Professional Documents
Culture Documents
8.1 Introduction
8.9 Conclusion
References
8.1 Introduction
union problems. The purpose of this chapter is to develop from what Gandhi
regarded as Gandhian and to outline the prospects that the future holds out for
what Gandhi thought was an ideal industrial relations system for India. The
in India were essentially alien to the Indian tradition and he therefore sought
to evolve "a truer socialism and a truer communism than the world has yet
dreamed o f Z
Gandhiji's vlews on industrial relations are based on some of his
principles are ( l ) Truth and non-violence (2) Aparigraha i.e. non possession.
inequality, inflation, conflicts, conuption and violent outbreaks, the people are
frustrated and they have lost hope in the existing socio-economic order and
political system. Capitalism is mainly held responsible for all these evils.
hands that the capitalist economy of our times had a historical role to play in
the process of economic growth, In helping the release of factors and powers
of such a growth at its proper stage, the capitalist system had its validity and
whatever shade or colour of thinking, has out lived that validity and
justification. Hence, the system stands challenged and alternative solut~onsto
of wealth and income in the hands of a few, vast disparity between rich and
capitalism and create a new social order based on the principle of equality.
But they are prepared to adopt any means to achieve thcir ends. They even
suggest bloody revolution. On the other hand, the rich people prefer to
maintain the status quo by strengthening their economic and political power
and giving few benefits and privileges to the poor. We find that both these
approaches are not helpful in solving the problems of capitalism and trade
unions.
which the welfare of all would be looked after, he thought about the ways and
means of transforming the existing capitalistic society and evolved his grand
individual and society and expected that the rich man in the society would
philosophy of its own. it stands for the reconstruction of the society on the
J.D. Sethi says "of all Gandhiji's ideas and concepts, Trusteeship was
the most original as it was also the most tentative since he did not have time
to experiment with it on a scale that would match the grandeur of the concept.
He did not have time enough to even define it precisely, not to speak of
The term trusteeship was first used in relation to property and its
and mutts the word "Trustee" means a person who manages the property of
Dhebar says "this western concept of trusteeship implies that there should be
first of all property. Secondly, that there should be a legal owner of property
who has the right to take decisions about the use of such property He is
termed in law as the author of the trust. Third, he has to fix, settle and
determine the objects of such use. These are called the objects of the trust.
Fourth, he has to decide for whose benefit such property would be used.
Those for whom the property is to be used are called the beneficiaries. Fifth,
he decides about the trustees and their rights and obligations, their powers
with setting right human relationshps in all fields on the basis of truth and
trustee".'
man's attitude to his entire life. The attitude of trusteeship involves our
fiom individual, either directly or via the state. Also from the state to common
ownership among those who would run an enterprise, those would consume
its products and those who will represent larger against sectional interests,
with all the built in provisions for social priorities. Second, trusteeship is not a
dispossessing the owners of wealth and property, the details of which have
been given by Gandhi himself, but in actual practice they have to be worked
out in each -different situation. Third, the trusteeship will have to satisfy
trust and faith. He accepted the concept of Satyagraha 'as it enabled one to
fight or resist the root cause without hating the doer or human being. One
must resist evil but not hate the person who becomes its victim or perpetrates
it. If power, wealth, skill or knowledge are owned by society then there is no
cause or room for conflict. Society or people' do not mean a crowd. It means
a living entity, a sum total of relationship. Since the root cause of conflict is
the concept of ownership and authority or power inherent in it, Gandhi tried
practice. We all want "tieedom" but not responsibility. George Bemard Shaw
once said "Liberty means responsibility, that is why most men dread it."
Gandhiji oflen said, "My life is my message". And so in seeking
Gandhiji's principles of peace making and non-violence let us turn to his life
and understand what he stood for and on what thought and ideas he based his
actions.
goal of "Sarvodaya", the good of all a fuller and richer concept of "peoples"
democracy than any we have yet known. The central figure in all these is the
individual, the human being of soul, mind and body, the three-dimensional
being. Therefore the individual is the one supreme consideration with his
when he said "while pacifism hopes to get rid of war chiefly by refusing to
fight and by canying on propaganda against war, Gandhiji goes much deeper
and sees that war cannot be avoided so long as the seeds of it remain in man's
breast and grow and develop in his social, political and economic life.
G a n a ' s cure is, therefore, very radical and far-reaching. It demands nothing
less than rooting out violence from oneself and from one's environment"."
is a mind of unity, understanding and infinite love that works for harmony, for
peace. It is a spirit that would heal division. Gandhiji knew the reality of
hatred and intolerance because he had experienced them in his own life in
his time. Indeed, he succumbed to the reality of intolerance and hatred when
his life was taken on January 30, 1948. No peace could be built on
can be no peace on earth without the kind of inter change that restores man's
mind to the fact that all life is one emanating from one universal self- "what
thought we have many bodies? We have but one soul. The rays of the sun are
evil and untruth that are in hunself and in society. Individual freedom and
not seek elevation of individual ego. "Individual in society" not individual per
live in a cave in certain circumstances, but the common man can be tested
'This word was coined during the resistance movement led by Gandhiji
struggle continued he became aware that a new principle had emerged and
was operating. He wanted to give a name to this principle and through his
suggested. The name that was suggested was "Sadagraha". But Gandhiji felt
the word did not fully express the whole idea . . . . . . . "I therefore corrected it to
therefore serves as a synonym for force . . .. . . that is to say the force which is
except truth which in Sanskrit means "sat" - "is ness" or "being" "sat" or
truth is perhaps the most important name of god. In fact, it is more correct to
say truth is god, than to say that god is truth.'' To hlm truth and god were
even in the least things of life, is the only secret of a pure life. Quest for truth
in field of action, in a situation of conflict? Gandhiji held that "it excludes the
use of violence because man is not capable of knowing the absolute truth and
therefore, not competent to punish.'5 Thus truth has its inter-relationship with
through the way of non-violence. "I then found that the nearest approach to
truth was through love".16 Therefore, "ahlmsa" is our supreme duty. Non-
was certainly effective in liberating India's people from an alien rule. On the
denial of the reality of evil. The first duty of a real satyagrahi is to bring to
light the evil, the wrong, the injustice that he knows of even if he has to suffer
by so domg "There is no limit whatsoever to the mcasurc of sacrifice that onc
may make in order to realize this oneness with all life.'' Love and non-
violence must be the means because truth is the end and because truth and
love are "the law of our being". "If love or non-violence be not the law of our
and if others are wicked, are we the less so?"" Thus non-violence extends
"other" who is not an "enemy", but an "opponent", the one who "disagrees".
The act and the reaction are not automatic but conscious. They have the
Self suffering:- "Tapasya", once again a Sanskrit word, which means austerity
and has within it implied both self discipline and self restraint. Gandhiji
believed that in the satyagraha mode of action self suffering is the chosen
initiate a cycle of violence and hatred. Self suffering, Gandhiji held, enables
life and morally enriches the world. There is an arresting paradox in this that
one can overcome evil by suffering it. The only way truly to "overcome" the
adversary is to help him become other than an enemy. This is the kind of
never justify the means. It was Gandhiji's firm conviction that means are as
important as, and often even more important than, ends. The inseparable
are so intertwined that it is almost impossible to say where one begins and the
other ends. "They are like two sides of a coin, or rather of a smooth,
man even if the outcome is a spectacular success. "They say means are &er
all means. I would say means are after all everything. As the means so the
fear and threat alike, he must set himself to the task of conquest of violence by
moral means that must conform to the test of truth and non-violence. In
Gandhian basis of ends and means centres upon the utter necessity of
ethical values
It is clear that Gandhiji called "Sarvodaya" the good of all as his goal.
The good of all without any distinction between high and low, rich and poor,
strong and weak, even the good and the bad. "Savodaya" literally means
principles necessary for achieving peace and keeping harmony. It calls for
practical way to peacefbl social revolution to improve the quality of life. Every
"Sarvodaya".
the fact that he was also the greatest trade union leader of our country is not
so well known. 7he history of the national trade union movement started with
achieve them just demands through methods peculiar to the Indian tradition.
"The smke commenced on February 22, 1918; every day Gandhi used to
address the workers under the shadow of a Babul tree on the bank of the
Sabarmati river in Ahrnedabad, to remind them to their pledge and to
continue the strike peacehlly till the 35 percent increase in wage was
secured. It was from the Babul tree that the story of the struggle of Indian
demonstrated for the first time the efficiency of the new technique
in which Gandhi conducted the strike and the method of its settlement were
means for furthering the cause of Indian nationalism but as a means for the
For Gandhi the stoppage of work at Ahmedabad was not a mere strike,
effect change and it operates within a conflict situation2'. Thus the satyagraha,
compromise.
settlement had failed. Firstly, the parties should try to convince each other of
the truth of their claims. Secondly they could agree to appoint a respected
by an arbitrator even if it did not measure up to his own version. Finally if the
would continue until their demands were met. The objectives of a strike was
not the coercion of the employers but their conversion. By being stead fast in
their behaviour the workers would show to the employers that truth was on
the worker's side. Gandhi did not want the employers to relent because of
losses due to the stnke or for other such practical reasons, but because they
different view of truth, implied for him the use of non-violent means.2s
Non-violence was also implicit in Gandhi's theory of trusteeship.
there could be no justification for the use of violence against them. The lesson
Gandhi taught was that the workers should always respect the good in their
opponent.26 Khandubhai Desai has explained that in a strike "the workers are
fighting the evil in the employers, and not the employer personally?7
worker should be truthful, courageous, just, and free from hatred or malice
towards anybody, and should be prepared for the voluntary sacrifice putting
his faith in g o d Z X
suffering rather than to betray a principle. For Gandhi the trade union's
the western approach by this concept which of course is quite compatible with
the western approach. The differences go much deeper and concern attitudes
more than the formal machinery of settlement. A western trade unionist would
means and ideally would be prepared to sacrifice results if the means were not
entirely pure
theory of trusteeship ultimately means that both the employers and the
employees are equal partners in a joint endeavour for the good of the
community. They hold the industry in whlch they are worlung, in trust for the
inferior to the other. When that approach is assimilated the whole prospect of
life in parts.
8.5 Gandhiji's Approach
capital and labour are not antagonistic but are supplementary to each other.
He observed, "my ideal is that capital and labour should supplement and help
each other. They should be a great family living in unity and harmony capital
not only looking to the material welfare of the labourers but their moral
welfare also- capitalists being trustees of the welfare of the labouring classes
under them"
Gandhiji's view was that trade unions should not only undertake the
must also try to raise the moral and intellectual standards of labour and should
the minimum. He declared "the working class would never feel secure or
develop a sense of self assurance and strength unless its members are armed
unionism are "it is not anti-capitalist. The idea is to take from capital labour's
due share and no more, and thls, not by paralyzing capital but by reform
among labourers from within and by their own self-consciousness: not again
evolve its own leadershp and its own self restraint, and its self-existing
organization. Its direct aim is not in the least degree political. Its aim is
internal reform and evolution of internal strength. The indirect result of this
tremendously political.29
Gandhiji said that " . . . .while it's quite proper to insist upon (worker's)
rights and principles, it is imperative that they should recognize the obligation
that every right carries with it ... .. the workers should treat the business of
their employers as if it were their own business and give it their honest and
righteousness "
himself led some smkes in Ahmedabad and declared that a strike was an
Inherent right of the worlung men for the purpose of securing justice, but it
(C) Strikes should be peacehl and non-violent- i.e., the worker should
(D) Workers should undertake stnkes only &er taking up alternative jobs for
(E) Workers should go on strike only after the capitalist failed to respond to
moral appeals and only as a last resort &er exhausting all other means of
Gandhiji did not favour unions takmg part in political activities for two
reasons. First, because the workers were not enlightened, and second,
because political parties exploited the workers for their own ends.
exhausting all other means of settling disputes and were following the non-
violent path. He, however, disapproved of strikes organized by workers do~ng
essential services. He conceded that "one had every right to lay down .. .,. ..
being given to the authorities and &er "every other legitimate means has
demands and.
would not like the parties to declare a strike or a lockout without, first
trying to refer the dispute to an umpire who would give a decision on the
intellectual heights of labour and such qualities in the labour will make them
master of the means. He always demanded equal status for capital and labour.
should safeguard the interest of others. In this manner, interest of both the
co-operation between the two and the two must help each other. No one
should have any kind of misunderstanding or distress. They should decide the
large family living in unity and harmony. Capitalist being trustees for the
welfare should not only look to the material welfare of the labourers but this
moral welfare also. Gandhiji never advocated the agitational role of labour.
can be done.
workers are properly organized, they have more wealth and resources through
the thoughts and methods of western thinkers would fail to solve, the
problems of our country. The structure of the trade unions inevitably leaves its
stamp on the character of its member workers. The union should make labour
the master of the means of productions. The union should enlighten the
worker, so that they can earn livelihood. The welfare, and safeguard of the
workers entirely rests or the trade unions. In a country like India education is
keep harmony, it is realized that there should be one union in the industry.
Union should not wait and seek help from outside and the workers from
within should be invited to share the work of the unions as far as possible.
The actual strength of the unions is within itself in spite of the outside
guidance. But it has been observed that the worker in India has an ingrained
tendency to let others rule his destiny and settle his disputes.
increase the welfare of the members. This will enhance their will power to
(a) To make arrangement for educating both men and women. This is to be
every centre
(d) Labour should be able to support itself during the strikes. GandhiJi
advised the workers that while forming their unions, they must select their
rcpresentat~vcscarefully. He writes: "I caution you once again, by all
means set up organizations, establish your unions but see that you frame
rules and select your representatives men to whom you will entrust your
watch over them not only about the finance and management of your
afiairs but also to know what they have actually done in your name and
where they have singed on your behalf You will have to go into all these
things".
The workers have the full right to strike but it should bot be exercised
problems. Gandhiji laid down the conditions under which the strike should be
resorted to.
unanimity among the strikers. Strikers should never depend upon public
subscription or other charity but should occupy themselves in some useful and
demand and declare it before embarking upon their strike. There is no room
some work elther singly or in co-operation with each other so as to earn their
bread during the strike period. Strikers should not lose patience under all
circumstances after going on stnke. But the strikers should not intimidate,
those who do not join the strike. In Gandhiji's own words, "The labourers
The stnkers should stick to their demands until they are fulfilled by the
factory owners. Gandhiji laid down the following code of conduct for the
never to molest black legs; never to depend upon alms; and to remain firm.no
matter how long the strike continues and to earn bread during the strike by
management relations which has influenced Indian Labour Policy since the
time the Indian National Congress (congress) took the reigns of government
worked for the golden mean of compromise not only in their mutual interest
but also for promoting the welfare of the community by making uninterrupted
themselves and to strike work in the last resort, his advocacy of the tripartite
part of human relations and dealt with them at the normative level. He set
wheel not only to make the village, Self-sufficient but also to relieve the
poverty of the rural masses. In reply to a question, Gandhi said that he was not
with simple machine^.'^ Even so, he reckoned with the fact that by the
twenties the textile mills had come to stay despite handicaps to industrial
on felt that cottage industries and large scale industries could be harmonized
"if they are planned to help villages" and that "key industries which the nation
should, according to him, centre mostly round the "model consumer" apart
the event of differences, to take up only genuine issues with the management
right to withhold co-operation when its interests were in jeopardy. He felt that
generated by combination would any day exceed the power of dead metal in
believed that even if only one side adhered to truth the struggle for it was
relations. But before resorting to the extreme course of strike action, Gandhi
made it incumbent on workers and those who guided them to explore and
observed: "I know that strike is an lnherent right of the worlung men for the
arc adamant not only to concede the legitimate rights of labour but also to
Not only did Gandhi hedge, the right to strike with arbitration as a pre-
condition for resolving differences and disputes, he also laid down imperative
was:
"You ought to take personal interest in the work which you may be
doing whilst you have a perfect right to demand from your employers good
you will render proper honest service for the wages you get. If you will only
think a little, you will find that by reason of your being employed as labourers
"What are your duties and what are your rights?. It is simple to
understand that your right is to receive higher wages for your labour. And it is
equally simple to know that your duty is to work to the best of your ability for
the wage you received . . . . . . If we find that we are not adequately paid or
housed, how are we to receive enough wages and good accommodation? Who
way no doubt is that you labourers understand the method of enforcing your
rights and enforce them. But for that you require a little previous training-
educationn4"
The education of workers has a significant place in the Gandhian
to be adopted for achieving modest and just ends. While duly discharging
education.
to make workers contented. The scheme of thls trusteeship theory was not
spelt out.41The trusteeship concept was left only to the goodwill and social
mills and their business transactions. This was a natural corollary to the
the shareholders and that they have, therefore, every right to posses on
Gandhi believed that if employers turn into trustees of their wealth and
and non-violent out look in the discharge of their productive functions and
turn it into proper use. Then they will not regard it as a conflicting interest,
they will not regard the mill and the machinery as belonging to the exploiting
agents gnnding them down but as their own instruments of production, and
will therefore protect them as well as they would their own property They
will not steal time and turn out less work, but will put in the most they can. In
fact, capital and labour will be mutual trustees and both will be trustees of
consumers. The trusteeship theory is not unilateral, and does not in the least
trade unlons shed some of their syndicalist characteristics such as violent class
Gandhi did not merely propound his concept of industrial relations and
leave it to his followers. As a pragmatic labour leader he put his ideas into
"plague bonus" paid to textile mill workers at Ahmedabad had arisen. They
were paid 70 to 80 percent of their wages for inducing them to stay at work
even when plague broke out. Though the plague had subsided, the war-time
inflationary prices of necessaries of life did not abate. Therefore, the bonus
was continued. But the workers had misgivings that the mill-owners were
representatives of the parties to the dispute that the issue should be settled by
and workers45 in equal numbers, with the district collector as the umpire.
While Gandhi was away from Ahmedabad the workers of some mills
precipitated a strike. On hearing about the strike, Gandhi returned to
Ahmedabad and apologized to the mill owners for the precipitate action and
offered to dissuade workers from continuing the strike. But the mill-owners
took the stand that since the workers struck work after the appointment of the
arbitration board, the arbitration stood cancelled and that they were free to
deal with the workers who were reluctant to work with 20 percent increase in
meticulous study of the financial position of the mills, thc wage levels
workers, and concluded that workers should not demand more than 35
with the management which neither accepted the proposal nor agreed to refer
February 1918 for 25 days. During its pendency, Gandh~ exhorted the
attempted at breaking the strike by ending the lockout on 12 March 191 8 and
by announcing that the mills would be open for those willing to accept the 20
percent increase. With the lifting of the lockout, a strike had commenced.
Gandhi, sensing that workers were giving away, commenced his historic fast
increase in wages
(I) "If a serious dispute arises between parties it should be settled not by resort
to a strike but by arbitration", (11) 'since the settlement has come about
arbitrator will be appointed', (111) It should not be taken that "An arbitrator
will be appointed even in regard to trifling differences", since (IV) "it will be
dispute should precede strike action, and the application of tripartite principle
as the fulcrum of industrial democracy. And the tripartite principle for the
drawn up providing for a board of referees with seven members from each
side who were to elect a chairman from among themselves for deciding all
"lf any dispute or difference of opinion arises between the mill owners
and working people and if they are not able to settle it among themselves,
(president of the Ahmedabad mill owner's Association). For doing so they are
occasions." "'
the first instance there should be negotiation and discussion between the
If, however, the umpire was unable to give his decision, either of the parties
procedure is often prescribed for thls purpose. Such a procedure which plays
Ahmedabad textile mills at the time the royal commission on labour reported.
department and the agent of the mill, if necessary. If the gnevance is not
mill, ascertains the correctness of the complaint and requests the mill officer
concemcd anti tries to settle the matter amicably. If the workers do not get
redress after the matter has been discussed between the mill-owner's
from 1920 to 1957 that there was no serious strike but for one in 1923 for
wrote: "The bonus dispute from 1920-1923, the wage disputes of 1930 and
industry. With this spirit of co-operation, it was also possible to accept the
wages."
Gandhi held the TLA as model saying that if he had his way he would
pattern all the labour organization in the country after it. He continued, till his
and labour were always idyllic. There were instances of anti-unionism and
non-compliance with awards on the part of mill-owners. The union initially
procedure.5 4 There were hying times which put considerable strain on the
arbitration machinery The early period (from 1920 to 1923) was riddled with
situation. Gandhi was in prison at the time. The strike lasted from 1 April to 4
June, 1923. It affected 56 mills and 43,113 workers and resulted in a loss of
2,370,933 men-days. The strike weakened the union which finally agreed to a
8
1 5 -percent. wage Despite occasional strikes, however, the Ahmedabad
5
example of smooth industrial relations. For this, the leadership and guidance
of Gandhi and the dedicated work of a band of trade unionists who have been
associated for a number of years with the TLA are largely responsible. In a
summed up as follows.
and Ahmedabad Textile labour association with principles for trade union
action and he offered the mill-owners, the principles of respect for the
arbitration.
8.7 Gandhian Perspective on Capital- Labour Relationship
capital and labour are not regarded as antagonistic but as interdependent, and
identified some crucial areas of conflict between capital and labour. These
were related to the necessities governing the basic conditions concerning the
workers rights and a struggle for these rights was given legitimacy. However,
needs.
period, 1920-23, after which took place the growth of the second alternative.
The first part of this section will spell out the basic contours of h s
Until the dispute of 1918, Gandhi had not spelt out his thoughts on the
once he had identified himself with the issues raised by the workers, he
devoted his full mind to explicating the issue. The pamphlets he wrote and the
speeches he made to the workers during and after the dispute of 1918,
Gandh~,very early, recognized that both capital and labour had their
respective "strengths"; the mill owners had money, the workers their hands
and feet. While other social philosophers had highlighted the unequal nature
labour. For him, the wealth of the capitalist was useless without the workers,
for there would be no hands to make the mills work. Similarly, without the
mill owners the workers would be useless; there would be no mills for them
to work in."
Like many philosophers who made distinctions between the East and
the West, Gandhi also made an effort to highlight certain spiritual and inward
against the western notion of justice. To Gandhi, what was distinctive of the
East was the sense of justice based on notions of fellow feeling, compassion
relationship. Servants who had been associated with the masters' family for
the East. If, what was distinctive of the East was its notion ofjustice, then this
sense of justice should become the guiding norm in the industrial sector of the
East. Capital and labour in the east had to understand this notion of justice
and govern themselves according to the rules of mutuality. They should not
a notion of rights and obligations of the two groups towards each other. He
also specified the distinct spaces in which both groups could operate. The
right of the worker was to demand and obtain for himself a decent human
standard of living by which his economic, social and cultural needs would be
realized. These were adequate food and clothing for a family, housing, and
educational facilities, and enough wages for a satisfactory living. These rights
expect the workers to be considerate in their demands and relate these to the
attachng these rights and obligations to the roles of both the mill owners and
the workers, Gandhi was able to reinforce the theme of "mutuality" he had
But what do the workers do when their rights are not given to them?
Here Gandhi appended to the other rights also the right to strike. This right,
was in fact, a weapon in the hands of the workers through which they could
realize their other rights. However, he was cautious about its applicability. It
Therefore, the decision to allow the workers to go on strike was vested in the
hands of the advisers extended to the industry who, because they understood
and supported the principles of huth, justice and non-violence, would be able
For Gandhi, it was important that the second course- that of struggle
justice, it also meant suffering; whle it meant the realization of truth, it also
advisers who, while acting in the interests of the workers, while dissuading
them from striking would also pressurize the mill owners into accepting the
demands of the workers. It was then natural for Gandhi to argue that these
advisers should help the workers kom a union to represent their demands (in
the context ot' their rights) to the mill owners and thus to curtail their
non-violent means- the advisers, in the Gandhian ideology adopted the role of
mediators whose goal was to defuse the conflicts between capital and
labour '"
labour relationship, Gandhi stipulated the means through which the disputes
between capital and labour would be settled. Arbitration was the answer. But
board whose decision would be binding on the parties. Instead, the 'panch',
and employers would have consultations and would try to come to a decision.
If these consultations failed to generate an agreement, then an empire would
health and education) and religious needs. Gandhi himself did not define
these needs clearly. They got defined by the workers with the help of the
advisers, when they started formulating their demands. Gandhi, early in 1918,
increase and wages.66 Housing was defmed as part of the economic need.
Gandhi had associated it with the health of the industry. Gandhi had defined
this notion very broadly, distinguishing only between profits and losses.
i.e., of higher wages- changed to a demand for linking wages to profits and/
Gandhian ideology converted rights of the workers into obligations of the mill
owners. 'This made the workers direct all their demands to the mill owners.
workers. Gandhi had insisted that strikes should be used to obtain better
conditions of living and for obtaining, the other rights which were part of the
basic needs of the workers.67 As a result, in the early years of the growth of
the movement, the workers continued to use this strategy to press more
demands.
relationship between capital and labour and invite a backlash from capital?
Gandhi was not conscious of these problems. He left the decision to the
advisors whose role thus became critical. They became a decisive force in
the relative liberal attitude of the mill owners in granting wage demands,
of trade union leaders to give a direction to the movement had made possible
the growth of a working class movement which had adopted a strategy of
On the other hand, the general strike of 1923 and the collapse of the
pages, the researcher has made an empirical study of the relevance of the
present day trade union movement which can prove vital to the sustenance
and growth of this country's industry. The ills and ailments within the trade
union area contributing to the adverse industrial climate in the country are
has been found possible to study the symptoms in most cases. It is not over
optimism to say that further systematic studies will lead to concrete, definite
the only solutions and their relevance even more understood today.
The analysis of the studies is given below. During the early stages of
existence now Responses to the statements are given in the tables 8.1 and
Table 8.1
Opinion of the Workers on External Advisers as Contemplated by
Gandhiji
INTUC
Others
1 1
: :3 43,' :8.
There is not much variation in the responses of INTUC, ClTU and other
fraternity among workers and a near friend, philosopher or guide to help them
in times of need, to give a piece of advice when they are in trouble, to console
them in times of difficulty: this may be what every average worker would
happily look forward to. This may be a group of dedicated trained people,
different from the trade union leaders leading the trade union organizations.
They will render a human touch to the day to day genuine problems of the
Table 8.2
Coatemplated by Gandhiji
No Percentage
1
I l
Agree 50 SOYO
I I I
3 No oplnion 4 4%
4 Disagree 14 14%
5 Strongly Disagree 6 6%
it. 4% did not give any opinion and 14% disagreed. 6% strongly disagreed.
While majority agreed that outside advisers are non-existent and only a
minority disagreed. It is not clear whether the majority is failing to see the
external advisel-s whom the minority is capable of seeing. The relevance of the
guess what the course of trade union history would have been if the external
Possibly many good developments would have taken place in the trade union
Table 8.3
Opinion of the Workers about Gandhixn idea of Finding out
Alternative Work during Strike Period
ClTU 56 13 49 4 122
INTUC 39 14 31 3 2 89
Others 23 2 12 2 - 39
The reason given by the highest percentage of workers of all union for
not taking up alternative job during strike period as advised by Gandhi is that
fighting spirit of the workers would be lost. This may be true to some extent
directly good results would come. It may be noted that loss of fighting spirit is
given as the reason by about 61% of the members of other unions. That means
the real fighting spirit is with thamGandhi had in mind the all round growth
when he advised workers taking up alternative job. The second reason given
which probably had not reached the present dimensions during Gandhiji's
time. Had this not been a living problem many workers would have taken up
L.oss of fund raising opportunity is not given us a major cause for not
highest among INTUC workers and next comes CITU with other unions
Gandhian idea of finding out alternative work during strike period is not
N = 100
Multiple Responses
St. 1 Responses 1 No I Percentage (
No
A Fighting spirit of the workers will be lost 64 64%
E I Other reasons 6 1 6% I
Source: Primary data
Gandhiji suggested that workers should find out alternative jobs but the
present day labour leaders are not taking this seriously. The reasons for this were
sought from the union leaders. According to a bigger share of 72% union
leaders, non availability of alternate jobs was the main reason why workers did
not take up such jobs. According to 64% of them fighting spirit of the workers
will be lost if they take upon alternative job. Only 2% of the leaders stated that
they did not take it seriously because it will not be possible to collect hnds from
them in that case. A minority of 34% leaders gave the reason that the workers
niay not rcturn to their original work and that is why they did not encourage
It is clear that no union leader is against the above Gandhian idea but the
conditions prevailing in this country now are not conducive to taking up new
their original job. These are very serious situations the present dimensions of
problem
be held by any one except on behalf of the people and for the people." The
Strongly I Total I
and nonviolence. For this he advocated the philosophy of Aparigraha. ie. non-
different political parties or non-affiliated. All these may be the result of basic
human instinct to love and share, rather than to hate or separate. Man as a
realising and accepting it. It is probably this type of Gandhian socialism only
that can equate the workers to managers(capita1) and leaders. This should in
Table 8.6
Trade Union Leaders Opinion about Gandhian Socialism
Opinion No Percentage
Agreed 62 62%
Strongly agree 22 22%
No opinion 2 2%
Disagree 12 12%
Strongly disagree 2 2%
Total 100 100%
Source: Primary data
62% leaders agreed to Gandhiji's idea while 22% strongly agreed. 2%
leaders did not want to give their opinion. 12% disagreed and 2% strongly
disagreed.
aftiliation, are strongly against the idea. It is probably fear of loss of popularity
Table 8.7
Agee 15 30
Strongly agree 11 22
Disagree 10 20
No opinion 14 28
Total 50 100
Source: Primary data
are not in favour of common ownership of all properties as some of them are
possessed with their possessions. But for a stable social order some
stones of the means to be adopted, while the socialists and the communists
emphasised the results and would use force, if necessary to achieve them." To
Table 8.8
ClTU 54 25 23 18 2 122
44 3% 20 5% 18 8% 14 8% 1 6% 48 8%
INTUC 32 15 8 24 10 89
Others 10 8 3 11 7 39
Total 48 34 53 19 250
Those who strongly agree to the idea of using truth and non-violence
those who know and feel it do so strongly. Majority of workers are agreeing to
probably the result of their experience that violence and force has never led
bargaining that has brought glory to the trade unions and positive gains for
workers. Though militancy may bring some positive gains, like workers
rallying round the leaders, lasting peaceful solutions emerge only from
and non-violence, as the means also are a sizeable number 28.8%. This might
truth and non-violence. It might be the arrogance and non flexible attitude of
the management towards some of the workers that led to such wnclusions.
Opinion I NO 1 Percentage
Agree I 24 1 24%
Strongly agree l 10
No opinion 8 8%
Disagree 48 48%
I I
Source: Primary data
24% agreed to the communist and socialist principle that end justified the
means while 10% of them strongly agreed to it, 8% leaders did not give their
opinion. 48% disagreed while 10% strongly disagreed to the socialist and
non-violence
The above result shows that political undercurrents and ideologies are
strongly influencing the trade union leadership. Both factions are expressing for
Strongly agree 12 24
Disagree 10 20
No opinion 8 16
Total 50 100
Source: Primary data
It can be observed that the mass of the working class want to express
point Gandhi is willing to abandon these basics which are dear to him.
results i.e. realization of goals, is what makes their role a success. For them
their end is most important and any dispute about means cannot stand in
their way. But experience has shown and will show that any success
and upholds the dictum that "Truth alone conquest, that truth knows no
mishap, that the strong and the weak allke have a right to secure justice". To
Table 8.1 1
CITU 65 51 3 2 I 122
INTUC 44 40 3 2 - 89
Others 22 13 1 3 39
evident in their response to the statement that strong and weak alike have a
right to secure justice. This fundamental principle is what attracts the workers
alone conquests and truth knows no mishap. They are also prepared to reject
This establishes the fact that all workers are basically peace loving and
that they want all issues to be settled peacefully to the satisfaction of all
without prejudice to membership in any particular union. There is no
the members of other union have expressed maximum strong agreement. This
shows that there is strong approval for Gandluji's view of justice even from
unions which have not adopted socialism as their motto. This reveals the
goodness of the method to secure justice and welfare for all and its universal
acceptability. Fight among strong and weak will only lead to discontent and
disparity. It will widen the gap between the haves and havenots, the
management and the workers. Only harmonious creativity using the weapon
of truth will secure justice for all. This only will lead to lasting solutions to the
problems faced by industry. Trade union can also &ty a creative role only if
they adopt these principles. The minority not agreeing to these peaceful
methods are probably yet to realise that they are treading on dangerous path.
Here one can observe, that a majority of workers are by any means for
achieving their goals though they are not prepared to disregard Gandhiji's
weapons of Truth and Non-violence which form part and parcel of the path to
justice.
Gandhiji warned labour to reject the principle that "Might is Right" and
upholds the dictum that "Truth alone conquest, that truth knows, no mishap, that
the strong and the weak have alike a right to secure justice". To this statement
56% of leaders agreed to the above statement while 32% strongly agreed
to the statement 8% disagreed and 4% strongly disagreed.
The big majority of agreement shows that most of the union leaders are
Gandhiji wanted unions to abhor violence and force for securing these ends to
which most of the union leaders are agreeable. Only a small minority has
Table 8.13
Opinion of the Managers regarding Gandhian View of Justice
Opinions Number Percentage
Agree 18 36
Strongly agree 28 56
I Disagree I 4 I 8
I
No opinion - -
Total 50 100
Source: P n m w data
The workers, leaders and managers are near unanimous in agreeing to
Truth alone will prevail and that alone will secure justice to all. In Gandhi's
own words "truth and non-violence are as old as the hills". No workers,
no leader nor any manager can overlook this truth and disagree to the above
Gandhian princ~ple.
become the tremendous political force in the nation". To this statement the
Table 8.14
INTUC 33 48 6 1 1 89
Gandhiji could foresee the role of politics in trade unionism as well as its
inevitability and the futility of opposing entry of politics into trade unionism.
unionism. He was well aware of the fact that labour as it developed became a
over intrusion of politics into trade unionism. Over 90% have expressed
whch are possibly less politicised have expressed more agreement(over 92%)
reluctantly. He could probably foresee the bad results that would follow. He
might have been also aware of the inevitability of the politicians intruding into
this area. Working class unitedly agree to the views expressed by Gandhiji
probably after seeing for themselves the lund of games politicians play to
exploit the working class to meet their own political ends. Much of the rotten
rubbish that accumulated in the trade union arena in the last few years seem
to have resulted fiom the decaying political culture of the parties to which the
trade unions are affiliated. Workers may be loohng forward to a time when
trade unions can free themselves from the clutches of political forces and still
their movements.
'The force of unity and integrity are lost in multiplicity and
Table 8.15
Opinion No Percentage
Agreed 76 76%
-
Strongly agreed 14 14%
No opinion 4 4%
Disagree 4 4%
Strongly disagree 2 2%
76% of the leaders agreed to the above statement and 14% strongly
agreed while 4% did not have any opinion. Only 4% each disagreed and
2%strongly disagreed.
politics into trade unionism but at the same time Gandhiji was very sure of the
inevitability of politics intruding into trade union arena as the labour movement
was bound to develop and expand into a huge force engulfing the other forces
controlling politics. No union leader can now deny this truth as this situation has
already come about. So it is natural that majority of union leaders have agreed
Table 8.16
Agree 20 40
Strongly agree 18 36
Disagree 10 20
No opinion 2 4
Total 50 100
movement. GandGi had the foresight and wisdom to predict this. The
Gandhiji was opposed to politicians intruding into the trade union arena as
he wanted the labour movement to stand up on its own and develop its own
organs without any strings. Managers who do not support this idea of
Gandhi are the people who thnk trade unions cannot have an existence
without politics in our highly politicized country. But what Gandhiji thought
and expressed was in the best interest of the country to take the labour to the
heights he expected.
According to Gandhi "rights originate from duties". How far this is
acceptable to the Indian workers and their leaders? An attempt was made to
Table 8.17
ClTU 60 58 3 1 - 122
INTUC 37 48 2 2 . 89
Others 20 18 - 1 39
Big majority of workers are very well conscious of their duties that
duties, or rather, "do your duty first and rights will automatically follow" is
joining hands with Gandhi in agreeing to the statement shows how strongly
deep rooted are these concepts in Indian minds. This may also point to the
fact that workers may be well conscious of their place on this planet earth and
their roles. Performance of his duty should be the first priority. Work should
be hls worship. Good h i t s will flow from hard work and his share of the
fruits may be his rightful share. No one can get a share of the fruits of hard
The fate of those who indulge in absenteeism and run away from dub
becomes clear from the views expressed by the huge majonty Only those
Table 8.18
Agree 56 56%
No opinion - -
Disagree 2 2%
Strongly Disagree I 2 I 2% 1
Total 100 100
Source: Primary data
While 56% of the leaders agreed to the above Gandhian principle 40%
his right will be taken care of Most of the union leaders do not want to deviate
from this basically Indian philosophy which Gandhiji has adopted. Only a
comes first and foremost. After performing his duties he does not even have to
ask for his rights. Rights will be automatically protected or taken care of It is the
duty of the kin3 to protect the rights of duty bound citizens. These principles
have been adopted during the course of our historical development and find a
prominent place even in our constitution. The workers and their leaders seem to
adopt and accept the same through the responses and rightly so. But how far we
"Gandhi placed before the trade union the purpose of raising the
moral and intellectual height of labour and thus make it capable not merely
of bettering its material condition, but also of becoming master of the means
CITU 59 50 7 2 4 122
Others 16 17 1 4 1 39
unions are agreeing with what Gandhi wanted the workers to strive to seek
Gandhji wanted labour to reach its proper place. Though a down trodden
class, workers are also human beings and securing justice for working class
from where they standard was the primary goal of the trade union. Improving
on those material conditions remains the goal. But the ultimate goal should be
to make him the master of the means of production. Man is the roof and
crown of god creation. The means of production are creations of man. So first
the worker has to become master of man's own creation. He cannot remain a
be equality between man and man. The working class should not remain
down- trodden Their uplifiment lies in their moral upliftment. This is not
the working class. That is the reason why a great maJority is agreeing with
him.
"Gandhiji placed before the trade union the purpose of raising the moral
and intellectual height of labour and thus make it capable not merely of bettering
its material condition, but also of becoming master of the means of production
Table 8.20
Opinion of the leaders regarding the Gandhain vision of raising 'the
moral and intellectual heights' of labour
I Agreed I 76 I 76% I
I Strongly agreed I 12
I 12%
I
I No opinion l 8
l 8%
I
( Disagree 1 2 I 2% 1
Strongly disagree 2 2%
did not want them to continue in that status. He wanted their material condition
to improve and gradually reach a position where he is the master of his own
destiny and captain of the ship. His position had to be no where below that of the
management- Gandhiji made this position very clear also. Then how can the
labour leaders disagree to it. Those disagreeing might be doing so, not on
principles, not suspecting Gandhiji's intentions but for different political reasons.
Table 8.21
No 21 42
Total
Source: Primary data
A big majority of leaders and workers agreed to the above while only
philosophy and Karl Marx's ultimate purpose meet and fuse to build up a
society where workers are not only in no mean position but in a position to
shape and control his own as well as the destinies of h s fellowmen. It is only
natural that a minority of managers who think that they are in a superior and
comfortable position in the present set up are not inclined to accept a change
where the workers whom they consider their subordinates become their
equals or even superior. But time will prore that the change is inevitable
when the moral and intellectual heights of the labour are raised to the
appropriate level
labour the union was to endeavour not to achieve victory but to secure a
just solution. He asked the members to take a pledge with God that they
would stand by their declaration". Will you also make an earnest effort for
such a just solution? To the above question the following responses are
given.
Table 8.22
In the event of disputes between capital and labour the union
was to endeavour not to achieve victory but to secure a just solution -
opinion of the workers
INTUC 83 6 89
93.8% 6.2% 35 6%
Others 37 2 39
organisation is justice. These forces no trade union can keep aside securing of
justice to the worlung class f?om among its objectives. The workers are not
belonging to all unions who are disagreeing to the above are those who are
unable to accept defect at any cost. They are not able to forego their
immediate gains to place justice on the high pedestals or which our great fore
fathers and Gandhiji's placed. This minority needs education for a proper
that the parties should meet. Securing justice for all should be the moto. Rule
of law in almost any country demands that securing justice to all humans is
the ultimate aim. Fighting should, there fore, always be for justice and not
necessarily for victory. We should always see victory in the victory of justice.
direction.
Table 8.23
In the event of disputes between capital and labour the union was to
endeavor not to achieve victory but to secure a just solution - opinion of
the leaders
-
Opinion Number Percentage
Yes 90 90%
No 10 1 0%
'No'.
the only solution. No one should go for confrontation or fight for success. The
solution emerging out of any compromise formula should have justice as the
"hallmark. This is what Gandhiji wanted and a huge majority of union leaders
agreed to it seeing the practical worth of it. It means that patience and
perseverance only will bring lasting results. The minority standing against should
Table 8.24
'In the event of disputes between capital and labour the &on was to
endeavour not to achieve victory but to secure a just solution'-opinion of
the managers
Opinion Number Percentage
Yes 29 58
No 21 42
Total 50 100
solutions to any problems. Gandhiji wants his own idea of self sacrifice to be
any decision keeping in mind true principles of justice and to stand by it till
the end. By this Gandhiji has proved that he always wants to stand by the side
stood for
dignity and self -respectn. Are these principles relevant even today? To this
Table 8.25
morality and ethics built or concepts like justice honour dignity and self
respect and his ideology of industrial relation based on the above are relevant
even today. The fraction of workers agreeing are 213'~ in both ClTU and
Gandhiji had highest regard for more superior human values. He had
faith in the ultimate goodness of man. His life was his message. His lifetime
was spent in experimenting with truth. His idea of justice honour and self-
respect were evident in what ever he did and wherever he went. Industrial
relations is an area where these ideals were put to test and Gandhiji himself
proved the merits of the ideals. Workers themselves seem to have realised
how these ideals are finding practical application in honourable and lasting
solution to problems. These concepts and ideals also seem to reveal basic
human instinct of highest regard for his fellow human beings expressed and
propagated by great thinkers of all time. Gandhiji was always willing to adopt
those ideals and innovate on them, finding their practical applicability even
today
ideology of industrial relations and the conceptions and concept on which the
same was based relevant even today. It may be noted that the percentage of
workers upholding the above values of Gandhiji are the highest in the
Table 8.26
Yes 76 76%
No 24 24%
Out of 100 leaders 76% replied as "Yes" and only a minority of 24%
replied as "No". Gandhiji considered the core of industrial relations, like his
other principles and ideals, truth, non-violence, justice, honour dignity and self-
respect. These are basic principles on which human society is built up. This
morality and values are relevant as long as human society exists in a healthy
manner. Therefore the majority of human leaders cannot but agree to what
Gandhi stood for in labour management relations. Though there was a stage in
the development of trade union movement when these Gandhian ideologies were
experience that there is no alternative to these ideas. The opinion of the union
Yes 34 68
No 16 32
Total 50 100
Source: Primary data
conceptions and perceptions even today are higher than the percentage of
justice, honour, dignity and self-respect which are like truth and non-violence,
as old as the hills are here to stay as long as human race remains. From times
imagine a stage where the above principles can be given up. The minority
disagreeing to this are either misled or keeping their eyes shut towards reality.
8.9 Conclusion
activities Gandhi could devote his time and energy to the cause of Industrial
labour. His work as a labour leader was confined mostly to the textile labour
Gandhian concepts depends much on the human element, and it is for this
as possible.
for the entire country as the union minister for labour and employment
Labour policy is profound. But ultimately it is the employers and workers who
have to make a fruitful use of these devices and benefit by them. This is an
imponderable factor.
References
2. Ibid.
10. J.C. Chander ,(ed.) Teachings ofMahatma Gandhi, Lahore, 1945, p.494.
21. N.K. Bose, ed. Selectionfrom Gandhi, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay
1957, p.36.
25. Ibid
26. During the dispute at Ahmedabad, Gandhi expressed his admiration for
the mill-owner's leader Ambalal Sarabai. "His resolute will and
transparent sincerity were w o n d e h l and captured my heart. It was a
pleasure to be pitched against him". Gandhi ,n. 18, p.432.
28. Ibid, p 8
29. Quoted in "The Ahmedabad Experiment in Labour Management
Relations'' In/ernational 1,ahour Review, 1959.
33. D.G. Tendulkar, Mahatma, Vol. 1111, p.169. For a vivid account of
Gandhi's views on mechanization, see D.P. Mukerp, "Mahatma Gandhi's
views on Machines and Technology" in UNESCO, Social Change and
Economic Ljevelopment, 1963.
35. M.K. Gandhi, Ii'conomic and Indrrstrial llfe and Relations. Vol.111,
Complied and edited by V.B. Kher, Ahmedebad, Navajeevan Publishing
House, p. 145
38. R.J. Soman, Peacejitl Industrial Relations, Their Science and Techniqtte:
Navajeevan Publishing House, Ahtnedebad, p.247
39. M.K. Gandhi, i?conomics and indtt.~triallfe and Relalions, op. cit, pp.59-
60.
46. M.K. Gandhi, Economics and Industrial Life and Relations, Op.cit, p.61
51. Ibid
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid.
63. Ibid