law Division, Foreign Ministry 24

Mark Sofer, Deputy Director General,

Foreign Ministry 26

Davita Kutscher, AJC Israel office,

IDF spokesperson 28

Journalist Ari Shavit 29

Dr. Michael Soudry,

Chief of Orthopedics,
Rambam Hospital, Haifa 31

Haifa Mayor Yona Yahav 32

Haifa Police Chief Nir Mariash 33

Contents

3
 Erez Geller, Magen David Adom,
Haifa, Paramedic Supervisor 34

Dr. Moti Peri,

Director Beit Hagefen Center
for Arab/Jewish Understanding 35

Hanan Sa’id, Daughter of

rocket victim Hana Hamam 36

Douglas Moore,
Public Relations Director,
Baha’i International Center 37

Rabbi Dr. Edgar Nof,

Congregation Or Hadash 38

Shlomo Goldwasser, father of kidnapped

IDF soldier Udi Goldwasser 39

Malka Goldwasser,
mother of Udi Goldwasser 40

Eran Lerman,
Director of AJC Israel office 40

AJC Executive Director

David A. Harris 40

Maj. Gen. (res.) Doron Almog 43

Shai Katav, Commander of the

123rd Helicopter Squadron 46

“Duddy,” Deputy Commander

of the 69th Air Force Squadron 46

Maj. Gen. (res.) Gioria Eiland 48

Minister of Education Yuli Tamir 50

Gidi Greenstein,
War of the Rockets

President, Reut Institute 52

AJC President E. Robert Goodkind 55

Biographies 56

4
 Foreword
As this report goes to press, heated debate continues in Israel about the recent
war in Lebanon.
Protesters voice their anger. The commander of Israeli forces in northern
Israel has resigned. And the government has established a commission of
inquiry—charged with the task of investigating political and military deci-
sion-making during the war.
After Hezbollah’s July 12 attack, AJC was the first Jewish organization
worldwide to send a solidarity mission to Israel. That mission traveled
throughout Israel’s northern region amidst rocket fire and chaos.
Three weeks after the fighting stopped, another AJC solidarity mission
brought to Israel more than 120 AJC members from across the country, as
well as several U.S. Christian leaders, a former Deputy Prime Minister from
Sweden, and Jewish students from Europe and Latin America. This booklet,
prepared from the extensive notes of AJC’s Assistant Director of Publications,
Gary Spruch, covers the talks given during that mission.
The mission arrived in Israel at a time of particularly intense self-assess-
ment and evaluation. And, indeed, many of the talks you’ll read here are
marked by a sense of sharp, sometimes unsparing, self-examination. Others
take the form of first-hand accounts of an Israel under attack. All are com-
pelling, informative, and highly instructive.
Through our Israel solidarity missions, our Israel Emergency Solidarity
Fund (which raised more than $1.9 million), and our ceaseless outreach across
America and around the world, AJC stands up for the people and State of
Israel.
I’m pleased to quote one of those whose remarks you’ll find inside, the
deputy director of Israel’s Foreign Ministry, Mark Sofer. He opened his address
to the solidarity mission participants with the following comment: “I consid-
er AJC perhaps the most serious, not only Jewish, but non-governmental
group anywhere dealing with global affairs.”

David A. Harris
Executive Director
American Jewish Committee
Foreword

5
 A Meeting With Israel’s Prime Minister
A Time to Confront the Danger
“ We All Knew About the Threat from Hezbollah”
prime minster ehud olmert

It’s been my pleasure, in my various posts throughout the years, to always find
the time to meet with leaders of the American Jewish Committee. And I’m
glad to be able to do so once again this afternoon. The first point I’d like to
make clear is that no new threats emerged in the past few months.
We all knew about the threat from Hezbollah’s stockpiling of weapons,
but, quite honestly, we looked away. We weren’t eager to respond. We wanted
to focus on building up our economy, our technology. But this time I felt we
had to respond.

Facing the Consequences

I remember sitting in the cabinet room after the kidnapping of our soldiers on
the Lebanon border. I got all the opinions of the leaders in the room. I
prompted them to state many times that were we to act, thousands of rockets
would fly into Israel. I wanted them all to say it few times, so that nobody
could possibly say they weren’t aware of the consequences of our decision. We
thought it was time to confront the danger.
As far as the results, I think we certainly sent a message that Israel does-
n’t have a sense of humor when it comes to kidnapping and killing our sol-
diers. I also ask you to consider the situation of the U.S. in Iraq. Despite the
difficulties, has the U.S. lost its deterrent power? I don’t think so. This is the
nature of guerrilla warfare.

“The Most Fascinating Country on Earth”

But the situation in Lebanon has changed. For the past
three weeks Hezbollah has not fired a single shot at an
Israeli soldier, and an international force is on the way.
The world is now more aware of the danger coming
from Iran. In addition, Hezbollah’s leader has said that
he would never have started the conflict had he known
the nature of the Israeli response.
Thank you for coming to Israel, and please keep
coming. We have enough room for you in the most fas-
cinating country on earth!
Ehud Olmert

At the Prime Minister’s office, (l. to r.) AJC Pres-

ident E. Robert Goodkind; Prime Minister
Olmert; AJC Executive Director David A. Harris.

7
 Panel Discussion:
In the Wake of the Second Lebanon War
Hezbollah: a Completely New and Unique Type of Threat
“ Regarding the IDF, We Cannot Have our Cake
and Eat it Too.”
col. (res.) uri dromi

If this is a defeat that we just faced in Lebanon, it’s a pretty good one, con-
sidering the results. Looking at the larger picture, we do need, of course, to
maintain the full capacity to face a conventional army, such as the armies of
Egypt and Syria. But the nature of things is constant change. You ensure for
one thing, and suddenly something else, a new threat, emerges. And Hezbol-
lah was a totally different threat.
Please understand that Hezbollah represents something unprecedented:
a terrorist army backed by a mini-state [South Lebanon], a terrorist organi-
zation fighting with a guerrilla army supplied by established states, in this
case Iran and Syria. The bright side is that on one day we took out all their
large and medium-sized rocket launchers. We were also able to take out all
the buildings that housed their offices, and to do so with real accuracy.

Avoiding a Trap
We engaged in no carpet bombing. First of all, we could not get away with it,
because we are not a superpower. Second of all, doing so would not have been
in keeping with our values. True, we had to avoid being
lured into a trap. But we needed to get in and out quick-
ly, and effectively. My own feeling is that Israel should
have made its point powerfully in the first few days, and
then gotten out.
What was exposed in this recent conflict, the way I
see it, is that regarding the IDF, we cannot have our cake
and eat it too. If the IDF is important to us, then we
should ensure that it’s fully capable of doing what it must.

Col. (res.) Uri Dromi

War of the Rockets

8
 Israel, Lebanon, and the United Nations
“ Rhetoric is One Thing … Professor Shlomo Avineri
But Realpolitik is Something Else”
hebrew university professor (emeritus) shlomo avineri

You are on what is called a “solidarity mission.” And the word “solidarity”
speaks to the fundamental bonds between us. There’s no doubt that question-
ing together is a form of experiencing fundamental bonds. In that spirit, I
appreciate AJC’s strong, thoughtful support of Israel. Let me assure you that
it’s preferable to the 130 percent support that we get from some quarters.
Why? Because we have to look at things thoughtfully.
Let me begin by saying that UN Resolution 1559 was supposed to put an
end to the state-within-a-state in Lebanon, meaning Hezbollah’s mini-state in
South Lebanon. But the international community did nothing to implement
it. And that shouldn’t come as a surprise. After all, international politics is cri-
sis-driven.

“It Was Only Talk”

The UN’s rhetoric is one thing, but realpolitik, of course, is something else. In
Yugoslavia, for instance, only after Srebrenica did President Clinton decide to
use force, only after the genocide of 8,000 Muslims. Before Srebrenica, there
was certainly much talk. And it was similar with [Resolution] 1559. It was
only talk.
But after the recent war in Lebanon the international community has
moved one step further. The international presence in Lebanon will help the
Lebanese government assert its authority. And as usual, this was a crisis-ori-
ented move. Crisis moved the whole thing along, but the jury is still out on
UN Resolution 1701 and the international presence it will bring to Lebanon.
For instance, how many constraints will it put on Hezbollah?
Regarding the question of Iran, Europe and the U.S. have both failed in
convincing Iran to change course concerning its nuclear program. Iran told
UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan it would be glad to negotiate—but not
about the issues the international community has raised. In terms of looking
at Europe’s actions, you must understand that Europe faces no internal con-
flicts and, in addition, after WWI and WWII, it’s rather easy to understand
Europe’s strong pacifism.
Shlomo Avineri

9
 In Defense of Democracy
But, of course, Iran is not just Israel’s concern. Iran should be seen as a threat
to humanity and the world, and Israel is a part of the world. And Holocaust
denial is not just a Jewish issue. It’s a humanitarian issue. Israel should not be
in the forefront of calling for military action. If such a course is to be taken,
it should be taken in defense of democracy, not in the name of Israel’s
defense. The West has enough reasons to act, if it should so decide. But this
recent war should certainly provide lessons about any future engagements.

Among the Many Lessons Learned:

“ We Cannot Afford Moral Mediocrity”
journalist yossi klein halevi

What did we learn about ourselves in the recent conflict? A story I once heard
comes to mind, a story that reflects the nature of the Israeli home front dur-
ing the crisis. The story is about an Ethiopian Jew taking a shovel along with
him when he and his community members began the difficult journey that
Yossi Klein Halevi would end for most of them in the Land of Israel.
When he was asked what the shovel was for, he said simply that some
wouldn’t make it, and that they would need to buried along the way. And,
indeed, we saw on the home front a meaningful degree of resilience. Where
people were left without provisions, for instance, volunteers filled in.

A Capacity for Social Solidarity

One example among many was my friend Rabbi Ed Rettig, from AJC’s office
in Jerusalem. Ed spent the weeks of the war driving throughout the North
delivering goods to people in need, goods purchased by AJC. To be sure,
Israeli society discovered once again the capacity for social solidarity that
we’ve seen during other wars. A part of that was also the absence of con-
tentious debate. We even saw that Ha’aretz printed an editorial demanding
that the army force the government to accept its plans. To tell you the truth,
I had to read that editorial twice to believe it.
And we learned also that, surprisingly, it was Israel’s kibbutz society that
suffered the greatest losses and contributed the most soldiers. Yes, we had
War of the Rockets

written a eulogy for this community far too soon. We also learned something
about Tel Aviv’s contribution to the national effort. It appears to have been
exaggerated. Vital contributions came from everywhere.

10
 And we learned something about the Arab-Israeli population. It’s true to
say that we have not provided for them properly. And it’s true that we have not
afforded them proper facilities and bomb shelters. And, yet, we must also
acknowledge that during the war a portion of this community proved itself to
be near or fully treasonous.

Unilateralism Not a Solution

In general terms, we learned earlier that negotiation was not a solution. Now
we have learned that non-negotiation—that is to say, unilateralism—is also
not a solution. We are back in a regional Arab-Israeli crisis. And with regard to
Iran, we face an existential crisis.
In terms of our own failings that came to light, we cannot afford moral
mediocrity. Though we may be no worse than others, we, on the other hand,
simply cannot afford it. For example, Prime Minister Olmert, who is under
investigation at this time for cronyism in an earlier post, perhaps also engaged
in cronyism when he hired Amir Peretz to be his defense minister.
In my view, our moral and ethical and structural flaws need to be fully
examined in the light of this war. I’m also concerned that if Prime Minister
Olmert was not capable of launching a major land offensive when he had the
backing of his nation, and of President Bush, how can we believe he’ll take
action, if necessary, in the future?

Yossi Klein Halevi

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 Conventional, Superconventional,
and Subconventional Warfare
“ In Israel, We Must Be Very Good at Defense Doctrine”
former minister dan meridor

The war in the North, no doubt, ended with some intriguing questions con-
cerning Israel’s security doctrine. The reality is that we live in a rapidly chang-
ing world. Thirty years ago we didn’t have computers in our home; twenty
years ago we weren’t using cell phones. Everyone must adapt to change.
But, for big and secret organizations—like armies—adapting to change
is hard business. A cavalry officer in Poland in 1939 would have found it hard
to believe that his usefulness to the Polish nation had passed. This is the army
mentality. In Israel, we must be very good at defense doctrine, because it’s our
very life, but, of course, we face limits in terms of spending. The image of our
defense capabilities is the key to our defense and to any possibility of a peace
process.

“Sadat Was Not a Zionist”

Be clear, Anwar Sadat of Egypt was not a Zionist, nor was King Hussein of
Jordan, who was the first Arab leader to make a move toward peace. Even the
Syrians began to talk in 1991 in Madrid. And there were the Moroccans and
the Tunisians—all of it because we looked strong enough—in military terms,
in economic terms, and in terms of international standing. Most of the Arab
world came to understand that tanks against tanks, guns against guns would
not work for them. But the conventional field is not the only field.
There is a level above conventional—superconventional—as in nuclear.
And there is level beneath conventional—subconventional—as in terror and
guerrilla warfare. In the course of the Cold War, keep in mind, Russia, with
all its armies, never killed a single American, and also never said that its goal
was to “wipe America off the map.”

A Different Kind of War

But Osama bin Ladin, with no conventional army, did great damage to
America. It’s a different kind of war. It’s a time of “super-empowered indi-
viduals” in a globalized world, to use a term coined by Tom Friedman. But he
meant that term in good way. Of course, it also has a meaning in a bad way.
The point is that Israel, in the meantime, has won the battle, so to speak, in
War of the Rockets

terms of conventional warfare.

Regarding superconventional issues, Israel ended the Iraqi attempt to go
nuclear. They tried again in the superconventioal realm by developing elec-

12
tromagnetic radiation, but that attempt was brought to an end by the U.S. at
the end of the Gulf War. There was also the situation with Libya, which was
supplied with nuclear materials by AQ Khan and Pakistan. Through diplo-
matic pressure, the U.S. and England convinced Libya to let go of its nuclear
ambitions.
And now there’s Iran. Over the years, many Arab countries have come to
terms, on some level, with Israel’s existence, and talk of “throwing the Jews
into the sea” has largely passed. But since the Iranian revolution, this is the
theme coming out of Iran. And not only from the current president, but the
past one as well. Their belief in this, it’s important to note, comes not from
political ideas or ideals, but from a belief that this is what God demands.
In a way, it can be compared to the belief among some in Israel that the
disengagement from Gaza was something totally forbidden by God. And this
religious belief in Iran, which they see as not amenable to compromise, is com-
bined with nuclear development and support for terrorist organizations that
pursue not conventional warfare, but cross-border attacks on civilians.

Speaking for God

So the question now is: How do you deter people who glorify suicide, who,
like Iranian president Ahmadinejad, are convinced they speak for God?
Remember, the Iranians have indicated their belief that they can survive a
nuclear attack, while Israel cannot.
Basically, we see a changing Middle East, a new equation. Conventional
issues still exist, but as a much smaller percentage of the equation. In this new
nonconventional environment, how do you define victory? How do you
define defeat?
True, there are some terrorist organizations, like Germany’s Baader Mein- Dan Meridor
hof, that cease to exist. But with many of these organizations, their efforts can
go on for years, with small cells of individuals launching attacks. How do you
fight such a war? An asymmetric war against individuals and small groups. We
must learn how.

Not Just a James Bond Movie

In the past, these kinds of super-empowered individuals existed in James Bond
movies—non-state actors attacking states—but it was limited to the movies.
Now it’s real. We can do much better, and I think we will, but we definitely
need to “change the diskette,” to use a popular Hebrew expression.
Dan Meridor

Finally, with regard to Iran, I do believe that sanctions could still work.

13
 But there will never be sanctions without Russia’s approval. China is less of a
problem, and Europe, after many delays, is now on board for sanctions. The
point with Russia is that it is a superpower, a very weak one, but one nonethe-
less, and it must be approached as one if it’s going to be approached effec-
tively. Yes, sanctions could still work. We shouldn’t give up on diplomacy, but
at the same time, as has been said, “all options should be kept on the table.”
War of the Rockets

14
 A Call for Negotiation and Reconciliation
“ We Have Learned that Unilateralism Is Not Working”
member of knesset ran cohen from the meretz party

This government came to power just four months ago with two main goals in
mind. The first was to change the situation with the Palestinians through a
second stage of disengagement, this one in the West Bank. Prime Minister
Olmert had the support of the people, in other words, for a disengagement
from the West Bank in which our borders would be unilaterally determined by
Israel. And the second goal involved making serious progress in improving the
economic situation.
Unfortunately, at this time, both of these goals seem no longer possible to
achieve.

Is Disengagement Dead?
Disengagement appears dead and necessary military expenditures will destroy
any possibility of real economic progress. What’s more, most Israelis believe
another confrontation is coming in the North.
Did this recent war have to take place? I’m not sure. Former Prime Min-
ister Barak, whom I served and met with last night, pulled out of Lebanon. He
made the decision in May 2000 to withdraw unilaterally because no one
would make peace with us—but nobody made the effort to make peace with
the only power to the North that can make any difference, the government of
Syria. And that is a direction that would signal a serious intent to avoid the
next war, not just to prepare for it.
Similarly, we must seek negotiations with the Palestinians. We’re contin-
uing with the occupation for more than thirty-nine years now, and in doing so
we’re achieving nothing for the security of Israel, nothing for the character of
Zionism. Throughout the years, I repeatedly said that if we don’t speak with
Fatah, we will have to speak with Hamas. And now, if we don’t speak with
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, and with Hamas, we will end up hav- Member of Knesset Ran Cohen
ing to speak with Islamic Jihad, the Palestinian group that is closest to Iran.

“A Wedge Between Syria and Iran”

We have to eagerly build relations with Arab nations so as to drive a wedge
between Syria and Iran. And I do believe that Syria is open to the possibility.
Furthermore, Israel can live without the Golan Heights, which is essentially
known as Syrian territory. But Israel cannot live without peace.
Ran Cohen

We have learned that unilateralism is not working. It is a mistake. Yes, I

15
 supported the Gaza withdrawal because occupation destroys my people and
our army. And I believed that unilateral withdrawal was better than continu-
ing the occupation. Please know that we lost part of our ability to win in
Lebanon because our army was turned into a police force in carrying out its
duties in the occupied territories.
We stand at a time now in which we can take advantage of the reality
that many Arab nations understand Iran’s goal of destroying the moderate,
“infidel” regimes. We and the Palestinians are two people who think we
belong to the same land. That’s why we need to split the territory, one beside
the other, them on 20 percent of the territory, and we on 80 percent. Doing
so will not provoke a civil war in Israel, because the Israeli people will see the
opportunity for the nation that a real two-state solution provides.
War of the Rockets

16
 The Situation in Israel’s North
“ We Decided to Go to War … And then Hesitated”
middle east commentator for
channel 2 television ehud yaari

A few observations, and I will stick to my guns. My opinions have not

changed as a result of the recent conflict. The Arab nations proved that they
will not get directly involved in a military clash with Israel. Since 1973, they
are out of that business. They have proven this, and that fact doesn’t sit well
with many circles in the Muslim world.
The same proven fact holds true with the Syrian army, which was on the
highest alert during the recent conflict. It also holds true with the Egyptian
army and the Saudi army, which, by the way, are serious armies with serious air
power.

A Long-Term Challenge
But, on the other hand, Hezbollah—and various Palestinian groups—have
become an adversary, as has Iran, which, as you may know, was a close ally of
Israel’s until the Islamic revolution of 1979. Iran presents a very different type
of challenge to Israel. It’s a long-term challenge. An effort to destroy Israel
through terrorism and guerilla warfare.
The recent war in Lebanon, for instance, would not have happened if
the Iranians, for their own reasons, would not have allowed Hezbollah leader
Hassan Nasrallah to launch the July 12 cross-border raid. No doubt, the Ira-
Ehud Yaari
nians are unhappy that one result of the war was the destruction of their stock-
piled missiles in Lebanon. After all, they were built for use when and if
America and/or Israel attacks Iran.
As a result of the conflict, there is the possibility that pro-Syrian forces,
Hezbollah, and the main Christian leader, Michele Aoun could overthrow the
government of Syrian Prime Minister Fouad Siniora. And that, of course,
would be a major negative development, which would tell us the war went
badly. On the other hand, things could go the other way, for instance, with
Aoun changing his pro-Syrian ways of the recent past. You may recall, Gener-
al Aoun had earlier been a friend of Israel, a friend of the West. No doubt, he’s
an important figure who could make a real difference.

The Government Hesitated

Regarding the recent war, the problem with it was that the government decid-
ed to go to war and then almost immediately hesitated. There were twelve
Ehud Yaari

17
 major changes in the plan, causing much confusion. Things seemed half-
hearted, improvised. It started by sending a few troops to a few places, and
with Iranian guards running the Hezbollah operation, not Nasrallah, this led
to serious problems. Israel decided to mount its big operation only after the
referee, the United Nations Security Council, whistled for the end of the
game.
And yet, Hezbollah has suffered major losses, in terms of its equipment
and its forces. And Hezbollah is even moving what’s left of its equipment out
of the South. And you will soon have perhaps up to 25,000 international
troops in the area, which will seriously hamper Hezbollah activity.
But Syria can be expected to make a major effort to change the map in
Lebanon, and Syria had clearly chosen to invest in Lebanon over the Golan.
On the one hand, it’s clear that Syria understands it’s in no position to take
on the Israeli Air Force. On the other, Syria started making threats about
guerrilla warfare on the Golan three months before the war in Lebanon.

A Story About Syria

I’m reminded of a story about Syria. Two years ago, I enjoyed a meal with the
Emir of Qatar at the beautiful Gulf Club in Doha. The Emir asked me why
Ehud Barak, Israel’s prime minister at the time, was always insulting Syria’s
president, Bashar Assad. I asked him what he was talking about, considering
that Barak had often referred to Assad as the architect of modern Syria. The
emir said, yes, and every time he says it, everyone in Syria has a great laugh.
As far as the Palestinians, if you listen carefully, you will hear the whis-
tle of the two-state-solution train leaving the station—all factions of the
Palestinians seem to have reached the conclusion that the often-discussed
West Bank-East Jerusalem state is simply not worth the sacrifice.

“They Will Implode into Our Arms”

The problem is that they will implode into our arms. What Hamas is very
interested in now is a hudna, a cease-fire. They will try to tie it to the release
of the kidnapped Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. Their eagerness for a hudna
stems from the fact that, so far, the siege on Hamas is working, with the tra-
ditional means of funding Hamas drying up. A cease-fire with Hamas would
also prove attractive to politicians in Israel seeking a short-term solution to
War of the Rockets

the problem, especially since no longer-term solution appears on the horizon.

In the meantime, weapons are pouring into Gaza through the Egyptian
border, and Gaza has the potential of turning into a real nuisance, if not

18
another Hezbollahstan. At some point, if no progress is made between Israel
and the Palestinians, Israel may have to mount an operation separating Gaza
from the Egyptian border because increasingly sophisticated weaponry is com-
ing in.
As a result, I’ve become a member of the “Hamas Now” movement,
meaning let’s seek to deal with, to negotiate with Hamas now. And yet I would
not recommend a hudna before we deal with the weapons that have been gath-
ered in Gaza.

Cracks in the Hamas Movement

It’s important to remember that there are cracks in the Hamas movement,
extreme disagreements among its factions. Hamas is part of the Muslim Broth-
erhood, which has at times shown a pragmatic side. Meanwhile, they cling to
the occupation, and can’t seem to let it go. They need to understand that their
agenda has no chance.
With regard to Israeli Arabs, it is true, as a previous speaker you heard
mentioned, that some among their leaders may come near the line, or cross the
line, of treason. But the people, the public, is not treasonous. They under-
stand full well that they are in it with us, whether they like it or not. Their top
leaders, who like to scream at the Jews, are playing politics, and are often spon-
sored by foreign regimes. But their local leaders are much more practical and
responsible in nature.

Losing Sleep over Iraq

Finally, I want to mention the situation in Iraq. After all, this is the main bat-
tlefront in the Middle East. I have no doubt that the region will go the way of
Iraq. If the American effort in Iraq fails, the results will be horrible. The truth
is that Israelis don’t lose sleep over Hamas or Hezbollah, but they do over Iraq.
Iraq must be understood as the battleground of three competing ideolo-
gies: Hamas, which is Muslim Brotherhood; Salafist, which is Sunni extremist
Al-Qaeda; and the various radical Shiite movements. It is these three ideolo-
gies that would compete for the spoils should the American project in Iraq
meet with failure.
New Heading

19
 Providing Help While the Katyushas
Came Down
“ An Inspiring Response from Civil Society”
rabbi ed rettig of ajc’s israel office

During the previous AJC mission—which took place as rockets were flying
into Israel—$6,000 was raised as the initial contribution to an AJC Emer-
gency Relief Fund. A decision was made to help with baby supplies, and ever
diaper distribution, as all of this was sorely needed by many. Going further, as
the fund grew in size, we had to decide who to work with and who to help.
We chose to work with established NGOs and to help all the residents
of the Galilee, in northern Israel, a region where 40 percent of the residents
are non-Jewish. One of the key feelings I leave this experience with, after hav-
ing been part of delivering goods across the North during the recent conflict,
is the feeling that the politicians made a decision that would bring the
Katyushas down on Israel, but they did not prepare to properly give assis-
tance to the population that would be under siege, especially the poor.
The inspiring side of this is the response that came from civil society, a
response that sought to fill the gap left by the political leadership.

Rabbi Ed Rettig
War of the Rockets

20
 AJC Solidarity Fund
Stands at $1.9 Million
“ Seeing the Need and Offering Help”
ajc executive director david a. harris

AJC’s Solidarity Fund now stands at $1.9 million. We are no longer actively
fundraising, but money continues to come in. I want to mention that during
his efforts across the North, our Rabbi Ed Rettig learned that search-and-res-
cue teams were driving around the North, during the conflict, without
armored vehicles. AJC thought to fund the armoring of these vehicles and the
idea caught on, with a number of other organizations seeing the need and
offering help. I was glad to hear that the plant that armors these vehicles sud-
denly finds itself with nearly a three-month backlog.

David A. Harris

David A. Harris

21
 Israel Faces the International Media
“ The Visuals Dominate… And We Had No Visuals”
col. (res.) miri eisin, foreign press advisor
to the prime minister

If you notice that my English is pretty good, it’s because I came to Israel from
the U.S. with my family as a nine-year-old. I was everywhere during the
recent war, speaking to foreign media. What I saw was two completely dif-
ferent wars going on: an Israeli version and an international version. For more
than four weeks in Israel, what were the visuals? Israeli funerals, damage in
Israel, Israeli soldiers going into battle. Obviously these were not the images
others saw.
And Israelis are understandably depressed or angry about the situation.
Did we win or lose? Why is the world against us again? This was a very bad
enemy, wasn’t it? We tried to tell the international media about Israel’s pain,
without playing victim. We went to the train station in Haifa while the bod-
ies of those killed by the rocket attack were still inside.

Suddenly, the Story Changed

For the first four days of the conflict we were talking about Hezbollah’s state
within a state, about their firing rockets at Israel, at Haifa.… Then Israel hit
Beirut and the story changed. The visuals of women and children leaving
Beirut took over. No longer was there much interest in Israel or Israel’s need
for defense against terror. The attack on Qana was part of all this, but it did-
n’t change that flow. The new direction had already begun.
Many times, my words, my explanations, were played, but it made little
or no difference. Because the visuals dominate—and even while my words
were being heard the visuals of Beirut played in the background, overwhelm-
ing my message. The visuals came to be almost exclusively visuals of death
and destruction in Lebanon.

Hezbollah’s Shadow Warriors

And the international agenda then becomes the reconstruction of Lebanon
and the question of whether Israel violated UN Resolution 1701. After all, we
had no visuals. Yes, we tried to talk in visuals, but without visuals, it’s very
hard to make your case. And Hezbollah, these shadow warriors, this shadow
War of the Rockets

army, gave us no visuals, worked hard to give us no visuals.

Hezbollah leader Nasrallah spoke about his order that there be no visu-
als of Hezbollah fighters. Unfortunately, partly as a result of this, it was only

22
when he said there were losses on his side, did Israelis believe it. Israelis were
heard in this war, but we had no visuals of the enemy, and we paid a great
price for that.

“We Need Your Help”

On another point, it’s critical that our spokespeople are the right people. I just
began my new post at the Prime Minister’s Office a few weeks ago, and I’ll do
my best with Israel advocacy, but we need your help.
Israeli democracy is checking itself right now. It was an unplanned war
we just fought. There were mistakes, no doubt. But there is a new situation in
Lebanon, a new reality. We are rebuilding the North here in Israel. The truth
is that at this time we are moving forward, and it’s Hezbollah that is licking its
wounds.

Col. (res.) Miri Eisin

Miri Eisin

23
 Meetings at the Israeli Foreign Ministry
Facing the Moral and Ethical Questions of War
“ These Kinds of Dilemmas Come up Repeatedly”
daniel taub, director of the general law division,
israeli foreign ministry

It’s an unusual time, because it’s an unusual experience to ask an Israeli a

question and not get a decisive answer in response. But now we are in ques-
tioning mode.
The tragedy of the 1990s is that the interim agreements, which were
meant to build confidence between the Israelis and Palestinians, ended up
destroying confidence. As has been said: The future is not what it used to be.
But at least there is new clarity. No one can any longer say that we are
involved in a territorial dispute, because we pulled out of Gaza and we pulled
out of Lebanon, and look at the results.

Dealing with an Empty Toolbox

At the moment, we find ourselves with a very empty toolbox with regard to
fighting terror, with regard to fighting an enemy that hides so well behind
civilians. If we have information that an attack is coming out of the territories,
the question is: Should we institute a closure? It’s an extremely effective
approach, after all. But it comes at the price of causing hardship to thousands.
The starting point in fighting terror is to make sure you have the capa-
bilities. One method Israel has used in the war against terror is taking out the
terrorists. Opposition to this tactic rapidly diminished after 9/11. But the
question arises, for instance, when a man who has already orchestrated two
bus bombings is discovered with his wife and children, can you attack, if all
of them will die?

Is a Terrorist among Civilians Untouchable?

The answer is difficult to arrive at, but whatever the answer is, it is assuredly
not the answer so readily given by the majority of human rights groups—
essentially, that a terrorist among civilians is untouchable. The Israeli securi-
ty fence also created many dilemmas.
In the “ticking time bomb” scenario, the military said it used “moderate
force” to get information, but the Israeli Supreme Court said “no.” In
War of the Rockets

responding to the unique threat posed by Hezbollah, and its extraordinary

capacity and willingness to use civilian shields, these kinds of dilemmas have
come up repeatedly.
Israel’s actions in this war have, in fact, gone beyond the behavior, in

24
terms of taking caution, of other democracies in similar situations—yet the
international community has been critical of Israel, with talk of Israeli war
crimes on the horizon.

“All of the Jewish States”

In terms of the UN General Assembly, one thing is certain: When Israel is the
issue at hand, all of the Muslim states will vote against Israel and all of the
Jewish states will vote for it!
When the International Court of Justice ruled on the Israeli security
fence, for instance, it quite typically made no mention at all of Palestinian
attacks on Israel. Daniel Taub
But, on the other hand, we are making some progress in helping the
international community to understand that it is not simply a matter of push-
ing Israel to cede land, and then all will be well. In relation to that, consider
the way the world dotes over the “moderate” Arab states, giving them great lee-
way—but never giving Israel that kind of leeway. Maybe it’s because there’s no
fear that Israel will flip over to the other side. In other words, our commitment
to democratic values is quite clear to all.

Helping Palestinians Develop a Positive Identity

However, the lack of a clear Palestinian identity is a source of trouble. They are
consistently drawn to the negative, and we actually have a stake in helping
them develop a positive identity.
Regarding Palestinian identity, we in Israel never say that we are war with
the Palestinians, because no one wants to believe it and it doesn’t sound right.
But it may be an inaccurate representation of the facts, especially when you
consider the scenes of celebration that we have seen again and again at the
homes of those who have just completed a suicide bombing mission.

The Question of Torture

Regarding the question of torture to get vital information, the Israeli Supreme
Court has not asserted that it doesn’t work, only that it is not in keeping with
our values. Chief Justice [Aharon] Barak said that democracies fight with one
hand tied behind their backs, but that is the reason they have the upper hand.
I spend much of my time speaking to international groups and diplo-
mats on behalf of Israel, making the case for Israel. But I also spend a lot of
time speaking to Israel military and other officials, making the case to them
Daniel Taub

that careful sensitivity to international law is important to Israel. Despite that,

I have to say that I have met many human rights officials who have never once
found a justified use of force by the State of Israel.
25
 The Challenge of
Relations with Russia
“ Bilateral Relations Are Anywhere from Good to Excellent”
mark sofer, foreign ministry deputy director general for
central europe and eurasia

I want to begin by telling you that I consider AJC perhaps the most serious,
not only Jewish, but non-governmental group anywhere dealing with global
affairs.
Winston Churchill once called Russia “a riddle wrapped in a mystery
inside an enigma.” But we can certainly try to understand Russia, and its
approach to Israel. In order to do so, you have to recognize Russia’s view of
itself in the world, and this involves two factors.

“A Country Not to Be Taken Lightly”

First, its view of itself as a superpower—a country not to be taken lightly.
And second, its view of itself in terms of economics, which is a matter of
understanding that just as you might say that Finland is Nokia and Nokia is
Finland, you might say that Russia is the gas company Gazprom and
Gazprom is Russia.
Let’s look at some of the issues. The most important issue for Russia,
first of all, is what Russians call the “near abroad”—which means, above all,
Ukraine. Ukraine is the buffer between Russia and NATO. And this is why
Russia is putting such a strong emphasis on keeping Ukraine out of NATO,
and not without a small degree of success.
The Middle East, on the other hand, is not at the top of Russia’s agen-
da, though it does have strong interest in the Middle East.

Bilateral Relations: From Good to Excellent

Bilateral relations between Russia and Israel can be characterized as anywhere
from good to excellent. Here, I’m referring mostly to economic and cultural
relations between the two nations. In fact, in these realms, we are engaged in
a nonstop dialogue back and forth, surpassing Russia’s relations even with
England. On the other hand, in terms of the larger Middle East, the situation
is more complex. You have to understand the following points:
— Russian can’t do much good with regard to promoting peace, but it cer-
tainly can do much damage, as a member of the UN Security Council and
as a member of the Quartet.
War of the Rockets

— Western Europe is completely dependent on Russian gas and, thus, Israel

and the West have little leverage over Russia. The most we can do is talk
and explain points of common concern as we see them.

26
 As an aside, the friendship between Russian
President Vladimir Putin and Israeli Prime Minis-
ter Ariel Sharon was a great asset for Israel, no
doubt. But in any case, Putin is a friend of Israel’s,
without an anti-Semitic bone in his body. He does
not act to harm Israel. And if he does find that his
actions have done harm, he will backtrack.

Clinging to the Road Map

At the Foreign Ministry, (l. to r.)
The main point is, of course, that he’s naturally coming from a pro-Russian Deputy Director General Mark
position. Russia’s membership in Quartet is its way into the region. Russia is Sofer; AJC Executive Director David
well aware that it cannot be a player on its own. Russia clings to the Road A. Harris; AJC Associate Executive
Map because that is what would give them a role. Director Shula Bahat; mission par-
ticipant Per Ahlmark, political
Without making excuses for Russia, they invited Hamas to Moscow writer, essayist, and former Deputy
because they saw an opportunity to exert influence on Hamas in a positive Prime Minister of Sweden.
direction, where others could not. Yes, it upset us in Israel, but for Russia, they
saw a chance to gain international recognition if they could accomplish some-
thing. But after the suicide bombing in Tel Aviv, which Hamas refused to con-
demn, Russia backed off and has made no gestures since then toward Hamas.
During the recent crisis Russia did nothing to hurt Israel’s interest. We
will see now what Russia does with the definitive information Israel has about
how Russian weapons sold to Syria ended up, against all international law, in
the hands of Hezbollah.

“Russia Will Move toward Sanctions”

As far as Russia’s relations with Iran, Russia has a lot to lose with sanctions on
Iran. But make no mistake about it, Russia is more worried about an Iranian
bomb than the West is. Regarding Iran also, Russian doesn’t want to play the
same game as the West. Once again, they want to show their uniqueness. They
want to show they are a superpower to be reckoned with. But I’m very confi-
dent that Russia will move toward sanctions.
On the subject of anti-Semitism in Russia and the region, it remains a
problem, but it is not a question of state anti-Semitism. Now, the important
question revolves around how quickly the states in the region respond to anti-
Semitic incitement and attacks.
Mark Sofer

27
 The Long Journey of the Lone Soldiers
“ Mike Levin Was a Friend Who Brought Everyone Together”
davita kutscher of ajc’s israel office, who served as a
spokesperson for the idf during the recent conflict

You just heard from four Americans who made aliyah to Israel and are now
soldiers in the IDF. I hope that you found their stories inspiring. Those who
come to Israel from foreign countries and join the IDF are known as “lone
soldiers.” There are approximately 5,000 lone soldiers serving in the IDF,
about 900 of them in combat units.
Four lone soldiers died in the recent war in Lebanon. One of them was
an American, my good friend Mike Levin, who was 21 years old. He made
aliyah from Philadelphia when he was 18 and at first lived on Kibbutz Tirat
Tzvi in the Beit Shean Valley. Somehow we kept bumping into each other. He
was a small guy, but he was determined to be a soldier for Israel. I used to
tease him, tell him that he was just kidding around, that he didn’t really mean
it. But he did mean it.
Mike was a person who brought all kinds of people together. At his
funeral, there were so many people who had come to known him and admire
him during his few years in Israel, people from many different walks of life.

Davita Kutscher of Israel’s AJC office introduces four Ameri-

cans who made aliyah and served with the IDF in Lebanon.
War of the Rockets

28
 Why Israeli Society Must Retool Itself
for the Future
“ I Have Very Few Sweet Words to Say”
journalist ari shavit

I find it quite touching, personally, having you come here to Israel to express
your solidarity. It is encouraging—and we do need encouragement. But I want
to say that AJC took a risk in inviting me to speak, because I have very few
sweet words to say.
We had a major case of war mismanagement in the recent conflict. The
decision to go to war was taken hastily, without due consideration. But it was
a just war. After all, we were fighting for the sanctity of an internationally rec-
ognized border. It was six years ago that we got the UN to agree on the border
with Lebanon, and once the border was violated we had to act.

“The War Was Absolutely Just”

We were confronted with an organization that wants to destroy Israel. It was
absolutely a war for Israel’s existence. Yes, the war was absolutely just—but
there was no attempt to win the war politically. And, in addition, we sought to
win the war through air attacks, when the opponent was completely prepared
for this.
We care about the lives of our soldiers, true, but we sought to protect
their lives in a way that endangered the lives of our civilians. And that is not
an acceptable tradeoff. We sought a symbolic victory at Bint Jabail, but we did
not act decisively. And the result of it is that the war for the sanctity of our
border may have met some success, but regarding the larger issues, those of
deterrence and disengagement, our indecision has tempted our enemies.
Thus, the aims of the war have been subverted. There is, in fact, a grow-
ing feeling among Islamic extremists that Israel is vulnerable. The army’s plan
for this war was well thought out. If it was scrapped, there should be account-
ability.

In Search of an Easy Victory

If we are not willing to sacrifice, we cannot win the war against fundamental-
ists, who are willing to sacrifice and who are increasingly sophisticated in com-
bat. This war may show that easy victories are no longer attainable using
Western military power, particularly, of course, air power. Israel’s prime min-
ister and defense minister wanted an easy victory with minimal losses. One
unfortunate result of the war is that, while a few weeks ago 70 percent-80 per-
cent of the public supported further disengagement, now the fact is that very
Ari Shavit

few support it.

29
 Remember, a strong Israel was always a pillar of regional stability and
pillar of the possibility of peace. Our task now is to rebuild that strength. But
in order to do so we need a leadership worthy of this people. We have a
remarkable people in this country. The Israeli people have impressive
strength, even moral strength, but this people has no worthy leadership.

The Revolution Is Not Over

The Zionist revolution is not over. We need leadership above the average, not
below the average, which is the case at present. In Jerusalem, in the military,
in academia, we don’t have worthy leadership. And, in the meantime, we face
an urgent situation. This is the real challenge of this country.
I speak to you as a liberal who seek normalcy for this nation. Part of the
problem is that once we moved beyond the old Zionist ethos, we failed to cre-
ate a new ethos to replace it. America has a patriotic ethos that is very notice-
able to others, and let me tell you, it’s a good thing.
Let me tell you one little story that does give me much confidence. After
the bus bombings had subsided in Jerusalem, I happened to be at one of Tel
Aviv’s most popular dance clubs. A dance version of Hatikvah came on, and
the young people could not be contained in their enthusiasm and energy. See-
ing that did give me hope for the future.
War of the Rockets

Ari Shavit addresses the AJC solidary mission participants.

30
 A Visit to the City of Haifa
A Hospital in Haifa in the Midst of War
“ Our Rate of Absenteeism Was Next to Zero”
dr. michael soudry, chief of orthopedics,
rambam hospital, haifa

(Before meeting Dr. Soudry, the mission participants attended a ceremony in

Rambam Hospital’s auditorium. Dr. Rafael Bayer, the hospital’s general direc-
tor, presented AJC with a plaque, expressing appreciation for AJC’s gift to the
hospital of more than $100,000—a disbursement from AJC’s Emergency Sol-
idarity Fund.)
This hospital admitted about 800 patients for war-related reasons during
the recent war. Of those, 400 had sustained physical injuries and 400 were
admitted to treat panic and trauma. Three quarters of those admitted were
soldiers, one quarter civilians. Most of the injuries involved shrapnel in the
limbs. High-quality vests in many cases successfully protected the chest area of
our soldiers. But there were facial injuries, and ten soldiers admitted here lost
vision in either one or both their eyes.

“We Were Lucky”

At this point, fortunately, most of those admitted have been released, some
with many metal particles still inside them. But we do not aim to remove all
particles, only those that cause pain or threaten health. There’s no question that
the hospital itself was a target—but we were lucky. Many missiles hit nearby.
My secretary fainted when she saw a katyusha landing. One of our nurs-
es, on her way to work, saw two katyushas hit the ground not more than 20
meters from her shuttle. But despite all this, our rate of absenteeism at the
hospital was next to zero. Many emergency personnel, including firemen, in
the North were definitely a vital and integral part of the struggle.

A Fearless Immigrant to Israel

Among the many sad cases we had, there was an Arab woman who was hit by
a piece of shrapnel in her back, and she became paralyzed. Another sad, but
much more hopeful case involved a recent immigrant from Russia. She’s 30
years old and has only been in Israel for nine months. She lost one leg below
the knee, but surgery went well and with a prosthesis she should do well.
I was extremely impressed with her fearlessness and her Zionistic spirit.
Michael Soudry

She told me she wasn’t afraid, that the noise of the war didn’t frighten her. She
said she focused on the noise of our planes going into Lebanon to hit Hezbol-
lah. She said that was a noise that gave her strength.

31
 Haifa Stands Strong Under Siege
“ What We’re Trying to Do Now … Is Lift the City’s Spirit”
haifa mayor yona yahav

Let me begin by saying that Jerusalem is the most beautiful city in the world,
but Haifa is the most beautiful city in Israel!
This is the only city in the world operating with full cooperation
between Jews and Arabs. Why is that? Many believe it’s because three celebri-
ties never visited this city: Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed. The only famous
religious figure who visited Haifa was Elijah, and all three faiths have
embraced him.

Deadly Ball Bearings

When rockets hit Haifa, the people stayed put, as they were told to do. In
many other towns there was panic. It was the first time the city was attacked
since the establishment of the state. As you may know, on the 16th of July,
the train station in Haifa was hit. A rocket went through the ceiling and the
people nearby didn’t stand a chance, because of the ball bearings in the Syri-
an-made missile. Fortunately, overall, everything in Haifa was under control.
There was preparedness, though it wasn’t seriously thought that the city
would be attacked.

“What to Do With the Kids”

One problem that came up: What to do with the kids? We got the idea to
confiscate the lower level of the malls in Haifa and bring the kids there from
8:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m. Older kids were brought to camps outside the city. A
Mayor Yona Yahav (l.) and
Police Chief Nir Mariash. network of volunteers was set up to help seniors get their social security
checks, since many seniors were too afraid to go out and get them.
Unfortunately, we had thirteen deaths in Haifa, more than any other
city in Israel. We also had 900 damaged properties. What we’re trying to do
now is launch a number of cultural programs—to help lift the city’s spirit.
War of the Rockets

32
 When the Rockets Hit Haifa
“ The Key to Saving Lives Is to Talk to the Public”
haifa police chief nir mariash

As far as recent history in Haifa with regards to conflict, during the first Gulf
War, Scud missiles flew over the city and some hit it. And there were also sui-
cide bombings here, which killed more than 100 of our residents. Then, in
this war, the rockets started flying. On Sunday, July 16, it all became very real
for us when we had eight deaths at the Haifa train depot. After that, we really
began to worry. That rocket was packed with 40 kilos of high explosives and
70,000 ball bearings.
We understood, of course, that the key to saving lives was to talk to the
public, by every possible means, about how they should behave. Haifa worked
very well under fire. Our goal was always to keep things as normal as possible,
and after a missile strike to get things back to normal as quickly as possible.
Our municipal workers, I’m glad to say, worked like an army—to help give the
public confidence and to help stem chaos.

When the Thieves Stayed in Shelters

Katyushas are shot in multiples, so the goal was to get to the sites as fast as pos-
sible, and our rate of response kept improving. I’m glad to report that there
was no looting in Haifa. Even burglaries went down significantly. The mayor
says it’s because the thieves stayed in shelters, but I say it’s because they saw the
police out on the streets—and they were scared to do wrong.
In any case, the rockets that hit Haifa all exploded. There were no duds.
Even when the rockets hit soft objects, they exploded. In one case, a rocket hit
some tree leaves and exploded. No one was nearby, but the cars near the trees
and the roadway were thoroughly “decorated” by the thousands of deadly pel-
lets the rocket shot out.
Nir Mariash

33
 Report from a First Responder
“ There Was Great Disbelief These Things
Would Ever Happen”
erez geller, magen david adom,
haifa, paramedic supervisor

An important reason for our success during the war was our strong relation-
ship with the municipality. I want to tell you one very sad thing regarding a
Magen David Adom staff member. A woman who works in one of our com-
mand centers ran outside to help when she heard a missile strike nearby. In a
follow-up rocket attack, shortly after the first one, she was severely injured.
She’s now in Nahariya Hospital with extensive internal injuries.
As far as the city of Haifa, at one point, there were eight incidents in vir-
tually the same moment. In one day, 200 Haifa residents and 100 soldiers
were admitted to Rambam Hospital. There were 226 total events, not includ-
ing rockets falling into the sea, of which there were many. Throughout the
entire northern region, there were 1,479 events and 134 fatalities. I’m glad to
say that we had 32,000 blood donations.
Magen David Adom conducted a large-scale simulation two weeks
before the war that proved very, very helpful to us. Of course, while we were
doing the simulation, there was great disbelief that the things we were prepar-
ing for would ever happen, but they happened, and very soon after.
War of the Rockets

Erez Geller

34
 The Beit Hagefen Center
for Arab/Jewish Understanding
“ We Can Live Together,
In Haifa, (l. to r.) AJC Director of Public Rela-
In Spite of Controversial Differences” tions and Communications Kenneth Bandler
dr. moti peri, director of the beit hagefen and Beit Hagefen Director Moti Peri.
arab jewish center, in haifa

Welcome to Haifa. Your support is very important to us. This war certainly
made Jews and Arabs in the city of Haifa come closer together. The terrorist
Sheik Nasrallah sent Katyushas which did not distinguish between Jews and
Arabs. Nasrallah told the city’s Arabs to leave, but few did. We won’t leave our
Jewish neighbors alone—after all, we have common bonds, a common city.
This city shows that Jews and Arabs can live together, in spite of contro-
versial differences. Haifa has 275,000 residents. Of these, 40,000 are Arabs,
and of the Arabs 60 percent are Christian.

Jewish and Arab Children Together

Beit Hagefen had many activities during the war, and many ongoing projects
are always under way. One of the things we do is bring Jewish and Arab chil-
dren together, including a program that brings one Arab and one Jewish
kindergarten class together at least five times during the year.
At Beit Hagefen we work to highlight the common values among the
Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. That is our contribution to creating the
atmosphere of harmony in Haifa. We will now walk to visit and offer condo-
lences to an Arab Christian family that lost its father to a rocket attack. On the
way there we’ll pass by Haifa’s open air art museum, the only one of its kind.
It contains art by Jewish, Christian, and Muslim artists.

Moti Peri

35
 Condolence Visit to an Arab Christian Family
“ My Father Was a Good Man, a Humble Man, a Believer”
hanan sa’id, daughter of hana hamam, 62,
killed by a missile as he stood in his front yard in haifa

My father had just asked everyone to go inside, and then a missile hit the
building next door. The family inside the building was injured, but my father
was killed, and so was a neighbor in the next yard over. I am thankful to the
mayor of Haifa. He came over immediately, and the city removed all the signs
of what happened very, very quickly, and I am also thankful for that.
My father was a good man, a humble man, a believer. He loved to play
with his grandchildren. His house was open to everyone. We are OK, but we
are suffering and in pain.

Hanan Sa’id and AJC solidarity mission participant

Rabbi Eric Wisnia, Senior Rabbi, Congregation Beth
Chaim, Princeton Junction, N.J.
War of the Rockets

36
 A Visit to the Baha’i
International Center on Mount Carmel
“ The Spirit of Baha’i … Is in Keeping
with the Spirit of Haifa”
douglas moore, public relations director,
baha’i international center, mount carmel, haifa
A view of Haifa and Haifa Harbor
At any one time, 700 Baha’i volunteers from all over the world are working at from the Bahai Gardens.

the Baha’i International Center. They work in many different capacities, in

the shrine, the gardens, as security guards and so on.
This faith began in Persia in 1844, when a merchant known as the Bab
from the City of Shiraz, Persia, came forward. He, in turn, heralded the com-
ing of Bahaullah, a messenger for all humanity. In 1892, Bahaullah passed
away. Haifa was the place of his teaching, and became the center of the faith.
Haifa is the seat of the nine-member Baha’i governing body. Baha’is make a
pilgrimage to Haifa at least once in their lives, as instructed.

In Keeping with the Spirit of Haifa

India has the largest Baha’i community in the world. The second largest is in
Tehran, where the community faces extreme persecution, including execution
of Baha’i leaders, but Baha’is live all over the world. The international center
and its famous gardens have grown with the State of Israel.
The universal spirit of Baha’i—exemplified in the saying of Bahaullah
that “the earth is but one country and mankind its citizens”—is very much in
keeping with the spirit of Haifa, but the work of the center, of course, is
focused on the development of Baha’i worldwide.
The gardens here symbolize the kind of transformation that humanity is
capable of. Baha’is are respectful of what Bahaullah called “the independent
investigation of reality.” Douglas Moore

Douglas Moore, Public Relations Director,

Bahai International Center, addresses soli-
darity mission participants.

37

In the basement bomb shelter at
Congregation Or Hadash, (l. to r.)
solidarity mission participant
Stanley Bergman, a member of
AJC’s Board of Governors, and
Rabbi Dr. Edgar Nof of Or Hadash.
The shelter was significantly
upgraded with a gift from AJC’s
Israel Emergency Solidarity Fund.
War of the Rockets
38
Visit to a Progressive Synagogue in Haifa
“ We’re Very Glad to Use our Bomb Shelter for Torah Study”
rabbi dr. edgar nof, congregation or hadash, haifa
This Progressive synagogue was established in 1964. In 1958, the first Pro-
gressive synagogue was established in Israel. Of 157 synagogues in Haifa, 154
are Orthodox. At this synagogue, we perform about 200 bar and bat mitzvah
ceremonies a year. All of those scheduled to have bar and bat mitzvahs this
past July and August wanted to cancel, and about half of them did.
Many of our bar and bat mitzvahs at Or Hadash are done for disabled
and immigrant children and for wards of the state, including very bad cases.
But most are “regular” ones. Most are actually bar mitzvahs, because the idea
of a bat mitzvah has definitely not caught on in Israel. Sometimes, girls are
afraid to go ahead with one because they think they will be ridiculed by their
peers if they do.
We also do conversions and weddings, and we have a variety of pro-
grams for children “at risk.” One of the synagogue’s tikkun olam projects
involves helping mothers who have lost children to terror attacks. We also
have programs aimed at helping Ethiopian children. The city of Haifa often
asks if the synagogue will help with aspects of intervention. One young
Ethiopian that we have been helping over the years made it into an Israeli
law school.
A Gift From AJC’s Solidarity Fund
With the help of AJC’s gift from your Emergency Solidarity Fund, we now
have the best-equipped bomb shelter in the city. We’ve installed a ceiling to
lessen the terrible noise. We’ve also installed a new floor. The shelter contains
an air purification unit in case of biological of chemical warfare. We installed
cable TV after quite a struggle with the cable company. But we needed it,
because radios simply don’t work in the shelter, and without them there is no
source of information when you’re restricted to the shelter. We also had an
artist paint scenes from the Bible on the shelter’s walls.
And we have a Torah in the shelter that was rescued from Europe. It was
given to the synagogue by the State of Israel. This Torah serves as a powerful
symbol of Jewish victory, continuity, and commitment. When we are not
using the shelter as a bomb shelter—which I certainly expect will be most of
the time—we’ll use it for Torah study and youth activities. We’re very glad to
use our bomb shelter for Torah study.
 Meeting with the Parents of
Kidnapped IDF Soldiers
“ My Son Was Only the Trigger.…
It Should Have Started Earlier”
shlomo goldwasser, father of kidnapped idf soldier
udi goldwasser

It’s now the 54th day since my son and Eldad Regev were kidnapped while on
a regular patrol on the northern border of Israel. Since then, we’ve never heard
from them. We don’t even know if they’re alive. We’re hoping they’re OK. No
humanitarian groups have been able to see them.
This war should not be connected to the kidnapping. This war should
have been started years ago. Hezbollah got to the border and armed them-
selves up to the neck. My son and Eldad were only the trigger that got Israel
into action. Like I said, it should have started earlier.
My son is 31 years old, an environmental engineer. His mother said that
to describe him would take 31 days, one day for every year, and I don’t want
to argue with her. Everyone we speak to tells us they are doing their utmost to
help, but so far nothing has happened. I have been told that you have come to
Israel to try to help, and I thank you for coming and for trying.

Shlomo Goldwasser

The Director of AJC’s Israel office, Eran Lerman, introduces to the solidarity mission
participants the families of kidnapped IDF soldiers Eldad Regev and Udi Goldwasser.

39
 “ It Wasn’t Clear Who Was Alive and Who had Died”
malka goldwasser, mother of udi goldwasser

I know that today some of you visited the family of the slain Druze IDF sol-
dier Wisam Nazzal. I want you to know that for a while it wasn’t clear who
was alive and who had actually died, my son, Udi, or Wisam. So I feel
extremely close to Wisam now, even in his death.
Wisam’s wife and family want to create a memorial to him that will help
educate people about the Druze role in Israel. It’s a worthy project that would
give a purpose to Wisam’s widow, who is pregnant and has a two-year-old
child. She is in a situation where she cannot remarry, and I hope we can all
help the family.

“ Israel and the American Jewish Committee

Will Stand Behind these Families”
eran lerman, director, ajc israel office

We are honored to have with us the parents of Udi Goldwasser and Eldad
Regev. The parents of Gilad Shalit, who was kidnapped by Palestininan
groups, wanted to come, but were unable to join us. I also want to recall the
kidnapped soldier Ron Arad.
Israel is one family. Israel and the American Jewish Committee will
stand behind these families anywhere and anytime. AJC will speak about
their children at every opportunity we have, with leaders from around the
world. We will do everything we can to help.

“ We are Witnesses.…
We Dare Not Squander What We Have Seen”
ajc executive director david a. harris

We cannot sleep at night, and we cannot go about our business, or let the
world go about its business, as long as there are kidnapped Israeli soldiers. I
must say how deeply affected I am by the humanity of a parent whose con-
cern is with the family of another soldier, a Druze soldier killed in combat. If
that is not the essence of humanity, then I don’t know what is.
War of the Rockets

I want to thank the AJC staff in Israel who put this mission together
with characteristic skill and wisdom and professionalism. And they were
helped in doing so, as usual, by Associate Executive Director Shula Bahat in

40
New York and her team, and by the full support and encouragement of AJC
President Bob Goodkind.

“Together We are Invincible”

This solidarity mission carries the message that we stand together, and togeth-
er we are invincible. In my own life, I often find myself feeling like an emo-
tional yo-yo, going up and down between exaltation and despair. My
exaltation, for example, was sparked just last week when I attended a gather-
ing in Spain of 500 Jewish youth from around the world, from more than 40
counties, who got together to talk and to study and to strengthen their feeling
of unity.
But my despair was sparked by the need, as determined by the Spanish
police, for extensive security at the gathering, including helicopter patrols, to
guard the young people, who were doing something as provocative as gather-
ing for song and study and socializing.

When Jews Were Poked and Prodded

And I felt exaltation, also, when the European community recently declared
an official Day of Jewish Culture. But I felt despair when I visited the former
Jewish ghetto in Spain, from which Jews were pulled into churches, where
they were forced to listen to long lectures about the virtues of Christianity and
the hell that awaited those who did not convert. Lectures during which they
were poked and prodded with sticks and poles if they fell asleep or weren’t
paying the full level of attention their hosts deemed necessary. Lectures during
which their ears were checked to make sure they weren’t stuffed with wax, so
they wouldn’t have to hear these talks that did not interest them.
Thinking of that, too, brought me despair, as did, once again, the con-
stant need for security for Jewish institutions in Europe.
And then I came to Israel, and here I kvell at this sovereign Jewish nation,
at the care and concern and at the steady stream of scientific/medical achieve-
ments at Rambam Hospital, which we visited earlier in the day. Yet we also
had the experience earlier in the day of sitting in a bomb shelter below a syn-
agogue, a bomb shelter equipped with a filtration system in preparation for
chemical or biological attack from an enemy that calls our affirmation of life
our Achilles’ heel.
We are being tested, no doubt, in a way that we have not been in some
David A. Harris

time. In a way that none of us thought we would be, in a way not foreseen by
Francis Fukuyama, who thought that liberal democracy had triumphed.

41
 “We Are Witnesses”
And we must ask the question: What can we do? We who have been here.
Well, the fun part’s over. The hard work begins. We are witnesses. We dare
not squander what we have seen. Our cause is just, and for the Americans in
this group, I’ll say once again, as I have said so many times: Don’t take Amer-
ica for granted. Don’t ever take American support for the State of Israel for
granted.
In the recent conflict, at the end of the day, Israel was left with one reli-
able friend—the United States. The United States must stand with Israel.
And we must go back to the U.S. and work with organization that leverage
our voice, like AJC, organizations that seek to advance Israel’s quest for peace
and normalcy and the Jewish people’s eternal quest for peace. If the United
States were to stand on the sidelines, where would Israel be?

Not a Private War

At the sixty private diplomatic meetings we at AJC have scheduled during
the upcoming UN General Assembly session, and everywhere else, we must
help the world to understand that Israel’s war is not a private war. Israel may
be on the front line, but do any of us really believe that’s the end of the story?
In fighting for Israel and against anti-Semitism, let me assure you that
we are the shock troops for decency and humanity and civilization. And our
job is nothing less than to convey this message, and to convey it is the most
nuanced and sophisticated way possible, to many as people as we possibly
can.
War of the Rockets

David A. Harris
42
 A Visit to the Gaza Border
A Veteran IDF Commander Tells his Story, Shares his Views
“ That’s the Spirit of the Almog Family”
maj. gen. (res.) doron almog

I’m proud of my thirty-five years of service to Israel. That service includes

being part of the Entebbe rescue operation and being behind enemy lines
many times with Israel’s most prestigious military units. In the Yom Kippur
War, I was a paratroop company commander. I was 22 at the time, and already
had my share of serious military experience.
But ’73 was a real turning point for Israel. We lost 3,000 soldiers in three
months. My mother had heard rumors that her two sons, me and my brother,
had both died in the war. When I called to tell her I was OK, she was relieved
to learn that at least one of her sons had survived. But my brother was gone.
At that time, as a member of a bereaved family, I had the right to leave
military service, but I chose not to leave. You know, there was no shiva for my
brother, because so many had been killed that they were buried temporarily in
the field. My brother’s tank had been hit, and he was left in a burning tank.

They Came from an Ancient World

I was with the units that led the spearhead into Lebanon during the first war
in Lebanon. We met tremendous success and were the first to arrive to Beirut.
Two years later, I commanded clandestine operations in which we brought in
thousands of Ethiopian Jews. They arrived here with nothing but a few pieces
of clothing. They came to this modern country from an ancient world, and it
has been a difficult process of assimilation for them. I later commanded many
raids against Hezbollah, most in the middle of the night.
In my last job with the IDF, I was in charge of countering terrorist infil-
tration into Israel from the Gaza Strip, and we successfully foiled thousands of
attempts to get into Israel. Not once did they get in. Later, Israel put up an
electronic surveillance fence and a series of high-tech observation posts along
the Gaza border. Part of that is a 1km buffer zone, a no-man’s-land, which has
helped greatly in preventing attacks on Israel from Gaza.
The fence, you know, is about separation, not the earlier Oslo idea of
joint cooperation. But the fence and the observation towers and the buffer
zone are not foolproof. Tunneling is still possible, and it was a 700-yard tun-
nel that allowed the terrorists to get out in the Southern Gaza Regional Com-
Doron Almog

mand and kidnap Gilad Shalit. The fence has been successful, but it has
encouraged them to design around it, and that includes both tunnels and
rockets.

43
 Understanding Israeli Power
And there’s no doubt that weapons of many kinds are coming into Gaza
through the Philadelphia Corridor. They are bringing in weapons in emula-
tion of Hezbollah. But in the meantime, they understand what Israeli power
can do and, for practical reasons, they have not launched any rockets.
Only three months ago, hundreds of Kassam rockets were launched into
S’derot, and nothing was done in response, until the kidnapping of Gilad
Shalit. Only then was permission given for IDF units to go into Gaza, and as
a result they have been quiet, and they seem to be seeking some kind of cease-
fire for now.

Disengagement from Gaza

I want to mention that I commanded the first part of the Disengagement
from Gaza. I want to tell you that these uprooted Jews from Gaza have not
been provided for in the way they should have been. My own idea was, for
instance, that the major Gaza settlement of Gush Katif, which had 8,500 res-
idents, should have been wholly duplicated in the Negev, including putting
in the same public officials. But we didn’t do that.
And those who were uprooted have been very frustrated, looking for
jobs and so on. We didn’t give them a chance to continue their greatest
asset—which was their community life.
I was also involved in numerous targeted operations. These are often
called targeted assassinations, but the important point is they are pinpoint
operations, to try to prevent terrorists from carrying out deadly attacks on
Israel’s men, women, and children.
In addition to losing my brother in the Yom Kippur War, I lost my
uncle, his wife, and their children in the 2003 suicide bombing at Maxim’s
Restaurant in Haifa which took twenty-one lives.

A Blind Submarine Commander

I have another close relative who was blinded as a young man fighting for
Israel. But his spirit is strong. In fact, he aspires to be Israel’s first blind sub-
marine commander. That’s the spirit of the Almog family.
Over the years, I’ve lost sixty soldiers serving in my units, and to me
that’s a lot, far too many. But not so long ago I mentioned the sixty serving
War of the Rockets

with me who died to a group I was speaking to. I said it was far too many. A
man in the group jumped up and told me not to complain about sixty. He

44
held up his arm and showed everyone the number that was tattooed into it.
He said he had been a prisoner at Auschwitz, where 1,000 or 2,000 Jews died
every day. He told me: General, you should be proud to fight for a sovereign
Jewish country.

“His Silence Always Screams at Me”

Yes, our legacy is one of blood and suffering and sorrow, but we should very
proud, and we should appreciate living in the only Jewish state in the world.
As far as my own life, I have dedicated it to two things. One of them
came about because of the way my brother died. As a result of that, I dedicat-
ed myself to never leaving a wounded soldier in the field. And then there’s my
21-year-old son.
He’s severely brain damaged and has never spoken a word to me in his
life. But his silence always screams at me. It screams: Daddy, don’t leave
behind the weakest children in Israel. My life’s project is to build a village for
250 brain-damaged children in Israel. I’m glad to tell you that my project got
a major boost when it was declared a national project by the State of Israel.

Doron Almog

45
 A Visit to Hatzerim
Air Force Base in the Negev
“ My Soldiers Were Fighting to Be Assigned to the Missions”
shai katav, commander of the 123rd helicopter squadron

The helicopters we use are Sikorsky UH-60, known as the Black Hawk, and
in Hebrew as the Yanshuf. It’s the best mid-sized helicopter in the world and
can carry up to twenty-two soldiers on the floor and fourteen on chairs. Our
squadron is on alert 24/7.
Our main missions are search and rescue, air assault, medevac, aerial
supply, and VIP transport. In the recent war we flew eighty-one rescue mis-
sions, rescued 199 wounded soldiers, conducted sixty-five air assault opera-
tions, and sixteen aerial supply operations.

A Most Difficult Mission

One of our most difficult missions involved retrieving five bodies of IDF sol-
diers from a downed helicopter in Lebanon. It was a very hard job, opera-
tionally and emotionally, especially since Hezbollah was eagerly waiting for
the IDF to return to the site.
But many of our missions were hard ones, and that did not deter my sol-
diers from wanting to go directly into combat. My soldiers were fighting to be
assigned to the missions. I was very encouraged by the fact that no one
backed away at all.
I’m very well aware that the equipment we have can only be of value
and use if the human will and the human skill are there.

“ I Tell My Mother a Lot About

the Plane’s Self-Defense System”
“duddy,” deputy commander of the 69th air force
squadron

We were among the first squadrons in the Israeli Air Force. In 1948, we flew
light Czech bombers with hand-thrown bombs. We later used the B-17s and
then the legendary F-4E Phantom fighters. Now we’re using the F15I.
It’s a special Israeli version of the F15E Strike Eagle. The 69th
Squadron, in fact, is the only one in the world using the F15I. It’s considered
the best aircraft in the world. And with 25 F15Is at $86 million a piece, the
War of the Rockets

69th Squadron is the most expensive, valuable squadron in Israel. The air-
plane has multiple-missile, meaning air-to-air, and bomber capabilities. And
its bombs are not dumb bombs by any means. They are extremely precise and
accurate.

46
 What Distinguishes the F15I?
Each of the planes takes twelve to fifteen laser-guided bombs, while the F16s,
the mainstay of Israel’s Air Force, takes only four. What really distinguishes the
F15I, as opposed to other versions of the F15, is the Israeli-made electronic
self-defense system that’s built into it. It includes multiple, extremely sophis-
ticated means of self-defense, including evasion systems and radar scrambling.
I have a good Jewish mother, and sometimes she worries about me, so I
tell her a lot about the plane’s self-defense system.

“Duddy”

47
 An Overview of Key Strategic Issues
“ Did We Win the Recent War? Did We Lose?”
major general (res.) giora eiland

Did we win the recent war? Did we lose? Is it perhaps something in between?
The real answer is still not known. But there are two main points we need to
take a look at.
The first point is that for the past six years, Hezbollah was considered a
natural part of the terrain in Lebanon. Perhaps no longer. But we will see. If
they can restore not only their arsenal of weapons, but also the legitimacy
they had gained—the sense that their presence was somehow inevitable and
irreversible—then we can say this war was a failure. But we don’t know these
things yet.

Emboldened Enemies of Israel

The second point concerns Israeli deterrence, not only vis-à-vis Lebanon, but
on a wider scale. Overall, it looks like the result is negative here. The success
of the IDF, or lack of it, in attaining its set goals, seems to have emboldened
our enemies. It’s still a little too early to say, but it doesn’t look good.
The U.S. sent the clear message that Hezbollah was the bad guys, and
that Israel had permission get them. But now, it seems that the message has
changed in a way. It seems that the message is something like this: Israel, you
did too much damage in Lebanon, and you hurt the people over there too
much.

“An Impossible Situation”

Basically, Israel was put in an impossible situation—because of Hezbollah’s
carefully implemented guerilla methods. A very clear message should have
been delivered to Lebanon, and that message should have been broadly
known. And that message should have been: You, Lebanon, your government
and your people, have a choice to make. You must decide who is accountable
in your nation. Is it the government of Lebanon or is it Hezbollah? If you
want to take responsibility and make a decision, we, the international com-
munity, will help you. And, furthermore, we will push Israel to make conces-
sions.

A Story Told Too Late

War of the Rockets

But this message, this story, got out there much too late in the game. And by
that time the prime minister of Lebanon had been seen shedding tears on tel-
evision for Lebanon.

48
 As far as the situation with Iran, there are three bad choices the way I see
it:
— To give up. To say that nothing we can do will stop them from having a
nuclear bomb, and that all we can do is isolate them and make them suffer
so that the regime may collapse. And by doing so, we will also, as a result,
prevent other regimes in the region from moving toward the same goal.
— To stop Iran through diplomatic means. But no one thinks Iran will follow
Libya in this regard. On the other hand, they might respond in some way to
a request for the reasonable suspension of these activities, but this would
only be possible if the U.S. were to do a total turnaround and engage Iran in
a direct relationship, including, of course, meaningful economic relations.
— And the third bad solution is a military solution, the readiness to make a
military strike against Iran. But for it to be successful, it would have to take
place within six to eight months from today. After that, they will be in a
position, in terms of moving from research and development to the actual
development of nuclear weapons, to render even a military strike incapable
of stopping them. Having said this about a military solution, we know, of
course, how difficult it would be for America to undertake such a mission.
We face a serious problem. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
believes, seriously believes, truly believes, that as long as Israel exists, no real
progress can take place in the Muslim world. This is a very deep religious
belief.

The Good News on Iran

The only good news is that Iran’s supreme religious leader, Ayatollah
Khamenei, is the real decision-maker in Iran. And although he is a totalitari-
an—and not a nice man—he is not an Ahmadinejad. But he’s an old man, and
the question is: Who will replace him?
If it’s someone like Ahmadinejad, then Israel will face, for the first time
since 1973, a real existential threat. It is important to note, however, that Israel
is definitely not the only nation in the region concerned about Iran. The Saud-
is and others are also concerned, although they don’t say it. They do not wish
to see a major change in the balance of power in the region.
Regarding Iraq, if the perception in the region is that Iraqis are living
better than others as a result of U.S. intervention, then moderates all over will
be significantly strengthened. But if the perception is otherwise, it will give a
great boost to all the radical groups and elements—and most of all to Pales-
tinian radicals.
Giora Eiland

49
 Educational Challenges in the Wake of the War
“ We Face Things That …
No Other System Has Had To Face”
minister of education prof. yuli tamir

The education system in Israel certainly faces many challenges right now. We
opened the school year two weeks after the war ended. And we did that
despite over 150 classrooms sustaining some degree of war-related damage. In
addition, many schools had been used by the army during the conflict, and
many children had been away from home for weeks.
Many people tried to dissuade me from going ahead and opening the
schools right away, but the teachers and the principals urged me to open the
schools, saying the children need most of all to go back to school. To get back
into a routine. And indeed there has been much joy, particular joy, in the
opening this year.
It’s a system that works, and yet, as I said, it does face many challenges,
and overall it is meeting them. Many of these challenges are completely
unique to the Israeli school system, things that perhaps no other system has
ever had to face. For instance, the system had to absorb 25 percent of its stu-
dents as new immigrants, which, of course, is a tremendous hurdle.

Israel’s Ethiopian Students

Regarding our Ethiopian students, in particular, we face a great challenge. Yes,
there are many successes to point to, but there are cultural differences that
present major obstacles. And, in general, most of their parents lack an educa-
tional background.
Demographically, we deal with a variety of students, and their respective
levels of scholastic achievement, I think, have a lot to do with their families’
socioeconomic status. At present, our Christian Arab students are the system’s
highest achievers. Secular Jews are next, followed by Orthodox Jews, and then
by Muslim Arabs.

Trauma, One Generation after Another

The Israeli educational system has also had to deal with many children who
have experienced trauma—and this has gone on one generation after anoth-
er—whether they just see it on television or they experience it directly. Relat-
War of the Rockets

ed to this, the other day I overheard some students debating the difference
between the sounds that various kinds of rockets make. The fact is that we live
in an environment where, for example, if someone slams a wall, everybody
jumps.

50
 We try to teach about the values of tolerance and respect and peace, and
we try to instill a sense of hope. But, obviously, the reality of children’s lives
has a much greater impact on them than what we say.
Another unfortunate factor in our schools is the ratio of poor children.
It’s one of the highest in the Western world—it’s one third of our students.
Sometimes these students are hungry. Sometimes they’re experiencing a crisis
at home. Sometimes teachers have to deal with urgent needs the children have
in their lives, instead of the business of teaching them for the future.

In Quest of Excellence
I do have to say that, though we are meeting many of these particular types of
challenges, on average, we have lost the ability to produce excellence. On the
whole, we are sliding down from the number two spot in the ‘60s on certain
key tests to number thirty or so now.
Social and economic gaps have a lot to do with it. But educated parents
are the most important factor as far as statistical correlation. These kinds of
issues are global in nature, but still constitute a major failure in Israel. We need
to aim higher, and I believe we can do what needs to be done.
Our Nobel prizes, and our world-class universities, attest to our excel-
lence in many realms. But our early childhood education is very poor. One
important factor in this is large classes. Classes of forty kids or more, and with
many students who have various special needs.

Just Not This Year

The problem, everybody knows, is funding. And this year, because of the war,
budgetary problems will be even worse. Everybody always says education is
the priority, for sure—but just not this year. But I do believe we can bring the
system back through a concerted movement toward progress. I simply cannot
accept as a given that we have to remain where we are. Yuli Tamir

51
 A Summing Up—and an Urgent Call
for Governmental Reform
“ We Need to Forge a Political System that Encourages
People to Think Big”
gidi greenstein, president, reut institute,
a nongovernmental think tank

Let me start by saying right away that I consider AJC one of the most relevant
organizations in the world when it comes to tackling the challenges faced by
Israel and the Jewish people. Why do I say that?
Because the challenges—at an incredibly rapid rate—are more and more
becoming global challenges. And when you ask yourself, which are the rele-
vant organizations addressing these kinds of challenges and issues, it’s clear to
me that AJC is at the top of the list.

What Are the Nation’s Chief Concerns?

The way I see it, Israel’s chief concerns at this time involve:
— Securing a Jewish majority.
— Containing or eliminating existential threats.
— Bringing down the level of terrorism to manageable levels, levels that do not
affect the country’s credit rating or economic stability.
— Providing world-class quality of living, so that we can compete, so that our
business leaders are not here today and in Palo Alto tomorrow.
— Seizing and maintaining the moral high ground.
— Providing what I call “added Jewish value,” meaning making sure to offer a
distinctive Israeli Jewish experience.
And what are the ways we can judge if we’re moving in the right direc-
tion?
— Keeping track of the level of our “brain drain.”
— Keeping track of the level of our technological development.
— Keeping track of the level of investment coming into Israel.

Israel in a Fiercely Competitive World

Keep in mind, in a very important sense, it is not about the security issue—
security is a vehicle. It’s an input into the kind of society we need to build to
compete in a fiercely competitive world.
With regard, in particular, to strengthening our society, we must turn
our attention to the following issues:
War of the Rockets

— The existential threats we face.

— The fact that we are a small, but truly a global nation that does not play a
significant enough role in global and regional organizations.
— The exceptional pressures we face with regard to sustainable development.

52
 — The need to provide for and keep the entire Jewish world in mind.
— The need to work with and build better relations with the Israeli Arab
minority.
My approach is that of a structuralist, meaning, essentially, that I believe
a bad structure will turn bad people into failures—and that a good structure
will help mediocre people achieve success.
Related to this, in Israel we have a political system that is exceptional in
providing short-term, populist, sectarian governments. For instance, you just
heard Education Minister Yuli Tamir, and do you know how many education
ministers served before her, just in the past few years? It’s something like five
or six.

“Our People Have Tremendous Potential”

Our challenge is to reform our system of government. Among other things, we
need longer tenures and a less fragmented executive branch. Our people have
tremendous potential. Judging by that standard, we are in the top five or ten
nations in the world. And yet, when it comes to quality of living, we are in the
somewhere in the twenties—and it’s our system of governance that is creating
this gap. It urgently needs to be repaired.
We’re facing three fundamental geographic threats:
— The Palestinians
— Syria and Lebanon
— Iran
We focused our resources on local responses, but we have not put enough
focus on the globality of the issues we face. Doing so would require putting a
lot of focus on our Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This is also the realm in which
AJC can be of great help to Israel.

Permitted: Only One Significant Mistake

Our governments in Israel are given the room, basically, for one significant
mistake. More than that, the government falls. True, the Palestinians have an
even much weaker government, but many Palestinians are confident that time
is on their side.
They think that tomorrow’s agreement, tomorrow’s negotiated settle-
ment, will inevitably be better than today’s. And, of course, there’s a strong ele-
ment in Palestinian society that is not interested in any agreement at any time.
We’ve learned that Israeli unilateralism has its own problems. The groups
Gidi Greenstein

among the Palestinians that are pledged to fight Israel always look for the next
good reason to fight. For example, Hezbollah’s emphasis on Sheba Farms.

53
 In Search of the “Big Idea”
But it’s important to keep in mind that, regarding negotiations and unilater-
alism, there is an important degree of complimentarity between the two. The
real problem is that right now Israel has no really “big idea.” What you will
see in the coming weeks is a debate over a few possible directions:
— To actively seek a permanent-status agreement with the Palestinians.
— To simply end the occupation.
— To end the occupation within a strongly unilateralist framework.
— To maintain the status quo.
Most probably, we’ll move toward accepting a Palestinian state with pro-
visional borders. And, indeed, you could argue that this is the only viable
option, because we need to end control over the Palestinian population. Mov-
ing in this direction shows the world that we are negotiating and, at the same
time, it keeps the Labor Party in the government.
How do we rate in terms of moving forward? It’s important to note that
in 2006, 1.6 million Palestinians are no longer under our control. Some
would argue that we are still an occupying power, but no one would say at
this time that these Palestinians can any longer be considered potential Israeli
citizens. Remember, in spring of 2002 we had 150 Israelis dead in our streets
and the economy was struggling. Now, terrorism is way down, and the econ-
omy is steadily improving.

When Inequality Becomes Damaging

As far as quality-of-life issues, I would say that Benjamin Netanyahu as
finance minister made important structural changes. A certain degree of
inequality is necessary in a competitive economy. On the other hand, too
much inequality becomes a damaging burden.
In terms of “added Jewish value,” I believe that Israel is making tremen-
dous strides. Many forms of Jewish expression are thriving. In terms of the
moral high ground, I think that, in terms of social cohesion, we are declining.
But we are doing better on the larger scale. You might say we are muddling
through.

“A Tremendously Dynamic Society”

I hope very much that the disputes and debates about the situation in the
War of the Rockets

North serve to prompt real structural reform in Israel. Israel is a tremendous-

ly dynamic society. And the common denominator when it comes to meeting
the challenges we face is to think in terms of the “big picture.” We need to
forge a political system that encourages people to think big.

54
 A Message at the Conclusion of the Mission
“ By Joining Your Efforts to Our Efforts,
You Can Make the Strongest Possible Difference”
ajc president e. robert goodkind

I want personally to thank each and every one of you for participating in this
AJC solidarity mission to Israel. It has been a pleasure to spend the past few
days with you, gaining insights into the situation in Israel and together
expressing, and demonstrating, our support. It brought me great satisfaction
to see firsthand how gifts from AJC’s Israel Emergency Solidarity Fund, which
now stands at $1.9 million, are helping to strengthen the people and State of
Israel.
Close to 120 AJC members and friends have been a part of this mission.
Some of you I have known for many years; others I have only had the pleasure
of getting to know during the mission. I hope that all of you have felt and
seen amidst our travels here the intensity of AJC’s commitment to solidarity
with Israel. And I hope you have also gotten a glimpse of AJC’s extraordinary
level of connection to this land and access to its leaders in every sphere, its
journalists, and its citizens.

Leveraging Your Talent, Skills, and Passion

As our executive director, David Harris, said yesterday, each one of us can only
accomplish so much alone. But when our energies are leveraged through the E. Robert Goodkind
work of an effective and respected advocacy organization, then powerful
things can happen. To those of you who are just getting to know AJC, or who
have not been closely engaged in our work, I urge you to be part of us, to get
closer to us, to leverage your talent and skills and passion through AJC.
This organization has more than 100 years of advocacy experience and
expertise behind us. And we’ve built over the years what I would call a peerless
global presence, one that includes offices in eight key international cities—
including Jerusalem, Geneva, Brussels, and Berlin—and eighteen internation-
al affiliates.
By joining your efforts to ours, you can make the strongest possible dif-
ference, with regard to keeping strong the vital friendship between the U.S.
and Israel and forging better relations between Israel and the world commu-
nity.
E. Robert Goodkind

My deepest thanks, once again, to all of you.

55
 Biographies
Doron Almog is former Commander of the Israel Defense Force’s Southern Com-
mand. Holding the rank of Major General (res.), he has had a distinguished career
in the IDF, serving in many positions, including Corps Commander, Head of the
Doctrine and Training Division at General Headquarters, Commander of the IDF
forces in the Gaza District, Chief Infantry and Paratroop Officer, Para-Brigade
Commander, and Para-troop Company Commander in the Sinai, during the Yom
Kippur War. Maj. Gen. (res.) Almog was Commander of the Para-Reconnaissance
Unit in the Entebbe rescue operation. As the father of a brain-damaged child, he
serves as Chairman of the Aleh Negev Project, a national organization working
toward the establishment of a rehabilitation village of the brain damaged. Maj. Gen.
(res.) Almog has an M.A. in Business Administration from Tel Aviv University and
an M.A. in International Relations from Haifa University.
Shlomo Avineri is Herbert Samuel Professor of Political Science (Emeritus) at the
Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He previously held a variety of positions at the Uni-
versity, including Chair of the Department of Political Science, Director of the Levi
Eshkol Institute for Social and Political Science, Dean of the Faculty of Social Sci-
ences and Director of the Institute for European Studies. Professor Avineri has also
been a visiting professor at many prestigious universities abroad, including Yale Uni-
versity and Oxford University. During the 1970s, he served as Director-General of
Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and headed the Israeli delegation to the
UNESCO General Assembly. Professor Avineri is the recipient of the Israel Prize, the
country’s highest civilian award. He has authored several books on Zionism, Com-
munism and Politics. Professor Avineri studied at the Hebrew University of
Jerusalem and the London School of Economics.
Ran Cohen is a Member of Knesset representing the Meretz Party. He has served in
the Knesset since 1984. MK Cohen served as Israel’s Minister of Industry and Trade
and as Chairman of the Meretz Parliamentary Group and the State Control Com-
mittee, as well as having been a member on the prestigious Foreign Affairs and
Defense Committee. He has also served on the Labor and Welfare Committee and
the Immigration and Absorption Committee, among others. The Former Chairman
of the Histadrut House of Representatives, he is a member of the Meretz Party Lead-
ership and the Chairman of “Beit Or Aviva” Organization for the Rehabilitation of
Drug Addicts. MK Cohen has a B.A. in Economics and Philosophy from Tel Aviv
University
Uri Dromi is Director of International Outreach and Director of Publications at
The Israel Democracy Institute. Col. (res.) Dromi previously served as Director of
the Government Press Office under the Rabin and Peres administrations and as the
War of the Rockets

North American Director of Information for the World Zionist Organization. He

served for many years in the Israel Air Force, where he holds the rank of colonel
(res.) In the Israel Air Force, he served as a navigator, Chief Education Officer and
Editor-in-Chief of the IAF magazine and the Israel Defense Forces Publishing
House. Col. (res.) Dromi is the author of three books: Big Wars – Small Stories, Com-

56
bat Flight and Commitment. He has a B.A. in History from Ben Gurion University
and is currently studying for a Ph.D. at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, where he
also lectures on Communications.
Giora Eiland is the former Head of the National Security Council. He holds the rank
of Major General (res.). He has had a distinguished career in the Israel Defense
Forces, serving as Head of Plans and Policy Directorate, Head of Operations Direc-
torate, Chief Infantry and Paratroopers Officer, and Commander of the IDF Officers
School. Prior to that he rose through the ranks of elite infantry units as Battalion and
Brigade Commander. Major General (res.) Eiland has a B.A. in Economics and an
M.B.A.
Miri Eisin is the Foreign Press Advisor to the Prime Minister of Israel. She holds the
rank of Colonel (res.) in the IDF and has served in many posts in the IDF Intelli-
gence Corps including Deputy in Command and Head of the Doctrine Section,
Commander of the Joint Intelligence Course, Assistant to the Head of Defense Intel-
ligence, Adjutant to the IDF Chief of Staff and Head of the Intelligence Research
Branch in the Northern Command. She has been at the forefront in presenting
Israel’s case to the media and served as a special spokesperson of the Israeli govern-
ment during operation Defensive Shield. Colonel (res.) Eisin has a B.A. in Political
Science and Middle East Studies from Tel Aviv University, an M.A. in Security Stud-
ies from Haifa University and is a graduate of the Israeli National Defense College.
She is currently studying towards a Ph.D. on the political narratives in the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict
Gidi Grinstein is the Founder and President of Re’ut Institute, a non-governmental,
non-profit think-tank. He previously served as Director of Project Re’ut—National
Vision for Peace, a think-tank project designed to create a vision-based national-secu-
rity and foreign policy plan for Israel, and Deputy Director General of the Econom-
ic Cooperation Foundation. Mr. Grinstein also served in the Office of the Prime
Minister under the Barak administration as Assistant Chief of Bureau and Policy
Coordinator and as Secretary of the Israeli Delegation to the Permanent Status Nego-
tiations with the Palestinians. Mr. Grinstein was co-founder of Yesodot, an organiza-
tion working to reform Israeli government. He has a B.A. in Economics and LL.B.
from Tel Aviv University and an M.A. in Public Administration from the Kennedy
School of Government at Harvard University, where he was a Wexner-Israel Fellow.
Yossi Klein Halevi is a contributing editor and Israel correspondent for The New
Republic. A Senior Fellow at the Shalem Center, a Jerusalem think-tank, he is a former
columnist for The Jerusalem Post, and writes occasionally for The New York Times and
The Washington Post. He is author of At the Entrance to the Garden of Eden: A Jew’s
Search for God With Christians and Muslims in the Holy Land. Born in New York, he
has a B.A.
Biographies

David A. Harris has been the Executive Director of the American Jewish Committee
since 1990. In the course of his extensive career in Jewish communal work, he has

57
 traveled throughout Europe, the Middle East, Africa, Asia, and Latin America to
monitor the condition of Jewish communities, combat anti-Semitism, advance
Israel’s diplomatic standing, and promote international human rights and interreli-
gious and interethnic understanding. Among the highlights of his work, he was cen-
trally involved in the emigration of over one million Jews from the Soviet Union
and was described by the Washington Post as “one of the leading spokesmen” for the
Soviet Jewry movement. He was a key figure in the successful sixteen-year struggle to
repeal the infamous “Zionism is racism” resolution adopted by the UN General
Assembly in 1975 and also spearheaded the American Jewish Committee’s success-
ful campaign to correct Israel’s anomalous status at the UN—as the only nation inel-
igible to sit on the Security Council—and to include it in one of the UN’s five
regional groups. He has been described as one of the foremost American advocates
for Israel’s political and diplomatic standing, meeting frequently with world leaders
to discuss issues affecting the Middle East.
Dan Meridor is the Chairman of The Jerusalem Foundation and a senior partner at
Haim Zadok & Co Law firm. He has had a distinguished career in the Israeli gov-
ernment serving as Minister of Finance, Minister of Justice and Minister in charge of
strategic affairs. Mr. Meridor was a member of Knesset for over 19 years and served
as Chairman of the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee as well as Sec-
retary of the Cabinet. He also served as Chairman of the Board of the Israel Muse-
um. Mr. Meridor has a LL.B. from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and is a
lawyer by profession
Ehud Olmert is Prime Minister of the State of Israel. He previously served as the
Vice Prime Minister, Ministry of Industry, Trade and Employment, Acting Minister
of Finance, Minister of Communications, Minister of Health, and Minister Without
Portfolio. He also served as Mayor of Jerusalem. Prime Minister Olmert served for
many years as a member of Knesset. During his term as Mayor of Jerusalem, he ener-
getically supported a joint program with AJC designed to bring Jerusalem school
principals to the U.S. to study American Jewry. Prime Minister Olmert has a B.A. in
Psychology and Philosophy and an LL.B. from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
Ari Shavit is a well-known writer and columnist for Ha’aretz newspaper. He has
interviewed many of Israel’s leading figures and several of his articles have been pub-
lished in The New Yorker. Mr. Shavit is the author of a recently published book Par-
tition: Israelis on Disengagement (in Hebrew), which consists of a series of interviews
with Israelis from all walks of life on their solutions to the Arab-Israel conflict. Mr.
Shavit served as Chairman of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel.
Mark Sofer is the Deputy Director General of the Central Europe and Eurasia Divi-
War of the Rockets

sion at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He previously served as Israel’s Ambassador

to Ireland. Ambassador Sofer has served in a variety of positions at the Foreign Min-
istry, including as Head of the Division for Middle Eastern Economic Affairs, Poli-
cy Advisor to the Foreign Minister, Counselor at the Director General’s Bureau,

58
Deputy Consul General at the Israel Embassy in New York and First Secretary at the
Israel Embassy in Peru. He has a B.A. in Economics and International Relations from
the London School of Economics and an M.A. in Political Science from the Hebrew
University of Jerusalem.
Yuli Tamir is Minister of Education and a member of Knesset on behalf of the Labor-
Meimad Party. Prof. Tamir previously served as Minister of Immigration Absorption.
She served as Dean of Students, Professor in the Philosophy Department, and
Deputy Director of the School of Education at Tel Aviv University. Prof. Tamir was
Chair of the Board of the Association of Civil Rights in Israel. She is a founding
member of the Israeli peace movement Peace Now and served as Head of Interna-
tional Friends of Peace Now. Prof. Tamir is the author of Liberal-Nationalism and edi-
tor of books on democratic education. She has a B.A. in Biology and an M.A. in
Political Science from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and a Ph.D. in Political
Science from Oxford University.
Daniel Taub is the Director of the General Law Division at the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs. His areas of responsibility include counter-terrorism, international organiza-
tions and humanitarian law. He has been involved in many of Israel’s peace negotia-
tions, and was a member of the Israeli negotiating teams with both Syria and the
Palestinians.
Ehud Yaari is Chief Middle East Commentator at Israel Television Channel Two. He
is also the Associate Editor for Middle East Affairs at the Jerusalem Report and an
associate at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Previously Mr. Yaari served
as Chief Middle East Commentator for the Israel Broadcasting Authority. He is the
author and co-author of several books, the most recent one being Intifada, and has
written articles for various newspapers including The New York Times, The Washing-
ton Post and Al-Hayat. Mr. Yaari is the recipient of several awards including the Israel
Broadcasting Award for coverage of the Gulf War and the Israeli press, Editors in
Chief ’s Award for coverage of the Peace Process with Egypt. He has a B.A. in Orien-
tal Studies from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and an M.A. in Oriental Stud-
ies from Tel Aviv University.
Yona Yahav is the Mayor of Haifa. He previously served as Deputy and Acting Mayor
of Haifa. He was a member of the 14th Knesset, serving as Chairman of the Knesset’s
Banking Sub-Committee and as Chairman of the Knesset Lobby for Cultural Affairs.
Mayor Yahav has served as chairman of many institutions, including the Council of
Israeli Museums, MAGEN Gas and Resources Ltd., the Haifa Municipal Theater
Directorate and Haifa’s Economic Company. He has also served as General Secretary
of the World Union of Jewish Students (WUJS) in Great Britain, Spokesman for the
Jerusalem Municipality, and Advisor to the Minister of Transportation. Mayor Yahav
is the author of Libel and Slander and co-author of The Autonomy of the Fall of the
Biographies

Labour Party in 1977. He has a Law Degree from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem
and the University of London.

59