THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND CULTURE

Submitted to
Mrs Aatika Salam

By

Saleem Akhtar
Diploma TEFL
Course 5656 Sociolinguistics
Roll No. AH 526832
AIOU
ABBOTTABAD

Spring 2010

ABSTRACT

This project report discusses the inseparability of language and c

ulture. The intimate relationship between Pashto language and Pakhtun culture is
strikingly illustrated by the survey, which confirms the view that language and
culture cannot exist without each other.
Language and culture are closely linked to each other, and througho
ut history, they have grown in tandem; in the first instance, however, the rudim
ents of language were necessary for the establishment of culture. If culture can
be likened to a living cell, then language is its DNA, encoding cultural inform
ation and making possible its transmission.
Language is the source of culture, and in the end, it is also its essence. Langu
age permits the organization, transmission, and evolution of culture, gradually
changing as behaviour changes.

INTRODUCTION
WHAT IS LANGUAGE?

Language is the unique possession of man. It is God’s gift to mankind

. Without language human civilization as we know it would have remained an impos
sibility. Language is ubiquitous. It is present everywhere-in our thoughts and d
reams, prayers and meditations, relations and communications, and rituals. Besid
es being a means of communication, and a storehouse of knowledge, it is an instr
ument of thinking as well as a source of delight (e.g. singing). Language dissip
ates superfluous nervous energy, directs motion in others, both men and animals,
sets matter in motion as in charms and incantations, transfers knowledge from o
ne person to another, from one generation to another. Language is also the maker
and unmaker of human relationships. It is the use of language that makes a life
bitter or sweet. Without language man would have remained only a dumb animal. I
t is our ability to communicate through words that makes us different from anima
ls. Because of its omnipresence, language is often taken for granted. But many a
time it has become the serious concern not only of linguists but also of philos
ophers, logicians, psychologists, scientists, and literary critics, to name a fe
w.

DEFINITION OF LANGUAGE

Language is a very complex human phenomenon; all attempts to define i

t have proved
inadequate. In a nutshell, language is an ‘organized noise’ used in actual social si
tuations.
That is why it has also been defined as ‘contextualized systematic sounds’
In the Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol.13, language is defined as “a syste
m of conventional, spoken or written symbols by means of which human beings, as
members of a social group and participants in its culture, communicate.”
Some other definitions which are currently popular in linguistic circles are cit
ed below:
1) “Language is a primarily human and non-instinctive method of communicating idea
s, emotions and desires by means of a system of voluntarily produced symbols.”

Sapir. Language, 1921

2) “Language may be defined as the expression of thought by means of speech-sounds
.”
Henry Swee
t, The History of Language
3) According to Transformational Generative linguists like Noam Chomsky, languag
e is the innate capacity of native speakers to understand and form grammatical s
entences.

WHAT IS CULTURE?
Culture is an integral part of every society. It is a learned patte
rn of behaviour and ways in which a person lives his or her life. Culture is ess
ential for the existence of a society, because it binds people together. In the
explicit sense of the term, culture constitutes the music, food, arts and litera
ture of a society. However, these are only the products of culture followed by t
he society and cannot be defined as culture.
According to English anthropologist Edward B Taylor, culture is tha
t complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, custom, and
any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.
Culture is something that a person learns from his family and surro
undings, and is not ingrained in him from birth. It does not have any biological
connection because even if a person is brought up in a culture different from t
hat in which he was born, he imbibes the culture of the society where he grows u
p. It is also not a hidden fact that some people feel the need to follow the bel
iefs and traditions of their own culture, even though they might be not subscrib
ing to certain ideologies within.
Culture is a complex tool which every individual has to learn to sur
vive in a society. It is the means through which people interact with others in
the society. It acts in a subconscious way and whatever we see and perceive, see
ms to be normal and natural. Sometimes, other societies and people seem to be a
little odd because they have a different culture from ours. We must remember tha
t every society has a distinct culture that forms the backbone of the society. C
ulture does not remain stagnant, on the other hand it is evolving constantly and
is in fact somewhat influenced by other cultures and societies.
Every society has a different culture, where people share a specific
language, traditions, behaviours, perceptions and beliefs. Culture gives them a
n identity which makes them unique and different from people of other cultures.
When people of different cultures migrate and settle in another society, the cul
ture of that society becomes the dominant culture and those of the immigrants fo
rm the subculture of the community. Usually, people who settle in other nations
imbibe the new culture, while at the same time strive to preserve their own.

Although every society has a specific culture, there are certain ele
ments of culture that are universal. They are known as cultural universals, in w
hich there are certain behavioural traits and patterns that are shared by all cu
ltures around the world. For instance, classifying relations based on blood rela
tions and marriage, differentiating between good and bad, having some form of ar
t, use of jewellery, classifying people according to gender and age, etc., are c
ommon in all cultures of the world.
Culture is necessary to establish an order and discipline in the soc
iety. It is not only a means of communication between people, but also creates a
feeling of belonging and togetherness among people in the society.

WHAT IS THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND CULTURE?

Language is the verbal expression of culture. A culture s language
contains everything its speakers can think about and every way they have of thin
king about things. For example, the Latin language has no word for the female fr
iend of a man (the feminine form of amicus is amica, which means mistress, not f
riend) because the Roman culture could not imagine a male and a female being equ
als, which they considered necessary for friendship. Another example is that Esk
imos have many different terms for snow...there are nuances that make each one d
ifferent.
 Language and culture are interrelated and therefore cannot be separ
ated. This is why translators always have problems in translating idiomatic expr
essions which are largely influenced by the culture and social behaviour of a pe
ople. For example the Chinese expression: 放馬過來, literally, "put horse come here" is rat
er meaningless in its English translation and expression. In Chinese, it is a se
ntence uttered to challenge someone to a duel. It is equivalent to "I dare you!"
But what has "setting horses free" got to do with challenging someone to a figh
t? It has to do with the culture and social behaviour of the Chinese at the time
this expression became common usage and is now part of the Chinese lingo.

LANGUAGES SPOKEN IN PAKISTAN

Pakistan has two official languages: Urdu, which is also the national
language and Pakistan s lingua franca, and English. Additionally, Pakistan has f
our major provincial languages: Punjabi, Pashto, Sindhi, and Balochi, as well as
two major regional languages: Saraiki and Kashmiri
NATIONAL LANGUAGE: URDU
Urdu is Pakistan s national language and the lingua franca of Pakist
an. Only about 8% of the population of Pakistan has Urdu as its mother tongue. I
t is written in a modified form of the Arabic alphabet. The first recorded poetr
y in Urdu was by the Persian poet Amir Khusro (1253); the first published Urdu b
ook, Dah Majlis, was written in 1728. The first time the word "Urdu" was used wa
s in 1751, by Sirajuddin Arzoo.
PROVINCIAL LANGUAGES
Punjabi is spoken as a first language by 45% of Pakistanis. It is a
n important language as about 70% of Pakistanis can speak or understand it. Howe
ver, Punjabi does not have any official status in Pakistan.
Sindhi is spoken as a first language by about 14% of Pakistanis, mos
tly in the Province of Sindh and the southeastern parts of the Province of Baloc
histan. Sindhi is known for its very rich literature and is taught in schools in
the province of Sindh. The Sindhi language is rich in vocabulary and is conside
red one of the oldest languages in the Indus valley. Currently the Sindhi Abjads
contain a grand total of 53 alphabets. Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai is considered t
he most influential and famous poet of the Sindhi language. The largest Sindhi-s
peaking city is Hyderabad, Pakistan, however it is spoken throughout the provinc
e.
Balochi is spoken as a first language by about 4% of Pakistanis, mo
stly in the Province of Balochistan. The name Balochi is not found before the te
nth century. It is believed that the language was brought to its present locatio
n in a series of migrations from Northern Iran, near the Caspian Shores. Rakshan
i is the major dialect group in terms of numbers. Sarhaddi, is a sub-dialect of
Rakshani. Other sub-dialects are Qalati, Chagai-Kharani, Panjguri. Eastern Hill
Balochi or Northern Balochi is very different from the rest.
THE HISTORY OF PASHTO LANGUAGE
Pashto language is as old as the “Pakhtuns” because Pashto is not only th
e name of a language that has a very rich history, but a language with deeply ro
oted norms, values, and traditions. Pashto language has a very rich, traditional
culture dating back almost 7000 years. In fact, the “Pakhtuns” are considered to ha
ve branched off from “Aryan”— a civilization that existed around 3000 BC.
Ancient texts such as the Rig-Veda, a sacred Hindi collection written
in 1400 B.C., have also been found to contain references to Pashto and the “Pashtu
n” peoples (Khan, 1964). Herodotus, a Greek historian who wrote his biography from
486-521 BC, mentions the word Paktika — a province in northern Afghanistan. From
such compilations of artifacts and historical data, the majority of researchers
now believe that the Pashto language is roughly 3500 to 2500 years old. This ass
ertion has also been confirmed by Afghan Researcher Abdul Hai Habibi in his book
“Pata Khazana” (Habibi, 2001).
The roots of the Pashto language and foundations of Pakhtun culture de
veloped in very interesting ways. Jebi in his thesis notes that “Lwekan”, which rule
d Ghazni and Baltistan in 960 B.C., contains the root “Lway” which translates to big
and powerful in Pashto (Jebi, 1960). Furthermore, archeologists have discovered
that some Pashto letters contain mud stamps in the area of Swat, which belonged
to the Asori Regime that ruled in 700 B.C. In his book “Da Pashto Tarikh” (History
of Pashto), Muhammad Younus Khan points out that in Japanese emperor Mikado’s libr
ary there were many books on the teachings of Buddhism that were simultaneously
written in Pashto. Accordingly the current writing style of Pashto can be traced
back 2500 years ago (Khan, 1964).
Pashto is also considered to be a part of other language families. A
uthor Jebi in his research “Pakhwani Pakhto Dwa Neem Zara Kala Makhkay” (Old Pashto
2500 years before) writes that Iran was ruled by Darwesh around 486 BC to 522 BC
. Darwesh was a ruler well-known for his leadership skills and the legislative r
eforms. After passing away, poems were written praising the qualities of the rul
er, with most of these poems written in Pashto (Jebi A. R., 1974). Since then, P
ashto has been world-renowned for its poetry. Perhaps this is the reason that nu
merous historians and Iranica (Encyclopedia of Iran) believe that the Pashto lan
guage belongs to the Eastern Iranian family of languages (Williams, 2010).
On the basis of above discussions, one could argue that Pashto is as
old as many other historic languages like Sanskrit and Osta. According to the mo
st reliable sources and facts, its roots can be traced back some 3500 years to 2
500 years ago.
PASHTO IN PAKISTAN
Pashto is the first language of about 15.42% of Pakistan s 170 milli
on people. It is the main language of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Federally Administered
Tribal Areas (FATA) and northwestern Balochistan, but also spoken in parts of M
ianwali and Attock districts of the Punjab province as well as by Pakhtuns who a
re found living in different cities throughout the country. Modern Pashto-speaki
ng communities are also found in the cities of Karachi and Hyderabad in Sindh. W
ith close to 7 million ethnic Pakhtuns by some estimates, Karachi has the larges
t Pakhtun population in the world.
Other communities of Pashto speakers are found in northeastern Iran, p
rimarily in South Khorasan Province to the east of Qaen, near the Afghan border,
and in Tajikistan. There are also Pakhtun communities in the southwestern part
of Jammu and Kashmir as well as in Uttar Pradesh, India.
Sizable Pashto-speaking communities also exist in the Middle East, e
specially in the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, as well as in the United
States, United Kingdom, Thailand, Canada, Germany, Netherland, Sweden, Qatar an
d Australia

HOW PASHTO LANGUAGE RELATES TO CULTURE AROUND

MANNERS
 The Pakhtuns have several ways of greeting and salutation. Strange
rs passing on a road or thoroughfare exchange courtesies such as "Starrey ma she
y" (May you not be tired) and "Pa khair raghley" (welcome). This is answered by
"Khudai de mal sha" (May God be with you), "Pa khair ossey" (May you live in pea
ce) and "Ma khwaraigey" (May you not be poor). The Pakhtuns usually embrace thei
r friends and relatives when they meet them after a long absence and warmly rece
ive each other by a hearty handshake. This is followed by a train of questions a
bout each others welfare like "Jorr yey" (Are you alright?), "Khushal yey" (Are
you happy?), "Takkrra yey" (Are you hale and hearty?) "Warra Zagga Jorr di" (Ar
e your family members hale and hearty?) and "Pa Kor key Khairyat de" (Is every b
ody well at home?).
A visitor entering a village Hujra is greeted with the traditional s
logan of "Har Kala Rasha" (May you always come) and he replies "Har kala ossey"
(May you always abide). Friends while parting commit each other to the care of G
od by saying "Pa makha de kha" (May you reach your destination safely), and "Da
khudai pa aman" (To the protection of God).
When meeting a pious or an elderly person, a Pakhtun bows a little and
keeps his hands on his chest as a mark of veneration. When talking about a dece
ased person, they often say "Khudai de obakhi" (May God forgive him). If a man s
uddenly appears at the time of conversation between some or more persons about h
im, they immediately exclaim "Omar de ziyat de, Oss mo yadawalay" (You have a lo
ng life, we were just talking about you). The Pakhtuns very often use the word "
Inshallah" (God Willing) "Ka Khudai ta manzura wee" "Ka Khair Wee" (if all goes
well) when they promise to accomplish a task at a particular time.
PASHTO MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
RABAB
A Rabab is the most prominent amongst all the musical instruments us
ed in Pashto music. It can be heard in almost all melodies and songs, whether as
a sole stringed instrument, or as an accompaniment. Its construction is "drum l
ike" because the mane of a Rabab is skin covered like a drum with the exception
of the permanent tension on the skin, whereas on a drum the tension is adjustabl
e. Its sound can be heard from quite far away. A Rabab is popularly played, also
in Kashmiri and Baluchi music.
CHATRALAY SITAR
A Chatralay Sitar is a very simple and very old musical instrument wi
th the most magical sound, directly influencing the solar plexus. It is not loud
and can barely be heard in a mix of musical instruments, but heard being played
and accopmanied by Mangay, it is pure tranquility. Even though it is played ove
r a vast region, including Afghanistan, parts of Iran and in two provinces of Pa
kistan, namely Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan, it carries the name "Chatrala
y Sitar", meaning the sitar from Chitral (a small but beautiful, and one of the
north western-most areas of Pakistan bordering Afghanistan.
BAJA (HARMONIUM)
A Baja is an organ type instrument. It is very popularly played in Pa
shto music, and is usually used by singers as an enhancement to vocal rehearsals
. Its keys are played with one hand while the other hand is used to pump air int
o the instrument. It is played very commonly in all the countries of the Indian
sub-continent and Afghanistan.
SHPELAI (BAMBOO FLUTE)
 A Shpelai is a common bamboo flute used almost all over the world. I
t has a very special place in Pashto music and is loved by almost everyone, espe
cially when faintly heard from far away in the quiet of a moon-lit summer night.
It is frequently played by sheep herders, just like it has been played by sheep
herders through thousands of years.
BANJO
A Banjo is a very unusual musical instrument. (It is totally unlike th
e American banjo). This stringed instrument is pick-strummed and is keyed like a
Baja (Harmonium). A very pleasant sounding instrument which is quite popular am
ongst Pashto music listeners, but unfortunately not too many people play this in
strument professionally, hence it is not as common as some of the other musical
instruments used in Pashto music. It is played throughout Pakistan but not too m
uch, despite its pleasant sound.
SARINDA
A Sarinda is an un-common stringed and bowed instrument. It has a ve
ry high pitched but enchanting sound and is commonly used in Pashto music. It is
played while sitting on the ground just like most South Asian instruments. It i
s generally played joyously but can be played otherwise.
DRUZZA
This instrument is without any doubt unusual, not just because the o
nly person (Zarnosh) that plays it has also invented it. But the whole instrumen
t is two six-inch wheat stems not even attached to one another. Both the stems a
re flattened on one end, (like a reed) and a constant flow of air is blown throu
gh the flattened ends. One of the stems has just three frets and the other has n
one. It is played by maintaining a pocket of air in the mouth which is blown int
o the stems and simultaneously taking in air through the nasal passage to mainta
in a constant sound. It sounds like an Indian snake charmer s wind instrument (B
een)
DUPRAI/DUKRAI
Duprai/Dukrai is the Indian Tabla. It is a pair of percussion instru
ments played by highly skilled players. It is very commonly used throughout the
world. It is played a little bit differently in Pashto music, since most of Pash
to music has a Greek/Macedonian type beats. Tabla players around the Pashto musi
c listening areas are commonly observed as pasting dough onto the center of the
larger of the drum pair to improve the sound.
MANGAY
A Mangay is a recepticle used for the storage of water, and has been us
ed as such for thousands of years. It has a wide belly with about a four inch op
ening at the neck. It is used as a musical instrument only when completely dry.
It is played with the flat palm of one hand, trapping and releasing air in the M
angay, producing a booming sound, and with the other hand, softly striking its o
utside either with a finger-ring, a coin or a pebble. To produce a greater boom,
a sheet of inner auto-tyre tube rubber is tightly tied onto the neck of the Man
gay and is beaten with the hand like a drum. To further enhance the sound, it is
accompanied by a "Cheelum" (the base of a hubble-bubble or a water-pipe) into w
hich water is poured, proportionate to sound desired, and is beaten with a soft
shoe sole producing a sharper and higher pitched boom. Played together with a Ch
atralay Sitar, it is transcendental.
DHOL
A dhol is a two sided percussion instrument, which comes in many size
s, It is sometimes played by striking it with bare hands and sometimes with wood
en sticks. It is widely used all over the Indian sub-continent. In Pashto speaki
ng areas, it is commonly used by the Khattak tribe, to a distinct beat, of which
the Khattak dance is performed. It can be, and is used as a stand-alone instrum
ent which accompanies wedding songs sung generally by women in the many thousand
s of villages and towns of south Asia.
OTHERS
Besides the musical instruments mentioned above, there are many othe
rs, like Cheng, Dutara, Gungru, Naghara, Santoor, Surna, Tambal, etc. that are u
sed in Pashto Music, including most European and eastern ones.
PASHTO MUSIC
TAPPA
Tappa is the oldest and most popular genre of the Pashto poetry. The
Tappa is a composition of two unequal meters, in which the first line is shorter
than the succeeding one, yet it reflects all human feelings and aspirations ele
gantly. Be it labourers, peasants, or women; all sentiments find expression in t
he Tappa. It is also common among the Pakhtuns that a boy of school would sing i
t, the elders in their Hujras, the women in their home and Godar alike. It is th
e only song sung in the time of grief and on the occasion of marriage. In music
it is sung with the traditional Pashto musical instruments Rabab and Mangay. Tap
pa has up to 16 different models of harmony and is being sung with full orchestr
a. In Hujra it is sung with Rabab and Sitar.
CHARBETA
Charbetta is another popular genre, which consists of an epic poem w
ith special rhythms. There are four kinds of Charbetta. Normally, it is a poem o
f four lines but might also have six or eight lines. All aspects of life are dis
cussed in it. That includes the heroic deeds and heroism by legendary figures an
d sometimes expresses the romantic feelings. The tempo is usually very fast and
is sung by two or more singers as part of a chorus in which one singer reads the
first line while the others follow the remaining. The singing or recitation of
a Charbetta is called Tang Takore. Traditionally Charbetta is started just after
the finishing of a Tappa.
NEEMAKAI
Neemakai has many different forms and normally women compose it. It
is usually very short (1 to 3 lines). The first lines are repeated in the middl
e of the song and Tappa is usually added according to the subject and circumstan
ces. Most of these songs in Pakhtun culture have been expressed in different are
as about daily life and love.
LOBA
Loba is very popular among the masses and are added within Tappas occ
asionally. This is a form of folk music in which a story is told. It requires tw
o or more persons who reply to each other in a poetic form. The two sides are us
ually the lover and the beloved (the man and woman).
SHAAN
 Shaan is sung during happiness such as marriages and on the birth of a
child, and also sung in private congregations and social gatherings.
BADALA
Badala is a professional form of folk music and consists of an epic poe
m or a ballad. Instruments used include the Rabab, Harmonium, Drums and Tabla. I
n Badala, tribal traditions are the main theme as well as heroism, tragedies and
romance. Badala consists of variations, because each couplet is varied in rhyth
ms from other. It is sung traditionally at night.
ATTAN
Pakhtun are zealous participants in various physical forms of art w
hich include traditional Pakhtun dance, sword fighting and other physical feats.
One of the most prominent dances in Pakhtun culture is ‘Attan’. This dance is perfo
rmed by enthusiasts with musicians playing dhols (drums), Tablaas (percussions)
and a wooden flute. Another type of Attan known as Braghoni require much more sk
illed performers due to the use of up to three swords and spinning nature of the
dance. It is common to see young Pakhtun girls entertaining at wedding ceremoni
es with the help of tambourine.
Choral singing is part of the Pakhtun culture. Pakhtuns have a folk
song tradition that includes special songs for marriages and funerals. Poems kno
wn as ‘matal’are very popular. Pakhtun women are known for their handicrafts, which
are popular worldwide. The Pakhtuns in the city sew unique designs on their clot
hes and wear small hats made of silk.
JEWELLERY
The Pakhtun women wear simple dress. It consists of a Partoog (Trouse
rs), Qamees (Shirt) and a Dupatta (chaddar or scarf). Old women prefer loose and
baggy trousers, long shirts with wider sleeves and coloured clothes. Fashionabl
e clothes and footwear are now becoming popular among the new generation owing t
o constant intermingling of the people with the inhabitants of cities. New dress
es are becoming common, as girls are not averse to modern comforts and fashions.
With the march of time, old heavy silver ornaments have been discarded and repl
aced by modern and delicate ones. The Pakhtun women use a variety of jewellery s
uch as pendants, bracelets and necklaces. The pendants include Paizwan, Nata or
Natkai (large nose rings), Chargul, Peeta and Maikhakay (small nose ornaments),
Wallai, Jarmootey, Dewadi and Duroona (large ear rings), and Teek worn on the fo
rehead. The bracelets comprise of Wakhi, Bavoo, Karrey and Bangri or bangles. Ha
ar and Taweezoona may be mentioned among necklaces. Besides the use of silver or
naments called Sangley (Pazaib) worn round feet near ankle, Ogey or neclet, Zanz
eer or chain and finger rings, are also in common use.
The Paizwan is suspended below the nostril edge. Chargul and Nata ar
e worn on the right side of the outer part of the nose and Maikhakai and Peeta,
comparatively smaller ornaments, are worn on the left side of the nose. Haar and
Taweezoona consist of three to five flat silver pieces about one and half inch
squares each, are worn over the breast. The Zanzeer, a silver ornament about ten
inches in length and imbedded with shining stones, is also suspended from the s
hirt collar on the breast.
EID FESTIVAL
There are two Muslim religious festivals, Warookay Akhter (Eid ul F
itr) and Loy Akhtar (Eid ul Adha). The word Eid is an Arabic word that means “fest
ivity”. Eid, like other parts of the Muslim world is celebrated with religious zea
l. Eid is held according to the lunar calendar. The event marks the end of Ramad
an (the name of month in which Muslims observe fasting) and the start of Shawal
(the 9th month according to the lunar calendar). Fasting during Ramadan is a sy
mbolic reminder of the starving, hungry and needy people, and encourages Muslims
to donate generously to the poor.
Pakhtuns start the Eid festival with the Akhtar Moonz (Eid Prayer)
which is considered Wajib (compulsory). Eid Prayer is a congressional prayer tha
t is often offered in open air atmosphere, mosque or in halls. The Eid prayer is
followed by the Khutbah (Sermon) and then a Dua (Supplication) in which people
ask for Allah’s forgiveness, mercy, peace and blessings for all living beings acro
ss the world. Besides offering prayers for their own prosperity, Pakhtuns offer
special prayers for the prosperity and well-being of all people living in their
country. After the end of prayers, all the people greet each other with Akhtar d
ey Mubarak Sha (“Happy Eid Greetings”). People visit their relatives and friends to
exchange Eid greetings and celebrate the festival. Usually special gifts or cas
h are offered to the children. Special meals are cooked for the festival, includ
ing Maichay (a kind of noodle), Kabalee Polaw (rice prepared in Afghan Style), K
arahi (roasted mutton), and Methayee (sweets).

PAKHTUNWALI
The Pakhtun social structure, which has attracted the attention of m
any scholars is mainly governed by conventions and traditions and a code of hono
ur known as "Pakhtunwali". This unwritten code is the keystone of the arch of th
e Pakhtuns social fabric. It exercises a great influence on their actions and h
as been held sacrosanct by them generation after generation. In a broad sense, h
ospitality, magnanimity, chivalry, honesty, uprightness, patriotism, love and de
votion for the country are the essential features of Pakhtunwali.
JIRGA
Jirga is an assembly of tribal elders called for various purposes wh
ether waging war or composing peace, tribal or inter-tribal. The Jirga usually d
eals with inter-tribal affairs and serves as an instrument for dispensing speedy
and cheap justice. After careful consideration, the Jirga decides the disputes
on the basis of available evidence.
The Jirga assembles in a Hujra or a village mosque or in an open fie
ld outside the village under a shady tree. The Jirga members usually sit in a ci
rcle without any presiding officer. This Round Table Conference like a meeting w
ithout a chairman clearly reflects their love of democracy and principle of equa
lity irrespective of birth, wealth etc.
NARKH – TRADITIONAL OR INFORMAL LAW OR RULES
Pakhtuns solve their social problems through an institutional arrang
ement called “Jirga”. The Jirga system essentially serves as Shura (a council) where
notables of the society through mutual consultation make their best efforts to
solve various socio-economic and political problems and social disputes confront
ing Pakhtuns in a particular area. The rules of dispute resolution are called Na
rkh. Narkh may be regarded as all those informal and unwritten rules and regulat
ions that are based on precedent. The word Narkh literally means “price” because eac
h decision involves certain costs. The members of the Jirga commonly referred to
as Narkhis are mostly comprised of the village notables, Khan or Malik (landlor
ds) Speengeri (the elders) Mulvi Sahib (the priest) and educated people like doc
tors, lawyers and businessmen. To become a Narkhi, a person should have some so
und understanding of the culture and tradition specific to that area, and of the
particular tribe in general.
In most of the areas where Pakhtuns live including Afghanistan and
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan disputes that arise between the various
segments of the society are solved in accordance with the guidance of Narkh. It
 is worth mentioning, due to such laws and customs the crime rate in Pakhtun soc
iety is very minimal as compared to other parts of the world. Because of such cu
stoms one also finds that there is usually absence of formal government, as disp
utes between the members of the society are resolved by members of the society r
ather than by government officials.
MARAKA
Maraka may be described as a narrow foundation of dispute resoluti
on that has as a feature a widespread (time and space-bound) Narkh (institutiona
lized custom), and a body of Marakachian (elders of the Khail who work as a gove
rning body) whose Prikra (decision) about a dispute is binding on the parties in
volved. Maraka is essentially an informal Jirga that exists at the village level
. Maraka exists in Pakhun society to help people solve their disputes and develo
p a consensus on issues of common interest. There is a slight difference between
the concept of Jirga and the concept of Maraka. Jirga investigates and settles
disputes between the members of a particular region that are of relatively small
importance. By contrast, Marakas are for dispute resolution efforts, or develop
ing a consensus over an issue that is more important. An example of Maraka may
be a dispute between two Khails (kinship groups).
Jirga is usually comprised of different stakeholders like Khan and
Maliks (landlord of the village), Molvi Sahib (Priest), religious scholars, pol
itical figures, and educated people. On the other hand Maraka members are usuall
y elders of a Khail who permanently hold the position to solve disputes between
members of a particular kinship group.
A Khail is usually comprised of several immediate kinship groups tha
t are called Plarana or Plarganay. In turn, the Plarana includes several extende
d families that are related to one another by a common ancestor and whose member
s have strong shared association amongst themselves. In Pakhtun society, member
s of several Plarana usually live in a single village, and they usually share pu
blic facilities like Jumat (Mosque), Oba Khwar (water canal), Cheena (water spri
ng), and Jranda (mill). A dispute between the members of the Plarana often arise
s because a vast number of Pakhtuns earn their livelihood directly or indirectly
through agriculture and farming in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa as well as in Afghanistan
. While interacting with each other using these shared village facilities, dispu
tes between the members of different Khail can arise, and Maraka is the platform
that helps members of the society to solve these disputes.
There are three essential elements of Maraka. As per our above-state
d discussions, the three essential elements of Maraka are Narkh (institutionaliz
ed rituals), Marakchian (Kinship groups) and Prikra (decision that is binding on
the members), and together these elements are referred to as Maraka. Thus, a ga
thering of a Khail’s members lacking the manifestation of one or more of these ele
ments may well be considered just an ordinary meeting, rather than a true Maraka
.

HUJRAH
Hujra is a common sitting or sleeping place for males in the villag
e. Visitors and unmarried young men sleep in the Hujra. Expenses are usually sha
red by the village. Almost every Hujra has a mosque adjacent to it in the villag
e structure.
The Hujra, which represents the social character of the Pakhtuns, is a
useful institution and it plays a pivotal role in their daily life. It serves a
s a club, dormitory, guest house and a place for rituals and feastings. It is a
center for social activities as well as a Council Hall for the settlement of fam
ily and inter-tribal disputes. It is used as a male dormitory where bachelors of
the village sleep. It is a guesthouse where guests are jointly entertained by v
illage folk and a community center for betrothals, marriages and social function
s. Even condolences are offered in the Hujra on the demise of a person and sympa
thy expressed with the bereaved family. It is a place of public resort where vil
lage elders and youngsters get together in their leisure hours to discuss tribal
, national and international affairs and matters of mutual interest. The guests
and strangers are fed and sheltered free of all charges in the village Hujras.
CHEELUM
It is said that all the credit of the beautification of the Hujrah go
es to the Cheelum, i.e., without it the Hujrah will be incomplete and dull. The
cheelum is simply a water-pipe (called Sheesha in the Arab World and Hookah/Chee
lum in the sub-continent and Afghanistan).
MELMASTIA (HOSPITALITY)
Melmastia is the mechanism by which a Pakhtun offers lodging, foods
, as well as gifts to those who visit. The person who is served need not to be a
relative, friend or acquaintance of the Pakhtun; he can also be a stranger. Rel
atives and acquaintances are served in the Pakhtun’s house while alien persons and
friends are served in Hujra (a sort of guest room that is constructed as annex
to a Pakhtun’s house). In addition a Pakhtun’s honour is strengthened by the hospita
lity, as Melmastia increases the number of social networks to which he has acces
s. The larger the social network, the more legislative authority a Pakhtun will
have.
Hujra (guest room) serves the purpose of Melmastia on a day-to-day
basis, as every village in the Pakhtun belt has at least one Hujra where guests
come on regular intervals. Most of the guests that reside in the Hujra are outsi
de guests. Usually the Khan or the Malik (the landlord of the village) of the ar
ea provides all the facilities, including Kut (Beds), Balakhtona (pillows) and C
heelum (Hubble-bubble) and food servings on regular intervals.

GUNDI (ALLIANCE)
The term Gundi literally means “party”, “faction”, “bloc”, or “group of people”
di is a mechanism in Pakhtun society that is used to maintain the balance of pow
er between members within a society. It may be regarded as an agreement between
two tribes or a concord within the same tribe living in different regions of a g
eographic region where each party is responsible for ensuring the safety of the
other. In case fighting erupted between segments of the Gundi and another party,
the tribe that has a bilateral agreement with the party involved is required to
help its allies in the fight against the enemy. Essentially, the tradition of G
undi serves as a safeguard system for the interest of the parties involved.
It should be noted that if a tribe has a Gundi with another tribe, a
nd any person from the two has been killed by a third party, the Badal of that p
erson is that both parties involved in Gundi must participate in the revenge or
rectification process.
Through the tradition of Gundi, Pakhtun society develops informal re
lationships and a social network between the different tribes or the same tribe
living in different regions of Pakhtun society. These informal relationships are
very strong, however, and in the event of seeking support, a tribe may receive
help when requested as a result of these connections.
 Through the custom of Gundi, Pakhtuns create social networks to help
each other in times of both happiness and extreme sorrow. The rapport is uncond
itional, as those who form Gundi are always present to share the successes and a
dversity of its allies. They are also there to assist each other financially whe
n needed. If a party in a Gundi must make arrangements for the dowry of a member’s
daughter, it is very likely that the allies in the Gundi will help in the form
of monetary contributions and other assets.
In some cases the relationship between the two parties that are usu
ally established as a result of Gundi are transformed into “blood” relationships. Pa
khtun society may be regarded as a very close society where marriages are strong
ly encouraged across the allied communities. This further strengthens the relati
on between the two parties involved. Moreover, the relation of Gundi is al
so used for political purpose, and usually if a person who belongs to an allianc
e Gundi contests election, the other party in Gundi has to ensure that all his t
ribes or at least all his family members vote in the favour of his Gundi allies.

NAMOOS
The word Namoos is an Arabic word meaning “law”, “honour” or “customs.” Howev
r in Pakhtun society Namoos is used in its contextual meaning to mean “chastity.” Th
e Namoos of man essentially depends on the Namoos of woman whether she is his wi
fe, sister, mother, or daughter. In Pakhtun society it is duty of a man to prote
ct the Namoos of his family women and protect them from any sexual harm. This ha
s a lot to do with why Pakhtun society has very strict rules and customs in the
form of Parda (seclusion), Tor, Nang and Ghairat, and why the role of women in t
he society has been kept to a minimum compared to what one sees in Western socie
ty or even other parts of Pakistan. This is also a reason why the majority of t
he marriages in Pakhtun society are arranged marriages where the parents decide
when and to whom a girl will be married.
Pakhtun society has very strict rules and regulations, and an act th
at is considered decent in other parts of the world is considered against the Na
moos of all Pakhtuns. For example if a woman wears very tight clothes, this is c
onsidered an act against the Namoos of the Pakhtuns. Moreover Pakhtuons historic
ally celebrate the birth of boys, however the birth of a girl especially if it i
s the first child is considered against the Namoos of Pakhtun. A man has full ri
ghts to safeguard the Namoos of his family, and to this end, has full control ov
er the female family members. Depending on the extent of one’s Namoos lost in the
eyes of the community, even very severe punishments such as forced abortion, ev
en death, are considered options. The punishment of death for infidelity, or “hono
ur killing,” emerges from the concept of Namoos, and a woman can be put to death i
f family members think that she has had an unlawful relation with a male.
SWARA

In Pushto the word "Swara" is used for that female who is riding on a
horse/camel or any conveyance (carriage). Since in good old days as there were
no other means of carriage except animals, so the palanquins in the marriages we
re used to be carried on horse/camel. In the same way the female ( given in comp
romise to rival party) were send to her "New House" on the back of camel/horse a
nd for this reason the word "Swara" got popular.
The customary act of Swara is largely prevalent in various parts of t
he country, by the virtue of which, instead of giving blood money as "badl-e-sul
ha" an accused family gives their girl or girls in marriage to an aggrieved fami
ly as "compensation" to settle blood feud between them.
 Generally, girls are given Swara in marriage as compensation for murd
er, adultery, abduction and kidnapping committed by the men of the family. Women
are compelled to sacrifice their father, brother or uncle for the crime they ha
ve committed. Jirga decides the fate of women and the pronouncement of Swara wit
hout the consent of the women concerned. These Jirgas constitute only the male m
embers of the village or community.
This practice of handing over a female in reconciliation to a male of
an enemy s family is exercised in different circumstances. The most popular cir
cumstance where a young girl is given as a compensation is that of homicidal dis
pute consisting of a murder committed either by her brother, father or even uncl
e. In order to settle down the rivalries and disputes and bring peace between th
e rival families, the Jirga (a council or jury of the tribal elders) is often ap
proached. It strives for reaching a reconciliation and compensation that may end
in the form of a monetary payment or the handing over of a female of the guilty
party to the aggrieved and affected party.
As in most parts of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the tribal areas, the J
irga system is still in vogue for the settlement of disputes, including conflict
ing claims to land and water, intra-tribal or inter-tribal murders, inheritance
and alleged breaches of the honour code. This Jirga mostly consists of the rever
ed, noble and influential personalities of the area or tribe which after listeni
ng to the arguments and comments of both the parties involved in the dispute pas
ses its judgement. The Jirga usually consists of the male members of both the ac
cused and the deceased parties. Both the parties have to accept the judgement pa
ssed by the Jirga, otherwise the party not abiding by the decision is held liabl
e. In order to settle the dispute and to make a truce, the Jirga may fix some ca
sh money, a piece of land, animals, guns and one or two or more maidens to be gi
ven by the accused party to the aggrieved party. A female given in such a compro
mise is called "Swara".

The use of women as part of a compensation is thought to be an effe

ctive way of putting a permanent end to enmity as the link of marriage brings th
e families together and the offspring of such a wedlock keeps the two families a
way from further fighting. If the Swara is adult or mature, she is handed over t
o the rival party, but in case she has not attained maturity, she is kept in tru
st at her parent s home. It is totally at the discretion of the aggrieved party
which decides whether to perform the Nikah then or later at its own will to furt
her disgrace her family. On such occasions, even the concerned female is not con
sulted as to whether she consents to be handed over or not.
The other circumstance where Swara is given is that of settling the
dispute which arises due to the marriage of own will where the girl is put to f
light with her lover. This is considered by the girl s family as kidnapping and
a severe blow to its honour. Therefore it demands a Swara in compensation.
The Swara custom is also practised in circumstances where the victi
m or the heirs of a murdered victim whose case is settled in the court can lawfu
lly withdraw a criminal charge by accepting some monetary or other compensation.
This compensation is mostly accepted in the form of Swara. In this way the crim
inal can be pardoned at any stage before the execution of the sentence by the sa
crifice of a woman. The court is obliged to accept the compromise if the deal be
tween the victim s family and the perpetrators is presented to it.
The Swara agrees to going to the enemy s house in a bid to secure
the lives of the male members of her family. Once a girl is given away as Swara,
there is little chance of a happy life for her for there is no honour for such
girls. The treatment meted out to the Swara at her "new house" is horrifying. Sh
e is taunted at every moment and is cursed for being a swara. She lives a life w
orse even than a maid servant. The innocent Swara has to bear the brunt of a cri
me she has never committed for the rest of her life. Her ordeal is heart-wrenchi
ng as such a woman usually does not enjoy the full rights of a married woman. Sh
e is treated as a slave who has no say in her own life. She remains stigmatised
till her death. She is destined to go through immense torture because she is not
respected by her in-laws and is treated ignobly. There have been reports of the
Swara victim committing suicide in order to escape the wrath of her in-laws.
Although the practice was originally used to end feuds between enemie
s as the blood ties thus established were expected to create a blood bond which
would put an end to the feud, looking into the growing trend of Swaras and the t
reatment mated out to the Swara is really deplorable and must be put to an end.
GHAYRAT AND NANG
Ghayrat may be defined as the actions taken to safeguard a Pakhtun’s ho
nour. Nang is the set of practices that a Pakhtun has to follow while fighting o
r confronting an alien intruder. We can say that Nang is the set of behavioural
traits that a Pakhtun is obliged to display when fighting takes place between hi
s tribe and outsiders.
Ghayrat and Nang are two sets of normative practices; honourable act
ions in battle and proper defense of honour. Norms of battle include rules about
who may or may not be attacked (e.g., not civilians) as well as the accurate di
vision of war “rewards”. In Pakhtun society, Izzat (honor) is given to those who sho
w fighting skills. However it is not unusual for women to engage in combat — altho
ugh more often their role is to support the male fighters by displaying their Pa
ronnay (head shawl) to spur on the fight. They also rebuff disgraceful battalion
and reward honourable fighters, the latter of which earns distinction different
ly depending on the community in question.
The second form of chivalrous norms—Ghayrat involves the protection of
honour against embarrassment caused by another person. A harsh affront, act, or
situation that hurts somebody’s feelings requires that a Pakhtun defend his honou
r as stipulated by Pakhtunwali principles. According to Fredrik Barth, “this resis
tance requires a show of superior force by the insulted person”. Defense of honour
is often displayed through Badal (revenge), and as long as the revenge is not e
xcessive, the Jirga (the local council or assembly) does not obstruct or object
that such actions are taken. As Ahmad has pointed out in his book Millennium and
Charisma among Pathans, “for every man killed the code demands compensatory Badal
… and that Badal may even be a deterrent in homicidal tendencies”.
Thus the concepts of Ghayrat and Nang serve as mechanisms that guaran
tee social justice and order in Pakhtun society. Everyone in the society is expe
cted to live within his parameters. If one lives within those parameters set for
th by Pakhtunwali, there will be no need for extreme action.

COMPETITION AND RIVALRY

Seyali (competition) and Turborwali (rivalry) in Pakhtun society
also very noteworthy. Pakhtun society is an honour-based society, and efforts a
re constantly made to get ahead of one’s rival. Unlike other parts of the world, t
he first cousin (Turbor) in Pakhtun society is regarded as a rival and a strong
opponent. Each side of the family makes their best efforts to get ahead of its T
urbor, and two important concepts evolve from this, known as Seyali and Turborwa
li. The term “Turbor” literally means “first cousin,” however it also denotes the rivalr
y between two cousins. On the other hand, “Seyali” literally means “to compete.” The con
cept of Seyali is not only practiced with Turbor, but also with those who live i
n the village and have an equal social standing. For example, a Malik of the vil
lage will have Seyali with other Malik, and a Khan with another Khan.
Seyali is always practiced with those who have the same standing. An
example of Seyali might be if a Khan bought a brand new Mercedes Benz, the other
Khan, who has Seyali with the aforementioned Khan, will also buy a Mercedes Ben
z or in some cases even look for another model that is superior and has more pre
stige and value. If a Malik sends his son to a doctorate program in England, the
other Malik may send his son for one in the USA. It is worth mentioning that in
most of the cases, both parties do not have the resources to practice Seyali, a
s most of the village-dwelling people in Pakhtun society have agriculture-based
income that is usually just enough to cover the day-to-day expenses of the house
. However, when there is Seyali, a Khan or a Malik or a tribal leader may sell a
plot of land, take a loan from a relative or a financial institution, or in som
e extreme cases may even mortgage his house; but he will not get behind his oppo
nent in terms of Seyali.
The Turborwali is a slightly different concept than Seyali. Usually S
eyali is practiced with outside people who might be the same tribe, living in th
e same region, or have some political enmity. However, the Turborwali is practic
ed with the first cousin. Usually the Turborwali gets started with the unfair an
d unjust division of inherited land or other resources owned by the grandfather
that are usually distributed between the two uncles. This usually leads to long-
lasting feelings of bitterness between the two segments of the same family.

TOR (PUBLIC DISGRACE AND DEFAMATION)

Pakhtuns are very sensitive about the honour of their women folk. S
light molestation of the women is considered a solemn and unbearable offense. Th
e cases of infidelity and illegitimate relations between a Pakhtun man and woman
are put down with an iron hand. No stone is left unturned in avenging the culpr
its — whether male or female. Throwing a malevolent eye on women is synonymous to
risking one’s life in a Pakhtun society. Both sexes, therefore, carefully keep awa
y from immoderation when regarding immoral practices.
If a Pakhtun discovers that a particular person is having relations
with any female belonging to his house, then he neither spares the life of the f
emale nor that of her seducer. This concept is termed as Tor in Pashto. The term
Tor literally means “black” but may be used to mean “public disgrace” and “defamation”. So
e regard it as a form of stigmatization of a male and female who are both found
guilty of illicit amour on sufficient evidence. Both the man and woman are put t
o death according to the customary law. This type of extreme notoriety, abuse, a
nd slander are wiped out — justified, if you will — with the blood of the culprits.
Besides adultery, the death penalty is also prescribed for elopement which also
falls under the purview of the Tor.
In cases of Tor, murder is not accounted for and the woman relatives
are justified by the tribal law to kill their female relation as well as her par
amour. In case any of the persons guilty of adultery succeed in absconding, the
heirs of the female have every right to kill him/her whenever and wherever an op
portunity presents itself. Otherwise the matter remains in a state of Paighor (R
eproach/disapproval) for the Pakhtuns living in Pakhtun society.
The second aspect of Tor is that if the infidelity of a woman or the a
lleged involvement of adultery of both male and female is proved, then both are
put to death. Such punishments are used as deterrents for ignominious acts, prev
enting both sexes from daring to indulge in adulterous fornication in Pakhtun so
ciety. Although the concept of Tor appears quite extreme and unforgiving to the
eyes of most Westerners, for the Pakhtuns it is an act of trying to maintain hon
our by encouraging fidelity and ensuring social justice by reprimanding public d
isgrace whenever and wherever it occurs. Such practices are tied deeply to the c
oncept of Pakhtuwali and date back thousands of years in cultural traditions and
daily life.

CONCLUSION
It is generally agreed that language and culture are closely relat
ed. Language can be viewed as a verbal expression of culture. It is used to main
tain and convey culture and cultural ties. Language provides us with many of the
categories we use for expression of our thoughts, so it is therefore natural to
assume that our thinking is influenced by the language which we use. The values
and customs in the country we grow up in shape the way in which we think to a c
ertain extent.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1) Sociology by M Iqbal Chaudhry

2) An Introduction to the Study of Linguistics by Prof. Munawar Ali Malik
3) The Study of Language by George Yule
4) Sociolinguistics Supplementary Reading Material for Diploma TEFL
5) Sociolinguistics Course Book for Diploma TEFL
6) Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia
7) www.khyber.org
8) www.forgottendiaries.org
9) www.scribd.com