Professional Documents
Culture Documents
I. Introduction
Elections for the bicameral national legislature as well as fourteen state and
regional legislatures were held on Sunday 7 November. Voting took place in a
peaceful and somewhat subdued atmosphere, but it was marred by what appears to
be massive manipulation of the vote count. The official results show the regime’s
Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) winning a massive majority.
Several other parties have condemned the count, and have launched legal challenges
(without much expectation of success). Nevertheless, they had always seen these
elections as the first step of a long and difficult process, and the consensus of most
parties at this point is that they must continue to engage with the process, taking
their seats in the legislatures and making the best use of the limited space that has
opened. Also, despite the irregularities, a number of ethnic-minority parties have
fared reasonably well, particularly in the state/region legislatures.
This paper provides an account of the voting process on election day, and a
detailed analysis of the official results. It then makes some observations on what
may lie ahead for the country in the next few months, in light of the election results
as well as the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and the ongoing tensions in some ethnic
areas.
Election day itself was peaceful, and the voting took place in an overwhelmingly
calm (even subdued) atmosphere. There were many reports of irregularities – it
would have been strange had there not been – but reporting from a credible local
network of trained volunteer monitors concluded that as regards the voting itself:
“The administration of the poll was generally smooth and most regulations
were followed: 71% of observers reported that the voting process was efficiently
1 Richard Horsey is an independent political analyst and a former ILO liaison officer in
This optimism appeared to be borne out by the initial counting of votes, which
according to the election laws took place in each polling station in the presence of
candidates or their representatives as well as members of the public. In the evening
of election day, on the basis of the observed vote count, democratic candidates
reported strong support in the constituencies that they contested. One local
Myanmar organization, which was following developments closely, projected at
midnight on election day that the democratic parties might win over forty percent of
elected seats at the national level (i.e. almost all the seats they were contesting),
with the USDP just under forty percent and the ‘establishment’ National Unity
Party (NUP) less than fourteen percent. While such projections always have to be
treated with extreme caution, it was certainly the case that many democratic
candidates appeared that night to have built up unassailable leads.
neutral local association based in Myanmar. The report was based on observations by 175
volunteer observers in many different parts of the country who had been trained in
international standards on election observation methodologies.
3 There were striking discrepancies between reports of voter turnout by international media
on the one hand, and party candidates and observers on the other. International media
overwhelmingly reported a low turnout, mostly on the basis of the lack of queues observed at
polling stations; whereas party candidates reported a reasonably high turnout of over sixty
percent. The discrepancies may be due to the very large number of polling stations (on
average, one per 500 voters), which may have given the impression of a low turnout. Official
voter turnout figures, which have not yet been released, may be significantly inflated by the
apparently widespread practice of using supposed “advance votes” to boost USDP results.
Interestingly, a pre-election poll commissioned by the exiled media organization Mizzima
found that sixty percent of respondents intended to vote, thirty percent did not, and ten
percent were undecided. (“Mizzima publishes independent pre-poll survey of more than 4,200
Burmese voters”, Mizzima, 5 November 2010.)
2
fortunes. In a number of cases, candidates and observers have claimed that these
“advance votes” were secured after polls closed, when it became clear that the
numbers of actual advance votes were not sufficient to ensure a win for the USDP
candidate. Overall, it seems from anecdotal reports that advance votes made up a
significant proportion of the total vote, although official figures have not been
announced. This contradicts statements made shortly before the poll by the
Chairman of the Election Commission to the effect that the numbers of advance
votes were “small”.4 It is also suspicious that the vast majority of advance votes
appear to have been for the USDP, even if this could be partly explained by the fact
that the largest categories of advance voters (civil servants and the military, a large
proportion of whom are posted away from their home areas) might be more likely to
vote – through choice or pressure – for the USDP. Overall, it is the sheer number of
advance votes that is most suspicious.
Shortly after polling, there were armed clashes at two Myanmar towns on the
Thai border (Myawaddy and Payathonzu), sparked by a renegade unit of the
Democratic Kayin Buddhist Army ceasefire group taking control of key positions in
the towns. While the timing was clearly election-related, these events were not
“election-related violence” in the normal sense of that term. The attacks on these
towns may have been designed to embarrass the regime at a time of elections, or
may have just taken advantage of the distraction the elections provided. But these
actions did not seek to influence the elections themselves.
The USDP has an overwhelming legislative majority. In the Upper House (Amyotha
Hluttaw) it has seventy-seven percent of the elected seats, and in the Lower House
4 At a briefing on 18 September in Nay Pyi Taw for diplomats and the media, the Chairman
of the Election Commission stated in reply to a question that: “The numbers of those casting
advance votes are compiled by the township Election Commission. The categories include
those under hospitalization, those in detention, military personnel on duty and training and
those abroad. These numbers are small.”
5 At the time this paper was finalized (17 November), results had yet to be announced for 17
seats: 2 in the Upper House, 3 in the Lower House, and 12 in the state/region legislatures.
Except where noted, however, the pending results will not change the numbers given below.
3
(Pyithu Hluttaw), seventy-nine percent. Coincidentally or not, this is very close to
the proportion of seats won by the NLD in its 1990 election landslide.6 Including the
twenty-five percent bloc of legislative seats reserved for military appointees, the
balance of power in the national legislatures is as follows (see appendix 2 for a
graphical representation):
• The USDP has a majority, by itself, in both houses and in the combined
legislature. This means that the party will choose two of the three
presidential nominees, with the other chosen by the military bloc
(controlled by the commander-in-chief). The presidential electoral college
is the combined legislature, and the USDP’s majority there means that it
will be able to choose the president.
• The president, chosen by the USDP, will therefore have much greater
formal legislative power than the commander-in-chief, since the president
and USDP will be able to act alone in matters requiring a simple majority
(i.e. most decisions), without needing the support of the military.
• The USDP and the military bloc together have a ‘super-majority’ (greater
than seventy-five percent). This has several implications. It means that
the USDP+military can amend the constitution as they see fit10 and can
impeach public office holders. The other legislators are far from the
twenty-five percent needed to block changes to the constitution, to initiate
6 In 1990, the NLD won 392 of 485 seats in the unicameral legislature, or 80.8 percent. The
NUP won only two percent of the seats in 1990, and only four percent of national elected
seats in 2010.
7 Of the democratic parties, only the NDF won any seats in the Upper House and the Lower
House.
8 There are only two independent representatives-elect at the national level, one in each
house. This constitutes less than half a percent (rounded up to one percent in the table so
that totals add to 100%).
9 For an overview of the provisions of the 2008 constitution relating to the legislative issues
4
impeachment proceedings, and to convene special sessions of the
legislatures (important if they otherwise meet infrequently), and far from
the thirty-three percent of either house needed to block impeachment
proceedings.
In the regional legislatures (the Burman heartland), the USDP has a massive
majority (higher even than in the Upper and Lower houses). It fully controls these
legislatures, mirroring the situation at the national level. Similar consequences
follow: the USDP does not need the support of the military bloc for matters requiring
a simple majority, and together with the military bloc it has a super-majority. This
allows the USDP+military to impeach regional public office holders (Chief Minister,
region ministers, and so on). The other legislators are far from having sufficient
numbers to initiate impeachment proceedings themselves, block such proceedings, or
convene special sessions of the legislature.
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have a simple majority (presumably the interests of the two will be closely aligned
for now); second, even with the support of the military bloc, the party has no super-
majority. This means that the USDP/military will not have a free hand in matters
such as impeachment: they can initiate impeachment proceedings, and block
proceedings, but some ethnic parties also have the power to do so. The
USDP/military also do not have control of when the legislatures meet, as special
sessions can be convened by others. In most of the State Legislatures, this at least
gives ethnic parties some influence over their affairs.
Taken together, these two developments will significantly alter the way in
which ethnic issues are addressed in Myanmar, and the way in which ethnic areas
are governed. While these are important developments, the potential impact of
which should not be underestimated, they must be set against a number of much
more negative trends: tensions with armed ethnic organizations are at a dangerous
level; the Kachin have been excluded from the political process; the only Kayah
party to contest has failed to win any seats in the Kayah legislature; the Wa
(UWSA) and Mongla group (NDAA) have refused to participate in the election
process; and fighting has flared on the Thai border.
It is also important not to put too much emphasis on legislatures. The biggest
factor in the day-to-day governance of the country will be the president and the
cabinet that he selects (at the national level) and the chief ministers and the local
governments that they select (at the local level). It is not required that any of these
office-holders be elected representatives, and the legislatures have little power to
influence or block such appointments.
With the voting over, and up to three months before the new legislatures are
convened, a president chosen, and the cabinet appointed, Myanmar has now entered
a period of considerable change and uncertainty (the present government continues
in power during this period). 11
new government, see International Crisis Group, “The Myanmar Elections”, 27 May 2010,
section IV.A.
6
While parties were taken aback at the level of manipulation of the vote count,
they have always been well aware of the flaws in the election process, and
understood that this was the first step in what will be a long and difficult process.
The current consensus is that the results will be challenged through legal channels
(without much expectation of success), but there will be no boycott of the legislatures
or of the broader process.
The significance of the elections has never been dependent on their free and
fair conduct. The opportunities lay elsewhere, with the resumption of legal political
activity and discussion (including, to some extent, in the domestic media), something
that has been impossible for most of the last half-century; with the generational
transition within the military; with the separation between military and
government; and with the introduction of regional legislatures and a limited
devolution of governance. Some of these developments are tentative, not all may
prove positive, but they do represent change and opportunity in a situation that has
been frozen for many years.
At the same time, emotions in the country are running high. People are
dismayed at the extent of the perceived ballot fraud and at how flagrantly it was
carried out; Aung San Suu Kyi’s release is also a highly emotional moment for the
country. Overall, it makes for a volatile situation.
Many questions are being posed about the impact of Aung San Suu Kyi’s
release in such a context. Speculation is running the gamut from her possible
assassination to her possible appointment as foreign minister12 (neither prediction,
it seems, is based on any concrete information). What does seem clear is that the
regime has taken the decision on her release from a position of strength and
confidence, having completed the election process on their terms. They are therefore
unlikely to be interested in compromise or political deals; they may, however, make
certain unilateral concessions (such as releasing political prisoners or increasing
international engagement), which they historically prefer to do from a position of
strength.
At the time of her last release, in 2002, some within the regime believed that
Aung San Suu Kyi had lost some of her popular appeal – in part because they had
kept her isolated from the population, and in part because of the decline in the
capacity of the NLD. The regime was reportedly shocked by the huge crowds that
turned out to meet her across the country in the course of early 2003, and were
determined to prevent her reaching Mandalay, fearing that the city would erupt in
popular support – hence the attack on her convoy at Dipeyin. It seems unlikely that
the regime has underestimated her popularity a second time, which raises important
questions, as yet unanswered, about how they plan to deal with the inevitable
outpouring of public support.
12 Aung San Suu Kyi was asked about this rumor by a journalist at her 15 November press
conference.
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V. Conclusions
The standard gloss for the elections, “a sham process that changes nothing”,
is unhelpful. While the results may be devoid of credibility, many things are
changing nonetheless. A dramatically new political landscape is taking shape in
Myanmar, although it may take a while for some of the protagonists to recognize
this. The institutions of government and the government itself are changing; the
opposition is in flux, with a host of new players and perspectives, into which Aung
San Suu Kyi has been thrust; and the ethnic issue has been further complicated,
with some ethnic parties doing reasonably well in the polls, others being excluded
from them, and heightened military tensions in some areas.
8
Appendix 1 – Seats won by political parties
The total number of constituencies was 1163; polling was cancelled in 6, leaving 1157.
8
Appendix 2 – Balance of power in the national legislatures
Military bloc (110); USDP (257); NUP (12); NDF (8); ethnic parties (45); independent (1); 3 pending
Total seats: 440 (of which 330 elected); polls cancelled in 4 seats
Military appointees (56); USDP (128); NUP (5); NDF (4); ethnic parties (29); independent (1)13
Total seats: 224 (of which 168 elected)
13 Results for 2 seats are pending in the Upper House. One is contested only by ethnic candidates so is shaded
blue. One is contested only by USDP and NUP and is shown as a split cell.