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Column 122010 Brewer

Monday, December 20, 2010

Politics Must Not Offer Mexican Drug Lords Safe Havens

By Jerry Brewer

Once again attention of a valiant battle, to wrest the

considerable control drug trafficking organizations hold of
Mexico, and against other transnational crimes and threats,
becomes the arena’s political football game. With a death toll
that since 2006 exceeds 30,000 persons, who is really to
blame?

Some Mexican politicians believe that dishonor must go to

President Felipe Calderon.

There are those political pundits who blame Calderon’s

failures ―when he lost Congress in July 2009,‖ essentially
entering his lame-duck phase. President Calderon recently
remarked that progress may be difficult because ―they block
the ability to get a parliamentary majority.‖

The frightening words of political knee-jerk actions were

echoed when other lawmakers said they were wary of
anything that could be perceived as giving Calderón more
power.

Does anyone truly and rationally believe, with some degree of

semblance or evidence that the drug cartels were better left
alone to conquer the Mexican homeland with impunity and not
be challenged? Would there have been less death or a more
harmonious assimilation of organized and transnational crime
and insurgency had they been left alone?

Going back to some of the early facts of what has been

described as ―Mexico’s drug war,‖ we must revisit some of the
early evidence of this war that began as a so-called ―conflict.‖
During the watch of President Vicente Fox, a gun battled
occurred on July 28, 2005, in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas,
between "armed criminal groups (with) unusually advanced
weapons." This since the combatants used an arsenal that
combined automatic weapons, bazookas and hand grenades.

Actually, hundreds of different caliber shells were

subsequently found at the war zone-like scene, along with AK-
47 rifles, handguns and ski masks. And if that is not disturbing
enough, a state policeman who asked not to be identified said
that investigators found numerous photographs of municipal
police officers at the residence involved, an apparent hit list of
officials sentenced to death. Further intelligence revealed that
each of the photographs listed the officer's name and assigned
location, along with maps to their homes.

The Mexican presidential spokesman at the time, Ruben

Aguilar, said federal efforts to stop the violence in Nuevo
Laredo ―had been successful.‖ A week later another city
official of Nuevo Laredo, City Councilman Leopoldo Ramos
Ortega, was shot dead as he innocently sat in his truck.
Ramos also chaired the council's security committee.

A false complacency began as a man named Omar Pimentel

was then selected as Nuevo Laredo’s police chief, replacing
Alejandro Dominguez who was killed in a hail of gunfire on his
first day on the job. Pimentel stated that he himself was ―not
looking for bad guys to fight, nights on patrol, (or) raids‖ – and
no crime scenes for him. ―I have simply come here as a
political figure for the Mayor.‖

In Nuevo Laredo nearly 200 people were murdered in 2005,

and other victims simply vanished. What was just as appalling
is that nearly 20 police officers, including the chief of police
and city councilman, had been gunned down.

President Calderon’s administration inherited an existing ―drug

war.‖ The sophisticated armaments, tactics and the
aggressive nature of a previously, practically, untouched drug
cartel hierarchy began to diabolically confront local police,
political officials, and the military head-on with superior
firepower. Local police became useless as many of their rank
and file simply fled. Local Mexican law enforcement was no
match for this power directed against them.

Under President Calderon’s direction the Mexican military and

federal police became increasingly successful in carrying out
operations to remove top cartel leaders. Mexico's armed
forces number about 225,000, and some of their military roles
include not only national defense, but narcotics control. The
Mexican Congress passed legislation in 2009 expanding the
investigative and intelligence capabilities of the Federal Police,
which itself has expanded from 20,000 personnel to
approximately 34,000.

Mexico’s political apparatus must work to achieve common

ground on understanding the real threats to the Mexican
homeland. Failure to do so and act strategically could
certainly result in a failed state.

This century, transnational organized crime groups have

flourished throughout the world, copying legitimate business
practices, forming strategic alliances and pursuing joint
ventures. They are threatening the autonomy of states. The
infiltration and forging of alliances with corrupt government
officials remains a critical component.
With corruption and organized crime as close allies for
success, the Mexican government must continue its efforts to
reorganize local police forces to effectively coordinate with the
tactical power and expertise of the military and federal police.
The welfare and safety of Mexico is at stake, and dependent
on elected officials to do the right thing.

——————————
Jerry Brewer is C.E.O. of Criminal Justice International
Associates, a global threat mitigation firm headquartered
in northern Virginia. His website is located at www.cjiausa.org.
TWITTER: cjiausa