Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1<P90): 232-255
Haroon A. Khan
The inadequacies of the comparative public administration field lie with the
problem of comparison itself. The purpose of comparison is to give an
explanatory frame of reference, in terms of which we can account for
differences and similarities. Yet, there is not enough research in genuinely
comparative public administration. The basic reason for this gap between
conceptualization and research is that it is not possible to move easily from
theory to a level of actual empirical research.
One of the major problems in comparative research is how one can do
systematic comparisons across nations involving simplification, and abstrac-
tion from the specific setting of any particular nation while doing justice to
the special contextual factors of each nation. The problem of establishing
functional equivalence in variables across nations also hinders systematic
comparison.
Haroon A. Khan is Assistant Professor in Social Sciences at the Henderson State University,
Arkadelphia.
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Macro-level Theories
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transition; (2) theories of fertility decline; and (3) the theory of distributive
justice.
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Micro-Level Theories
The theory of differential fertility and the utility theory are the two important
theories within the domain of micro level research.
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Utility theory affirms that with increasing income, the cost of a child
increases and the utility of the child as a source of security declines. Parents
with more income can provide for their own security. The child becomes less
valuable as a producer, as income increases.31
Another explanation of the utility theory is given by Philippe Aries.
According to him, fertility decline is due to the privileged position of the
child. The fertility decline was not due to the decline of solidarity of the
family. Rather, there was a great centering of affection on children, and a
desire that they assume their social future in a climate where uncertainty
prevails about their well-being. Thus, worries about children discourage
parents from having larger family.32
Borrowing from the assumptions of the utility theory, Poffenberger,
and Bulatao came to the conclusion that one of the causes of high birth rates
in India was the value given to children, and the emphasis on having sons.33
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Development Approaches
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has been defined as the ability of the government to penetrate society and
extract resources. With data from 15 Indian states, Rouyer found out that
crude birth rate, family planning programme effort, mean female age at birth,
physical quality of life index (infant mortality, life expectancy at age one,
literacy rate), income per capita and political capacity had a strong indirect
effect on fertility decline.37
But Rouyer left unanswered the question of how government acquires
political capacity. He cites the importance of popular involvement in the
political process. This study seeks to make a significant addition to Rouyer's
assumption by emphasizing the importance of political culture in political
involvement. The nature of political involvement depends on the nature of
political culture.
For the Indian and Bangladeshi contexts, one needs to understand the
political culture held by the people at large in order to understand the success,
or failure of the government to control the population. The motivation for
child bearing cannot be understood without reference to the social environ-
ment. The implementation of population policies in a particular country
cannot be understood without reference to socio-political environment of
that country.
It is also believed that education influences implementation of popu-
lation policies by modifying people's attitudes. The role of education in the
inculcation of modern values has been emphasized by many authors.38 Other
authors maintain that education serves the conservative function of preserv-
ing traditional values.39 In this paper, I am trying to discover whether
education is influential in the implementation of population policies. I also
seek to find out whether education modifies traditional values, and helps in
the implementation of population policies.
Empirical Research
Hypotheses
From the above theoretical discussion, I can formulate the following hy-
potheses for the research purpose:
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HI: The more people are attached to traditional values, the more likely that
the birth control policies willface resistance. According to this hypothesis,
if people are skeptical towards change, more fatalistic, more dependent on
external power, or feel less efficacious, they will tend to resist birth control
policies. The logic of the hypothesis is that if people think they do not have
any control over the future, they cannot control the well-being of the children.
When people have deep faith in God (external power) as determining
everything, they do not want to accept birth control since they believe it is
God who will take care of the children;
H2: The more educated the people, the less likely that the birth control
policies will face resistance. According to this hypothesis, exposure to
education will create a more scientific outlook in people. Educated persons
will try to find a reason in every event. They tend to feel efficacious and
assume a positive and active attitude with regard to their future well-being.
Educated people tend to have more modern values and hence accept birth
control policies.
These two hypotheses are interrelated. There are close relationships
between modern values and education. Many authors have emphasized the
role of education in controlling the population size.40 However, there are
contradictory findings in the literature. This study seeks to separate these two
hypotheses in order to find out whether education does make a difference in
the acceptance of birth control policies.
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were chosen to represent the total population.44 These groups were chosen
randomly to represent different groups with different educational, and
occupational backgrounds. Stratified sampling was adopted in the selection
of individuals from both sexes. The sample was roughly divided into 50 per
cent males and 50 per cent females in both India and Bangladesh.
Cluster sampling enhanced both convenience and economy. Cluster
sampling was based on different steps clustering. For example, in India, the
first step clustering included a state, Orissa. The reason Orissa was chosen
was because it was a typical Indian state. It stood 9th among the 22 Indian
states in fertility decline and had a population growth rate of 2.8 per cent,
roughly equal to the national growth rate.45 The second step clustering
include a city. I chose Bhuvaneswer, the capital of Orissa. The third step
clustering included some villages. I chose Patiya, Vir Surendra Sai and
Chaksani. These villages were chosen for convenience and representation.
They are the surrounding villages of Bhuvaneswer and have different cross
sections of people representing different religious, occupational, and educa-
tional groups.
In Bangladesh, the first step clustering included a District (administra-
tive division), in this case, Chittagong. The reason for choosing Chittagong
was because the author was from Chittagong. It was convenient for
undertaking survey research because of the author's familiarity with the
population. Moreover, Chittagong is a typical district of Bangladesh.46 The
second step clustering included certain villages. I chose Jaldi, Puichari, and
Chambol. These are typical villages of the Chittagong area, representing
different cross sections of the population.
The sample size consisted of 5 50 married individuals, out of which 275
were from India, and 275 from Bangladesh. The sample was drawn on the
basis of stratification and randomization out of the voter registration. The
reason why only the married individuals were chosen was because in India
and Bangladesh, it was not socially acceptable to have children outside
marriage.
Findings
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coefficient B is the slope of the regression line for each of the independent
variables, controlling for others. Thus a B of .78 reflects the amount of
change in dependent variable (resistance) associated with a change in
independent variable, controlling for other variables.
TABLE 1
MULTIVARIATE ANALYSIS OF RESISTANCE
Dependent: Resistance
Multiple R =.76
R 2 =.58
Adjusted R =.58
From the results of Table 1, it is found that traditional values are the
most influential independent variable. SE B is the standard error around the
regression line (B). It is calculated to detect unexplained variation around the
regression line. The low level of standard error in Table 1 bolsters the
probability that the results are accurate. In Table 1, R2 is .58, large enough
to establish a meaningful prediction. The multiple R is .76. The relationship
of traditional values and resistance is significant at .01 level and the
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TABLE2
MULTIVARIATE ANALYSIS IN INDIA
Dependent: Resistance
Multiple R = .76
R1 = .57
Adjusted R2 = .57
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TABLE 3
MULTIVARIATE ANALYSIS IN BANGLADESH
Dependent: Resistance
Multiple R =.76
R2 = .57
Adjusted R* =.57
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TABLE 4
RESULTS OF MULTIPLE REGRESSION
Dependent: Resistance
Multiple R =.76
R2 = .58
Adjusted R* =.58
The multiple R in the above analysis is .76, while the R2is .58. Thus
the independent variables statistically explain a substantial portion of the
variation in resistance to birth control policies.
In order to estimate the reliability of the questionnaire, the split half
method was used. The correlation of the two halves was estimated with the
calculation of Cronback's Alpha which was = .854, signifying high correla-
tion. The use of construct validity and multi-method techniques enhance the
ability to conclude that deeply held cultural values are the greatest impedi-
ments to the success of birth control policies in India and Bangladesh.
Discussion
The results of the data analysis show that if people are sceptical about the
future, have greater trust in their children for support during old age than the
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government, then they tend to resist birth control policies. The relevance of
the findings can be ascertained from the experiences of India and Bangladesh
in population control. Recently, both governments have taken certain
measures to satisfy people's concern during old age if they are willing to
undergo sterilization. However, the implementation of policies is being
undermined by people's desire for more sons because of their lack of trust in
the government's support during old age or in the case of any emergency
when they traditionally depend on sons. The desire for more children is
strengthened by high infant mortality in both countries. Parents want to make
sure they have one surviving son. From the historical analysis, it is found that
people undergo sterilization only after they already had a sufficient number
of children, especially sons. In India, enthusiasm for vigorous population
control suffered a setback after people's resistance to forced sterilization
during the 1970s.
The data analysis further suggests that if people have more confidence
in their government, feel more efficacious and optimistic about the future,
then they would be likely to accept birth control policies. How the govern-
ment can gain the confidence of the people is beyond the scope of this
research project. However, governments can take a positive (if very
expensive) role in providing social security to parents during old age or
emergencies. Though it is difficult to break the traditional dependence on
sons, the government might provide credible assurances of security to
parents during old age or emergencies. In the course of time, people would
feel more positive towards the government and hence, more accepting of its
policies. The government can take an active role in improving the health care
system and standard of living. If infant mortality is reduced, it would lessen
the desire for more sons because when the parents see their sons survive, they
would be less likely to have more children.48 Another way to build people's
confidence in the govememnt may be by greater participation of the people
in decision-making. When people have more say in the government, they
would feel more efficacious. When people feel more efficacious, they tend
to have more modern values. Consequently, as our data analysis suggest,
more modern values would lead to more acceptance of birth control policies.
One of the important findings in our research is that education is not an
automatic guarantee for birth control, even though many authors suggest
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Conclusion
NOTES
1. Fred W. Riggs, "Bureaucratic Links: Between Administration and Politics," paper presented
at the American Political Science Association, Atlanta, Georgia, 1989.
2. I. Sharkansky, Public Administration (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1978).
3. Fred W. Riggs, Frontiers of Developing Administration (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1971).
4. D.A.Goulet,"DevelopmentforWhat,"Comparat/ve/>o/jrica/5f«rfiej 1 (January 1968): 295-
301.
5. Martin Landau, "Decision Theory and Comparative Public Administration," Comparative
Political Studies 1 (January 1968): 175-94.
6. Fred W. Riggs, Administration in Developing Countries (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1964).
7. Samuel Katz, "Exploring a System Approach to Development Administration," in Fred W.
Riggs, ed., Readings in Comparative Public Administration (Durham, North Carolina: Duke
University Press, 1970).
8. Ferrel Heady, Public Administration: A Comparative Perspective (New York: Mercel Dekker,
Lie, 1979).
9. S.J. Higginbotham, Cultures in Conflict (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975).
10. Robert A. Dahl, Modern Political Analysis (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1972).
11. Gabriel Almond, "Comparative Political Systems " Journal ofPolitics 18 (September 1956):
391-409.
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Asian Journal of Public Administration
12. A.L. Kalleberg, "The Logic of Comparison," World Politics 19 (January 1966): 69-82.
13. Gabriel Almond and Sydney Verba, Civic Culture (New Jersey. Princeton University
Press, 1965).
14. Stephen White, Political Culture and Soviet Politics (London: MacMillan, 1979).
15. FrankFischer, Politics, Values and Public Policy (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1980).
16. David Elkins and Richard Simeon, "A Cause in Search of Its Effects or What Does Political
Culture Explain?" Comparative Politics 11 (January 1979): 127-45.
17. 1988 World Population Data Sheet (Washington, D.C.: Population Reference Bureau).
18. K. Davis, Population, Environment, and Third World Development (Berkeley: University of
Berkeley Press, 1973).
19. I. Sirajeldin, D. Norris and M. Ahmed, "Fertility in Bangladesh: Facts and Fancies,"
Population Studies 29 (July 1975): 207-15.
20. S. Chandrasekkar, Infant Mortality, Population Growth and Family Planning inlndia (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972).
21. D.M. Heer, "Economic Development and Fertility,"Demography 3 (January 1966): 423-44.
Also see Friedlander and M. Silver, "A Quantitative Study of the Determinants of Fertility Behavior,"
Demography 4 (January 1976): 30-70; I. Adelman and Cynthia T. Morris, "A Quantitative Study of
Social and Political Determinants of Fertility," Economic Development and Cultural Change 14
(January 1966): 129-57.
22. Q. Stanford, The World's Population (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1972), and T. King,
"Population Policies and Economic Development," A World Bank Staff Report (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1972).
23. I.Z. Hussain, "Educational Status and Differential Fertility in India" in I.Z. Hussain, ed.,
Population Analysis and Studies (Bombay, India: Somaija Publications, 1972). Also see J.P. Sing and
Das Gupta, "Social and Cultural Consideration of Sterilization: A Case Study ofPatna,"Indian Journal
ofSocialWork 29 (January 1983): 74-85; and R. Murti andN.M. Rao, "Female Education and Human
Fertility: A Study in the Context," Demography India 12 (January 1983): 86-95.
24. U.N. Pareek and V. Kothandapani, "Modernization and Attitudes towards Family Size and
Family Planning," Social Biology 16 (January 1969): 44-8. Also see R. Panandiker, Family Planning
under the Emergency (New Delhi, India: Radiant Publishers, 1978).
25. Moni Nag, "Marriage and Kinship in Relation to Human Fertility: A Study in the Context,"
Demography India 12 (January 1975): 86-95.
26. W. Rich, Smaller Families through Social and Economic Progress (Washington, D.C.:
Overseas Development Council, 1973). Also see R. Reville, "The Balance Between Aid for Social and
Economic Development and Aid for Population Control," International Journal ofHealth Services 3
(September 1973): 667-74 and L.R. Brown, In the Human Interest (New York: Norton, 1974).
27. C.A. Miro, "Some Misconceptions Disproved: A Program of Comparative Fertility Surveys
in Latin America" in B. Berelesn, ed., Family Planning and Population Program: A Review of World
Developments (Chicago: Universtiy of Chicago Press, 1966).
28. Leon Tabah, "World Population Trends: A Stockstacking" in Pradip K Ghosh, ed., Popula-
tion, Environment and Third World Development (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1984).
29. D.B. Holsinger and J.D. Kasarda, "Education and Human Fertility" in R.G. Ridker, ed.,
Population and Development (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976).
30. John Stoeckel and M. Chowdhury, "Factors Relating to Knowledge and Practice of Family
Planning in East Pakistani Village," MilBank Memorial Quarterly 47 (April 1969): 189-99.
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31. N. Keyfits, Population Changes and Social Policy (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Abt
Books, 1982).
32. Leon Tabah, "World Population Trends: A Stockstacking".
33. Thomas R. Poffenberger, "Motivational Aspects of Resistance to Family Planning in an Indian
Village," Demography 5 (July 1968): 757-66; R.H. Bulatao, "Further Evidence in the Transition in
the Value of Children," in Current Studies on the Value ofChildren, papers of the East-West Population
Institute, N0.6O-B. (Honolulu, Hawaii: East-West Population Institute, 1979).
34. Paul Demney, "Population Policy: The Role of National Governments," in Pradip K. Ghosh,
ed., Population, Environment and Third World Development.
35. UN Departmentof International Economic and Social Affairs, "Population and Development"
in Pradip K. Ghosh, ed., Population, Environment and Third World Development, p. 11.
36. Ibid.
37. AlwinR.Rouyer, "Political Capacity and the Decline of Fertility inlndia," American Political
Science Review 81 (June 1987): 453-68.
38. S.N. Eisenstadt, "Education and Political Development" in D.C. Piper and Taylor Cole, eds.,
Post-Primary Education and Political and Economic Development (North Carolina: Duke University
Press, 1964), pp.27-47.
39. F. Elken and G. Handel, The Child and Society (Boston: Little Brown, 1972). Also see D.
Goslin, The School in Contemporary Society (Glenview, Illinois: Scott Foresman Co., 1965).
40. I.Z. Hussain, "Educational Status and Differential Fertility in India," in I.Z. Hussain, ed.,
Population Analysis and Studies (Bombay, India: Somaiya Publishers, 1970). Also see Joan P.
Mencher, "Family Planning in Chingleput District, Madras, India" in Steven Polgar, ed., Culture and
Population (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1980), and R. Murti and N.M. Rao, "Female
Education and Human Fertility: A Study in the Context," Demography India, 12 (January 1983): 86-
95.
41. Robert P. Clark, Power and Policy in the Third World (New York: John Wiley and Sons,
1978).
42. Richard Merritt, Systematic Approaches to Comparative Politics (Chicago: Rand McNally,
1970).
43. Richard F. Nyrop, An Economic Geography ofBangladesh (Washington, D.C: Foreign Area
Studies of the American Universtiy, 1975).
44. Idem, India, A Country Study (Washington, D.C: Foreign Area Studies of the American
University, 1985).
45. K.C Zachriach and G. Patel, Determinants of Fertility Decline in India (Washington, D.C:
The World Bank, 1984).
46. Richard F. Nyrop, An Economic Geography of Bangladesh.
47. J.N. Srivastava, "Socio-economic determinants of family planning acceptance in Madhya
Pradesh," Demography India 8 (January 1979): 154-65. Also see, Monica Das Gupta, "Economics,
Fertility and the Green Revolution," Populi, 3 (January 1976): 2-13.
48. Idem, India, A Country Study.
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APPENDIX
Questionnaire
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