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Terrell, DG - Short Notes on the Reformation I

Short Notes on the Reformation I


David G Terrell
July 2010

Covenantal Names

In considering the practice of Muslims converting to Christianity in this period, my


understanding is that, among the Semitic people, it was a common practice to take a new name in
conjunction with making a covenant with God. For example, Abram becomes Abraham in
Genesis 15-17.

―The patriarch's name in Babylonia had been Abram, meaning, perhaps, 'exalted father,'
or, according to others, 'Bam (the lofty one) is father'; cp. Hiram, ' Bam is brother.' Under
the form Abti-Ramu it appears to be a recognized proper name in the Assyrian
inscriptions. On entering into a new relationship with God by covenant, of which the sign
was circumcision, the patriarch received a new name, 'Abraham.' This is probably a
variation on 'Abram,' but its meaning is unknown, the popular explanation 'father of
multitude' being considered untenable. In commemoration of this event Jewish children
receive their name when admitted to the covenant by circumcision, as do Christian
children when baptized into the Church of Christ.‖ (Dummelow 2005, 26)

This practice then became integral to Roman Catholic practice, which seems to continue to the
current day:

‖Each Catholic selects his own Confirmation name. At Baptism, the name was chosen
without the child's consent because the child was too little to make the selection alone.
Now, in Confirmation, another name — in addition to the first and middle names — can
be added, or the original baptismal name may be used. It must be a Christian name,
though, such as one of the canonized saints of the Church or a hero from the Bible. You
wouldn't want to pick a name like Cain, Judas, or Herod, for example, and no secular
names would be appropriate.‖ (Dummies.com 2010)

The Bible as Primary Source

For me, the important issue is that—regardless of modern conceptualizations—the majority of


Reformation-contemporary Christians considered the Bible to be a historical document. They
considered it to be, in truth, the historical record of the creator condescending to share in and to
exemplify the mortal experience. For them, the Bible was a primary source of ancient historic
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truth and philosophy—no less than the writings of Cicero, Suetonius and others; the primary
sources of other happenings in the 300 BC – 100 AD period that the humanists worshipped.

There were some humanists beginning to classify the Christian Scriptures in the same categories
as Greek and Roman myth—useful for philosophical edification but not necessarily ―historic‖—
but they were maintaining a relative silence; the opportunities for prosecution being what they
were.

Whether or not we trust the Bible’s historicity, I believe that the people in Luther’s time did do
so; and it was this trust that gave the document authority over the edicts, bulls and decretals that,
in time, had buried it under a mass of theology and custom. Luther was not the first person to dig
through the layers of curial compost to find the diamond at its center; but he was the first, aided
by technology, to successfully disseminate his message to a wide audience.

I suppose this makes Luther one of the first tele-evangelists… had the technology been available,
would he have worn a Rolex on his television show? Would his book, ―Predestination: It Sucks
to be You!‖ have been a Amazon best seller? Can you tell I have been working too much?

Unexpected aspect of Luther

The single most unexpected aspect of Luther I've come to realize was that, at its core, the
Reformation was a rational (Dare I say, Humanist?) event. I cannot find that Luther personally
claimed any particular revelation from God, as did Savonarola and others. In fact, Luther et al
seem to vilify anyone who claimed such revelation, rather than subjecting it to some rational or
spiritual confirmation processes.

The early Protestant position seemed to be that Luther used the scriptures and his own intellect to
strip away the centuries of human philosophy that has been "painted over" Christian doctrine.
God may have guided him but did not speak to him in the sense associated with prophets and
apostles of old.

This also seems to mark the end of mainstream Christian acceptance of miraculous or numinous
events. That this "Having a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof..." was predicted by
Paul (2 Tim 3:1-5) was apparently lost on Luther and others with a deeper humanist inclination.

As to the aspects of varied interpretation of the scriptures, do not forget that it was a collection of
a set of documents drawn from larger collections base on the majority vote of early ecumenical
councils--rife with realpolitik. It is entirely possible that some information is the apocrypha is
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worthy of consideration. It is also possible that there are additional Pauline epistles that are lost
to us.

That is the difficult feature of a documentary-based religion that eschews the idea of continuing
revelation and an open canon. You are stuck trying to adapt increasingly aged textural concepts
to fit new situations and differing cultural mindsets.

The differences between Luther and the Roman Church

Reading Zophy, one sees that the differences between Luther’s theology and that practiced by
the Roman Church were centered on the role of faith and grace in the salvation of men (Zophy
2009, 167). Zophy rightfully presents the sale of indulgences as the proximate source of Luther’s
formal objections, in the form of the famous theses hailed to the chapter door. I did find it
interesting that initially Zophy lets the Roman Church ―off the hook‖ by attributing the
popularity of indulgences to people who ―did not comprehend all the subtleties involved in the
Church’s shifting teachings about indulgencies…‖ He does incidentally indict individuals in the
Church shortly after this initial assertion, labeling one Dominican as one of those ―crass
indulgence sellers,‖ but he delegates overall responsibility for the practice to financially-
powerful families wanting to advance their own interests by placing family members in
important curial positions (Zophy, 167-169) Nowhere does he indicate a critical attitude towards
the Church nor Pope Leo X and his ―gracious‖ ways.

MacCulloch also endows the issue of indulgences with importance. However, he spends some
pages at the beginning of his book discussing the doctrine of Purgatory, the Church’s official
promulgation of the doctrine, and its peculiar popularity in northern Europe—and used to the
financial advantage of the Church. The endowment of masses for the dead and the purchase of
other forms of indulgence increased in the north from around 1450 until Luther’s influence
arrested them in the 1520s. The practices were described in ―the many books published to
provide clergy with models for sermons about penitence.‖ (MacCulloch, 14) Seventy-odd years
seem a long while for the Church to permit such a doctrinal error to exist, if error it was.
MacCulloch also has a differing opinion of European laity, who was ―perfectly capable of
thinking for themselves, particularly about death, a religious theme in which everyone had an
investment…‖ (MacCulloch, 15)

When I consider Bainton’s (admittedly favorable) views of Luther, one is advised that were two
major differences between his theology and that of the Roman Church. The first concerned the
essential nature of God and Christ, and the second was related to the Purgatory, indulgences and
way of salvation as espoused by Zophy (Bainton 1950, 105). Luther, in the early stages of his
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spiritual development, struggled over the two aspects of Christ; the avenging judge of mankind
and the redeeming savior, the Lamb of God (Bainton, 45). Bainton quotes Luther’s own words,
describing his final synthesis, ―Then I grasped that the justice of God is that righteousness by
which through grace and sheer mercy God justifies us (suspends sentence) through faith.‖
(Bainton, 49)

The Theses can be grouped into two parts. One part focused on the financial issues emphasized
by Zophy and MacCulloch—these were issues rapidly grasped by the masses. The second
centered upon complex spiritual issues that Bainton indicates may have been beyond the grasp of
many in the laity but, which had ―all the power to create a popular revolution‖. (Bainton, 63)
That the more recent authors eschew discussing the deep, non-rational aspects of Christian grace,
the power of faith, and the relative merits of spiritual practices among historical figures might
stem from modern sensitivities about the presentation of non-rational modes of thinking and the
reluctance of modern scholars to be designated among the religious.

History is a social science, and sciences deal in rationality. In its modern manifestation, History
is reluctant to countenance non-rational forces that might drive human nature—probably, with
the intent of avoiding the very type of ideological conflict that turned a monk’s topics for a
―brown-bag discussion‖ into a tipping point that reoriented a civilization.

Scriptural Authority

As I have come to realize that the Renaissance was, in many respects, the application of
Humanist principles, especially confidence in human reasoning; I realize that the Holy Bible is
the ultimate piece of classical literature. As Humanists appealed to Roman and Greek literature
in an attempt to restore the glory that was Rome, they could also appeal to the literary authority
and antiquity of the scriptures in an attempt to restore the glory that was perceived in the first
century Church as established by Christ.

I am sure that Luther and other reformers were aware of the verses in the Revelation
(Apocalypse) of John which speaks of an angel restoring the gospel after a period of the
Adversary’s dominion:

And I saw another angel fly in the midst of heaven, having the everlasting gospel to
preach unto them that dwell on the earth, and to every nation, and kindred, and tongue,
and people, saying with a loud voice, Fear God, and give glory to him; for the hour of his
judgment is come: and worship him that made heaven, and earth, and the sea, and the
fountains of waters. (KJV, Revelations 14:6-7)
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Perhaps the reformers saw in Luther, the recipient of such knowledge. I am not sure.

However, the humanist inclination to conceive of the present as a dark age after the glories of
Rome which culminated in the coming of Christ—and the coincident indication to view wise
men of the past as wiser and more knowledgeable than those of the present—worked to make
men dependent on documents written by these quasi-gods like St. Paul, St. John, Hermes
Trismegistus, Aristotle, Plato, Cicero and the rest.

Luther kept castigating himself. ―Who am I, to be making such claims against Holy Mother
Church?‖ The philosophical humanist answer, ―I am a man, created in the image of God and
living in the light of Christ, knowing good from evil‖ was not enough. Yet, one could appeal to
the ancient documents for authority. So, while he used the scriptures to philosophize about
indulgences and the structures of the Church, it was, to me, a secondary course of action to that
of asserting that each person was responsible for their own faith and each must answer
personally to their God (Bainton 1950, 68, 90, 109, 150).

Luther as Prophet

I am working my way through an anthology of Luther’s writings—when I have the *cough*


time.

I am still looking for evidence of his self-identification with the role of prophet—in the sense of
someone who receives direct communication from deity with the commandment to pass that
communication along to the remainder of humanity with the introduction, ―Thus saith the
Lord…‖.

I have found that Luther discriminated between books of scripture. Here is one telling quotation
from the preface to his translation of the New Testament:

In sum: the gospel and the first epistle of St. John, St. Paul’s epistles, especially those to
the Romans, Galatians, and Ephesians; and St. Peter’s first epistle, are the books which
show Christ to you. They teach you everything you need to know for your salvation, even
if you were never to see or hear any other book or hear any other teaching. In comparison
with these, the epistle of St. James is an epistle full of straw, because it contains nothing
evangelical.‖ (Luther 1962, 19)

Luther does take upon himself the task of setting the ideological stage by telling others the
―correct‖ meanings of very particular, doctrine-centric words such as: law, sin, grace, faith,
righteousness, flesh, spirit, etc. He writes a preface for each book in his translation of the New
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Testament (reprinted in the book I am reading) in which he tells the reader what to expect and
how it should be interpreted (Luther 1962, 14-34). As he was the translator, he is in a position to
give the Latin text the vernacular representation closest to his interpretation. But I do not wish to
imply that he mistranslated the text. There were too many other learned people who could check
the text. But when any one of several German words would do, I am sure he chose the one
closest to his desired meaning. I also have to keep in mind that I am reading his words as
translated from 16c German into modern English—an added opportunity for inherent bias to
creep in.

We can never forget that Luther was writing persuasively about concepts in which he felt
absolute certainty. He would no more acknowledge opposing views than would the Dominicans
who ran the Holy Office of the Inquisition. Whether he was ―right,‖ or not, is a matter of
personal spirituality; but, we can (and should, IMHO) examine and analyze ―how‖ Luther related
to his readers and correspondents in the hope of learning something about the origins of his
ideals and underpinnings of his eventual certainty in their truthfulness.

How much of a threat was Luther?

I am pondering assertions that Luther represented a serious threat to the Church and the Pontiff.

The Reformation was a heresy, to be sure. It did carry northern Europe out of communion with
Rome. It was the direct cause of a lamentable number of deaths. But, was it a serious threat to the
Church? After all, the Roman Church is still kicking and almost two billion people profess
membership—to varying degrees.

The Reformation was well suited to the people of northern Europe. MacCulloch believes that
there were particular sensibilities about the afterlife that predated Christianity—and which
predisposed the Germanic and Scandinavian peoples to embracing the concept of Purgatory
(MacCulloch 2004, 14-16) I am inclined to concur.

So, back to pondering… I believe that before the Diet of Worms, Luther represented a moderate
regional threat to the Church in northern Europe. The inflammatory actions on both sides during
the time Luther was incommunicado at the Wartberg enlarged the scope and magnitude of the
threat, but Luther was not responsible for the direct escalation. After his return to Wittenburg,
Luther’s assumption of authority over the creation of a church and its integration into society
stimulated a Counter-Reformation that rebalanced the ideology for those who desired reform but
not at the risk of excommunication.
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Academic Criticism

As I have evolved, over the years, through the varied roles of my life--son, student, Christian,
Scout, Scoutmaster, Sailor, husband, father, engineer, Commanding Officer, manager, executive,
instructor, intelligence analyst, criminal investigator, and now a nascent historian--I have seen,
experienced and participated in a fair amount of disputation.

Where it has been my place—either objectively because of my role or an assigned responsibility;


or subjectively because of deeply held ideological views or an offended personal sense of
justice—I have always striven to criticize rationally, honestly and constructively, at first because
I have experienced the pain of personal attacks but later, I hope, out of a developing sense of
altruism and a voluntary commitment to follow precepts laid down by the Christian Master.

Where I have offended, I assert that was never my intent. I ask pardon from those feeling so.

It is my opinion (subject to correction) that we are here to examine more than the objective "four
W's" (Who, what, when and where) that form undergraduate History courses. At our level, we
are beginning to discuss the fifth "W", the metaphysical "Why" of history. Such issues are almost
always subjective assertions based upon incomplete and often contradictory information—in
other words, a profession of faith. At such times, it is difficult to face the assertions of those
whose ―historical faith‖ in a particular ―Why‖ differs from my own.

I reason where I can, but when faced with a person whose intractable faith in their ―Why‖
prevents rational discussion, I remember the magic words taught me long ago by a wise friend.

―You may be right.‖

David G Terrell
Herndon, Virginia

Bainton, Roland H. Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther. Nashville, Tennessee: Abingdon
Press, 1950.

Dummelow, John Roberts. "A Commentary on the Holy Bible (1920)." Google Books (Original
from University of Michigan). June 15, 2005.
http://books.google.com/books?id=wJgAAAAAMAAJ (accessed July 10, 2010).
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Dummies.com. "Coming of Age: Confirmation." Dummies.com. Wiley Publishing, Inc. 2010.


http://www.dummies.com/how-to/content/coming-of-age-confirmation.html (accessed July 10,
2010).

Luther, Martin. Martin Luther: Selections from His Writings. Edited by John Dillenberger. New
York: Random House, 1962.

MacCulloch, Diarmaid. The Reformation. New York: Penguin Books, 2004.

Zophy, Jonathan W. A Short History of the Renaissance and Reformation Europe. 4th Edition.
Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2009.

© David G. Terrell, 2009-2011, except where otherwise noted, content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-
Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Unported License. For permission to reprint under terms outside the license, contact
davidterrell80@hotmail.com.

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