JCIE

Japan Center for

International Exchange

Global Thinknet Project

International Comparative Study
On Governance and Civil Society

Civil Society in China:

Concept and Reality

Dr. Wang Yizhou

Deputy director of Institute of World Economics and Politics,
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, China

Civil Society in People's Republic of China (PRC) is a rather new phenomenon,

both as an concept and as a reality, especially comparing with modern Western world.
In the history of PRC, there have been three stages considering the thesis of Civil
Society. Briefly, they are the era under the conduction of Chairman Mao's revolution
spirit from the founding up of PRC late 1940s to late 1970s during which various
revolution destinations were the focus of the whole nation and there was no room at
all for the things so-called "interest group" or "civil society" to exist; the first period
of opening and reform which had been taken place since the late 1970s and enlarged
its effects on other fields beyond the pure economic development in practice; and the
another duration so-called "theoretical preparation", the appearance of media
discussion and academic awareness, which began in 1992 when the new ear of the
post-Cold War became available.
After the dissipation of the Soviet Union and the ending of the Cold War in
early 1990's, with the deepening of the economic reform in China and the
development in all fronts of the society, a debate on "civil society" becomes
frequently heard in China. As a result, intellectual and news media have gotten deeper
understanding of this concept. In the point view of the author, coinciding with similar
phenomena in the world, it implies a great leap in the society of China. In this article,
the author briefly summarize the debates on "civil society" among the intellectuals in
China, observe the important and positive changes in the social structure during 20
years of reform and opening, and give some predict about the future development in
China; Connected with the specialty of the author in research filed, at final section of
this paper, the relation between domestic change and foreign policy is briefly
discussed at context of thesis of Civil Society.

A Debating Concept

The debate on "civil society" in the intellectual cycle of Mainland China began
at the early of 1990's 1 . The followings are several triggering factors one has to
mention: First, the demise of the Soviet Union and the collapse of the Eastern Europe
bloc which had encouraged the rethinking of the relation between State and Society
here in China, given the similarities of these two communist regimes in political
reality and people's mind. Second, China's fast changes since early of 1990s which
has been a new stage of reform and open-door policy after the event on Tiananmen
Square on July, 1989 which also gave much lessons to every Chinese. Third, some
influence from the debate on "civil society" in the international intellectuals cycles,
especially the debates among scholars of Eastern European countries as well as those
in Taiwan2 . Moreover, the rising of NGO in contemporary world and the active
activities of various international organizations like the Unite Nation, New Social
Movement obvious in Western countries and the option so-called "the Third Road",
also promoted people to give reconsideration to the conventional concepts about the
state, power and functions of civilian voices. Above all, the most important stimulant
for the debate is the positive changes coming from China's fast-changing econo my,
society and politics since 1990, which has urged theorists in China to think over the
issue through some new approaches. By now, the official propaganda agencies (from
the Ministry of Propaganda of CP to the propaganda departments at all lower levels)
do not want attach the debate much political means, neither opposing the usage of the
phrase "civil society", nor approving to contradict it with state's ideology. In addition
to the special situation in China, there are still some categories too sensitive to be
touched. Therefore, the debate on "civil society" could be carried on only in recent
years (to be precise, it was after 1991 or 1992). Moreover, the methodology adopted
in the description and analyses is rather theoretical than operational, more academic
than political.
Since the middle 1990s, based on previous discussions and debates, there have
been several books issued in China and produced lager influential in Mainland of

1
The first two articles on "civil society" are probably the "Constructing Civil Society in China" written by Deng
Zhenglai and Jing Yuejin, and " The Structural Differentiation of the Nation and Society" written by Sun Liping.
Both are published in the initial issue of the Chinese Social Sciences Journal (Hong Kong Edition), Nov, 1992.
2
There are a large number of articles on this topic, especially translated versions, like the article of Hawar, the
present leader of Czech.
China. Among them, The State and Society edited by Dr. Zhang Ji (published in
December,1998), The State and Civil Society-A Research Approach of Social
Theories (published in March, 1999) edited by Deng Zhenlan and J.C.Alexander, and
The Relationship between State and Society- A Comparative Studies about The
Theories and Practices in Socialist Countries (published in May, 1998)written by
Prof. Tang Shiqi are perhaps most welcomed. Also, at this period one witnesses some
courses be lectured and many seminars be hold specially given to postgraduate
students in certain departments of political science and sociology at some first-class
universities (for instance, at Beijing University and People University since 1997 and
1998 respectively). The thesis of Civil Society has become one of the interesting
choice by some talent Master-degree or even Ph.D students.
Looking at the debate, there are many different views on "civil society" in the
intellectual cycle. In my opinion, the diverse of interests and understandings of the
concept can be summarized into the following aspects:
a. In the respect of Chinese versions of "civil society". In Chinese-speaking world,
there are four major versions: civilized society, civil society, civic society, and
mass society. These versions not only reflect the complicated expressions and
meanings of civil society in Chinese language, but also suggest the various
orientations of people when using the phrase. The version of "mass society",
mainly originated from the academic field in Taiwan and emphasized the
grassroots force, is believed to imply the meaning of "mass versus
government"(in other expression, society in opposition of state.). The versions of
"civilized society" and "civil society" indicate the modern implication of the
phrase and more developed situation, which is given more respects to the
individual rights. However, some scholars argue that "civilized society" is a
concept in contrast with so-called "natural world", without any meaning as some
persons want to attach to. Some specialists believed that "civil society" is
different from "civic society" used by the Western scholars, because the phrase
"civic society" emphasizes more on the political function of democratic
participation by the citizens. Nevertheless, the version of "civil society" is
accepted by most of the scholars, since it not only have theoretical meaning, but
also reflects the developing process of history. These scholars also point out that
even in the western world, there are different understanding between different
thinkers and schools. For instance, Gramsci used the expression differently with
G. Hegel and K. Marx, and J. Habermas had further explanation and usage of the
phrase. In their conclusion, Chinese scholars must explain the meaning of the
phrase according to the situation and cultural tradition of China. Comparatively
speaking, the version of "civil society" is accepted by more and more people for it
can cover an extensive arrange as well as reflect its original meaning.
b. About the connotation of "civil society". There are five connotations of the phrase
as follows: First, civil society is an economic phrase. In other words, with its
usage constrained in economic field, civil society is consisted of various social
profit organizations, whose interaction is regulated by the rules of universality. In
brief, privacy and reason compose the two major characteristics of civil society.
 Second, besides economic field, civil society also involves non-economic areas,
such as various civil organizations that are engaged in social welfare, culture, and
other public welfare activities. This view ascribes the public fields into the range
of civil society. Third, on one hand, the connotation of civil society is different
from that of state because of its civil and non-governmental nature; on the other
hand it is also distinguished from the social groups (like families and patriarchal
groups) tied by blood relationship for its sociality and universality. Four, civil
society has some crucial distinct characteristics: independence, autonomy, liberty,
diversified social organizations, self- discipline. Five, civil society should be
separated from economic field. Thus, gaining independence, the social cultural
system becomes a tri-dimentional structure composed of social culture, state, and
economic system. In this structure, on the basis of public area, voluntary forming
of associations, and social movement, civil society will contend with money and
power to meet the demand of social reproduction, social integration, and
development of individuality3 .
c. The position of the middle class. Some argues that the middle class plays an axis
role in civil society. The so-called middle class refers to the social elite who are
the functional groups controlling various resources like for instance, those of
industrial and commercial cycles, intellectual and religious fields. The middle
class plays a dual role. One represents the existence of the self-organizing
capacity of the society, which can deal with many kinds of problems within the
civil society. The other serves as the media between state and civil society,
through which most administrative activities of the government can be realized
and resources are absorbed from the classes of lower social levels. Therefore, a
comparatively rational social order should be composed of three sections: state,
independent elite, and mass. The elite forms a connecting link between the
preceding and the following. In order to maintain positive interaction between
state and civil society, a system of confirming the roles of elite mentioned above
must be built. Without the active cooperation of the middle class and independent
elite, the state who directly confront the public may meet frequent challenges that
the state could not deal with. In China, the entrepreneur elite and mass media
(part of them are arranged by the official agencies) enjoy the most important
position. The intellectuals is usually divided into two types: intellectuals inside
and outside current political regime. More and more scholars in China realize that
to an energetic society and politic, intellectuals outside the system play an
essential role, which not only meet the demand of the prosperity of cultural cause,
but also help the social critic to develop healthily.
d. The rising of mass associations. During the process of Reform, there appear
independent and decentralized economic entities, professional societies as well
as various interests groups. There are demands and activities of social
participation across different working units and sections. These changes lead to

3
Jing Yuejin, Summary of the Conference “Civil Society and Modernization in China”, Chinese Social Sciences
Journal (Hong Kong Edition), Vol.5, Nov.1993, pp197-198.
 the establishment of various mass associations like, for instance, environment and
animal protection group, children/women protection group, specialized academic
societies, civil religious group, and journalist associations, which bring new
features and changes to the relation between the society and the state. Although
the mass organizations in China have similarities with those in the world today in
general, they also have its own characteristics, which is reflected as its nature of
"half official and half non-official". In China, a special co-existence between the
state and many non-official organizations is one of the most important
phenomenon since the Reform. The government some times uses organizations as
a sort of channel of social control, while the organizations often expand their
power through the support of the authority. There are two opposite views on this.
Critics considered it as a negative phenomenon during the process separating
state from the society, a symptom of incomplete separation. As the result of
deepening of reform in the future, the organizations will get rid of the
dependency on administrative sections, and gain its complete civility and
independence at last. The other opinion is that the phenomenon of "half official
and half non-official" is not necessarily negative, but exist for rather long time.
They argue, in the history of China, there never exists an independent civil
organization as those in western sense. The civil associations that used to play
important roles in the history, such as civil charity organizations, associations of
lawyers, patriarchal groups, underground societies, and trade union, all had keep
special intimate connection with the government. It is a reality of China.
e. Two views exist about the historical feature of the development of civil society in
China. One believes that a civil society in strict sense never exists in the history
of China, which was only introduced from outside world after Reform and
Opening adapted in late 1970s. The other thinks that there were some sprouts of
civil society in modern China. However, in the first place, traditional patriarchy
and blood relation have been always connected with and played essential roles in
poor-developed market economies. In the second place, national departmentalism
and totalitarianism set limitation for the existing social structure for a long time,
so that the a few elements of civil society are extremely weak. In the third place,
the contemporary intellectual and political elite in China mostly relies on the
operation of the state and the promotion of themselves. It is the reason that the
social organizations formed by them have similar features 4 . The facts mentioned
above cannot be neglected when we consider the future development of civil
society. In the point view of some other scholars, the political system and
democratic constructions of China is still far away from those of Western
developed countries. So it is necessary to promote the development of civil
society in China. However, it does not mean to simply imitate the western ways.
Complete imitation without taking the reality of the state into consideration will
definitely cause social turmoil, leading to a result even worse than that without

4
Xiao Gongqin, " Three Obstacles in Realization of Civil Society and Modernization", Chinese Social Sciences,
VOL. 5, Nov. 1993, pp183-188.
 the implementation of the Reform. The event happen at Tiananmen Square was
rightly the case.

Reality in Fast Changing

Since the end of 1978 to the present, Reform and Opening has lasted for 20 years.
It is a period that China opened itself most widely to the outside world, and achieved
the fastest growth in economic development. During this period, tremendous and
positive changes have taken place in social structure. In spite of some shortcomings
and problems, the change orientated to good direction of social structure continues in
China. In compliance with the changes in international community and the overall
development trend in the world, it gains the support from both Chinese people as well
as those in neighboring countries.
In conclusion, significant changes that have taken place in Chinese social
structure are follows:
a. Market economy serves as the major driving force in China's social stratification.
After the Third Plenary Session of 11th Congress of the CCCP in 1978, the old
practice which repelled the market factors and emphasized only on planning was
replaced by the implementation of the policy that encouraged the development of
market economy. The new policy led to the outcomes that the creativity of
individuals increased rapidly, social wealth expanded and the social mobility was
enhanced. To be specific, some new industries (such as high-tech, tertiary, and
banking industry) and many new professions appeared. The farmers, who account
for the greatest proportion in the population, become new city residents or
workers in the rural enterprises. The number of private entrepreneurs and middle
class increase rapidly. Some civil servants and intellectuals with proficiency of
some profession form a professional group that gains a growing importance.
Moreover, all these social classes and stratums have attached a greater
importance to the evaluation of wealth and business in the condition of market
economy, while putting aside the ideological teachings.
b. The "status" element accelerates its step to withdraw from stage of history. In the
condition of planning economy in the past, people with the identity as "urban
residents", "personnel in state-owned units" and "political figures" were given
more attention in job searching and promotion. Today, with the development of
the market and the process of opening- up, people have changed their views about
job and the ways of employment. For instance, some people from large cities,
mainly urban residents, executive cadres, and laid-off workers, try to set up
enterprises in the rural area; at the same time, some former farmers became
"bosses" and "the new-rich". Therefore, the conventional identities like the
membership of CCCP, job in state owned units or urban resident status have lost
the previous attractions.
c. The position of the two traditional major classes have changed greatly. The
number of labors in agriculture field drops continuously. In recent years, on
 average, 8 millions rural labors entered the township enterprises and other
non-agricultural fields yearly; 10 millions and so flow into the urban areas each
year; and several millions became self-employees at commercial cycle. That is to
say, about 8% of rural labors moved to the second and tertiary industries every
year. Meanwhile, the working class is also split out. After the state-owned and
collectively-owned enterprises shifted their regimes by the ways of share-holding,
contract operation, state-ownership under private management, and biding, with
the rapid expansion of joint ventures, widened gaps of income and social status
within the working class emerged. At present, there are about 150 million
workers in the cities, and 132 million or so in township enterprises. It is estimated
that the later will override the former very soon, which predicts a heavy social
diversity in a larger scale5 .
d. Mass societies and professional associations growth very fastly comparing with
the reform process. According to an authoritarian source, for example, in 1999
there are 180,000 local and provincial ones. Among them, there are about
102,000 in the level of counties, 56000 in the level of regions, 21400 in the level
of provinces and four chief central cities(Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin and
Chongqin), 1800 or so in the national level. 6 It is said that in China the average
number of population for a meddle-size county is around 400,000; and given this
size, there are about 50 mass organizations and societies in each typical county.
As for the national level, there are typically about 77 group members with 50,000
personal members in each association and society. 7
e. The new-appeared mass societies ad associations proliferate into increasingly
many fields, especially into those connected with market economy and foreign
relations. According to a report recently issued by two CASS researchers 8 , among
1817 associations and societies in national level there could be divided into 17
kinds of fields, or "sorts" so to say, they are: industrial societies like the steel
association (the number is 537), social welfare and services societies like the fund
for the unable and the eld(39), sports societies(84), medical societies(69), cultural
and arts societies(167), educational societies(52), information and tech-services
societies(52), public affairs societies(66), social sciences and manage
societies(417), natural sciences and tech-research societies(106), environmental
keeping socie ties(19), news media societies(37), professional societies like the
Lawyer association(63), special enterprise societies like foreign business
association(19), regional societies(15), special personal associations like the
alumnus meeting(36), and some un- label societies(20). One can find out easily
that many of appeared only within recent two decades or so which must have

5
Zhu Guanglei, "Ten Trends of the differentiation of the social stratums in China at the turning point of the
century" , Nankai Academic Journal (Edition of Philosophy and Social Sciences), vol.1, 1998, pp31.
6
The Almanac of China's civil work, 1998, p274.
7
The management of the mass associations in today's China, by Wu Zhezhong, Chinese Social Press, 1996, p7.
8
The Development frame of mass civil societies in China, by Wang Yin and Shun Binyao, the manuscript
forthcoming, pp1-18.
 some relationship with so-called "social structural reform", and most of them are
belong to non-profit ones.
f. The social structure is influenced more and more by knowledge and professional
orientations. In the first place, the proportion of the white collars grows steadily
in labor group. Generally speaking, the classes with higher educational
background and income account for one third of the total labors, and even more
than 40% in Shanghai city. However, the proportion in the rural area is
comparatively low. The development in higher education enable 1.2 million
young people entering universities every year, and 1.2 million more receiving
professional training in the colleges or professional schools. Many provinces and
autonomous regions stipulated preferential policies to attract more professionals
and people of ability from outside the province or even from abroad (In 1990's,
the number of overseas Chinese students returning to China increased by 14% on
average per year). The amount of "white collar labors" registered an increase
about 1% per year. It is estimated that the number of "white collars" will override
that of the "blue collars" soon, suggesting the higher education levels of the
nation as a whole.
g. The social stratums related to non-state-owned economic sectors have enhanced
notably. In the middle of 1990's, employees in non-state-owned economic sectors
reached 65 millions, 9.4% of the total employment, registering an increase of
6.4% on ten years ago. In Shanghai and Hebei, it is already up to 15%, while it is
less than 5% in the less developed areas, like Qinghai and Guizhou province 9 . By
the end of 1996, there are 27.03 million private business units, with more than 50
million employees. With the strong policy support, the group of self-employment
will expand by 7-10% per year, which will become a component that cannot be
neglected in the changes of China's social structure and political life. As a matter
of fact, the proportion of representatives from private sector in business has
gained an increasing momentum in the political consultation committees and
people's congresses at Beijing and other places.
h. "Entrepreneurs", so-called, enjoy an important position in the new social structure.
During 20 years of Reform, the operation mode of the state-owned enterprises has
been changed greatly. The factory directors and company managers, separated
from the party or government officials, keep the initiative in their own hands in
the operation and management of their business. These directors and managers
together with the entrepreneurs of township enterprises, joint ventures, and
private enterprises, compose an entrepreneur group, which has occupied a
important position obviously in society of Reform years. The sociological
characteristics the entrepreneurs have are as the followings: with huge social
property and resources in hands, with both official and non-official identities,
they have certain political influence and their own voice in public opinion, which
lead to their further demands for political and social participation. Although it is
hard to give the exact number of this social group, and they are not even officially

9
Organizations and Human Resources News, July.22, 1996.
 admitted generally as a social stratum, it is not difficult for every ordinary
Chinese to feel the expansion.
i. Loosing the bondage to ideology, the nature of civil servants has changed and
complies with the characteristics of Reform and Opening. Since the beginning of
1990's, "civil servants" are used more often to address the cadres and staffs in
Communist party and government bureaus. On one hand, it implies the
weakening of the traditional political ideology; on the other hand, it shows a new
dimension of the changing social structure. According to statistics, more than 30
million former lower cadres and 10 million so-called "officials" with higher
position previously now enter a market-oriented process of role transition during
the Reform years. They take seriously the social and public opinion developed
under the market economic conditions; they are not willing to be addressed as
"political cadres" connected with old regime; they often compare the position of
previous power with that of "new money". Some secretaries of party committee
today are more accurately described (and they themselves also like to be named)
as the "executives of the board" in the modern market economy than the
conventional "political commissar" of a PLA regiment in the past.
j. The gap between the rich and the poor is widened, but limited social conflicts do
not cause turmoil in the whole society. In China today, there are gaps of
economic development between different regions and income gaps between
different classes. For instance, 55 million men and women in China today live
below poverty line still, whose yearly income are less than $40 each, according to
official statistics. Most of these people inhabit in the southwestern and
northwestern frontier provinces, and minority autonomous regions. In the large
and medium-sized cities, there are also the lower income classes and groups.
According to the newspaper, the poverty line is about 70 to 280 yuan (about
10--35$) of monthly income for a single person in urban area 10 . As a contrast,
wealthy classes in the coastal developed regions and large and medium-sized
cities, including a number of millionaires and some billionaires, giving rise to a
lot of angry condemns and arguments in debating. It should be pointed out that
some social phenomena have caused conflicts between employees and employers
and dissatisfaction towards the government by certain social classes. These
phenomena include the widened income-gap, the exploitation of the workers from
the entrepreneurs, the illegal activities of counterfeit of some private businessmen,
the extravagance and waste of the wealthy classes, and the corruption by many
officials. Nevertheless, thanks to the fast growing of social welfare as a whole
and some regulations by governments in levels, these disputes or dissatisfactions
did not cause heavy social turmoil or serious conflicts in the Nation, with the only
exception in the year 1989. It is a common view among the specialists that the
gaps will probably remain; however a serious social conflict (like the civil war in
Indonesia last May) is unlikely to take place, I guess.

10
Yangts River news, Jan. 1999.
 Social Demands and Value Orientation

In the turn of the century, China has entered a new era in the history. The year
1997 is a year of great significance in China's political life. In 1997, the death of Deng
Xiaoping and several other senior leaders marked the ending of the era of second
generation of leadership. The resumption the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong
and the successful practice of "one country, two systems" show that present leaders of
China can overcome fetter of the conventional dogma of ideology. The successful
holding of 15th national congress of communist party also prepares the base for the
third generation of leadership with Jiang Zemin at the core. The putting forward of
doctrine on "the primary stage of socialism" also provides a theoretical and
ideological support for the deepening reform of the market economy in China. It can
be referred that 20 years of Reform and Opening show a transiting process from a
totalitarian regime to a post-totalitarian regime with so-called "Chinese
characteristics".
In politics, the post-totalitarian regime is considered as a special type of
neo-authoritarianism which is in the process of modernization with features similar to
those of "Four Dragons" in East Asia. Under the circumstance currently in China, the
regime has three basic specialities. First, in a society of "post-totalitarian regime",
there is certain limited multipolarization. The range under political control is
gradually shrinking to the fields related to the security of state and regime, while in
the fields of social culture, education, entertainment, scientific research and
non-political organization, the "second culture" that parallels with the official culture.
Secondly, the basic code system of socialism is remained major position in the field
of social ideology, and CPC is still the only ruling party. However, the socialist
ideology is not longer to urge people to pursue unrealistic egalitarian goals, but to
maintain the regime and regulate the conflicts of interests. Lastly, the regime inherited
both the advantage of being able to concentrate social resources on a major task and
the disadvantages inherited from the past. On one hand, it possesses huge resources
(as it is shown in dealing with the unprecedented flood in China's modern history in
1998); on the other hand, it lacks of necessary mechanism of supervision and
restriction on political power of the State. In other words, the process of political
democratization still leaves much to desire.
During the 20 years of reform and opening (referred as "new age" often here in
Beijing by official language), significant changes have taken place in social demands.
According to an investigation report, the changes are mainly in the following
aspects11 :
a. The demand for affluence and happiness. Compared with men and women 20
years ago who considered "revolution" as the destination of personal life, people
today in China dislike the teachings and pursuit of ideology any more. Instead,

11
Shi Xiuyin, "The Development Course of Chinese's Social Psychology", Opening Age, Guangzhou, May 1997,
pp124-157.
 they attach great importance to social stability, peaceful and affluent life style.
Regarding material life as important, they pursue a high-standard consumption,
seeking western life style. As an obvious fact, although it is a common demand
of people in almost every age-groups, the younger generation usually has the
stronger desires in this respect.
b. Demand for social security and guarantee. Some content in this demand is related
to marketization, for example, the guarantee for employment and income;
guarantee for basic living necessities; guarantee for medical treatment; security of
life and properties, security for free business; security for privacy and
communication, etc. Moreover, the rapid development of the society and the
deterioration of the ecological environment lead to some new demands, such as a
cleaner inhabitant environment, reducing traffic noise and pollution by urban
wastes.
c. Demand for autonomy and freedom. The Communist propaganda in the past
requests that individuals act voluntarily sacrificed as "small screws" in a huge
social machine controlled by the state, and act in compliance with the unitary
order within the fixed unites. It is difficult for the common people today to abide
by these requests. On the contrary, people nowadays demand for even more and
greater autonomy and freedom like the entire freedom in job-searching, complete
freedom in commercial business, demand for privacy in personal life, freedom for
belief, etc. Comparing the urban residents with farmers, young people with elder
people, classes of higher education level with those of lower educational levels,
people in developed coastal area with those in backward mid-west regions, the
former ones usually have greater demands for these autonomy and freedom than
the later ones.
d. Demand for equality and justice. After the Reform and Opening, new content has
been given to the demand, which is mainly connected to the development of
market economy. A justice of chances for employment and income distribution is
demanded, while gaining profits and influence only through capital or family
status is opposed strongly by ordinary people. The equality measured by human
rights and civil rights is also demanded today, more than that in the past
obviously. Instead of asking help from the CP committees or branch-secretaries,
more and more people prefer issue lawsuit or consult a lawyer when they find
themselves in the case. Men and women more and more request the justice, which
deny the political and economic privileges, especially us ing privilege of power
as a tool to make profit or other goodness for themselves. People demand a
justified market competition and unitary policy, and oppose the discriminated
policy toward different regions, provinces, cities, and working units. People
demand the equality between different genres, calling for equal payment for equal
work.
e. The extensive demand for democratic participation. In contrast to the idealistic
pursuit of political democracy (such as multi-party regime) in 1980's, more
pragmatic needs for democratic participation was put forward by the public and
intellectuals in 1990's. They demand special attention on the election of
 representatives for the people's congress at different levels. They request that
government officials do have the initiatives to accurately reflect the needs and
interests of the public. A fact that worth mentioning is successful practice of the
democratic election in the rural areas, so-called "grassroots election". According
to a report12 , after the abolishing of the people's commune system in 1983 in the
rural areas, village committees which have been the local autonomous
organizations elected and operated by the farmers themselves are established
widely at the grassroots level. Three rounds of election have been held by now. In
the way of margin election, self- nomination with public evaluation, the
representatives who adequately reflect the interests and wills of the villagers are
easier elected. By the end of 1997, by some reports, there are 905,804 village
committees and 3,788,041 cadres elected as the member of the committees. In
fact, the continuity of the Reform and Opening largely depends on the enthusiasm
of the Chinese farmers, who account for 80% of the whole population.

Seen from the angle of political sociology, 20 years of Reform and Opening
already brought and will continue to bring tremendous changes to the society, the
political attitudes of different social classes and stratums in China did and will
continue change according to the deepen of the Reform. The political attitudes of all
the classes and stratums have the primary importance to the modernization and
democratization of political system, to the further development of civil society, and to
China's integration and involvement into the international community and playing its
constructive role. In my opinion, the attitudes of the major classes and stratums in
recent years show that first, the fundamental left wing of political force is weakened
quickly, and no longer plays a decisive role in the political center of daily life. The
trend becomes more obvious with the replacement of veteran cadres with younger
ones in the leadership. Secondly, the liberal intellectuals became comparatively
moderate at same time, especially comparing with those of 1980s. The needs in 1990's
are less aggressive politically but more pragmatic. Thirdly, the young people becomes
more non-political generation. They believe neither in dogmas of Marxism and
Leninism, nor in the future of complete westernization. However, some demagogic
theories of nationalism appeal more recent years to them seemly. Fourthly, the
demands of working classes become increasingly concrete, for instance, about social
security for re-employment to laid-off workers. They disapprove of the large income
gap, and call for anti-corruption campaign. In 1980's, the student movement of
demanding democracy and freedom constituted the major political and social pressure
at that time. In comparison, the interests and aspirations of the working class in 1990's
become the critical where the obvious contradictions lie. The different ways the
government deals with the demand at times show the different focus of the two eras.
At present, China is confronted with a major problem: without an efficient mechanism
of supervision and constriction, the contradiction cannot be solved from the deep root.
Although the Communist Party of China has adopted some positive measures in hope

12
" The Democratic System Approaching to Completion", China Social News, June 25,1998.
to prevent the expansion of the social conflicts the situation still falls short of the
expectations of the people and the society. Thanks to the fact that Chinese economy
makes constant progress under the marketnization drive, these contradictions do not
intensify to cause much trouble temporarily. However, in long term, the task of
political modernization and democratization has to be fulfilled. Otherwise, it will
always compose obstacles in the process of deepening Reform and Opening and
integrating China into the international society.

Domestic progress and foreign policy

Finally, let's talk some about the effect of domestic reform and change,
especially the growth of Civil Society on China's current foreign policy. Surely, the
changes of China's foreign policy recent years has been depended on not only
domestic factors but also some effective influences from international community; yet,
given the room of this paper, here I will focus my point mainly on the internal aspects.
Let's firstly mention some elements of global civil society (GCS) which may
influence those in China in different ways.
There is a medley of new actors in international politics; as David Blaney and
some other pointed out 13 that these actors are primarily non-state actors traditionally
associated with domestic society: interest groups, ethnic and religious groups,
scientific societies, networks of political activists, etc. These actors readily across
state boundaries, and by doing so, radically reshape international politics towards a
new kind of "world relations". The density of cross-boundary interactions increases
dramatically. The world beyond the boundaries of the state is increasingly accessible
and people begin to organize transnationally for political purposes. If the nation was
imaged in a technological context that allowed people to think of themselves as part
of the nation, the new technological context is to allow people to imagine themselves
as global citizens. Many believe that GCS is able to respond to global problems in a
way the state cannot. For example, television images of "people power" in the
Philippines and tearing down of the Berlin Wall are presented and thought about as
part of a global process, a single global movement for democracy; TV commercials
continue to remind us of the global reach of the internet and imperatives of a global
economy. Together they evoke the idea of a global society or a "global village";
popular environmentalism relies on images of a single global eco-system, so
interconnected that we all, whether we live, share a common fate; pictures of
refugees ,whether in Kosovo, Congo-Rwanda or Somalia, create a sense of global
obligation to assist those displaced. Though not everyone is moved by these images,
but these images are widely circulated and figure in to popular views/public opinion.
Thanks to the opening policy and due to the increasing growths of the media and
communications especially in recent one or two decades in China, the elements of the

13
David Blaney, a frame of The Promise and Peril of Global Civil Society, for the presentation in CASS, May
6,1999.
GCS mentioned above have functioned a sort of provoking and exciting influence to
those who have better educational background and more sense of international
progress, I certainly here mean students, intellectuals, teachers, media men and
women, some governmental bureau officers, introduced only part of the groups I
guess. These groups have known more information about outside world and become
more sensitive to the comments from international society and think more about
themselves and the society they live in.
At Beijing, the usage of so-called "China's Contemporary foreign policy" means
that of the period of Reforming and Opening began in the end of 1970s. Looking over
it carefully, one can find out three basic interests or "demands" which is often
connected each other and sometimes contradicted each other. Those are (1)
"demand for political sovereignty", the interest of keeping up of territory unified and
autonomy uncontrolled; (2) "demand for economical development", the interest of
guarantee of a peaceful and stable environment (including friend neighborhood) to
promote internal economic reform and growth; and (3) "demand for responsibility
deserved by a respected power", the interest of bringing China's regional and even
global role as a important member at international society into full play. The first
demand has expressed for a relative long time one traditional national interest,
typically at the "sensitive" case of Taiwan issue, or in angry rejection to the revised
Defense Treaty between U.S. and Japan. This demand is certainly based on concept of
"power", a realist idea, and easy to occur seminar responses by the imaged opponent
country(or countries). Many oversea observers of China's research focus too much of
their attentions on this side without noticing of any other aspects, I believe. But, more
and more in recent China who coming through many new phases and showing many
new features, two other demands or interests mentioned above have become
increasingly obvious: the most spectacular one is that of "development", much of it is
due to the reform and open-door policy adapted originally by Mr. Deng Xiaoping
since 1978, comparing especially with Chairman Mao's era. The main content of it is
that foreign policy should follow and serve domestic destinations of economic
development like the attraction of oversea investment, the enhance of volume of trade
and export/import, the improvement of population's living standard, etc. For this
reason, foreign policy must to sense peace, stability, friendship and cooperation. What
is more, by the advocates of this argument, this sense should be connected with the
right understand of current wo rld, so-called "a world turning the orientation towards
peace and development" which began since the end of II World War, instead of "a
world in the era of war and revolution"(using Lenin's famous sentence) typically
reflecting the situation on early of this century. Comparing with previous two, the
demand for "responsibility" is the newest and not well-defined interest. It has
appeared after 1990s, mostly expressed by some statesmen and high-position
diplomatists, in some formal documents of Communist Party and some press
conferences of Foreign Ministry. It has touched upon many fields and issues, from
stressing repeatedly play a "More Constructive Role in international society"
generally, to clime for full represent rights in all main international regimes and
institutions(say, every chief agencies of UN, the WTO, G-7, regional peaceful
arrangements for Korea Peninsular and Kampuchea), until to join in certain extent
some collective actions to keep earth bio-environment from polluted and strike with
neighbor countries at cross-border drugs-dealing activities. Behind all these actions
and climes, there is a kind of thirst shared by many Chinese intellectuals, commune
citizens, some reform- minded and informed politicians and youth bureau officials for
becoming or regarding by others as a major power and a important member of
international society and contributing its increasing talent and ability to the whole
human being of "Earth-village".
Backing to the thesis of this paper, I would like to point out that since the early
1990s and by the encourages of the end of Cold-War and dissolvent of Soviet bloc,
given all those positive changes of the outside world, the sense of responsibility as a
member of the community has gradually enlarged its identity to more and more
people, become successfully at least some pieces of the government policy's
destination both the internal and international. Though, I would say, these senses and
interests may give up to the primary demand of sovereignty and power-seeking
sometimes. Civil Society in China recent years has really functioned many times at
many cases. For example, one can easily witness that at Beijing, Shanghai and many
other large cities there are increasing "Green activities" initiated by scientists,
professors and newsmen, that there have been more and more private and
"half-private" primary schools, colleges, book-stores which have by various
approaches enforced current China's reform of education-system and book-cycle
regime putting forward orientated to "interna tional rules and standards". One must
notice that the mass media has showed heavy concerns if Sino-U.S. governments
dialogue about trade deficit is conducting to break out, some academic scholars using
frank words openly expressed their disagreement over certain "old thinking and used
approaches" at foreign relations. 14 When people in street were asked how to comment
on as certain conflicts as those happened in the Middle East or Bosnia, the typical
answer is 'I don't like war. Our government should encourage to find out the peaceful
solution, and against any improper attempt to use military force'. One saw that
Chinese government adapted measures to close more than 1000 factories which had
produced heavy pollution at areas of Huaihe river and Taihu Lake during last three
year; that Chinese government openly issued a document called "National Schedule
for 21 Century" aiming to "the sustainable development as a national need"; that
many times government officials appeared in TV or public cases to answer the
inquiries on, say, when China could be a formal member of WTO, how government
do proper response to Japanese tough attitude in the issue of the compensate for the
Chinese loss in the aggressive War, etc. In brief, the enhance of residents' education,
the improve of living standard, the easier communication of information, the gaining
of relative independent, namely, the enforce of Civil Society in company of deepen
reform process, all have made the popular feeling and willing reflected at some extent
in this or that ways into government foreign policies. Surely, the difference between
current leadership and their older generation is also crucial. Whether Chairman Mao

14
Shen Jiru, China Should Never Be "No-Man", Publisher of Today's China, Feb.1998.
or Mr. Deng Xiaoping were heroes of Long March who were the founder of a new
state called "New China" or father of a new phase called "Reform stage"; they were
great fathers, the mass were their children. Now, whether President Jiang or Premier
Zhu are at most highest officials with more bookish, more intellectual traits; they
often visit other countries, knowing much more than their precedents, very sensitive
to the comments from outside of the world. The point is that their promoting to
current positions have come from the period of Reform, their legitimate of authority
and morality have rooted deeply in the new era. Given the limitations they have to
face and already inherited, new Chinese leadership must do and in fact have done
much work to give much lager rooms for the development and growth of civil society,
and certainly do same when foreign affairs in the case.
Let me mention some examples pointing to the signs of positive changes in
China's foreign policy during the last five to six years:
l President Jiang said in his report as CP Chairman to the Congress on Oct.
1997 that Peace, Development and Cooperation is the chief feature of the
contemporary international relations, which will inevitably enlarge to every
corners of the earth. Party high officials also told that the Globalization in
fields of economics and technology is one of the main historical trend every
and all nations have to face.
l Based reducing one million of military men at 1980s, Chinese government
announced in Sept. 1997 that another half million personality would be cut
down in armed forces before the end of this centur y. Another thing is that
since the middle of 1990s China officials have issued White papers on
China's Defense respectively on 1995 and 1998, which means more
transparence to outside of the world.
l Some Chinese scholars and researchers from crucial official institutions and
thinktanks have tried to explain a sort of "New Idea" on security expressed as
follows: "for the mutual and equal security; to seek security by approaches of
confidence-building and dialogue; security cooperation should not intervene
other nations' internal affairs and not point to the third; economic security
become important more and more; not to define the friend and enemy
according to the political ideologies and social systems as did in the past". 15
l Chinese have shown more interest to attend actions in Asia-Pacific region to
construct mutual understanding and confidence-building like the cases in
ARF, CICA, CSCAP, NEACD; since the first sending of men in uniform to
UN's Peace-keeping operation in 1990, Chinese military men have jointed
UN's PKO actions more than thirty-two times and more than four- hundred
personality as in the cases in Kampuchea, Middle East and some African
countries.
l After the 1990, Chinese government has signed several important
international treaties and jointed more international institutions, for instance,
it signed respectively the ban-treaties on nuclear test and proliferation; it

15
Sa Benwang, The Changes in China's Security View, World Knowledge, Vol.24, 1998, P8.
 jointed respectively the regimes about ecological and chemical weapons; the
newest event is to agree to attend international efforts to ban the landmines
on last October. It may likely to follow the rules of MTCR at certain extent
though China is not the member of it till now.

Professor Iain Johnston of Harvard University analysis rightly in his newest

paper about China's participation in international institutions that contrary to the
proponents of engagement and the advocates of a more hard- line position in the US,
China's participation rates in international institutional life have increased rapidly over
the last five to ten years. Much of the improvement in the quality of China's
cooperation in the last decade or so has been a result of socialization micro-processes
over which China and the US have had little direct control, namely, persuasion and
social influence. These processes are functions of two key factors: China's changing
identity that increasingly stresses the importance of acting in ways that are consistent
with the role of a 'responsible major power'; and institutional 'social environments'
that provide incentives and conditions conducive for further integration into
international institutions. This does not mean that China's behavior in these
institutions is always inconsistent with its own interests and consistent with broader
regional or global interests. Indeed, like the United States, China often treats these
institutions as tools for enhancing its own relative power, regardless of the effect on
the international cooperation problem at hand. Like the United States, China's
decision- makers often view with suspicion any international institutions that could
potentially constrain sovereignty, autonomy and relative power. However, there are
crucial cases where international institutional image and/or the internalization of the
values of the institution have lead to behavior that is consistent with broader global
and regional interests. 16 Back to my point, the domestic changes in China recent
years is the most important factor and axis among others to promote this country
joining the lager international family. The internal international "micro-socialization"
changes is the chief reason and the sound base for the international
"micro-socialization" integration, I firmly believe.

16
Alastair Iain johnston, Some Preliminary Thoughts on China's participation in International Institutions,
manuscript, forthcoming, PP17-18.