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Question: According to Marx, in a communist society, power will be more
equally distributed amongst the whole of the population since the means of
production will be communally owned rather than owned by the individual.
How far do you agree?
October 2010
Table of Content
Foreword
1. Human Nature and Production
2. History, Class and Alienation
3. Attempt at Theoretical and Historical Evaluations of the Communist Solution
4. Concluding Notes
Bibliography.
Foreword
Nothing is more legitimate for man than to aspire to freedom from oppression and external
constraints. Nothing is nobler for him than to wish the same for his fellow human beings and work
towards its concrete realization. Society is the proper spheres of private and communal interests a
sphere in which they clash and yet support and enrich one another. Should the two sets of interests
be forcibly reconciled, or should one set be subordinate to another, or should both of them be
recognized and allow to develop side by side? This is a dilemma that constantly faces not only social
scientists, but also politicians, judges and public officials in the discharge of their respective duties.
How is the integrity of both private and public spheres both guaranteed should it be guaranteed at
all? In the following lines, we will see how Karl Marx sets out to answer these questions and others
in his own particular way. When one studies a thinker as Karl Marx, one has to put constantly before
the eyes of one's mind, the thinker's philosophical background. In this case, Marx's use of Hegelian
dialectics and his own reformulation thereof constitutes such premises as will need no special
explanation except where absolutely necessary. His theories of historic materialism is taken as a
given at the beginning of this essay, and will be subsequently criticised together with 'economic
determinism' with which it is intimately bound in the Marxian system. The irony of history has been
that Marx's prediction concerning socialisation of production has not materialised into enduring
sociopolitical realities. In the second part of the essay, therefore, a brief sketch on the application of
his economic ideas is investigated. Finally, a winding up of the argument is provided.
1. Human Nature and Production
In the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, Marx says of private property that it is the
product, the result, the necessary consequence of alienated labour, of the external relations of the
worker to nature and to himself1. This quotation encapsulates many of the tenets of Marxism, not
least among which, the concepts of labour, production, human nature and alienation. These concepts
are essential for an understanding of Marx's views on ownership and private property. According to
Marx, what demarcates man from the other animals was his productive capacity, that is, the ability
of man, by his own labour, to produce what he desires and needs. Thus, the process of production,
or more broadly, the economic organization(i.e. means, modes, processes of production, distribution
and exchange) pertains to the primary conditions of human life. Man, however, is not endowed with
this exceptional productive faculty on its own man is above all a social being, and the nature of
production is, or should be, essentially social or communal. What also further demarcates man from
the other animals is not merely his ability to produce and organize production, but above all, in the
ever changing nature of this economic organization. Whereas the other animals are passive agents of
history, man is an active one, due to his mastery of his environment and the evolution of productive
processes.
2. History, Class and Alienation.
History, according to Marx, is the history of evolving forms of economic organizations and the
social relations which derive from them. Marx's endeavour was therefore to seek in history the
mechanism for explaining social change with respect to the economic structure prevalent at
particular periods in history. His account of the emergence of private property relies on the ever
greater division of labour experienced by societies throughout history and the labour theory of
value. Classes arise whenever the division of labour is such that the accumulation of surplus product
is appropriated by groups of individuals, leading to their assuming control over the economic
organization of society. Social relations become antagonistic between the propertied classes and the
propertyless classes, between those who control the productive processes and those who produce.
Relations of production become essentially relations of inequality and exploitation. The latter, the
proletariat of capitalist societies, become mere means to satisfy the ends of others their labour no
more serves to their own subsistence or fulfilment. Labour and man are separated, in that, labour
acquires a value independent of man, the labourer, himself. Private ownership of the means of
production destroys the unity of man's social life and alienates him from his true nature. The
labourer stands dispossessed of the basic power that would have allowed him to express himself and
satisfy himself in his work, namely, the power to control what, how, when, where, and even why he
produces. This power is wrested from him in a particularly violent manner in the capitalist system
where he is no more protected by guilds, feudal grants, etc., and where he must sell his labour
because he does not own that which would have enabled him to realise his productive potential.
For Marx, alienation had existed since the very first emergence of private property and has
continued to expand at each stage of historical development, but it reached its paroxysm in the
capitalist society where the separation of man from his nature is rendered a necessary condition of
his life. Alienation is thus also for Marx a perversion of the natural order of things. The State,
through its complex of laws and institutions, enshrines this inequality of men with respect to the
productive processes and tries to compensate it through equality before law. Thus political
1 Karl Marx, Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844.
organization of society is made to conform to its economic organization and to reflect the social
relations particular to it. The superstructure justifies the infrastructure. In Marx's view this is an
illusion and, it should be the other way round. Hence, he views the state as the instrument of class
domination and as the means to perpetuate alienation. To the alienation of man from his labour is
here added the separation between the political and civil aspects of human life. In the capitalist
state, the true nature of power is disguised. Politics is nothing but a means whereby the conditions
of class exploitation are maintained. The state and politics are parasitic on society because the goals
of the rulers and of the ruled are different, and the rulers use the productive forces of society to
further their own ends political ends and social ends diverge. To sum up, under the capitalist
system, coupled to the structure of the bourgeois state, the worker or labourer stands in a position of
spoliation, deprivation and alienation. He is deprived of the power to produce what he requires to
satisfy his needs, of the power to control the processes of production, distribution and exchange and
of the power to have a say in the management of the community. He himself, his labour are reduced
to the status of mere commodities.
3. Attempt at Theoretical and Historical Evaluation of the Communist Solution.
In a communist society on the other hand, where the economic organization is socialised and the
production restored to its original communal function, man's labour and productive faculties will
also be restored to him, not to pursue individualistic aims such was the hallmark of capitalism but
communal, social ones. Everything will be collectivised, or socialised, from the use of machines to
the very consciousness of man. Hence, man will be vested with the full power to use his labour
according to the requirements of his nature. His public life will be unified in the higher social
imperative. Alienation and exploitation as well will cease man's nature and man's work will not be
estranged any more, and collective interests will prevail. With the disappearance of classes the
utility of the state will also gradually disappear. In the words of Engels: All socialists are agreed
that the political state, and with it political authority, will disappear as the result of the coming
socialist revolution; that is, the public functions will lose their political character and be
transformed into the simple administrative functions of watching over the true interests of society2.
Given that all men will be given equal access to and control over the processes of production, then,
indeed, power will be equally distributed under such a communist society according to Marx and
Engels.
(a)While Marx's observations on the structure and running of the capitalist system might have been
valid at the time he was writing, it must be acknowledged that since then, production under
capitalism has considerably changed, and any theory critical of capitalism must be updated to those
changes. But this is not the issue. The fact that Marx's observations might have been valid does in
no way guarantee that the way he interprets them or the theoretical framework he devises to fit them
in are in any sense valid. What strikes the modern reader of Marx is the dogmatic certainty with
which he asserted the centrality of production in human life and destiny, the persistent element of
determinism which makes man, ultimately, a mere puppet of productive forces. For Marx allows no
alternative to his account of the development of society in history. This deterministic element,
expressed in his enunciation of the material dialectics of history, he certainly retained from his
Hegelian days. What makes production the one social fact, activity from which all other social facts
and activities are derived? In this respect, Plamenatz3 is right to say that Marx does not sufficiently
distinguish, if at all, between forms of social behaviour and features of social life. Is production a
feature of social life or an activity of the same, and if it is both, what makes it so central? A mother
does not feed her child from the motive that the child has a role to play in the economic organization
2 Friedrich Engels, On Authority, from, Marx and Engels. Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy.
3 cf. John Plamenatz, Man and Society: Hegel, Marx and Engels, and the Idea of Progress, vol.iii.
of society; rather, she feeds him because of the social bond between her child and herself, and such
a bond, a relationship cannot certainly be called a relation of production, unless we understand
thereby, with the aid of defective biology, that the mother produced her infant. Social relations are
not reducible to relations of production. Before man is a productive being, he is a moral being with
moral relations with his human and natural environment. If then production is not the primary
condition of human life, but one among others, an important one among equally important others,
man's nature cannot be explained in terms of his productive capacity alone. Emotional, affective,
customary, moral bonds and relations precede relations of production. It is them precisely that make
the relations of production possible. Can economic determinism, as the only possible explanation of
world history, stand fast once production is relegated to the rank of one social activity among
others? To be fair, economic determinism by itself is not to blame, springing as it does from the
Physiocratic traditions of the 18th century. For Marx, however, economic facts and laws are used as
the material evidence for his dialectics of social conflict, and hence assume a more inflexible,
inexorable force than the Physiocrats and their followers intended.
Furthermore, can alienation be attributed a solely economic origin in our evolving societies?
Rousseau's own account of alienation4 took many more factors, besides the obvious economic ones,
into consideration. If we were to talk of determinism at all, it would most certainly be technological
determinism, whereby the basic features of a society would derive from and depend upon the degree
of technological advance made by that society. Marx certainly treats of technology, but subordinates
it to the imperatives of an inexorable economic system.
(b)Two aspects of the question must here come under scrutiny: (i) the intrinsic economic and
political value of collectivism, or socialism, (ii) the application of socialism in history. Once
economic determinism is shown to have very little rigorous normative and empirical credit, what
remains to prop up Marx's theory of revolution and realisation of communism? His notions of power
themselves are so limited to an economic usage, that we are at pains to know what Marx(and
Engels) thought on political power other than as a tool of capitalist manipulation of the state. Also,
Marx's distrust of politics means that he did not look into the possibility of finding political
solutions to socioeconomic problems. In this consists Marx's poverty as a political thinker. If
production is not the basic fact of human social life, power cannot be reduced to terms of production
and economic organization. Communal control, or power, over the processes of production, which
we might, for convenience's sake, call collectivism does not guarantee equality. Communal control
itself is an oxymoron.for as popular wisdom has it: If everyone rules, who shall work? Communal
control, more than individual or corporate control of modes of production requires the most
advanced organizational structure. And organization requires clear divisions and schemes of
functions and duties, persons in whom authority will be vested to execute these. The mere fact of
collectivism does not necessarily imply consensus in the community about the methods to be
employed in exercising this control, and regulating the distribution and exchange of the things
produced, unless consensus is imposed and dissent discouraged. The question that must further be
asked is whether collectivism is conducive to an equal distribution of power in society, and what is
the significance of power with respect to collectivist means and ends.
History has shown clearly that the apparatus of the state could not be so easily done away with as
Marx or those who sought to apply his ideas practically would have wished. After the proletarian
revolution and prior to the establishment of the classless and stateless society, both Marx and Engels
acknowledged the fact that the state, before withering away, will necessarily serve as a support for
the application of socialism. As said above, the disappearance of classes will ultimately lead to the
disappearance of the state. Now, it is agreed that it is a particular class (aided by elements of other
classes), namely, the proletarian class, organized as the Communist Party, will bring about the
4 cf. JeanJacques Rousseau, Discourse on Inequality.
revolution and work towards the establishment of communism. Eventually, at the time of the
revolution, Marx predicted that there would be a world proletarian, created by the demands of
capitalist economy, that would help spread the revolution across the globe. Marx therefore assumes
that through the struggles of one class, a classless society is to be achieved in which the means of
production will be socialised. The first problem here is one of representation, social and political.
How can one segment, one class, one party of the population, not only claim to represent the
population but to embody it as well? If one class, one party captures economic and political power
that merely means that that class or party has displaced another or other classes and parties at the
apex of society. In other words, one class has replaced another in the control of production. The
dictatorship of the proletariat seems to be the only ultimate step to which communism has attained
to up to now.
What is first noticeable about the concrete application of Marxism, is that it did not take place, as
predicted by its creator, in technologicallyadvanced capitalist countries. The case of Russia affords
us a good example. There, what strikes the impartial observer who surveys the establishment and
strengthening of Communism is the human cost, or in modern parlance, the 'HumanRights records'.
There was great resistance on the part of the peasantry(kulaks) to the collectivist measures they
were, in large numbers5, suppressed and sent to working camps(gulags). As from the 1930's large
scale economic and industrial reforms were implemented through the FiveYear plans in the Soviet
Union. However industrialisation advanced at the expense of agriculture. In the same period, famine
broke out throughout the whole Soviet territory, and struck most harshly in Ukraine. In addition,
individual initiative, mostly in the arts and cultural departments, were consistently stifled if it did
not answer to the demands of official propaganda6. Nor did the state remain as a mere residue after
the advent of communism it revealed itself indispensable to the new masters of the Kremlin, who
used to it carry out their economic planning policies more effectively. Within the party itself,
divergences arose, mostly on the issue of whether or not to pursue the revolution on an international
basis. This was at the core of the dispute between Stalin and Trotsky. On an ideological plane, for
practical reasons, a distinction was brought between personal and private property the latter meant
precisely capital, while the former everything else in the person's possession. Communism it was
argued came to abolish private not personal property. The local workers' councils or soviets were
only given the illusion of economic power. Power in its entirety was effectively detained by the
Politburo, who used it ruthlessly against those whom they were supposed to uplift. One would have
thought that the socialisation of production would have brought about administrative
decentralization – instead political centralization and bureaucracy came to characterise the USSR.
Eventually, due to declining growth rates, the 1965 Economic Reforms introduced certain
capitalistic measures into the management of industry, that gave companies a certain freedom from
the constraints of central planning. However, by the 1970's, the USSR's domestic industry was
thwarted by an undue emphasis on military industry and expenditure. The system was becoming
greatly inefficient as bureaucratic central planning was no more able to cope with increasing
domestic demands and largescale management. In spite of certain increases in the 1980's due to
M. Gorbachev's reforms, the Soviet economy would eventually collapse7.
Therefore the question whether socialisation of the economy brought about economic development
in communist countries is still debatable. If China and Vietnam felt the need to adopt the socalled
socialist market economy it is mostly because central economic planning had failed to achieve a
rational distribution of resources and to increase the standard of living of citizens. The private sector
plays nowadays a very important role in the national economies of those countries. The economy of
the former Yugoslavia is also worth mentioning. It was principally a mixed economy, where public
5 3 million is the number cited by John Chamberlain in his 1944 Foreword to Hayek's The Road to Serfdom.
6 For the whole period, see Robert Conquest, The Great Terror.
7 For economic statistics, see the barious yearbooks, e.g Statesman's Yearbook 19751976, Europa Yearbook, 1983.
and private ownership were allowed to coexist. It had a strong internal market and espoused the
practice of worker's selfmanagement, in that, notably, planning was decentralised. Furthermore,
due to the NonAligned policies pursued internationally by country, Yugoslav products were
exported to both Western and Communist markets. As a result, Yugoslav economy was prosperous,
with low unemployment, high levels of education, higher life expectancy and living standards than
in most countries with socialist economies. However, starting with the 1973 Oil Crisis and the rising
inflation rates, the Yugoslav economy entered a phase of decline which culminated in the loss of
markets resulting from the breakup of the Federation and the beginning of the Yugoslav wars.
A purely socialist economy, in which absolute economic equality among the people is established,
has not been realised up to now. History instead demonstrates that mixed economies have more
chances to survive crises. Furthermore, we can also account the failure of classical, or orthodox
socialist systems by arguing that economic equality was accompanied by illiberal politics, that is, by
the effective dictatorship of the Communist Parties. This alone demonstrates the fallacy of
economic determinism for economy equality did not bring about a truly democratic distribution of
political power among the people.
4. Concluding Notes.
The root problem of socialism is its subordination of individual interests to communal interests and
its claim to cater to universal needs and to represent man essentially as a worker. This is evidenced
by the omission of a discussion of liberty or freedom in Marx's writings. He was generally
distrustful of the word, associating it with Hegelian abstractions. His treatment of power is equally
scarce, and when it occurs at all, it is only to consider it as an incarnation of the laws of economics.
He also fails to consider objectively the concept of rule of law and equality before the law,
preferring, to subsume law and politics under economic categories. Yet, the edifice of economic
theory upon which he built his social theories are far from faultless. We are thinking here
principally of his socalled Labour Theory of Value. While classical economists(e.g. Adam Smith,
David Ricardo) stipulated that Labour Theories of Values could account for economies of primitive
and underdeveloped societies and interpreted it in an individualistic, Marx applied his own version
to the capitalist economy of his time and sought to use it to demonstrate the exploitation of workers.
His Labour Theory of Value is also related to his conception of man and human nature, in that he
views labour as the essential feature of human nature. Labour is, for him, a valuecreating force,
which itself is deprived of value which is why Marx opposed wagelabour, for, in his view, man
cannot sell that which has no value, but which forms part of his nature. According to Abram L.
Harris, Marx, 'on one hand, thought of labour as the prime mover in production and thus a creator
of value. On the other, he looked upon labour as containing a meaning and a significance that
transcends its importance in production. In this last sense he considered labour to be the instrument
of a moral ethical purpose in the development of social life...Thus the chief purpose of Marx's
labour theory of value is to supply a philosophical basis for the significance he imputed to the
industrial proletariat. The theory supports an ideology. It does not explain how scarce resources
are distributed, either in a capitalist or a communist society.8'
In fine, economic equality is a vain word if in a society that aims at applying true democratic
principles, it is not coupled to the provision and safeguards for individual enterprise. Equality
without freedom can only be a coerced condition of social life, and its other name is tyranny. As
Abram L. Harris pointed out, theory in Marx supports his ideological presuppositions and biases.
Production is not basic, primary to human life a plurality of things are, which are perhaps
interrelated and interdependent. It would take gross dogmatism to take one aspect of human life and
8 Abram L. Harris, The Social Philosophy of Karl Marx, Ethics, vol. 58, no.3, April 1948.
erect it as supreme to the exclusion of others. Human life, human history calls for varied and
multiple explanations because of the plurality of conditions, interests and motives that exist in all
societies. A communist society is against this very notion of plurality people who live in such
societies are not empowered, let alone entitled, to follow their own pursuits. On the other hand, an
open society, to borrow Karl Popper's expression, provides the environment within which can a
human being will to realise the potentialities of his nature, or not. What then? Shall we conclude
with Winston Churchill that 'Socialism is a philosophy of failure, the creed of ignorance, and the
gospel of envy, its inherent virtue is the equal sharing of misery'?
Bibliography
Karl Marx, Grundrisse, German Ideology, Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844,
Communist Manifesto, Capital. Available in several editions.
Friedrich Engels, Socialsim: Utopian and Scientific, Authority. Available in several editions.
Friedrich von Hayek, The Road to Serfdom. University of Chicago Press, 1994.
Anthony Giddens, Capitalism and Modern Social Theory. Cambridge University Press, 1973.
C. Wright Mills, The Marxists. Pelican Books.
Abram L. Harris, The Social Philosophy of Karl Marx, Ethics, vol. 58, no.3, April 1948.
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy(online)