THE CAREGIVING INTERVIEW

This manual describes the defensive processes rating system that we have developed to
evaluate parents' internal working models of caregiving. Following Bowlby’s (1969/1982)
behavioral systems approach to attachment, we view caregiving as a biologically based
behavioral system organized in its own right (George & Solomon, 1989, 1999, in press;
Solomon & George, 1996). Bowlby (1969/1982) conceived of the caregiving system as
reciprocal to attachment. This leads to hypotheses that a mother’s caregiving state of mind
would be the most prominent caregiving dimension associated with the child’s attachment
status. It also follows that the features of the mother’s caregiving system should also be
related to features of the child’s development that are related to attachment, such as peer
competence, socialization skills (e.g., cooperation, communication), affect regulation, and
developmental risk (see George & Solomon, in press, for a complete discussion). Findings
from our research support basic hypotheses regarding the relation the mother’s caregiving
system and child attachment.
In sum, there is evidence in support of our model that the mother’s present caregiving
system is a powerful predictor of the quality of her child’s attachment and development.
Our model challenges contemporary views of the origins of caregiving behavior. For over
25 years, the field of attachment has been committed to the view that the mother’s
representation of her own past attachment system, especially her coherence about the past, is
the main contributor to the child’s attachment security. Indeed, this formula of transmission
has become a truism in the field. This position emerged based on a few early seminal studies
that showed a significant correlation between mother’s representation of her past (measured
using the AAI) and child’s attachment security (van IJzendoorn, 1995). An increasing body
of empirical data does not support this truism, however.

The scales in this manual were designed to evaluate four dimensions of information and
defensive processing that have shown in our research to be related to the fundamental
organization of internal working models of attachment and caregiving (George & Solomon,
1989, in press; Solomon, George, & De Jong, 1995). These scales were developed based on
our examination of the Caregiving Interviews of mothers of children in transition to middle
childhood (ages 5-7) and, subsequently, mothers of infants. Our research has shown that
mothers’ representations of caregiving during the interview include manifestations of all of
these defenses.

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 The scales integrate evaluations of the five fundamental dimensions of caregiving
representation: self-other balance, engagement and partnership, caregiving support, and
appraisal and information processing of self, child, and the relationship.1 The first scale is
flexible integration. This scale represents the mother’s commitment to her child and her
ability to balance caregiving and attachment with her and the child’s other needs. We view
flexible integration as fundamentally a non-defensive position, one in which the mother is
able to modulate anxiety and threat in order to productively think about self and child in a
goal-corrected caregiving-attachment partnership. The other three scales represent
compromises to and/or failures in caregiving commitment and balance.

Deactivation evaluates features of defensive exclusion that shift the mother’s thinking away
from the stress of caregiving and attachment. The mother’s commitment to her own needs
and socialization goals are more prominent in her thinking than caregiving balance and
commitment to the child. Cognitive disconnection evaluates features of defensive exclusion
that heightens the mother’s thinking about and sensitivity to the importance of caregiving
and attachment. Balance and commitment in the relationship are obscured by sentimentality
about being a mother and her inability to quell caregiving distress. Ultimately, cognitive
disconnection is associated with exhaustion and, somewhat paradoxically and confusingly to
the child; the mother temporarily turns away for respite and to restore her resources.
Segregated systems evaluates features of defensive exclusion that elsewhere we have
associated with the term “abdication” of the caregiving system (Solomon & George, 2000).
The caregiving and attachment systems are out of balance and in a distorted and
dysfunctional relation to one another.

The mother’s caregiving representation is evaluated on all four defensive processing scales.
The patterns of the rating permit the judge to “see” the details of defensive exclusion. The
caregiving classification permits the judge to “see” how a mother is generally similar to or
different from other mothers at a group level. The classification also provides information
regarding her child’s overall attachment classification (i.e., secure, avoidant, ambivalent,
disorganized/controlling).

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The Caregiving Interview is the method we use to assess caregiving representations. The
interview we use is derived by permission from Aber and Slade’s Parent Development
Interview (Aber, Slade, Berger, Bresgi, & Kaplan, 1985). The interview is designed to ask
parents to describe their experiences with the child. We have found that the defenses are best
elicited when the interviewer presses the mother to provide autobiographical detail about
actual interactions and situations with her child. Specific instructions for interviewing are
provided in Appendix D. Those who are already familiar with the Adult Attachment
Interview (AAI, George, Kaplan, & Main, 1984/1985/1996) should note that the interview
goals are different from the AAI. The AAI and its analysis is tied to the interaction of
interviewee-interview cooperation and to narrative discourse rules and coherence of
discourse (Hesse, in press; Main, 1990; Main & Goldwyn, 1984/1998). With the Caregiving
Interview, the focus is on content and narrative structure to the extent that they reveal
underlying representational processes. In the sections that follow, we describe a five-step
rating and classification procedure. Step 1 is to read through the interview in its entirety to
develop a qualitative case summary. This summary provides the judge with an overall sense
of the mother’s caregiving “story.” The judge should not begin rating until Step 1 is
completed. This story provides the judge with a summary of the kinds of experiences that
serve as the foundation of the mother’s caregiving representation. It also provides the judge
with the mother’s “spin” on the self-other balance in this relationship, a key feature of
defensive processes scales. Step 2 is to sort the interview for specific memories or
descriptive “vignettes” of caregiving interactions or practices. Step 3 is to apply the four
rating scales to each vignette. Step 5 is to determine an overall interview rating for each
defense. These overall ratings are also used to determine the mother’s caregiving
classification group placement.

QUALITATIVE CASE SUMMARY

The first step is in the rating and classification process is to develop a qualitative case
summary based on the “content” of the mother’s representation of caregiving. This is done
by reading through the interview to get an overall sense of the mother’s perspective on
caregiving. This is an important step in the rating process and also provides a summary that
can be used to integrate the caregiving system into clinical work. A qualitative case
summary template is provided in Appendix A. This template guides you through this step.
An example of a qualitative case summary is also provided in Appendix A.

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 INTERVIEW VIGNETTES

The next step is to read through the interview in order to identify the descriptive vignettes
that will be used during the rating process. The mother’s response to the interview questions
contains several different types of discussions. She describes the attitudes and personalities,
discusses general constructs related to caregiving and other aspects of her life (e.g., divorce
proceedings), generalized caregiving events, and specific caregiving events. The rating
scales are applied only to generalized and specific caregiving events; rating is not done on
the entire interview.2
Vignettes are generally defined as specific or generic situations that activate (or should
activate according to theory) the mother’s caregiving system. The vignette begins at the
point in the interview when the mother begins to describe the situation. The vignette
continues until the mother has finished discussing this situation. The judge will note that
some mothers bring an event up several times during the interview. This indicates that the
event is still on her mind.

Step 1. Vignette sorting begins with the “joy” question (or with the first spontaneous
vignette if the mother provides one earlier). Specific events have priority.

Step 2. Specific caregiving events.

a) Look at the mother’s response to the question again and select one or more
specific events. The response should be specific enough that you can “draw it.” The vignette
that is marked begins with the mother’s description and continues until the mother is
finished talking about it. If the interviewer leads the mother away from the specific event,
this material will not be included in the vignette unless it is clear that the mother is
addressing the same event as before the interruption..
b) Note the topic of the vignette event. Further discussion of this event must be
added to the vignette until the event no longer comes up as a topic during the interview.
c) If there is a second specific event, follow the same procedure. Typically the
mother describes only one specific event. But don’t assume this. Read carefully for other
events.
d) If the mother does not provide any specific events in response to a question, go to Step 3.

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Step 3. Generic caregiving events.

a) Look for a generalized event. A generalized event is defined as a scheme that

describes a habitual pattern of interaction. As with the specific event, the judge must have a
clear sense of the context and who the “actors” are, and usually what happens in the scheme
of interactions. The quality of this description typically is not as detailed as the specific
event described above. The description rather has the quality of a broad outline or an
interaction (e.g., bedtime, getting the child ready for school) or a time when the mother is
not present that activates her caregiving system (e.g., separation).
b) Select the generalized event, and following the same procedure as for a
specific event, marking the selection until the mother has finished discussion that situation
and following up with additions to this selection from later portions of the interview, as
needed.

DEFENSIVE PROCESSES CODING

This section describes the elements associated with coding the four defensive processes used
to evaluate the caregiving interviews. These scales are entitled flexible integration,
deactivation, cognitive disconnection, and segregated systems. The scales are derived from
theory and research to identify the main defensive positions associated with caregiving and
attachment. Each defensive position is defined by four dimensions.

The first dimension is self-other balance. This dimension evaluates the mother’s
representation of self in caregiving-attachment relationship. Partnership requires
commitment, flexibility, acceptance, and supporting the child’s development and autonomy.
Exploration and competence are essential to age-appropriate development. Exploration
exists in balance with attachment. In essence, we see in these descriptions whether the
mother describes herself as a “secure base.”

Self-other balance also involves relationship repair. Conflict of interest is inherent in the
caregiving-attachment relationship and the mother accordingly will describe tension or
anger as a feature of some vignettes. We see, too, that as children grow beyond infancy,
mothers increasingly describe situations that involve discipline and limit setting. Conflict

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and discipline are distressing for the child; however, these situations are a necessary aspect
of socialization. It is important to understand that the parental disciplinary behavior and
limit setting also potentially activate the child’s attachment system. Mother and child must
engage in relationship repair and reconciliation in order to re-integrate their caregiving-
attachment relationship. Problems in caregiving arise when the mother tips the balance to
emphasize self or the child, or when the mother is unable to participate at all in a partnership
that integrates the child as an individual in his own right.

The second dimension describes the mother and child’s engagement in the caregiving-
attachment partnership. This dimension captures the mother’s description of their behavioral
interactions and the emotions associated with being together. Engagement and partnership
captures individual differences in the ways the mother describes self and child together as a
“team.”

The third dimension is the mother’s caregiving support system. Being a parent is stressful.
Tremendous resources are required in order to care for and provide security for the child.
The mother’s efforts must be combined and balanced with the other demands in her life.
This balancing act takes its toll. All mothers understandably feel anger, frustration, and
sometimes desperation in their role as caregivers. The caregiving support dimension
evaluates how the mother’s views the roles and contributions of adult attachment figures
(e.g., spouse, own parents), friends, neighbors, and professionals as sources of support,
caregiving ideas, and buffers that help the mother renew her caregiving. The mother’s
caregiving support system can range from being comforting and cooperative to being a
source of distress and threat.

The fourth dimension is, in Bowlby’s use of the terms, the mother’s appraisal and defensive
exclusion processes. In order to be flexible, the mother must be able to think about
caregiving. George and West define this process as the “internalized secure base” (George &
West, 2001; George, West, & Pettem, 1999). The internalized secure base is conceived as
the individual serving as his or her “secure base.” Applying this concept to the caregiving
system, the appraisal dimension examines the mother’s ability to “step back,” think about”
and evaluate interactions with her child and her practices as a mother. The mother is
prepared for the fact that this exploration process may well elicit distress. The internalized
secure base however permits the mother to explore the sources of her distress, her child’s
distress, and potential solutions and transformations.

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During the rating process, the judge first evaluates each vignette for evidence of all four
defensive processes. The judge should read the vignette before trying to apply the rating
scales to get an overall sense of what the mother is describing and her overall point. The
judge then marks key words and passages in the vignette as possible evidence for the four
forms of defense. These are then evaluated in the context of the vignette as a whole, reading
the vignette carefully to understand the meaning of the mother’s “message” about
caregiving. Note that not all portions of the vignette are used in the rating. Mothers must
describe the details of situations, for example, in order to provide the background for the
judge to understand the vignette.

Flexible Integration

Flexible integration is fundamental to the representation of caregiving security. Flexible

integration at the representational level means that the mother is able to evaluate self, child,
and the caregiving-attachment relationship in relation to the developmental and individual
needs of both mother and child. This requires her to balance her needs with those of her
child’s. Fundamental to flexibly integrated caregiving is the commitment to the child. This
commitment leads to representations of the child and maternal behavior that demonstrate
that the child's needs will have priority. But balancing the child’s overall priority and
specific needs with her own needs is also fundamental to flexibly integrated caregiving. This
means that flexible integration permits the mother to adjust her caregiving priorities
according to the context. Her knowledge about and ability to evaluate and anticipate future
events in relation to the child’s context specific responses is crucial to maintaining flexibility
and supporting the child’s security.

Self-other balance: Child’s-Parent’s needs are flexibly accommodated

Committed. The mother demonstrates that she is committed to this child. She communicates
a clear message that this child is as an individual who is worthy and deserving of her care,
especially when distressed or vulnerable.

Mother and child are flexible. The mother’s description includes evidence that she or her
child is genuinely flexible, a characteristic that contributes to her effectiveness as a mother.

Mother supports child’s autonomy and competence. The mother views herself as an active
participant in supporting the child’s age-appropriate exploration and competence.
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Relationship repair. This dimension in the flexible integration rating should be applied to
evaluations of mother-child behavioral reconciliation. Especially as children grow older,
mothers frequently repair these situations through a strategy that has come to be known in
developmental circles as induction. Repair through induction is seen when the mother
describe the steps she takes to explain the situation in language the child can understand.
She may also engage in problem solving with the child not only to help the child understand,
but also to help prevent the problem from occurring again in the future. If conflict has
resulted in physical separation or distance (e.g., child goes to his room), mothers describe
how they establish proximity once again in order to initiate repair. Note that mother’s
thinking or appraisal of a situation that describe the importance of repair and generates ideas
about how to prevent future conflict is rated as an “appraisal and processing” form of
reflection (see below).

Engagement-partnership: Cooperative togetherness

Mutual enjoyment. The mother describes times with her child that reveal mutually
satisfying interaction. She honestly enjoys interacting with the child, including participating,
guiding, or generally being “in tune.” Her enjoyment is described from the caregiving lens,
that is as a mother who is older and wiser than her child but who can enjoy togetherness.

Vicarious joy. The mother expresses vicarious joy when describing the child’s activities,
adventures, and developmental accomplishments from which she derives immense pleasure.
Vicarious joy appears at moments when them other can step back and experiences the
child’s thrill and enjoyment genuinely as her own by virtue of being the child’s mother.

Trust. One of the foundations of a flexible partnership is mutual trust. The mother describes
herself as trustworthy and confident. She believes in herself without qualification, often
directly stating that she is a good or great mother. She may make statements such as, I’m a
great parent, I’m discovering I’m a good parent, or I want to give him everything I can. This
evaluation is also given when the mother describes herself as confident. Statements of
confidence demonstrate that she knows how to comfort or console her child. These
descriptions may also include statements that demonstrate her certainty of her child’s love.

Mother knows child and responds sensitively. Maternal sensitive responsiveness to the
child’s signals and cues is the foundation of secure attachment. The child’s anger is
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functional (see Bowlby, 1973) and expressed directly and clearly. Sensitivity is
demonstrated in her vignettes by descriptions that interpret her child’s signals, confirmed by
her appropriate and prompt responsiveness. In addition to sensitivity, the vignettes may also
demonstrate how well the mother knows her child as an individual. She describes details of
his personality or behavior that gives the judge a clear sense of who he is as a developing
person.

Caregiving support: Haven of safety

Comforting and cooperative. Adult attachment figures provide the mother with her own
secure base and haven of safety. Adult attachment figures may include the mother’s spouse
or parents (including parents by marriage, i.e., in-laws). These figures demonstrate
understanding for the mother’s problems and feelings, and soothe and comfort her. They
may act as a sounding board for her ideas and as a venue for her to express her frustrations
and sadness. But this is not provided without also acknowledging her difficulty and trying to
soothe her distress. Adult attachment figures may also act as a collaborative co-parent,
providing care for the child that effectively supplements and balances the mother’s own care
(i.e., goal-corrected partnership between parents).

Mother’s appraisal and processing: Integration

Reflection. The mother demonstrates that she is willing and able to engage in thinking about
self, child, and the relationship or situation, even if this t is uncomfortable or distressing.
Perspective taking and empathy are an integral part of reflection and the reciprocal
caregiving process. The mother thinks about the internal her child’s and her own internal
states. Ultimately her goal is to provide better care for her child by acknowledging the
problems that have arisen or understanding positive and negative caregiving contexts more
fully. Reflection is used as the basis for developing strategies and making adjustments as
needed. The mother may describe situations when this occurred or think of new solutions
and perspectives during the interview process itself.

Buffers, protects child from risk or unnecessary stress. The mother describes taking steps
to avoid creating unnecessary stress or disruption for the child. This also includes buffering
the child from danger or threats. The mother’s actions can be seen also as age-appropriate.

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For example, in the case of buffering an infant, the mother may demand that the baby must
ride in a vehicle in the car seat.

Thoughtful evaluation. The mother evaluates her caregiving strategies as effective. The
term “effective” here is defined as the mother’s appraisal of her strategies as appropriate to
the child or situation, or satisfying to her as a mother. This term is often used to describe
behaviors or strategies that are efficient in producing change. The focus of thoughtful
evaluation as a form of flexibly integrated appraisal is not on the outcome per se. On some
occasions, we see that the mother is only temporarily satisfied. That is, at the time she got
the “job done,” so to speak; she often then describes how she would approach a situation
differently in the future in the spirit of seeking a better solution. These evaluations also may
demonstrate that the mother values reparation of conflict and her desire to make the situation
better in the future.

Narrative integration
The rater will often notice the following qualities of narrative that are related to flexible
integration. Narrative qualities are not included in the rating system. This information is
provided for information only. The narrative qualities of flexible integration often reveal
what we call “sparkling detail.” The mother’s descriptions are lively, detailed, and provide a
sense of her own or the child’s personality or individuality. These descriptions have an
integrative quality, and do not ramble or immerse the reader in the horrors of caregiving as
will be seen characteristic of cognitive disconnection and segregated system narratives. The
mother’s speech also does not appear to be stiff or formal, sloppy, or disoriented.

DEACTIVATION

Deactivation is a form of defensive exclusion that permits the mother to pre-empt activation
(i.e., arousal) of her caregiving system. According to Bowlby (1980), deactivation is used to
scan, sort, and place information out of awareness. Deactivation is the defining defensive
posture of the caregiving representations of avoidant children (termed rejection in our earlier
work - George & Solomon, 1996; 1999), avoidant attachment (Solomon et al., 1995), and
adult dismissing attachment (George & West, 2000).

When we examine this form of defensive processing more closely, we see that these
defensive maneuvers allow the mother to deny her child's needs and justify her lack of
involvement. This results in evaluations of self and child that diminish the importance of
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caregiving and attachment experiences and descriptions of caregiving practices we have
called “distanced protection” (Solomon & George, 1996). Deactivation enables the mother
to escape awareness of negative attachment and caregiving related emotions. By
neutralizing this distress (i.e., removing the affective components of her experience), the
mother convinces herself that she is indeed an adequate and emotionally involved caregiver
and portrays herself as such to others, including her children. Careful reading of the
interview demonstrates that her involvement is superficial, thus the use of the prefix
“pseudo-“ for some of the categories in this rating scale.

Self-other balance: Parent’s needs and rights are greater than the child’s
The mother emphasizes her own needs and views her needs and her child’s in terms of the
rights and responsibilities of parents and adults. In her view, children, compared with adults,
have few rights, while the mother is a representative of society at large, responsible for
socializing a child to follow the rules and regulations that will permit the child to fit into an
adult society (e.g., manners, rules for how to act in public places).

Insists on own needs, child is undeserving. The mother describes her caregiving in terms of
limitations in how much she will or can do for this child. The mother selects or carries out
practices or interactions emphasizing her own needs. Situations are arranged according to
what is convenient for her, rather than focusing on the needs or characteristics of her child.
In some instances, the mother may make it clear that she has little regard for the child’s
needs or wishes. In other instances, the mother states the limits of what she will do for the
child. She clearly draws the line as to how much care or attention she will “put out.” The
mother sometimes will describe the child as unworthy, demanding, or manipulative. The
mother discourages such behavior and states approval when the child is not bothersome or
demanding. On other occasions, the mother describes how she is clever or even crafty in
responding minimally to her child so that she can then focus on herself (i.e., the child is an
interruption in her own time that requires her attention).

Asserts strict authority and discipline. The mother’s descriptions of interaction emphasize
her role as an authority figure and the importance of following rules. The child’s behavior is
typically viewed as unsuitable, "unacceptable", or in terms of transgressions. Rules are a
form of managing the child’s behavior. The mother is or wants to be in charge; she is in
authority and expects the child to follow her rules. She may describe her insistence that the
child mind or follow her instructions or rules. The mother may emphasize her own personal

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rules of conduct, or she may see herself as an authority in charge of socializing her child and
teaching manners and the rules of social conduct.

Values achievement and exploration. The mother values, praises and encourages
achievement and exploration. These evaluations are often made in the spirit of valuing
independence and maturity.

Engagement-partnership: Quiet togetherness

Pseudo-engagement. The mother describes her enjoyment of interactive experience with the
child by virtue of their togetherness. The mother describes herself in a way that makes her
appear engaged, empathic, or sympathetic. However, the descriptions themselves have a
mechanical quality, emphasizing the facts of the events being described. Emotions, aside
from typical descriptions that the child may be happy, are absent. There is no sense of
mutual enjoyment, give and take, or that these interactions involve cooperative, reciprocal
activities. In some vignettes, the mother describes quiet situations where mother and child
are together but not involved (e.g., watch TV). In others, the mother’s descriptions have the
quality of watching the child as distant observer. She may provide the details, however,
there is little sense that she is involved or really “knows” this child.

Avoids caregiving and attachment behavior. The mother’s attempts to avoid caregiving and
attachment are multifaceted. The mother may directly disapprove of a clingy child. She
interprets the child’s lack of desire for closeness as positive and even preferable to
clinginess. Mother and child may mutually engage in rebuff or rejection. Other forms of
avoidance of caregiving and attachment are forms of displacement. The mother tends to
place emphasis on behavior management, thus deflecting attachment signals and often
transforming them into transgressions. As such, the mother’s discussion focuses on her
involvement in terms of behavior management strategies. These strategies include forms of
intervention that are traditionally considered as behavior modification, such as time out or
reward and punishment schedules or contracts. Another form of displacement is for the
mother to emphasize concerns about the child that are related to other behavioral systems.
For example, the mother may rather emphasize fears and problems regarding the child’s
affiliative system by expressing concerns that the child will be rejected by or is having
trouble fitting in with age mates. The child’s problem may be expressed in terms of rejection
by other adults, age mates, or not fit into society more generally.

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Distanced supervision. The mother describes situations where the child receives supervision
or intervention from others instead of from her. This dimension applies to situations where
it is clear that the mother has removed herself from a situation in which she could or should
be involved, preferring to supervise from afar. She may or may not place the child in the
hands of competent others. The point rather is that she has chosen to remove herself from
direct interactive supervision.

Caregiving support: Role based support

Instrumental. Adult attachment figures, including spouse and parents, provide the mother
with the opportunity to talk to someone or get advice. There is no evidence from the
mother’s description that these interactions acknowledged the trouble or stress that she was
experiencing. In other words, there is no evidence that these figures provide a secure base or
haven of safety for the mother. They are simply instrumental or formal, in part defined by
virtue of the fact that one’s spouse or parents are individuals to whom one reaches out for
advice.
Instrumental support can also appear in the vignette as the mother getting information from
caregiving authorities. Authorities who provide this information typically provide facts and
rational suggestions as to what the mother to do, thus avoiding getting involved with
distressing emotions. This form of instrumental support is provided by caregiving
professionals – such as teachers, pediatricians, other doctors – and often from parenting and
child rearing books.

Mother’s appraisal and processing: Pre-emptive exclusion

These processes work to neutralize caregiving distress before they become conscious or to
remove them from in the mother’s conscious awareness.

Stereotypes, social norms, routines. The mother describes herself in terms of externalized
rule systems. These include the mother’s or child’s personal routine, social norms or roles
(defining what a mother is supposed to do, birth order, developmental norms for a particular
age), stereotypes, or mothering as a job or responsibility .

Rational problem solving. The mother’s evaluations emphasize rational problem solving.
Caregiving problems (e.g., the child’s needs, wants, behavior) are addressed, but efforts are
made to solve them with a minimum of fuss or distress. Explanations are provided that in an
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effort to be reasonable, seemingly rational and not emotionally laden. Note that problem
solving is usually based on the mother's assessment of the situation or her needs.

Shift attention away from negative affect. The mother firmly denies that her child makes
her feel angry or irritated. She may describe situations that involve anger, but she does not
ascribe her angry feelings to the child. Anger may be viewed as the product of another
person, situation, or particular behavior. Another technique to shift away from negative
caregiving affect is to engage in self-discipline techniques. The mother endorses the
importance of learning how to control her emotions.

Neutralizing transformations. Neutralizing transformations are statements the mother

makes that attempt to remove the emotional charge from the child, the self, or the situation.
As in chemistry, neutralizing can take negative, positive, or neutral forms. What these
comments have in common is that they transform distressing and intolerable feelings into
affective states that are tolerable. They typically occur at the end of a vignette discussion.
But this is not always the case, so the judge should be watchful for neutralizing
transformations during a description as well. Neutralizing transformations are the mother’s
spin on the situation – the effect that she wants to leave the interviewer as well as herself
with. Some statements are positive twists or positive wrap-ups. The mother sums up an
uncomfortable situation (including attachment situations such as separation) by leaving the
impression that something positive emerged out of the situation. The lack of reflection with
regard to the problem addressed in these statements can be striking. Some statements are
neutral. Other statements are clearly negative barbs made against the child or the self, but
they have an ironic or self-aware quality, thus minimizing the negative affective tone.

Pseudo-security. The mother’s evaluations of closeness or togetherness in the relationship in

the absence of convincing evidence of emotional engagement are considered to be pseudo-
security. The mother states how she enjoys quiet togetherness with her child and how this
makes her and/or the child feel “secure.” According to attachment theory, feelings of
security can only develop in contexts of true partnership, engagement, and maternal
sensitivity. Pseudo-security represents the mother’s attempt to create security in the absence
of these fundamental qualities. Contrary to descriptions of security that are coded as flexible
integration, here the mother wishes for the child to feel secure but fails to demonstrate
confidence that she is indeed providing security. The mother describes her desire for the
child to love her without evidence to support this. She may describe how the child loves her,
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but again without evidence to support this. Pseudo-security also is evidenced when the
mother describes goals for the child to be secure, again without evidence.

Narrative deactivation
The rater will often notice the following qualities of narrative that are related to deactivation.
Narrative qualities are not included in the rating system. This information is provided for
information only. The narrative qualities of deactivation often are revealed through the use
of sterile language. Descriptive phrases or words seem wooden, overly formal, stiff, or
impersonal. The mother uses 3rd person language to refer to herself or the child, such as
referring to herself as “mom,” “mother” or the child as “son” or “daughter.”

COGNITIVE DISCONNECTION

Cognitive disconnection is a form of defensive exclusion that separates in consciousness

negative affect from its source (Bowlby, 1980). It is helpful to think about cognitive
disconnection as a form of partial exclusion. Cognitive disconnection inhibits taking a full
perspective; mothers are unable to see the “bigger picture.” The mother’s awareness of
caregiving and attachment is limited because these experiences and their associated affects
are only available for conscious processing in “pieces.” Events and affects are neither fully
remembered nor fully excluded. Importantly, then, this form of defense does not function to
fully exclude anger, distress and other negative affective appraisals.
Cognitive disconnection is the defining defensive posture of the representations of
ambivalent children (termed uncertain in our earlier research - George & Solomon, 1996;
1999), ambivalent-resistant attachment (Solomon et al., 1995), and adult preoccupied
attachment (George & West, 2000). We view disconnection as the underlying mechanism
that permits the mother to heighten activation of the caregiving system, leading to
caregiving practices we have described as “close protection” (Solomon & George, 1996).
The mother believes that keeping the child close affords her with maximum opportunity to
detect caregiving and attachment signals. Negative caregiving affect is experienced as
uncomfortable and potentially overwhelming because it threatens the very close bond that
the mother strives to achieve. As much as possible, the mother’s goal is to circumvent
distress and keep interactions with and thoughts about the child positive – emphasizing
descriptions of the positive aspects of the relationship (e.g., enjoy the child’s sweet nature,
sentimental togetherness). This allows her to place the child’s needs before her own and
experience, at most, a vague awareness of her own needs and (inevitable) ambivalence

15
toward the child. In this state of mind, she believes that providing care for this child should
then be easy and non-problematic. After all, she has dedicated herself to this child. Keeping
such a close eye on the child requires her to heighten activation of her caregiving system.
Yet, positive endorsements, the easy child, and her ability and desire to forget comprise only
“half the caregiving picture.” Caregiving naturally involves anger, unhappiness, and
disappointment. Disconnecting defenses cannot keep realizations of caregiving problems
from reaching conscious awareness. When this occurs, the mother’s internal experience
shifts accordingly and she becomes focused on negative appraisals of caregiving and
attachment. The behavioral consequence of this shift in awareness is that the mother
reactively turns away from caregiving. It is as though she has been released from caregiving
duty. She puts thoughts of the child and any possible feelings of distress out of her mind –
she forgets, for the moment at least, about caregiving. Unable to fully reflect on the child
and her behavior, her state is often characterized by worry, guilt, and anxiety. She ruminates
for long periods about caregiving and works, sometimes without success, to once again
achieve a positive and pleasurable state of mind. In sum, cognitive disconnection is manifest
in inconsistent, vacillating, and hesitant behavior and polarized thinking and feeling. The
mother shifts back and forth between heightened caregiving and the failure to acknowledge
or respond to caregiving and attachment cues. Her appraisals shift between caregiving as
easy and caregiving as hard and worrisome.

Self-other balance: Child’s needs are greater than the mother’s

Indulgent. The mother emphasizes or enjoys the child’s immaturity and describes her
enjoyment of babies. She indulges the child’s needs and derives pleasure from the intimacy
she feels during these interactions. She may dread or regret that her child is growing up.

Heightened sensitivity and reactivity. The mother’s discussion demonstrates that her
attention to the attachment and caregiving is heightened. She keeps the child close may try
to avoid separations and feels guilty about leaving her child. The mother’s intense
involvement may give way to her reactively turning away from caregiving. That is,
caregiving is also described as hard. The mother may discuss how it is difficult to get
anything done when the child is around. As a consequence, she “turns off” her caregiving
system. The mother may describe how she consciously withdraws or withholds care from
the child. In these situations she is aware of the child’s state, activity, or attachment signals

16
on the one hand and makes a conscious decision not to respond on the other hand. Often, we
can see how her caregiving system is activated in the background but her failure to respond
to the child in the foreground. And certainly the child’s experience is that the mother is not
responding to his attachment signals. This contradiction is paradigmatic of cognitive
disconnection. Heightened reactivity is also manifest in descriptions of being distracted,
busy, or not totally tuned in. In this state the heightened mother is not able to fully attend to
caregiving, nor does she reactively completely turn away. The mother is busy or
preoccupied with other things and cannot respond to the immediacy of the situation. She
may be surprisingly nonchalant or easygoing given the circumstances (e.g., mother’s
response to the child’s injury. (Note that segregated systems are coded if the child is actually
endangered.) In sum, this subcategory of self-other balance includes different manifestations
of caregiving positions that are related to the mother’s alternating heightened sensitivity and
reactivity to caregiving and attachment. All of these forms of sensitivity are fundamentally
rooted in the mother’s intense investment in being a caregiver and inability to fully integrate
the negative pole of maternal experience.

Circumvents conflict and distress. The mother dreads caregiving conflict, tension, and
distress. The mother may also describe difficulties or her ineffectiveness in setting limits or
act in ways that would cause the child to be angry or distressed. If there is a problem, the
mother describes her approach as dropping or changing the subject or the activity. She may
describe herself as acting like nothing has happened, sometimes describing her position as
forgiving or accepting – she “forgives and forgets.” There is no evidence of reflecting on
the problem.

Engagement-partnership: Sentimental togetherness

Sentimental mother-child moments. The mother’s descriptions of being together with the
child emphasize happiness and sentimentality. It is the togetherness dimension and not the
activity per se that provides her with happiness or joy.

Family togetherness. The mother’s descriptions of interaction emphasize the family as

being a unit for its own sake. It is the quality of togetherness that is important, not
necessarily the strength of the family or the family members themselves. Family activities
are oriented around either child or adult themes (e.g., celebrating the parents’ anniversary).
Sibling interaction and fairness are encouraged to promote a sense of family.

17
Sisters, friends, pals. The child is viewed as a friend or peer. In this kind of closeness,
mother and child are equal. The boundaries and roles of the parent caregiving and child
attachment hierarchy (i.e., parent as stronger and wiser) are relaxed or circumvented. Note
that such comments do not reveal either role-reversal or psychological merging between
mother and child.

Concern with fairness. The mother is concerned with fairness among family members. This
may involve fairness between the child and siblings, or child and parent.

Caregiving support: Disappointing support (passive or critical support)

Non-collaborative. Adult attachment figures are described as failing to provide either

emotional or instrumental support. Rather, these figures are described in a way that suggests
they are not helpful, for example, they are e “just there” or are critical of the mother’s
caregiving.

Caregiving by consensus. The mother collects opinions and suggestions of friends or

acquaintances in seeking advice about caregiving. These views are considered as legitimate
as the advice of adult attachment figures or professionals and mother may use or “try on”
their advice without providing evidence that she has truly reflected on it.

Mother’s appraisal and processing: Over-inclusive/Reactive

Uncertain. The mother expresses her uncertainty, confusion or doubt about herself as a
caregiver, the child, or the relationship. She may attempt to integrate a number of different
sources of information in thinking about the self, but in the end she (and the judge) remains
confused. Often these uncertainties create delays in how she is able to respond to the child.
Sometimes she attributes her delay to hopes that the problem would go away or resolve itself
without her having to become involved. What is noticeable in the mother’s thinking
processes is her hesitation and delay in taking steps to find caregiving solutions. Uncertainty
is also expressed by her confusion in reading the child’s signals or understanding her own
feelings. The mother then will often ask of questions, trying figure out what is going on.

Ruminates. The mother engages in a form of emotional cogitation that does not result in or
inhibits the process of finding solutions to problems. When ruminating, the mother may go
18
over situations endlessly and create a cycle of worry, doubt, frustration, guilt, anxiety, and
nervousness. (Note that worry about child that addresses concerns associated with norms,
such as “teenagers get into trouble” should be coded as deactivation-neutralization.)

Moods. The mother appraisal of self or child is in terms of moods, which are
undifferentiated affective states. Both the origins and outcomes of moods are somewhat
indecipherable. Negative affective moods commonly described in mothers’ responses
include, but are not limited to, being grumpy, crabby, cranky, embarrassed, sluggish,
lethargic, messy (an undifferentiated state), or uncomfortable. Positive affective moods
include being easy, silly or funny (not to be confused with role reversed clowning and being
a trickster – see segregated systems). This form of appraisal also includes a view of self or
the child’s thinking or behavior as reflecting pretense, living in a fantasy world, or putting
on an act (i.e., the exact motivation is obscured). Evidence of moods is also indicated when
mother or the child take on the other’s affective state. Often this is seen in descriptions of
the mother taking on the child’s distress, in a kind of emotional contagion or “over-
empathic” response.

Blurs. These narrative elements demonstrate that the mother is trying to simultaneously
bringing together memories of her own attachment with her caregiving or her current
caregiving for other children beside the child who is the subject of the interview (e.g.,
siblings). The latter form of blurring is indicated most commonly by the mother using the
word “they” to refer to the child, lumping other children together to make a generic child.
These moments indicate confusion during the process of appraising her caregiving for the
child who is the subject of the interview. (Note that intrusions of traumatic or frightening
childhood experience are coded as segregated systems.)

Distracted. The mother inexplicably leaves the topic of conversation or thought. This may
be indicated in a variety of ways during the interview. The mother may abruptly change the
subject being discussed or fail to complete her thought. She may try to make light of the
subject, suggesting that the issue is now a joke or something that is silly and laughs about.
The mother may suggest that she simply puts the topic out of her mind – she stops thinking
about distressing things or events. As a result, distraction prevents the mother from
reflecting on caregiving.

Narrative disconnection
19
The rater will often notice the following qualities of narrative that are related to cognitive
disconnection. Narrative qualities are not included in the rating system. This information is
provided for information only. The narrative qualities of cognitive disconnection are
indicative of confusion and sometimes the many pieces that comprise the mother’s
representation of caregiving events. It is characteristically laden with detail and empty
jargon, nonsense words or phrases, and cute sayings. These descriptions are empty and fail
to communicate images or content with a discernable meaning. The mother may make up
words, or use existing words or concepts in inappropriate, odd or confusing ways. The
disconnected narrative is also often very difficult to decipher, as it may contain
unintelligible descriptions and contradictions, sometimes swinging from one extreme to the
other. The mother may also stumble with language in her response, as if she does not know
what to say or is trying to get her bearings.

SEGREGATED SYSTEMS

Bowlby proposed that individuals put into place defensive mechanisms that are at once more
profound and more brittle than those we refer to here as deactivation and cognitive
disconnection when they experience what we term "assaults to the attachment system" such
as major separation, loss, or the threat of these (Solomon & George, 1999). These
experiences require organizing affect and memories into a self-consistent system that is
segregated from consciousness. Bowlby termed this representational model the “segregated
system.” We have extrapolated from Bowlby's views on attachment to the caregiving
system to propose that situations that activate the caregiving behavioral system can
potentially unlock memories and experiences from the parent's segregated caregiving
representation (i.e., behavior or feelings that the parent will leave the child unprotected and
at risk), or the parent’s own segregated attachment system (i.e., representations of
attachment related to her own attachment figures in child- or adulthood). Unable to regulate
or deactivate these memories and feelings, the parent becomes helpless and out of control.
This quality of segregated systems is termed flooding.
In some situations, segregated system processes tightly block caregiving experience and
affect from entering conscious awareness. The individual becomes constricted and frozen.
As Bowlby (1980) suggested, and as discussed more recently by Main and Morgan (Main &

20
Morgan, 1996) and Liotti (2004; Liotti, in press), this extreme state of constriction can be
likened to (or may actually be) a dissociative state. This state has been linked to feelings of
extreme fear (Perry, Pollard, Blakley, & Vigilante, 1995). This form of segregated systems
is termed constricted.
Notably, Bowlby pointed out the exclusionary processes associated with segregated systems
are brittle and at risk of breaking down. Constriction gives way to flooding. The individual
then becomes dysregulated, and affect and experience become disorganized (George &
Solomon, in press; Solomon & George, 1999b). It is not surprising then that often both
forms of segregated systems processing may be coded in the same vignette.

Segregated Systems – Flooded

Self-other balance: Flooded

Out of control. The mother describes interactions and events that have the quality of being
out of control. This dimension is also coded when the mother describes the child as engaged
in extreme behavior or herself as the caregiver permitting or being unable to control such
behavior. Mother or child experience extreme feelings and engage in extreme behavior. This
includes descriptions of the child or mother as being rude, wild, fighting and other extremely
antisocial behavior, or behaving in ways that are considered out of bounds (e.g., stealing,
lying, sexual behavior). Events may be described in terms of extreme unmodulated affective
states, such as loving and then hating something. In order to circumvent this strong language
of being out of control, some mothers describe their child as “different.” For example, an out
of control child may be one who throws severe tantrums, rages, or is wild and
uncontrollable. (Note that “yelling” is not considered out of control unless it has an extreme
or angry quality, in which case mothers often describe themselves or the child as
“screaming”.) Sometimes the out of control quality is demonstrated by the mother’s
desperation. The mother may be so desperate that she is willing to sacrifice other aspects of
her life or the child’s life to bring the situation into control.

Frightened-frightening. The mother describes events that frighten her and/or her child.
Some of these events may overlap with out of control episodes. For example, fighting or
bouts or rage are described as both out of control and frightening. The judge should note
both. The mother may include descriptions of behavioral hypervigilance. Sometimes she
notes that the event is so distressing that it made her ill.
21
 The mother views her child as being frightened. The mother may describe the child as being
hypervigilant and sensitive to the mother’s moods or environmental cues, instead of saying
right out that her child is frightened. She may notice that her child is very insecure for his or
her age or the context, unwilling to separate from her or showing fear in other ways such as
hiding or curling up into a ball or fetal position.
Fear is marked in the vignette without considering whether or not the judge or the mother
feel the fear is warranted. Some mothers provide reasonable explanations for their child’s
fear, such as being a new situation or separation. The goal here is to note when fear occurs;
situations that are considered reasonable cannot be dismissed as not important to the
mother’s caregiving.

Powerful. Caregiving becomes a struggle for power. Mother and child engage in “battles of
wills.” The mother views self or child as stubborn, clashing with each other; neither is
willing to give in. Power descriptions are not limited to discussions of mother and child
interactions. In some vignettes, the mother takes the position that her child is generally
powerful or struggling to exert power, for example in school or with friends and playmates.
Power is coded when the mother describes her child as defiant –willfully going against the
wishes of the mother or others. Sometimes power involves cruelty or the desire to hurt
another person. In other instances, the description of power may seem quite benign. Power is
not necessarily confrontational and hurtful. Power is also coded when the child is described
as stepping in and taking over a situation, even when the mother has provides what appears
to be reasonable explanation. The point is that the child is exerting adult-like power.3

Endangered. The mother and/or the child are endangered. The child is involved in
dangerous activity, acts dangerously, or remains in frightening situations. The mother may
permit this situation (e.g., allowing an infant to play with sharp scissors) or the danger may
be unexpected. When the mother permits danger to occur, this action is also coded as
abdication of care (see next section). In essence, she has abdicated care; that is, she turned
her back on the child. Coding of this category should not reflect the reader's judgment as to
the mother's actual options. In some situations, the mother has no choice but leave the child
in a care situation that she feels may place the child at risk (e.g., court-ordered visitation).
The judge should then code elements of abdication as related to constriction (see next
section).
3

22
In some situations, it is the mother who is in danger. These elements are coded whether or
not they are described as having an impact on the child. Mothers who are able to protect
their child from their own dangerous situations will also be coded as buffering their child
(see flexible integration). The fact that the mother is in danger must be captured for rating.
Dangers may also be associated with other relationships in the home or the community (e.g.,
living in an unsafe house, community violence). The mother may describe, for example,
situations during which the child witnesses violence, conflict or argument between the
mother and other individuals.

Engagement-partnership: Combative
The mother describes the details of confrontations, and events in which mother and child
engage in a battle of wills. The descriptions may include physical (e.g., by striking out
through hitting and other forms of physical aggression) or psychological (e.g., wanting to
hurt the other person’s feelings) harm. They may include the plans or behaviors mother or
child uses to dominate the other. Mother and/or child are rigid and often committed to their
position at the expense of the other and at the expense of other people in the family or
activities. The judge may have coded these vignettes as powerful (see above).

Caregiving Support: Opponent-Failed partner

Adult attachment figures, including husband or parents are described as opponents or as
refusing to provide help or support for the mother. They may cause her great distress. She
may believe them to be traitors, oppressive, or cruel. She may describe them as abandoning
her, or fears that they will abandon her.

Mother’s appraisal and processing: Flooded

The mother’s discussion in the vignette demonstrates that she is flooded by extreme
emotion. She may become overwhelmed by the child’s distress. She may focus on the child
or the self as overwhelmed by trauma and stress. She views herself as helpless and unable
to cope. The mother may simply describe the situation, such as her fears and concerns about
child abduction, abuse, or terminal illness. The fact that she brought up these subjects
indicates that she is flooded, even if she does not directly state that she is overwhelmed or
helpless. These vignettes may have already been coded in other segregated systems
categories, such as endangered (see above).

Narrative flooding
23
The rater will often notice the following qualities of narrative that are related to flooded
segregated systems. Narrative qualities are not included in the rating system. This
information is provided for information only. Narrative qualities of flooding are indicated by
the mother’s detailed descriptions of frightening events and her traumatic state. The mother
describes her subjective experiences and events in graphic and gory detail. The mother’s
descriptions may seem bizarre language, weird or spooky.

Segregated Systems-Constricted

Self-other balance: Constricted

Mother and child are role reversed. The mother describes the child as precocious or
developmentally advanced. This may be expressed by describing the child as extremely
bright and talented (without believable evidence that the child is truly gifted) or powerful
(e.g., has special powers). The mother may describe the child as taking on adult-like
activities. In some instances, the role reversal is indicated by the mother taking the position
of pleading with the child for forgiveness or compliance.

Child is caregiving. The child is sensitive and in tune. This is a characteristic of the child. It
may be expressed in relation to the mother; or it may the way the mother views the child
more generally in response to everyone. The child is a person who cheers, consoles or is
inordinately (given the age of the child) helpful. The child’s cheery nature may be described
in terms of being a clown, comedian, actor – creating funny and entertaining moments that
use humor to transform the mood of the mother or others.

Mother and child are merged. Mother and child have an exceptional bond. They are “one”
with each other. They understand each other’s moods and think alike naturally because they
are alike. The mother may describe the child as part of her, as an appendage or extension of
her physical or spiritual self. The mother may also describe how she cannot live without that
child – to be away from the child is to lose a part of the self.
The mother may view the child as merged with someone else. This person might be viewed
by the mother as wonderful or frightening. This person may be another individual in the
family, the mother’s life or the child may be identified more generally with individuals
known by others.

24
Mother (and sometimes child) abdicates. The mother resigns or abdicates care by
“handing” responsibility to another. This “other” may be trust in a higher power (e.g., fate,
magical or impractical events or the child him or herself) to care for the child. Other mothers
describe how they did not want to be a mother or wishes they could flee from motherhood.
Abdication is also coded when the child is described as being indiscriminate in attachment.
Note that this category is also coded as flooding-endangered (see above).

Engagement-partnership: Glorious
The mother glorifies the child. The mother interprets the child or the child’s behavior or
special talents as amazing, wonderful, or uncanny. In some descriptions, the mother gives
the impression that the child is so wonderful that he or she deserves a “halo.” In some
instances, the mother will describe her child as powerful.

Caregiving Support: Savior

Adult attachment figures provide the mother with glorious support. They affirm the mother’s
relationship with her child. They are more knowledgeable and protective than she is; she
totally depends on their wisdom. The mother may appear to be willing to abandon her child
for her husband.

Mother’s appraisal and processing: Constricted or dissociated

The mother makes statements that indicate that her is constricted or shut down. Her
thinking processes are “frozen.” She may say that she cannot think, cannot answer, or is
stuck. This freezing response may occur at any place in the vignette. Sometimes the mother
abruptly dissociates a frightening thought and freezes mid-sentence, failing to complete the
thought. The judge must note when freezing occurs, even if the mother continues on in her
discussion.
The mother may describe behavioral forms of constriction as a quality of mother-child
interaction. For example, she separates herself from the child when she is angry or
distressed, sending the child away or going away herself and becoming completely
unavailable to child (e.g., goes into her bedroom and shuts the door as a signal to the child to
keep out).
Constriction is also evident with the mother denies the frightening reality of a situation. She
becomes constricted in order to prevent herself from becoming flooded and dysregulated.
The mother describes behavior oriented toward blocking potentially frightening events from
25
the child's (or her own) awareness by denying what is obviously true. The mother may
describe a frightening event, but state that is was not frightening or not a problem. In other
instances, the mother describes behavior to block getting more information about a
frightening or distressing situation. In essence, these forms of constriction block information
from her thinking that might otherwise frighten or overwhelm her.

Narrative constriction
The rater will often notice the following qualities of narrative that are related to constricted
segregated systems. Narrative qualities are not included in the rating system. This
information is provided for information only. Narrative qualities consistent with constricted
representations of caregiving are the use of superlative words and images to describe the
child and caregiving events.

RATING SCALES

Flexible Integration Rating Scale

Ratings for Flexible Integration are based on the judge's evaluation of the entire set of
vignettes. A rating above the midpoint (i.e., 4 or above) suggests an evaluation of the mother
as fundamentally flexibly integrating of caregiving. Ratings below (i.e., 3.5 and below)
indicate that flexible integration is not characteristic of the mother's representation.

7 Flexible integration is predominant and characteristic

All or most of the vignettes in the interview end on flexible integration (at least 75%-80% in
an interview comprising 4 or more vignettes). Even when it does not end on flexible
integration, mother’s thinking on the remainder of vignettes demonstrates clear elements of
this process.

5 Flexible Integration is characteristic. The majority of the vignettes in the interview end
on flexible integration (at least 50% in an interview comprising 4 or more vignettes). Even
when it does not end on flexible integration, mother’s thinking on the remainder of vignettes
demonstrates clear elements of this process. Or, the interview contains few vignettes (e.g., 4
or less), at least 75% of which end on flexible integration, but since there are so few
vignettes, a higher rating cannot be given with real confidence

26
3 Limited Flexible Integration
Flexible integration is not characteristic of the mother’s representation. However, 1 or more
vignettes (in an interview comprised of at least 4) end on flexible integration and there are
some elements of this process in others (e.g.,in at least three other vignettes).
Note: lower ratings should be given if there are fewer than four vignettes in the interview to
judge, as well as when the interview does not come up to the above standard).

1 No Evidence of Flexible Integration

Evidence of flexible integration is absent or negligible.

Deactivation Rating Scale

Ratings for Deactivation are based on the judge's evaluation of the entire interview,
considering all of the coding categories for this dimension. A rating above the midpoint
(i.e., 4 or above) suggests an evaluation of the mother as fundamentally deactivating in her
representation of caregiving. Ratings below (i.e., 3.5 and below) indicate that deactivation
is not characteristic of the mother's representation.

7 Deactivation is predominant and characteristic

All or most of the vignettes in the interview end on deactivation (at least 75%-80% in an
interview comprising 4 or more vignettes). Even when it does not end on deactivation,
mother’s thinking on the remainder of vignettes demonstrates clear elements of this process.

5 Deactivation is characteristic
The majority of the vignettes in the interview end on deactivation (more than 50% in an
interview comprising 4 or more vignettes). Even when it does not end on flexible
integration, mother’s thinking on the remainder of vignettes demonstrates clear elements of
this process. Or, the interview contains few vignettes (e.g., 4 or less), at least 75% of which
end on deactivation, but since there are so few vignettes, a higher rating cannot be given
with real confidence

3 Limited Deactivation
Deactivation is not characteristic of the mother’s representation. However, 1 or more
vignettes (in an interview comprised of at least 4) end on deactivation and there are some
elements of this process in others (e.g.,in at least three other vignettes).

27
Note: lower ratings should be given if there are fewer than four vignettes in the interview to
judge, as well as when the interview does not come up to the above standard.

1 No Evidence of Deactivation
Evidence of deactivation is absent or negligible.

Cognitive Disconnection Rating Scale

Ratings for cognitive disconnection are based on the judge's evaluation of the entire
interview, considering all of the coding categories for this dimension. A rating above the
midpoint (i.e., 4 or above) suggests an evaluation of the mother as fundamentally
cognitively disconnecting of caregiving. Ratings below (i.e., 3.5 and below) indicate that
cognitive disconnection is not characteristic of the mother's representation.

7 Cognitive disconnection is predominant and characteristic

All or most of the vignettes in the interview end on cognitive disconnection (at least 75%-
80% in an interview comprising 4 or more vignettes). Even when they do not end on
cognitive disconnection, mother’s thinking on the remainder of vignettes demonstrates clear
elements of this process.

5 Cognitive disconnection is characteristic

The majority of the vignettes in the interview end on cognitive disconnection (more than
50% in an interview comprising 4 or more vignettes). Even when they do not end on
cognitive disconnection, mother’s thinking on the remainder of vignettes demonstrates clear
elements of this process. Or, the interview contains few vignettes (e.g., 4 or less), at least
75% of which end on cognitive disconnection, but since there are so few vignettes, a higher
rating cannot be given with real confidence

3 Limited Cognitive disconnection

Cognitive disconnection is not characteristic of the mother’s representation. However, 1 or
more vignettes (in an interview comprised of at least 4) end on cognitive disconnection and
there are some elements of this process in others (e.g., in at least three other vignettes).
Note: lower ratings should be given if there are fewer than four vignettes in the interview to
judge, as well as when the interview does not come up to the above standard).

1 No Evidence of Cognitive disconnection

28
Evidence of cognitive disconnection is absent or negligible.

Segregated Systems Rating Scale

Ratings for Segregated systems are based on the judge's evaluation of the entire interview,
considering all of the coding categories for this dimension. A rating above the midpoint
(i.e., 4 or above) suggests an evaluation of the mother as fundamentally segregated
(dysregulated) with respect to caregiving. Ratings below (i.e., 3.5 and below) indicate that
segregated systems processing is not characteristic of the mother's representation.

7 Segregated systems are predominant and characteristic

All or most of the vignettes in the interview end on segregated systems processing (at least
75%-80% in an interview comprising 4 or more vignettes). Even when they do not end on
segregated systems processing, mother’s thinking on many of the remainder of vignettes
demonstrates elements of this process.

5 Segregated systems are characteristic

The majority of the vignettes in the interview end on segregated systems processing (more
than 50% in an interview comprising 4 or more vignettes). Even when it does not end on
segregated systems processing, mother’s thinking on the remainder of vignettes
demonstrates clear elements of this process. Or, the interview contains few vignettes (e.g., 4
or fewer), at least 75% of which end on segregated systems processing, but since there are
so few vignettes, a higher rating cannot be given with real confidence

3 Limited Evidence of Segregated systems Segregated systems processing is not

characteristic of the mother’s representation. However, 1 or more vignettes (in an interview
comprised of at least 4) end on segregated systems processing and there are some elements
of this process in others (e.g., in at least three other vignettes).
Note: lower ratings should be given if there are fewer than four vignettes in the interview to
judge, as well as when the interview does not come up to the above standard).

1 No Evidence of Segregated systems

Evidence of segregated systems is absent or negligible.

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APPENDIX D

Guidelines for Interviewing

The Experiences of Caregiving Interview (also called just the Caregiving Interview) is a
semi-clinical interview designed to guide a parent to discuss the events and emotions
associated with being a caregiver. The manner in which the parent weaves his or her story
and manages the details of his or her experiences is as important for analysis as the actual
events described. That is, following attachment theory, the parent will select, edit, and then
describe examples according to his or her own internal working model of self, child, and
their relationship.

The analysis of this interview, therefore, relies on the consideration of the details of specific
events provided by the parent as examples of times when he or she is with the child. It
cannot be emphasized enough that the interviewer must take responsibility to probe
carefully for specific memories of events. It is the case that many parents will not offer
these details spontaneously. It is typical for many parents to describe experiences in terms
of generalities, that is, by reporting semantic memories. Remember that this is an interview,
not a conversation. The interviewer must push for autobiographical memory with lots of
details.

We have found that the trickiest situations for the interviewer are ones in which the parent’s
semantic memories appear to the interview to be specific. The interviewer must get a
description of a particular incident in autobiographical memory. That is, this landmark
requires the parent to search his or her memory for a specific incident, the last time he or she
experienced difficulty with the child in this context. Interviewers should become adept in
constructing probes using language that elicits examples from autobiographical memory.

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