Cultural Intellectuals and the Politics of the Cultural Public Space in Communist China (1979-

1989): A Case Study of Three Intellectual Groups

Author(s): Edward X. Gu
Source: The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 58, No. 2 (May, 1999), pp. 389-431
Published by: Association for Asian Studies
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2659402
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 CulturalIntellectualsand the
Politicsof the CulturalPublic
Space in CommunistChina
(1979-1989): A Case Studyof
ThreeIntellectualGroups
EDWARD X. GU

IN CHINA, THE PERIOD FROM 1979 to 1989 was one of thawingand awakening.
Movingawayfromtherigorsofthe "politicalwinters"in Mao's time,Chinesesociety
revivedits diversityand vigorthathad been harshlydepressedfora long time by a
revolutionary-totalitarianregime (Tsou 1986). One of the tremendouschanges
occurredin theculturalrealm.In themid and late 1980s thousandsofChinesecultural
intellectuals,fromwell-knownprofessors to junioruniversitystudents,werecaught
up in a nonofficiallyinitiatedculturalmovement,whichhas been widelycalled the
"culturefever"(wenhuare). They engaged with greateagernessin searchingforan
alternativeintellectualframework, derivedfrommodernWesterntheoriesin social
sciencesand humanities,to replacetheofficialideology.Theyundertooka passionate
reexaminationof the virtues,weaknesses,and possibilitiesof Chinese traditional
culture.They warmlydebated what should make up the culturalprerequisitesfor
China's modernizationand whetheror how Chinese traditionalculturecould be
relevantto China's presentand future.With the alterationof the structureof
ideologicalalternatives,the legitimacyof the Party'sorthodoxideology-Marxism-
Leninismand the Thoughtof Mao Zedong-became marginalized.As manyChina
scholarshave pointed out, the legitimacycrisis was one of the most important
historicallycontextualfactorsto play a key role in the eventsleading to the 1989
Tiananmenmovement(see, forexample,Tsou 1991, 277-80; and Ding 1994, 145-
48).
Accompanyingthe developmentof culturalpluralism-i.e., the flourishing of a
varietyof cultural/ideologicalideas competingwith the officialideology-was the
creationofa newculturalpublicspacein whichculturalintellectuals acted(He 1996).
By "culturalintellectuals,"I referto those who are concernedwith transcendent
questions,such as the meaningof human life,the natureof history,the ultimate

EdwardX. Gu is ResearchFellow at East Asian Institute,National UniversityofSinga-

pore. For commentsand suggestions,the authorwishes to thankTony Saich, Baogang He,
two anonymousreviewersfortheJAS,and the editorialboardof theJAS.
TheJournal
ofAsianStuidies58, no. 2 (May 1999):389-431.
C) 1999 by the AssociationforAsian Studies,Inc.

389
390 EDWARD X. GU

principlesthatgovernhumansociety,and thevaluesoftraditions and cultures.Before

the reform era started,Chineseculturalintellectuals, like otherintellectualsengaged
in economic,political,and scientificrealms,were desperatelydependentupon the
party-state.Organizationally,they were bound by the work-unitsystem;and,
intellectually,they were frequentlycompelled to dance to the tune of officially
launchedideologicalmovements,one afteranother.During the transitionalperiod
fromtotalitarianism to authoritarianism,manyculturalintellectualsin one way or
anotheractivelyinitiatedand participatedin a far-reaching campaign aimed at
transforming the existing,state-controlled public space by reclaimingits deserved
autonomyfromthe party-state.Innumerablenew books were published and an
epidemicofbook series(congshu re)ensued,breakingwithideologicalforbidden zones
and destroying old tabooswitha vengeance.Manynew journalsand magazinescame
out. The editorialcommitteesof book seriesand periodicalsprovideda nucleusfor
shaping,disseminating, and producinga varietyof nonofficial intellectualopinions,
philosophicalviews,and culturalorientations(Tsou 1991, 279). Amazingly,their
editors-in-chief could quickly win a reputationfor being a "new school" or the
"leaders"in shapingChina'sintellectualclimate(Ding 1994, 67). More importantly,
a numberof nongovernmental organizations(NGOs) emergedin this new cultural
public space. By offering applauded educationalprojectsand publishingacclaimed
books, theseNGOs did achievea considerabledegreeof autonomyfromthe state,
both intellectualand financial.This structuraltransformation in the intellectual
public spherewas broughtabout by and interwoven withtheprocessofinstitutional
changesin thissocial realmbetweenstateand society.
It seemedthata civilsociety,in thebroadestsenseoftheterm,was takingshape
in CommunistChina. Yet none of the Chineseculturalintellectualgroupsadopted
the approachof "civil societyagainst the state" in restructuring the relationships
betweenstateand societyin thenewlyemergentpublicspace.On thecontrary, within
an institutional configurationactuallyunfavorable to thegrowthofsocial autonomy,
Chinese cultural intellectualspursued the establishmentof various cooperative
relationswith certainorgansor individualswithinthe establishmentwhile at the
sametimeachievinga rangeof"guaranteedautonomy"or "dependentindependence"
(White,Howell, and Shang 1996). Aboveall, creatingnewpublic spacesas a political
game had to be done withinthe existinginstitutionalsettings.And both stateand
societywereengagedin theprocessofreinstitutionalization oftheintellectualpublic
sphere.
In orderto presentan in-depthanalysisof the social change,thisarticleoffers a
case studyof threeintellectualgroups: the editorialcommitteeof the Towardsthe
Futureseries(hereafter abbreviatedas the FutureGroup),the International Academy
ofChineseCulture(Zhongguo WenhuaShuyuanin Chinese,hereafter abbreviatedas the
CultureAcademy),and the editorialcommitteeof the Culture:China and theWorld
(hereafterabbreviatedas the CultureGroup). They are selectedforstudynot only
because theywereamong the most influentialin 1980s Chineseintellectuallife,in
particularin the culturalrealm,but also becausetheywererepresentative in termsof
theorganizational formsthattheycreatedand themethodofinstitutionalization that
theypursuedfortheirgrouplife.The mainobjectivesofthisarticleare:(1) to examine
the historicaland institutionalcontextswithinwhichChineseculturalintellectuals
createda new culturalpublic space and developedtheirgrouplifewithinthisspace;
(2) to analyze how different intellectualswho occupied different positionsin the
intellectualfieldmade different politicalchoices;and (3) to use thesecasesto analyze
the changingrelationshipbetweenthe communityof culturalintellectualsand the
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 391

party-state.In probingintotheseproblems,thisarticlewill drawtheoretical insights

fromthe new institutionalism, whichfocuseson the rolesof institutions in shaping
the preferences and choicesof social actorsand the outcomesof social actions(for
usefulreviewsof the new institutionalism, see Thelen and Steinmo1992; Steinmo
1993, 4-13; and Hall and Taylor 1996). Institutionsare definedas the rulesof the
game in society(North 1990, 3-5), and theyconsistof formalrules,compliance
procedures,and standardoperatingpracticesthat structurerelationshipsbetween
actorsin varioussocialrealms(Thelenand Steinmo1992, 2). As a kindofsocialgame,
the activitiesof intellectualsto createnew public spaces and therebyto restructure
intellectual-staterelationsunderCommunistrule must operatewithinhistorically
evolvinginstitutional settings.The distinctiveness of differentinstitutionalsettings
over different historicalperiods and across different social realms leads different
intellectualswho occupydifferent positionsin the intellectualfieldto makedifferent
politicalchoices.

Mapping Chinese Intellectual Public Spaces in

the 1980s: The Historical and Institutional
Contexts

In China, the institutionalbasis of intellectualpublic spaces in Mao Zedong's

timehad alwaysbeen extremely weak. However,the Chineseparty-state and society
cameto be moreand morecomplicatedand pluralin the 1980s, theeraofthereform.
As a consequence,more institutionalleewayforthe developmentof public spaces
becameavailableto Chineseintellectuals, who quicklyinventedmanyorganizational
formsfortheirpublic activities.Nevertheless, Chineseintellectualsneverformedan
integratedsocietalgroupor class. Thereweremanygroups,informalor formal,and
also manyindividualswho werenot affiliated to anygroup.They held variousideas,
showeddiversepreferences, and took different actions.Few Chineseintellectualsput
them into confrontations with the party-state. Chinese intellectuallifewas mainly
characterizedas the cautious and carefuldevelopmentof theirown independence
withintheplurallychannelledand frequently changinginstitutions and organizations.
In short,the institutionalization of intellectualpublic spaces was developed in a
moderatemanner.
The newlyemergentintellectualpublicspacesin the 1980s belongto whatPhilip
C. C. Huang calls the "thirdrealm,""a space intermediate betweenstateand society
in which both participated"(Huang 1993, 224). Along with this conception,we
further divide the "thirdrealm"into different subspacesto analyzethe influenceof
eitherstateor society,or both,on theformation and operationofpublic spaces.Here,
it is not difficult
to drawup a typologyof intellectualpublic spacesrunningalong a
line fromtheirrelationalpatternswith the state: (1) state-generated publicspace;(2)
society-originated, backed
officially publicspace;(3) societal
publicspace;(4) dissident
public
space.
In thestate-generated public space,theintellectualpowerelitewithintheparty-
stateestablishment establishsome officialor semiofficial
institutions,and attemptto
operatethem as a transmission belt, servingthe party-state. In the second model,
nonestablishment intellectualactivistsfirstformtheirown organizationsin society;
later, they are recruitedinto the establishmentand their own organizationsare
integrated into the establishment. The societal public space comprises
392 EDWARD X. GU

nongovernmental organizationsthatareestablishedbynonestablishment intellectuals

and enjoyvaryingdegreesof autonomyfromthe party-state. The dissidentpublic
space is a space fordissidentactivists,who keep a positionof confrontation withor
oppositionto theparty-state. In thefirsttwo kindsofrelationalpatternslistedabove,
whiletheorganizations establishedbyestablishment intellectualsarewithintheparty-
stateand in principleare official,theyexist,as Tang Tsou says,"at theouterlimitof
the boundaryof the state,touchingon societyin manyways"(Tsou 1991, 281). In
the last two,the intellectualpublic spacesare locatedwithinsocietyand outsidethe
state.The last model showsthe lowestdegreeof institutionalization, becauseall the
institutionalized or organizedactivitiesrunby thosewho are suspectedby theparty-
stateto be dissidentswould suffer serioussuppression.
Among the most importantintellectualorganizationsformedin the state-
generatedmannerare those researchinstitutesof the Chinese Academyof Social
Sciences (CASS), various media, and publishing houses. The members of the
"democraticelite,"as Merle Goldmancalls them,wieldedtheirpowerand influence
in state-generated public spaces. Some of them were high-rankingofficialsin the
reform-inclined institutesoftheCASS, someweresenioreditorsofofficial newspapers
and magazines(Goldman 1994). Most of themactivelyparticipatedin the so-called
"EmancipatingtheMind Movement"(sixiangjiefangyundong), whichwas launchedin
1978 by Hu Yaobang, who later became General Secretaryof the Party. The
movementheavilyattackedthelegitimacyofMaoism,therebycreatingan ideological
atmosphereconduciveto thepoliticalvictoryof the reformists, represented by Deng
Xiaoping,in an intensepowerstrugglewithinthe Party(Ding 1994, 83-113).
Generally speaking, formalintellectualgroupings were very rare in state-
generatedpublic spaces.While it was becauseof the seriouscrackdownoftheparty-
statethatformalorganizations scarcelyemergedamongdissidentintellectuals, it was
because of the intellectuals'own self-disciplinary behavioras a resultof the party-
state'slong-terminstitutional restraintthatit was difficultfora formalgrouplifeto
existwithinthe establishment. Undercertainconventionalnormsoftheparty-state,
formalgroupactivitiesnotrunbyPartyleaderswould be unableto avoidthepolitical
chargeof factionalism.Thus, the "democraticelite" neverformedan independent
politicalgroup,stillless an organization;it was justan informal intellectualnetwork,
which is called by Goldman "Hu Yaobang's intellectualnetwork,"since its main
membershad variouspersonaland organizational connectionsto Hu (Goldman1994,
25-61).
The differences in the patternsby whichintellectualsestablishedpublic spaces
were largelya resultof the complicatedinteractionsbetweenthe positionsthese
intellectualsoccupiedin the intellectualfield.Those who wereactivein the society-
originatedpublic space were mainlymiddle-agedand young(zhongqingnian) policy
intellectualswho werein theirthirtiesand fortiesin the 1980s. This kind ofpublic
space had its historicalrootsin the emergenceof a communityof middle-agedand
youngpolicyintellectuals(most of themeconomists)earlyin the 1980s, when they
undertooktheirgraduateor undergraduate studiesin universitiesand colleges.These
fledglingpolicyintellectualsplayeda criticalrolein thepolicy-making processofthe
ruralreforms, pricereforms, and enterprise reforms of the 1980s.
In the communityof middle-agedand youngeconomicpolicyintellectuals, the
mostrepresentative, well-known,and influential groupwas the "ResearchGroupfor
ChineseRural Development"(hereafter abbreviatedas the "DevelopmentGroup").
In theearly1980s, theDevelopmentGrouphelpedthereformists withintheChinese
Communist Party's (CCP) leadership to defeat Maoists within the party-state
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 393

establishment in the debateoverthe implementation of thehouseholdresponsibility

system(HRS) in ruralareas. Later on, under the patronageof Zhao Ziyang, then
PremieroftheStateCouncil,theDevelopmentGroupevolvedfroman informal group
of amateurresearchers into two informalresearchbodies and a semiofficial academic
association,whichwerewell knownas the so-called"Zhao Ziyang'sthink-tanks" in
the 1980s. Aftertheeruptionofthe "JuneFourthincident"and Zhao Ziyang'sstep-
downin 1989, someofthecoremembersof"Zhao Ziyang'sthink-tanks" werevictims
of severepoliticalpurges,and some have been forcedintoexile.
As a result of the engagementof both establishmentand nonestablishment
culturalintellectuals, the culturalpublic spaces newlyemergedin the 1980s mainly
cameunderthesecondor thirdcategories.Intellectually, despiteitsnonofficialnature,
the "culturefever"firstof all was an echo of the ideological campaign against
feudalism,whichwas an intrinsicpart of the officially launched"Emancipatingthe
Mind Movement."Institutionally, whenmanynonestablishment culturalintellectuals
planned to formtheir own groups, to edit their own journals and series, and
furthermore to establishtheirown organizations, theynormallyadoptedone of two
approaches,eitherincorporating theirown nonofficial bodies into the establishment
or maintainingthemautonomouslyin society.Whateverapproachtheytook,they
had to workwith,or at least obtainsupportfrom,some party-state leadersor high-
rankingestablishment intellectuals.
There were two rules of the game (i.e., institutionalfactors)that severely
constrained thesetofchoicesofChineseintellectuals (includingculturalintellectuals)
in the 1980s. The firstwas whatwe mightcall the "within-establishment principle,"
whichas an unwritten Partydisciplinerequiresthatactionsmustbe takenand views
(in particularthosenonconformist views)mustbe expressedthroughtheproperparty-
statechannelsin accordancewithproperprocedure(Tsou 1991, 284-95). Violating
thisprincipleas an exceptionis possible,but it is a privilegeenjoyedexclusivelyby
certainindividualleaderssuchas Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping.As is well known,
Mao mobilized nonestablishment political forces,in particularthe Red Guards,to
destroythe party-statebureaucracyduring the Cultural Revolution.As will be
mentionedbelow,afterMao's death,Deng Xiaoping utilizedthe politicalpowerof
nonestablishment democraticactiviststo defeatthe remainingMaoists withinthe
leadership.The second was the principleof "political clientelism,"namely,that
patron-client ties betweensome party-state leadersand intellectualsare important.
Without the backingof relevantofficials, it is nearlyimpossibleforintellectualsto
createnew public spacesfortheiractivities,no matterwherethesepublic spacesare
located,withinor outsidethe establishment. The backingmightbe given formally
(e.g., the signatureon the applicationreport)or informally (e.g., orallyexpressing
concernor supportforthe applicationto relevantofficials).
The three intellectual groups under discussion were all eventually not
incorporated intotheestablishment. Theyindeedcreatedpublic spacesfornonofficial
intellectualactivities,which achieved autonomyfromthe party-stateto varying
degrees. Of course, they all maintainedgood cooperativerelationswith certain
establishmentorganizationsthat fell into the firsttwo categoriesof puiblicspaces
describedabove. The establishment of independentpublic spaces,however,was not
necessarily thesinglepoliticalchoicethatthesethreegroupswould havedeliberately
chosenforthemselvesfromthe beginning.To examinetheoutcomesoftheiractions,
we mustlook at the complicatedinteractions betweencertainobjectiveinstitutional
and historicalelements,on the one hand,and the subjectivepreferences, goals, and
choices,on the other.At the same time,theinstitution-building entrepreneurship of
394 EDWARD X. GU

the threegroups' core membersis highly emphasized.By "institution-building

entrepreneurship" we mean a capacityin seekingthe institutionalleewaywithinthe
changinginstitutional configuration
and establishingpublic spacesin as manyways
as arelegallypossible.Institution-building
entrepreneursplayedan importantrolein
institutionalizing
intellectualgrouplife,becauseinstitutional
innovationwas to some
extentindispensableto the creationofpublic spaces.

Young Cultural Intellectualsat the Dawn of

Reform:1976-80

Amongtheculturalintellectualgroupsand bookseriesprojects,theFutureGroup
and its TowardstheFutureSerieswerethe firstto be establishedand amongthemost
influential;
theyset themodelforthosethatfollowed(Ding 1994, 68). The influence
ofthegrouparoselate in 1985 afterthefirst volumesoftheserieshad beenpublished.
The formation of thisgroup,however,can be tracedback to the late 1970s and the
early 1980s, when a set of greatideologicalchanges-the offensive againstMaoist
policies,the critiqueof Chinese traditional,authoritarian political institutionsand
culture(the so-called"feudalism"was made the targetof this criticism),the appeal
to scientific
spiritand rationalism, and the concernfordemocracyand civil rights-
was takingplace withinand withoutthe establishment.
In the late 1970s, a greatnumberof the educatedyouth(zhishiqingnian)who
weresentdown to the countryside in accordancewith theMaoist populisticpolicies
during the Cultural Revolution came back to the cities. With their personal
experiencesof the failureof Mao's policies and of the povertyof peasantlife,they
becameincreasingly withthestatusquoand werein favorofreforming
dissatisfied the
existingsocial,economic,and politicalsystems.The generalpoliticalatmosphereat
thattimewas also changing.In thewakeofthenewdevelopment ofpoliticalstruggle,
the reformist factionthatarguedto revise,or evenabandon,theMaoistpoliticaland
economicpolicies got the upper hand withinthe party-state establishment. At the
societallevel,youngintellectualsintenselyconcernedabout theircountryand their
people accordinglybecame moreand moreactive.Small personalnetworksof such
people multiplied,theirscope extended,and thecontentofmutualexchangebecame
richer.Within a couple of years afterMao's death in 1976, many "meetings,"
'seminars,' or "salons" made theirappearancein Beijing as well as in otherlarge
cities,whereyoungintellectuals exchangedplentyofpoliticalinformation and rumors,
and conductedideological/theoretical argumentswith each other(Tsou 1991, 279;
and Chen 1990, 5). All thesalonsthathad originsin societywereinformal: no formal
hosts,no regularmeetingplaces,and no fixedparticipants. Therewerealso a number
of"meetings"organizedbyhigh-ranking seniorpartytheorists,whichattractedmany
young nonestablishment intellectualsand provided them with opportunitiesfor
exposure.
The periodfrom1976 to 1980 also witnessedtheanimationofpoliticalactivism
amongyoungintellectuals whowereengrossedin promotingpoliticalreform and who
threwthemselvesinto a varietyof nongovernmental political campaigns.The first
tide was theAprilFifthMovementof 1976 againstthe "Gang ofFour." The second
wavewas theso-called"DemocracyWall Movement"in 1978, and,duringtheperiod
of this movement,a myriadof nongovernmental associationsand unofficial journals
(Chineseequivalentto the Russiansamizdat)appearedand werecirculatedin major
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 395

citiesthroughout China(Nathan1985, 3-30; Skilling1989; Seymour1980). In 1979,

the "DemocracyWall Movement"was suppressedand most of thesejournalswere
forcedto suspendpublicationafterthepowerbase ofDeng Xiaopingand hiscomrades
had becomefirm.In 1980, thepoliticalzeal ofthosepoliticallyinclinedintellectuals
was evidentonce again in theelectionof the local people's congresses.In manylarge
cities acrossthe country,and in particularin Beijing, university studentswaged a
large-scaleelectioncampaignon campuses.Beijing University (Beida) was thecenter
of thesecampaigns(Nathan 1985, 193-223).
The FutureGroup was a productof the time.Its intellectualand organizational
leader,JinGuantao,an editoroftheJournalofDialecticsofNature(abbreviatedasJDN
hereafter),was one of the most influentialfiguresamong the Chinese intellectual
communityin the late 1970s and early 1980s throughhis novel OpenLoveLetters
(Gongkaide Qingshu),throughhis unprecedentedutilizationof naturalsciences(in
particularCybernetics, Information Theory,and SystemTheory)in studiesofhistory
and social sciences,and especiallythroughhis controversial and influentialworkon
the causesof the long-standing durabilityof the Chineseauthoritarian system(Kane
1989).
When the Cultural Revolution started,Jin Guantao was a student in the
Departmentof Chemistryat Beida. Accused of being moreexpertthan red by his
fellowstudents,he was excludedfromclassesand quicklyfoundhimselftotallyout
of tunewith the revolutionary currentof the time. Fromthe veryearlystage of the
CulturalRevolution,he beganto studyand reflect on China'spast,present,and future.
One of the fewlingeringdoubts in his mind was whythe Chinese "feudalsystem"
had lasted so long, and drawinginsightsfromhis trainingin naturalsciences,in
particularNorbertWiener's cybernetics, he crystallizedhis thoughtson Chinese
historyintoa "scientific" hypothesis:Chinesetraditionalstateand societyas a whole
operatedas a fragilebut "ultra-stablesystem"throughthe interactions betweenand
integration ofpolitical,economicand ideologicalsubsystems (Jin1988, 3-41).
It was bycirculatinghis notesand manuscripts on philosophy,history,and society
thatJinbecameacquaintedwithhis wifeand futurecollaborator, Liu Qingfeng,who
coauthoredmostofJin'simportantworkslateron. They met each otherforthe first
timea couple ofdaysbeforetheirwedding.The firstcrystallization oftheirromantic
marriagewas a novel,OpenLoveLetter,which was a fictionalizedcollectionof the
correspondence betweenthetwoyoungintellectualsand a numberoftheirfriends.It
was compiledin March1972 and circulatedin manuscript and mimeographed copies
among educatedyouthformanydangerousyears.It was firstpublishedin Women
(We),a Hangzhou-basednonofficial magazineduringtheDemocracyWall movement.
And it was ultimatelypublishedin the officialliterarymagazineShiyue(October) in
January1980, immediately a greatdeal ofattentionand controversy
attracting (Kane
1989, 46). MichaelS. Duke has categorizedthisnovelintothe "neo-romantic fiction
of thepost-Mao'thinkinggeneration"'(Duke 1985, 186, 188-93). As Liu Qingfeng
herselfrelates,the keynoteof thisnovelwas idealism(Liu 1987, 131). In particular,
when it was circulatedamong small circlesof young intellectualsbeforeits open
publication,manyreaderswereimpressedby Lao Jiu's (the novel'smale protagonist)
idealism,passionatepursuitoftruthand beauty,and optimisticlongingforthe "new
era"-an erain which"thescientific spirit"willguideChinatowardsfutureprosperity
(Kane 1989, 46; and Fu 1987). In short,whatmostlystruckthereadersofthisnovel
was two themesnourishedby long-standing Chineseintellectualtradition:(1) a deep
concernforproblemsand issues of public interest-social,economic,cultural,and
above all political; and (2) a burningdesire forsaving theirbeloved nation from
396 EDWARD X. GU

politicalcalamitiesby new waysof thinking.Therefore, this novelcan best be seen

notso muchas an ordinary storyconcerninglove and romanticmarriagebut as a new
generation'scollectivemanifesto:a new time which belongs to themselveswas
approaching.Forourpurposesthisnovelis important becauseit presagedthedirection
of the FutureGroup'sintellectualorientationa decade later.
Not only by means of the circulationof OpenLove Letters, but also by their
manuscriptson theoreticaland historicaltopics-in particularby means of the
manuscripton theirhypothesisof Chinesehistory-did Jin and Liu make a lot of
new friends,some of whomlaterbecamethe coremembersof the FutureGroup. In
1978, theJDN's appointmentstookJin and Liu back to Beijing fromZhengzhou,
wheretheytaughtat ZhengzhouUniversity forfouryears.
TheJDN, runin thestate-generated mannerby theChineseAcademyofSciences
(CAS), was one of the most liberalperiodicalsduringthe "Emancipatingthe Mind
Movement."This journalalreadyexistedbeforethe CulturalRevolution,publishing
articlesaboutthephilosophyofnature,a topicofconsiderableinterestto Mao Zedong.
It was defunctduringthe CulturalRevolution,and its functionwas carriedon by a
similarlytitledperiodicalrun by the followersof the "Gang of Four" in Shanghai,
which gained considerablenotorietyas being antiscienceby publishing articles
denouncingrelativitytheoryand quantummechanicsand flattering Mao's "theory"
on elementaryparticles. After the conveningof the highly acclaimed Science
Conferencein the springof 1978, the journalwas revived.Its editor-in-chief, Yu
Guangyuan,who becamewell-knownthroughhis translation ofEngels'sTheDialectics
ofNaturewhen he was in Yan'an, was the top establishment in
intellectual-official
chargeofChina'sscienceand technology enterprisesafterthefoundingofthePeople's
Republic. Having alreadybeen appointedas a vice-president of the newlyfounded
CASS,' Yu was rarelyinvolvedin the concreteeditorialaffairs, and just provideda
politicalumbrellaoverthejournal.The journalwas actuallyrunbyitsdeputyeditors-
in-chief,firstLi Baoheng and then Fan Dainian, both liberal establishment
Duringtheinitialperiodofitsrevitalization,
intellectuals. thejournalpublishedmany
articlesrevealingthe devastatingconsequencesof Lysenkoismon Sovietscience(for
the revelationof Lysenko'ssabotage of Soviet science in the English world, see
Medvedev1969), criticizingtheharmful interventionsofMaoistrevolutionary policies
into scientificresearch,and presentingvarious "liberal" interpretations of the
dialecticsof nature-all echoingthe keynoteof the anti-Maoist"Emancipatingthe
Mind Movement."From 1980 onwards,underthe leadershipof Fan Dainian, much
of the JDN's space was given to articles that introducedWestern studies in
philosophy,history,and sociologyof science into China. From this journal,many
Chineseintellectualslearntabout such big namesas Karl Popperand ThomasKuhn
forthe firsttime earlyin the 1980s. With the changingof the journal'sfocus,the
term"dialecticsofnature"paradoxically hasbecomenotoriousamongnewgenerations
ofChineseintellectualsfromthemid-1980sonwards.To ensureofficial approbation,
however,the journalconsistently maintainsits title,but from1981 onwardsit has
added a wordysubtitleto expressits realcontents:A Comprehensive, TheoreticalJournal
of thePhilosophy,Historyand SociologyofNatural Science.This journalalso played a
seminalrole in sparkingthe spectaculardebate on Chinese traditionalcultureand

1CASS was establishedin November1977 throughexpansionof the originalPhilosophy

and Social SciencesDivision of the CAS, whereYu held thepost of thepartyhead beforethe
CulturalRevolution.The CASS's firstpresidentwas Hu Qiaomu, and the twovice-presidents
wereYu and Deng Liqun.
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 397

modernity, whichreachedits climaxin the mid-1980s,by organizinga numberof

conferences and publishingvolumeson culturaltopics.2
Aftercomingback to Beijing,Jin and Liu had moreopportunities to take part
in varioussalonactivities.Amongthesalonsin whichtheyparticipated, theso-called
"Fortnightly Forum"hostedby Weng Yongxi, a juniorstaffmemberof the Rural
PolicyResearchOfficeoftheCCP's AgricultureCommission,was well knownat that
time.It was at the "Fortnightly Forum"thatJingot acquaintedwithsomenewstars
in the communityof economists,and some of them laterbecame membersof the
FutureGroup.
The "Fortnightly Forum" was historicallysignificantto the rise of groups of
establishment economicpolicyintellectualslateron, as well as to theirorganizational
bases: Zhao Ziyang's think tanks. Among them, the so-called "Four Gentlemen
Group" and the above-mentioned"DevelopmentGroup" became the most well
knownto thepublic in the followingyears.The "Four GentlemenGroup" consisted
of Weng Yongxi, Wang Qishan, Zhu Jiaming,and Huang Jiangnan.In 1979, this
group delivereda policy reportto the party-stateleadership,and their policy
suggestionsabout economicreadjustment wereadmiredand acceptedby Chen Yun.
Later they were all recruitedto be high-rankingestablishmenteconomicpolicy
advisers.The storyof the "Four GentlemenGroup,"whichtypicallyepitomizedthe
traditionoftheChineseliterati, encouragedimitationby moreyoungeconomistsand
sociologists.Theirgreatestpreoccupation was how to establishpatron-clienttieswith
high-ranking officials
and, furthermore, how to gain statuswithintheestablishment,
but nothow to strengthen and developsocial autonomyas theconceptualdichotomy
of "civil societyversusthe state" assumes(formore details about thesegroups of
establishment economicpolicyintellectuals, see Gu 1997).
Althoughtheirwork-unitwas liberal and theJDN quicklyattractednational
attention, Jin and Liu and theirfriendsfeltan urgentneed fora moreautonomous,
unrestricted, and efficient vehicle fortheirviews. As earlyas 1980, Jin told Fan
Hongye,his colleagueat the editorialofficeof theJDN, of his ambitionto forma
ChineseEncyclopedia School,launchinga mightyenlightenment movementin China
(Fan Hongye,Zhu Jiaming,and Bao Zunxin,interviews by theauthor,conductedin
February 1996, June 1994, and January 1996, respectively).3Within the
establishment work-unitsystem,however,therewas not enough space forthemto
carryout suchambitiousenterprises. The ultimatecontroloftheJDN'seditorialaffairs
was still in handsof the partyorganizationof the CAS. Not all theirJDN editorial
colleaguessharedtheircommitment, and theirconservativecolleaguesoftenheldthem
back fromany potentiallycontroversial action. Indeed, as Philip C. C. Huang has
argued,because some liberallyorientedwork-unitswere wherenew kinds of state-
societyrelationswere workedout and were potentiallythe sourceof new kinds of
politicalorganizations and activities(Huang 1993, 237-38), the new culturalpublic
space still had to be constructed outsidethe work-unitsystem.

2One of the most importantwas the conference on China's backwardnessin scienceand

technologyin moderntimes held on 16-22 October 1982 (see table 5) and the conference
volume publishedin June 1983. The volume,entitledKexuieChuantong yu Wenhua(Scientific
Traditionand Culture)(Xi'an: ShaanxiScienceand TechnologyPress,1983), recordedthefirst
Chineseeffortat studyingthe historyofChinesescienceand technologyfroma perspectiveof
culturalhistory.
3Someinformation presentedin thepaperis based on theauthor'sinterviews
withpersons
who were involvedin the eventsdiscussedhere.The interviewswere conductedseparately.
The selectionof the intervieweeswas based mainlyon accessibility.
398 EDWARD X. GU

Jinand Liu's eagerdesireto establishtheirownpublic spacealso originatedfrom

theirfrustration in gettingtheirfirstmajor academicworkon Chinese traditional
societypublished.Despite the move away fromMaoist-styleideologicalrepression,
therewas stillmuchtensionand intolerancein theideologicalatmospherein thelate
1970s and the early 1980s. Their views on the natureof Chinese historywere so
strange,so unusual,and so fullofscientific jargon,4claimingto be "Marxist"and yet
verydubious to manyorthodoxparty-state ideologues.With the help providedby
Liu Qingfeng'sbrother,Liu Maocai (then a middle-levelofficialat the Chengdu
Geological Institute),Jin and Liu aftergreateffort got theirarticlepublishedearly
in 1980 in theJournalof GuiyangNormalCollege,indeed a verymarginalsite for
academicpublication(Jinand Liu 1980). At theend ofthesameyear,thisarticlewas
reprintedin a controversial volume,YouthManuscripts (QingnianWengao), published
by theJointPublishingHouse (Sanlian).This timethearticlecreateda furoramong
intellectualcirclesin the culturalcenter.Althoughamong establishment academic/
ideologicalcirclesit was attackedbysomeas being"anti-Marxist," amongtheyounger
generationofintellectualsit wieldedthemostinfluence. The authorsreceivedseveral
thousandslettersfromreaders,who wereenthusedby theiruse of modernscientific
theory(as opposedto the dogmaticalChineseMarxisthistoriography) to analyzethe
Chineseauthoritarian past (Kane 1989, 49).
YouthManuscripts was edited by two youngwomenintellectuals,Lin Chun and
Li Yinhe,bothhavingpersonalconnections withseniorestablishment intellectualYu
Guangyuan.A group of fledglingswere quicklygatheredforthe foundingof this
nonofficialbut legally published journal. They took a very close look at the
"EmancipatingtheMind Movement,"whichwas launchedand participatedin mainly
by the elder generationof reform-oriented establishmentintellectuals,and eagerly
wished to devote their own contributionsto the dramaticcourse of ideological
liberation.Ten articleswrittenby elevenyoungauthors,who were mostlyin their
late twentiesand early thirties,were published in the firstissue of the Youth
Manuscripts,and all ofthemdemonstrated somenovelapproachesor expressedcertain
unorthodoxarguments,ranging from a discussion of the common intellectual
foundationof naturaland social sciences,a clarification of Engels's misquotationof
Hegel in TheDialecticsofNature,an examinationoftheprocessofincomedistribution
in lightofsystemtheory, an analysisofthenewlyemergentprivateeconomyin China,
a reinterpretationoftheMarxianconceptionofhumannature,to a surveyofmarriage
in China.5Unfortunately, this journalwas not bornat the righttime. In 1980-81,
although the political thaw had alreadystarted,the springwas yet to come. In
particular,in responseto the participationof nonestablishment democraticactivists
in the 1980 electionsand thehighlightsoftheSolidarityMovementin Poland,Deng

4In fact,the introductionof systemtheoryand cyberneticsinto social scienceswas a

populartendencyin Westernacademicsin the 1960s and 1970s. However,aftermanyyears
of culturalclosureto the West duringMao's time,Chinese intellectuals(includingJin and
Liu) had almostno idea of thisdevelopmentin Westernacademics.
5The firstissue of YouthManuscripts on History,
was entitledReflections see Lishi de Chensi
onHistory)(Beijing: Sanlian, 1980). All the authorsbecamewell knownas cultural
(Reflections
or economicreformactivistslateron. ApartfromJinand Liu, Li Xianglu laterbecameZhang
Ziyang's secretary, Bai Nansheng (then a memberof the DevelopmentGroup) and Huang
Jiangnan(one of the Four Gentlemen)wereseniorresearchers thinktanks,and
at reformist
Zhang Gang coauthoredthe influential televisionseriesRiverElegy.Hu Ping was well known
amongtheChineseintellectualcommunityforhis tirelessadvocacyoffreedomofspeech;later
he becamea dissidentaftergoing to the United Statesin 1986.
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 399

Xiaoping suspendedthe implementationof a set of political reformprogramshe

proposedin thesummerof 1980 (whichwerewidelycalled theGengshengReforms)
and ordereda harshcrackdownon "bourgeoisliberalization,"in particularthe so-
called "illegal organizationsand illegal magazines"(Nathan 1985, 79-84). Some
legallypublishedbut unorthodoxmagazineslike YouthManuscripts werealso affected
by the ideological repression.The second volume of YouthManuscripts was thus
banned,and an editorofSanliancommittedsuicidedue to thispoliticalevent(Wang
Yan, interviewed by the author).
It seemed that the misfortuneof YouthManuscripts did not bring so much
frustration to its authorsas to its editors.6Actually,it was thiscontroversialjournal
thatenabledJinand Liu to go beyondthesmallcircleoftheirfriends, enjoyingsome
reputationamong a largercommunitythat mainlyconsistedof some increasingly
influentialmiddle-agedand youngintellectuals.Nevertheless, Jinwas neversatisfied
thatthe audienceforhis theorywas limitedto a small circle.Unswervingly keeping
in mind his plan of launchingthe enlightenment movement, Jinintendedto extend
his influenceto the youngergeneration:the university students.

Breaking the InstitutionalConstraints:The

Takeoffof the Chinese Encyclopedia
School

To achievehis ambition,Jin Guantao neededan organizationalbase outsidehis

own work-unit.The firstattemptto securesuch a base was made in 1981. As early
as in early 1980, Jin's boss Li Baoheng left theJDN to take up the position of
secretary-generalof the ChineseAssociationof Scienceand Technology(CAST) and
concurrently hold theleadershipoftheSocietyofFuturology, an organizationdevoted
to studiesconcernedwith futurepossibilitiesbased on currenttrends.In late 1980,
a managerialconflicteruptedwithin the editorialofficeof Futureand Development
(Weilai YuFazhan),an officialjournalof the Societyof Futurology,and Li was asked
by the Societyto reshufflethe editorialboard of the journal.Thus Li mobilizedhis
former subordinates at theJDN, includingJinGuantao,to takepartin thereshuffle.
It was obviouslya golden opportunity forJin to fulfillhis own desire.He quickly
gathereda numberof his friendsin orderto take overthe editorshipof the journal.
This effortalso obtainedthe supportof two editorsof the journal,Jia Xinmin and
Ruan Fangfu.However, they were confrontedby a powerfuldefensefromother
membersoftheeditorialofficeofthejournaland oftheSocietyofFuturology.Facing
the possibilityof a hostile takeoverby outsiders,the internalconflictwithinthe
journalwas quicklyresolved(Fan HongyeandJiaXinmin,interviewed bytheauthor,
in February1996 and January1996, respectively).
Soon afterthis failure,a second opportunityarose forJin. In mid-1982, Jin
Guantaoand Liu Qingfeng'smostimiportant work,Ascendancy and Crisis:OntheUltra-

6Afterthe journal was banned,Lin Chun and Li Yinhe went abroad to continuetheir
studies.In thelate 1980s, aftershe obtaineda Ph.D. degreefromtheUniversity
ofPittsburgh,
Li Yinhe becamea prominentsociologistfocusingon the problemsof marriage,women,and
homosexuality. Lin Chun, however,has neversince returnedto Chineseintellectualcircles.
400 EDWARD X. GU

stableStructureofChineseFeudalSociety, was acceptedby Hunan People's Press.7The

book's editormentionedto Jin that the presswas interestedin publishinga series
aiming at spreadingnew knowledgeto youngstudents.This idea fittedin readily
withJin'splan oflaunchingan enlightenment movementin China.Jinimmediately
went into action,formingan editorialcommitteeforthe plannedseries.Although
Jinwas the originatorand the actual promoterof the project,in view of his relative
youthand lack ofacademiccredentials, he wiselycontentedhimselfwiththeposition
of deputyeditor-in-chief. Bao Zunxin was invitedas the editor-in-chief becausehe
was becominga well-knownfigureamongintellectualcirclesforeditingthepopular
monthlyReading(Dushu)and, moredirectly,becausehe had provideda prefacefrom
the Marxistpoint of view to Jin and Liu's forthcoming book. Bao was seen as
politicallyand academicallyacceptableby the press.The proposedserieswas named
TowardstheFuture,followingan influential, acclaimedseriesknownas Towardsthe
WorldthatHunan People's Presshad alreadypublished,whichcomprisedmorethan
two dozen travelnotes, diaries,and reportswrittenby some prominentChinese
intellectualsor officialsbefore1911 who were among the firstgroup of Chinese
travellersto the West as well as to Japan.Confirming the historicaltide of opening
up to the West in the early1980s, the approachof the TowardstheWorldserieswas
backward-looking while that of the TowardstheFuturewas expectedto be forward-
looking. The core membersof the editorialcommitteeconsistedmainlyof Jin's
colleaguesat the CAS. Taking into consideration theirnot-yet-prominent positions
in the intellectualfield,theydecided to drag as manyimportantfiguresamong the
Beijing-basedmiddle-agedand youngintellectualcirclesas possibleintotheeditorial
committee.They also reacheda consensusthatnoneof the thendemocraticactivists
should be incorporated into the group. In general,the core membersof the Future
Group were committedto culturalenlightenment ratherthan politicalopposition.
They took exceptionto the approachthatmanynonestablishment politicalactivists
had adopted(and wereadopting)at thattime,but sharedthe commitmentof those
middle-agedand young economic policy intellectualsthat, in order to promote
reformsmore effectively, actions must be taken in accordancewith the within-
establishment principle.Apartfromits core members,the editorialcommitteealso
comprised middle-aged and young intellectuals from three origins: young
establishmenteconomic policy intellectuals (i.e., the core members of the
DevelopmentGroup and the Four GentlemenGroup), young painterswho were
committedto modernismbut notpoliticallyactive,and a numberofotherinfluential
scholarsand editors(See table 1).
With the formationof the editorialcommittee,it seemed thatJin Guantao's
ambitiousenterprise would take off.In the early1980s, however,thereweremany
institutionalbarriersto gettingthisseriespublished.The presssystemwas seriously
undertheParty'scontrol.On theone hand,mostofthetranslatedbooks,in particular
the translationsof Western works, were published only for so-called "internal
reference" (neibucankao),whichmeansthatthesebookswereonlyaccessibleto those
who held certainhigh-ranking positionswithinthe establishment hierarchy. On the

book was publishedafterall kindsof hardshipsand difficulties.

7Thiscontroversial From
the authors'postscript,we can see the book's manuscriptwas completedin April 1982 (Jin
and Liu 1984, 336). When the book was publishedtwo yearslater,thepressadded a separate
passage on a separatepage, claiming that the viewpointsthe book deliveredmightnot be
matureand correctbut wereconduciveto the developmentof Marxism.Adding thispassage
was obviouslya protectivemeasure.
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 401

Table 1. The Membersof theEditorialCommitteeof TowardstheFu-

tureSeries

IntellectualInterests
Names Occupations or CareerFields

The Core
Jin Guantao EditorofJDN His., phi.
Bao Zunxin Deputy editor-in-chiefof the Reading Chi. inte. his.
Chen Yueguang Editorof ChineseWomen ModernChi. inte. his.
Tang Ruoxin Officeworkerat the IYS, CASS His., politics
Jia Xinmin Researcherat the Policy ResearchOffice,CAS His., culture,politics
Liu Qingfeng EditorofJDN His., literature
Fan Hongye EditorofJDN His. of science
Le Xiucheng EditorofJDN Phi. of science
Wang Qishan Deputy directorof the AgriculturalPolicy Research
Officeof the CCP CentralSecretariat Economics,administration
Wang Xiaoqiang Deputy directorof the DevelopmentGroup Economics,sociology
He Weiling Deputy directorof the DevelopmentGroup Economics
Wang Junxian Officeworkerat the CCP Departmentof Organization His.

The Marginal
Yan Jiaqi Directorof the Ins. of Politics,CASS Political science
Dai Shihe Painterat the CentralCollege of Art Art his.
Zhu Jiaming Researcherat the State Council Economics
Huang Jiangnan Officialat Henan provincialgovernment Economicpolicies
Weng Yongxi Businessman Administration, business
Wang Xiaolu Researcherof the DevelopmentGroup Economics,phi.
Zhu Xihao Graduatestudentat the Ins. of Phi., CASS Phi. of science
Zhang Gang Editorof the Economics Weekly Economics
Liu Dong Graduatestudentat the Ins. of Phi., CASS Germanphi., aesthetics
Wang Yan EditorofReading Phi., sociology
Ding Xueliang Researcherat the Ins. of M.L.M., CASS Sociology,Marxism
Yin Lantian Editorof ChineseStuidiesin Law, CASS Law
Yi Xiaoye Editorof EncyclopedicKnowledge Editing
Ruan Fangfu Researchat the ChineseAcademyof Medicine His. of medicine
Dong Xiuyu Editorat the LinkingPublishingHouse Editing
Tao Derong Editorat the LinkingPublishingHouse Editing
Chen Ziling Editorat the LinkingPublishingHouse Editing
Qin Xiaoying Officeworkerat the CCP Departmentof Organization His.

Source:The author'sinterviewswith certainmemberssuch as Jia Xinmin,Fan Hongye,and Wang

Yan.
Abbreviations:His.: history;Chi.: Chinese; inte.: intellectual;Phi.: philosophy.

otherhand, accordingto the relatedparty-state regulationsconcerningpublishing

the finalcontrolovereditorialchoicesforseriesand contentsof book-drafts
affairs,
should be in the hands of the partycommitteeswithinpublishinghouses.In order
to imposetheirown influence upon thepublishingdecision,theFutureGroupstrived
fromthe verybeginningto grasppower overeditorialchoice and controlover the
contentsofbook-drafts. To achievethisgoal, threeconditionswould haveto be met.
First,in accordancewith the "within-establishment principle,"theywould have to
attachtheeditorialcommitteeto a formalorganizationwithintheestablishment, and
ideologicallyreceivetheleadershipofthe Partyorganizationofthisinstitute;second,
with respectto the problemof who held the finalcontrolof editorialchoice,they
neededto reacha tacitagreementwitha publishinghouse,lettingitsPartycommittee
402 EDWARD X. GU

grasp the controlin principleand the editorialcommitteehold it in reality;and,

finally,it was significant forthem to obtain support,formallyor informally, from
certainhigh-ranking party-stateofficials.
Duringtheinitialstage,theeditorialcommitteewas confronted withtheproblem
of political distrust.Hunan People's Press totallyrejectedthe formationof the
editorialcommittee.Its insistenceon controlover the formationof the editorial
committeewas too farremovedfromthe FutureGroup's stance.Afterthissetback,
the FutureGroup made contactswitha numberof Beijing-basedpublishinghouses,
includingliberallycoloredSanlian,but alwaysgot stuckoverthe issue of editorial
control.
Notwithstandingthese setbacks, nearly all the institutionalobstacles were
virtuallyovercomebyJinand his comrades,one byone. First,theygainedthesupport
of the Partycommitteeof the CASS's InstituteforYouth Studies (IYS). Its heads
Zhong Peizhang and Zhang Liqun, both reform-oriented official-intellectuals,
admired and encouragedJin's proposal for a Chinese enlightenmentmovement.
Zhong's subordinateTang Ruoxin,an admirerofJin'shistoricaltheory,becameone
of two deputy editors-in-chief of the series. Having establishedan affiliation
arrangement (the so-calledguakaoguanxiin Chinese)with the IYS, the problemof
the Group's legal statuswas resolved.Secondly,the Sich-uanPeople's Pressaccepted
the editorialcommittee'spackageplan throughthe recommendation by Liu Maocai,
Liu Qingfeng'sbrother, whowas thenleaderoftheSichuanAcademyofSocialSciences
and therebyhad certaininfluenceoverlocal publishinghouses.A tacitagreementon
all the editorialissues,which entitledthe editorialcommitteeto almostcomplete
autonomy,was settledbetweenthe two sides. Finally,Jin's plan receivedspiritual
support (guanhuai) from Deng Liqun. Mobilizing social relationshipswas of
importanceto theirobtainingDeng's backing.Liu Qingfeng'sfatherwas oncea close
comrade-in-arms ofDeng Liqun duringtheYan'an time.Deng's daughterwas a good
friendofJin and Liu. And The Economic the maidenworkof Deng's son
Cybernetics,
Deng Yingtao, had been acceptedby the editorialcommitteeforthe forthcoming
series(Jia Xinmin and Chen Xiaoya, interviewedby the author).In the meantime,
the recruitment ofsomeestablishment economicpolicyintellectuals-whowerethen
well known as economic advisers of PremierZhao Ziyang-into the editorial
committeealso leftan impressionon the publisherthat the FutureGroup enjoyed
certainpoliticalbackingfromtheparty-state leadership.
In the spring-summer of 1984, the firstvolumesof the TowvardstheFutureseries
werepublishedand quicklybecamebest-sellers. The historicaltimingwas crucialto
the series'success.At that moment,economicreformin ruralChina had achieved
preliminary gains,and urbanreform had been put on thepolicyagendaoftheparty-
state.The media were almostdominatedby a varietyof proreform propaganda.In
such an ideologicalatmosphere, the cravingforknowledgeofyoungintellectuals(in
particularuniversity students)was awakened.However,whatthepresentpresssystem
could offer werestillbookswithoutdatedcontents.Therewerea smallnumberofso-
called "internallydistributed"(neibu faxing)translatedbooksat the time.On theone
hand,it was difficult foruniversity studentsto haveaccessto them,and, on theother
hand, these internallydistributedbooks were mostlythe translationsof Western
academicbooks,whichweretoo abstruseforuniversity studentsto read.
With its completelynoveldesignformat, writingstyle,and intellectualcontent,
theTowardstheFutureseriesfilleda vacancyin thebookmarket.It combinedPenguin-
like formatwithmodernist-style coverdesigns.The styleofwritingoftheserieswas
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 403

characterized as popular.The interdisciplinarycharacter was highlighted.Amongthe

twelvebooks of the firstgroup are Jin Guantao's book popularizinghis historical
theoryand Liu Qingfeng'sbook discussingthe reasonswhymodernsciencedid not
emergein China (a questionput forwardbyJosephNeedam).8
The TowardstheFutureserieswerereprinted twicewithinone year,amountingto
morethan200,000 copies of each book. By 1988 therewere74 books publishedin
the series,includingtranslationsof Max Weber, RobertMerton,KennethArrow,
JainosKornai,CyrilBlack,Alex Inkeles,andJosephLevenson,to namea few.Actually
it was the firsttime that thesefamousWesternscholars'major workshad become
accessibleto ordinaryChinesereaders.Jin Guantao publishedfivebooks on history
and philosophyin the series(see table 2). His firstbook, BehindtheAppearance of
History,was an abridgedversionof his most importantwork,Ascendancy and Crisis.
To a considerableextentthe selectionofbooksforthe seriesembodiedJin'spersonal
intellectualorientation,whichhad been revealedto theintellectualcommunity since
OpenLoveLetters was widelycirculated:to be an evangelistof scientificrationality.
The editorialpriority,therefore, was given to books thatdisplayedthe influenceof
naturalsciencesupon social lifeor directlyutilizedthe methodsof naturalsciences
for social studies. Cybernetics,informationtheory,systemtheory,game theory,
econometrics,and, in general, quantitative methods in social researchwere
highlighted.Partly because of the editorial committee'sconnectionwith some
membersof certainestablishment reformist economicpolicythinktanksand partly
because of its scientificnature,economicswas given full measurein the series.Jin
Guantao's strongdesireto develop a "scientificrationalism"was manifestedin his
two philosophicalworks,in whicha greatnumberofexamplesfromnaturalsciences
and economicsthatthemajorityofChinesestudentsofphilosophyneverunderstood
are used to strengthen his argument.In his two books on the historiesof Western
societyand ancientEgyptiansociety,which were coauthoredwith two others,Jin
attemptedto extendtheapplicabilityofhis unique methodin historicalresearchfrom
Chinesehistoryto World history.His originalplan was to continueto publish at
least threeothersimilarworksdealing respectively with the Russian,Japanese,and
Ottoman civilizations,and therefore to develop a completeevolutionarytheoryof
differentsystemsthroughout humanhistory. Yet thisambitiondid notbecomereality
becauseall threebooksdid not workout.
The successoftheTowardstheFutureseriesin themarketbroughta twofoldbenefit
to boththepublisherand theeditorialcommittee:theelevationoftheirvisibilityand
the improvement of theirfinancialstates.As luck would have it, in mid 1984, the
conservative "EliminatingSpiritualPollution"campaignwas beatenin a contestwith
a larger-scaleideologicalcountercampaign, backedbyHu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang,
promoting the "Third Wave" and the so-called "Western new technological
revolution"in name,9the reform-and-opening policiesin reality(Hamrin 1990, 75-
78). Becauseoftheinteraction ofmicrolevelbenefitto culturaland economicinterests
and macrolevelchange of the increasinglylooseningideological atmosphere,the
TowardstheFuture-style arrangement, wherebyeditorialcommitteesorganizedby

8The question of why modernscience did not emergein China was raised by Joseph
Needham. The above-mentioned volumeScientific
Traditionand Cultulre
(see note 2) signified
the firstendeavorto answerthe Needham questionfromChineseperspectives. Liu's book was
an expansionofan essaypublishedin thevolume,whichshe coauthoredwithJinGuantaoand
Fan Hongye.
9AlvinToffler's
TheThirdWavewas thenreadand discussedby almosteverybody because
ofZhao Ziyang'srecommendation.
404 EDWARD X. GU

Table 2. Bookspublishedin the TowardstheFutureseries

Title Author Date

Science, Society and Culture

TheLimitsto Growth The Club of Rome 1984
The Tao ofPhysics Capra Fritjof 1984
Godel,Escher,Bach: An EternalGoldenBraid Douglas R. Hofstadter 1984
TheExcitingTime:TheRevolution ofPhysicsat theTurn-
of-Centuries? Li Xingmin 1984
TheNew Synthesis
Sociobiology: Edward0. Wilson 1985
The UltimateResource JulianL. Simon 1985
The ThirdCrisisin Mathematics Hu Zuoxuan 1985
SystemsConcepts Ralph F. Miles,Jr. 1986
Science,
Technology in Seventeenth
and Society Century
England RobertK. Merton 1986
Rootsofthednformation
The Technological Revolution Song Desheng 1986
and Government
The Two Cultures;Science C. P. Snow 1987
TheScientist's
Rolein Society JosephBen-David 1987

Economics
TheEconomics Cybernetics He Weiling, Deng Yingtao 1984
The InvisibleHand: Introduction toMicroeconomics Yang Junchang 1984
TheRealityand theChoice:China'sIndustrialEconomy Zhu Jiaming,Lu Zheng 1984
The OptimalAllocationofResources: Economicsand Its
Mathematical Foundation Mao Yushi 1985
The Keynesian Revolution: toMacroeconomics Yang Junchang
Introduction 1985
TheAdjustment and Evolution ofDynamicEconomic
Systems Deng Yingtao, He Weiling 1985
The Poverty ofPlenty* Wang Xiaoqiang, Bai Nanfeng 1986
WhyHas Japan "Succeeded" Michio Morishima 1986
Growth, Shortage A Macrodynamic
and Efficiency: Modelof
theSocialistEconomy JanosKornai 1986
Social Choice and Individual Value Kenneth J. Arrow 1987
The Themes ofDevelopment: TheStructure
ofChina's
Economy Zhou Qiren, Du Ying 1987
Theoriesand Practices ofEconomic Reformsin SovietUnion
and EasternEurope Luo Shouchu,Wan Jieqiu 1988
Keynes'sTheory and China'sEconomy Lin Yizhi 1988
Cooperation in Competition:An Introduction
to Western
International Economics Chen Hanwen 1988
Equalityand Efficiency ArthurM. Okun 1988
ThusSpokeAn OrangeSeller:Essaysin Economics StevenCheung (Hong Kong) 1988

Philosophy
The WestLearningoftheUgly:TheMultipleOrientations
ofSensuousValues Liu Dong 1986
The PhilosophyoftheWhole Jin Guantao 1987
HowvDoes theGod Play Dice?: Cauisation, and
Probability
Induction Che Kejian 1987
Philosophyand Linguistic
Analysis MaxwellJohnCharlesworth 1987
ThePhilosophy ofMan Jin Guantao 1988
LudwigWittgenstein: toHis Philosophy C. A. van Peurson
An Introduction 1988
in Ethics
Breakthrouighs Wei Cheng-tung(Taiwan) 1988
Rationalism
Philosophical Chen Xuanliang 1988
Probingintoan IrrationalWorld Ye Shuxian 1988
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 405

Table 2. (Continued) Bookspublishedin the Towvards

theFuturese-
ries

Title Author Date

History
BehindtheAppearances ofHistory:ChineseFeudalSociety
as an Ultra-stable System Jin Guantao 1984
Let theLightofScience Illu-minateOurselves Liu Qingfeng 1984
TheDiscovery ofMan: MartinLutherand theReligious
Reformation Li Pingye 1984
The Evolution oftheSocialStructure oftheWest Jin Guantao,Tang Ruoxin 1985
The Candleand theGraveyard:Yan Fu and Modern
ChineseCulture Chen Yueguang, Chen Xiaoya 1985
An Constructor in theTimeofGreatChange:Zhang
Yuanji and theCommercial Press Wang Jiarong 1985
The TragicDecline:TheRiseand Fall ofAncientEgyptian
Society Jin Guantao,Wang Junxian 1986
Liang Ch'i-chaoand theMind ofModernChina JosephR. Levenson 1986
ThePredicament oftheConfuicianCulture Xiao Gongqin 1986
Historiesin HumanMinds:An Introduction to Western
Historiography Liu Chang 1987
HistoricalPathstoModernStatesin theWest Qian Chengdan,Chen Yixin 1987
Quantitative Methods in HistoricalStudies J.D. Kovalchenko,etal. 1987
PoliticalStorms in FourCourtsDuringtheLate Ming
Period Huai Xiaofeng 1988
The FirstIndustrialized Society:
Englandin theEarly
ModernTime Qian Chendan 1988
Sociology
BecomingModern:IndividuialChangein Six Developing
Countries Alex Inkeles,David Smith 1985
and Modelsofa quantitative
Concepts Sociology W.Weidlich, G. Haag 1986
TheProtestantEthicand theSpiritofCapitalism Max Weber 1986
TheSociologyofDevelopingSocieties Ankie M. M. Hoogvelt 1987
Max Weber FrankPavkin 1987
ThePracticeofSocialResearch Earl Babbie 1987
DynamicsofModernization CyrilBlack 1988
Literature,Art and Culture
In SearchofArtisticCharm:System and Literary
Theory
Criticism Lin Xingzhai 1985
The CreationsonCanvases Dai Shihe 1986
The CultureoftheHumanBody:Chinaand theWorld
Embodied in ChineseDances Xie Chang, Ge Yan 1987
Heart-shaking to Western
AncientMelody:An Introduction
Mythology Zheng Fan 1987
The EmptyHolyTemple:Mythsand ChineseTraditional
Culture Xie Xuanjun 1987
A LivingHistoryofBeliefs:The WorldofTattoos Xu Yiqing, Zhang Hexian 1988
Politics
The WesternCivil Service
System Yang Beikui, Chen Ziming 1985
TheSeparationofPowerin theWest:Theories
and
Institutions Zhu Guanglei 1988
ThePolishCrisis Wang Yizhou, Su Shaozhi 1988
406 EDWARD X. GU

Table 2. (Continued) Bookspublishedin the TowardstheFuturese-

ries

Title Author Date

Other Social Sciences
Linguistics
and ModernScience Chen Mingyuan 1984
MakingExplorations in theWorld:Columbus'sDiscovery
of
theNew World Yu Youbin 1984
On International Western
Stages:Contemporary Theorieson
International
Relations Chen Hanwen 1985
TheNew Technological Revolution
and International
PrivateLaw Deng Zhenglai 1985
WorksofSigmundFreud
Selected JohnRickman 1986
Introduction
to WesternCulturalAnthropology Zhang Meng 1987
Population:A SwordHu.ngOverChina He Qinglian 1988
Source:The author'spersonalcollection.
Note: * This book, whichdiscussesthe problemsof economicdevelopmentin China's
underdeveloped"West," has been translatedinto English,see Wang Xiaoqiang and Bai Nansheng,
ThePovertyofPlenzty(trans.by Angela Knox, New York: St. Martin'sPress,1990).

intellectualscontrolledtheeditorshipofseriesand pressespublishedthem,becamea
model followedby others.
A "seriesfever"took place. The significance of the "seriesfever"was embodied
not onlyin the alterationof the structureof the ideologicalalternatives throughthe
massiveintroduction of Westernideas,but also in the formation of the new rulesof
the game in the realmof state-society relationship.The editorialcommitteebecame
an organizationalformforthe culturalpublic space withinwhichintellectualswith
similarintellectualorientationsmet regularlyto discussa wide rangeofsubjectsand
carryout futureresearches,writingand publishing their favoritebooks. Many
intellectualgroups were formedto edit series.Administratively, all the editorial
committeeswereregistered as an affiliated
entitywithsome workingunitswiththe
establishment,accepting their leadershipin name but possessinga considerable
autonomyin reality.This institutionalarrangement later evolved into a so-called
"affiliationmodel" (guakao moshi),which was applicable to the administrative
registrationof all the nongovernmental organizations(NGOs). From 1986 onwards,
with the deepeningof economicreform, mostpresseswereno longerable to ask for
subsidiesfromthe state,whichmeantthattheyhad to assumesole responsibility for
theirprofitsor losses.Under the financialpressure,therefore, manypressesstraight
away sold their rights of publishing10to various editorial committeesrun by
intellectualsor evenprivatebusinessmenand basicallydid notcareabouttheconcrete
contentof theirbooks as long as theywere not politicallyincorrect.As a result,it
becamemoreand moredifficult forthe party-state to imposeideologicalcontrolon
thepublishingofbooks.Althoughtherewerestillsomeproblemsin publishinganti-
Marxistbooks, it was possible formore and more non-Marxistor indirectlyanti-
Marxist books to be published easily and even become best-sellers.Editorial

10Apartfromthe ISBN number,everyformalChinesepublicationhas to have another

publishingcode (shuhao),whichis printedon its copyrightpage. The ISBN and the Chinese
They are availableonlyto thosepresses
publishingcode are not freelyavailableto everybody.
whichare endorsedby the party-state.
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 407

committeesand seriesalso providedthe institutional meansfordifferent intellectual

groupsto establishtheirown collectiveidentities.
Afterthe firstbatchof the TowardstheFutureserieswas published,JinGuantao
mademanyendeavorsto establisha formalorganization fortheFutureGroup.Taking
this action was partiallybased on financialconsideration.Althoughthe Sichuan
People's Pressearnedhigh profitsfromthe series,the editorialcommitteecould not
sharethemand its activitieswereheavilydependenton thelimitednumberofediting
grantsappropriatedby the press.Without its own organization,the FutureGroup
could not achieve financialautonomyand thereforecould not carryout other
enlightenment enterprises.For the purposeof institutionalizinghis group,Jin first
sent an applicationreportto Deng Liqun, attemptingto establishThe Towardsthe
FutzurePressand to letJinhimselfbe its manager-in-chief. Deng generallysupported
Jin'splan, but he was not happywithBao Zunxin becauseof the liberalorientation
ofReading(Chen Xiaoya,interviewed bytheauthor).To get permissionto runa press,
however,therewere too manybureaucraticobstaclesto surmount.Eventuallythis
plan ended up with nothingdefinite.As a second step,Jin adopted a suboptimal
strategy, sendinga reportto Deng Liqun again to seekhis supportin thepublishing
of the journalTowardstheFuture.(The textof the letteris availablein Zhong 1993).
The TowardstheFuturequarterlystartedpublicationin August 1986, witha license
issued by Sichuan Provincialgovernment.Clearly,Chinese intellectualscould not
enjoythe sortof autonomyfromthe statethatone thinksof whenone refersto the
conceptof "civil society."
In mid 1985, The FutureGroup faceda legal crisisfora while becausethe IYS,
with which the group was affiliated,was disbanded during the on-going
administrative reform.Yet, at thattime,thegeneralsituationhad changed.With the
deepeningof the economicreformin urbanChina, the reformers in the party-state
leadershipneededmoreeconomiststo be professional policyadvisers.Duringthemid-
1980s, some informal, amateureconomicresearchgroups,includingthe mostwell-
known"DevelopmentGroup,"weretransformed intoa numberofthinktanksunder
thepoliticalpatronageof Zhao Ziyang.The mostwell-knownamongtheseso-called
"Zhao Ziyang's thinktanks"were the ChineseInstituteforthe Studyof Economic
Reforms(Zhongguo JingjiTizhi Gaige Yanjiusuo,hereafterabbreviatedas the Reform
Institute),theChineseInstitutefortheStudyofRuralDevelopment(Zhongguo Nongcn
Fazhan Yanjizusuo,the Development Institute),the Institute for the Study of
InternationalAffairs(Zhongguo Guoji WentiYanjiusuo,the ISIA), and the Beijing
Associationof Young Economists(BeijingQingnian Jing/iXuehui,the BAYE). Since
some membersof the Future Group held key positionsin these so-called "three
institutesand one association"(Wang Xiaoqiang, Wang Qishan, and Zhu Jiaming,
forinstance,being deputydirectorsof threeinstitutesrespectively), the editorial
committeeof the TowardstheFutureseriesbecame affiliatedwith the BAYE from
1986 onward.As a reciprocation, Chen Yizi, directorof the ReformInstituteand
deputypresidentoftheBAYE, was invitedto be an advisoroftheseries(JiaXinmin,
Zhang Gang,and ZhuJiaming,interviewed bytheauthorinJanuary1996, December
1992, and June 1994, respectively).
By the secondhalfof 1988, the successofsome NGOs, in particulartheBeijing
Social and EconomicScienceInstitute(BSESI) runbypoliticalactivistsChenZiming
and Wang Juntao(Gu 1998) and the CulturalAcademyled by culturalintellectual
Tang Yijie (see below),set intellectualsgood examplesforimitation.Thereemerged
a wave of establishingminban(literallymeaning "run by people," equivalentto
"nongovernmental" or "nonofficial")
institutesamongintellectuals.With thehighest
408 EDWARD X. GU

the minbaninstitutebecamethe intellectuals'favorite

degreeof institutionalization,
organizationalformof the public space, one in which theycould not only freely
discuss,express,and engagein research,but also make moremoney.In otherwords,
byestablishing theirownminban intellectuals
institute, couldalmostcompletely shake
offthe controlof theparty-state,both intellectually
and economically.
As the wave continued,the earnestwish thatJin Guantao kept in mind was to
set up his own formalorganization,runby themembersoftheFutureGroup,called
the Twenty-First CenturyInstitute.Accordingto his plan, the institutewould refer
to the institutionalmodel of the Culture Academy,but the focal point of the
educationaland academic activitiesin the institutewould be his own historical,
philosophical,and culturaltheories.Jinwas awarethata new culturalhegemonyof
his thoughtswould not be formeduntil theycould be learned,studied,and finally
acceptedby theyoungergenerationofintellectuals(Chen Xiaoya,interviewed by the
author in January1996).11 The Twenty-FirstCenturyInstitutewas eventually
establishedat theend of 1988 but,mainlybecauseofits poor financialsituation,did
not workwell. It seemed that the only public activityit was involvedin was the
cosponsorship of an international
conference with the CultureAcademyon the May
Fourthmovementthatwas convenedon 28-30 May 1989.

Revitalizing the Chinese Tradition of Private

Education: The Emergenceof the Culture
Academy

The independentstanceof the FutureGroup was not the one theyoriginally

chose.While originatingfromsociety,it consistently strivedto transform itselfinto
an establishment entityas someofitsmembers,i.e., themembersoftheDevelopment
Group and thoseof the Four GentlemenGroup,had successfully done. Althoughit
failedto achievethis goal, the FutureGroup did serveas a culturalwing forthose
upwardlymobile establishment economicpolicy intellectuals.On the contrary, the
foundersofCultureAcademyintendedfromtheoutsetto breakawayfromtheparty-
state'scontroland open up an independent, autonomousspace foracademicfreedom
and culturalplurality.Unexpectedly, theirefforts
easilymade considerableheadway.
The foundingof the CultureAcademywas a productof the "culturefever."In
mid-1984,whenthe"culturefever"was aboutto reacha climax,a numberofmiddle-
aged and young Beida teachers,who mostly taught Chinese philosophyat the
Departmentof Philosophy,conceivedan idea to createan independenteducational
and academicspace outsidethe existinguniversity-and-college system.The academy
(shuyuan)in the historyof Chinese traditionaleducationwas thoughtto be the
organizationalformof this new public space. Their ideas fittedwith thoseof their
seniorcolleagues.ProfessorTang Yijie was chosento be the leader of the Culture
Academy(Chang 1994, 53).
The academyas an organizationalformof nonofficial educationhas its rootsin
the systemof privateeducation(sixue)in premodernChina, which contrastedwith
that of officialeducation(guanxue).It took shape in the Tang dynasty,and in its

"1WhileGramsciwas scarcelyread by Chineseintellectualsin the 1980s, manyof them

derivedsimilarviewsto Gramsci'stheoryof "culturalhegemony"fromtheirown experiences
of Communistideologicallifeand put it into theirpoliticalpractice.
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 409

matureformit was a legacyof the Song period.Imitatingthe institutional modelof

Buddhisttemples,Confucianintellectualsfoundedacademiesat places with scenic
beauty, one afteranother,engaging in collection,publication,and researchof
Confucianclassics,and givinglecturesto propagatetheirviewson socialmoralityand
order.Ideologically,academieswere much more liberallycoloredthan the guanxue
system.One of the traditionsof academies was pluralityand tolerance.Both
orthodoxiesand heterodoxiesmight be in communicationor developmentin the
nonofficial systemof academies(Walton 1989; Chan 1989; and Chaffee1985).
From the outset the foundersof the CultureAcademyconsciouslyconsidered
furthering the traditionsof Chinesetraditionalacademiesto be theirown duty.In
theiropinion,thesixuetraditionmade a greatercontribution to the developmentof
Chinese traditionalculture,while the guanxuemade a lessercontribution,if any,
becausegenuinescholarscould notbe fostered withintheguanxuesystem(Tang Yijie,
interviewed by the author).
The missionof revitalizingthe sixuetraditionin contemporary China, however,
could not be fulfilled withinthe currenteducationalestablishment. Throughoutthe
whole of the 1980s, China's economicreformhad been advancingalone, and the
reform of theeducationalsystem,like thatofthepoliticalsystem,had been basically
markingtime.The educationalcurriculum and theadministration ofuniversities
and/
or colleges were severelyunder the controlof a centralizededucationalplanning
system.The EducationMinistry(whichlateralteredits nameto the StateEducation
Commission)was the main maker and implementerof educational plans, and
universities and/orcollegeswerejust agentsof the state.
The foundersof the Culture Academy,dissatisfiedwith the establishment,
intendedto open up an independentpublic space outside the existingeducational
system,enabling them freelyto research,discuss,and spread theirown views on
Chinesetraditionalculture(Tang Yijie, interviewed bytheauthor).Nevertheless they
werealso fullyawarethatsuch an independentpublic space could not be openedup
withoutsupportfromthe party-state. They understoodthe importanceof political
clientelismto thesuccessofanysocialgame. Thus, theytookactionsto influence the
party-state by utilizingthe reputationof veteranprofessors and takingthe way of
shangshu(which literallymeans submittinga writtenstatementto the highest
authority)-a method frequentlyemployedwithin both traditionalChinese and
Communistinstitutions. In October1984, severalBeida-basedprofessors, led byFeng
Youlan and includingTang Yijie, Ji Xianlin,Zhang Dainian, amongothers,wrotea
letterto Hu Yaobang,attemptingto mobilizesupportfromthestatefortheirproposal
(Chang 1994, 54-55).
The laterdevelopmentprovedthatthefoundersoftheCulturalAcademyreaped
the full "political" profitsof their symboliccapital. The symboliccapital they
possessedwas the reputationof theirseniorcolleagues(forthe elaborationof the
relationship betweensymboliccapitaland power,see Bourdieu1993). Sincetheaims
of the CultureAcademy"to expand and propagatethe Chineseculturaltradition"
and "to promotemodernizationof Chinese traditionalculture" (see the Culture
Academy'sown introductory pamphlet,the 1988 version,p. 4) wereto a considerable
degreecompatiblewiththepolicyofculturalnationalismimplementedbytheparty-
statein the post-Maoperiod,since the veteranscholarswereconsistently a kind of
social forcewith which the Partyhad been workingto unite,and since he himself
had always respectedveteran intellectuals,Hu Yaobang quickly gave written
instruction who werein chargeofeducationalaffairs,
to theofficials consentingto the
proposalto establishthe CultureAcademyand askingthemto offersupport.Peng
410 EDWARD X. GU

Peiyun,thenvice-minister oftheEducationMinistry, immediately calledto Professor

Tang and thePartyleadersoftheBeida, in thehope thattheCultureAcademycould
be establishedas an internalinstitutionof Beida. This plan thatwould integratethe
society-originatedCultureAcademyinto the establishment eventuallyfellthrough,
however,becausethefirmrequirements ofpossessingindependent powersofpersonnel
management,finance,and teachingby the foundersof the CultureAcademywere
flatlyrefusedby the Partyleadersof Beida (Tang Yijie, interviewed by the author).
The CultureAcademyformally proclaimeditsfoundingin December1984. Based
on personal connections,it set up an affiliationrelationshipwith the Beijing
Universities'StudySocietyofMarxism-Leninism, and registeredat theBeijingBureau
of Adult Education(Chang 1994, 54). From 1987 to 1989, the CultureAcademy
initiatedfoursymposiaon Chinesetraditionalculture,comparisonsbetweenChinese
and foreigncultures,cultureand sciences,and cultureand the future.The first
symposiumon Chinesetraditionalculture,openedin March1987, createda furorand
did muchto upgradetheCultureAcademy'sreputationand popularity.The Culture
Academyalso provideda two-yearcorrespondence courseon comparativecultural
studies. Under the intellectualclimate of "furoreof culturalstudies" or "culture
fever,"largenumbersof students,includinga fewfromSingapore,enrolledin these
educationalactivities,therebybringinga considerableamountof tuitionincometo
theCultureAcademy.As Wang Shouchang(vice-president oftheCultureAcademy)
recalls,in 1987 and 1988 thetuitionincomealoneamountedto morethanonemillion
yuan(Wang Shouchang,interviewed by theauthor).The CultureAcademyalso made
moneyfromsellingtextbooksas well as otherpublications.In addition,it received
donationsand sponsorshipfroma varietyof sources,domesticand international. Its
strongfinancialbasis allowed the CultureAcademyto organizemanyinternational
academicconferences on culturalstudiesand formulate severalambitiouspublishing
programs(see table 3), sometitlesofwhichhavebeenpublishedwhileothersarestill
in press(see the CultureAcademy'sown introductory pamphlet,the 1993 version,
pp. 2-3). In the sphereof culturaldiscourse,the situationof pluralitycame to take
shape,and the official,orthodoxMarxistviews on China's history,philosophy,and
culturewerepushedaside fromthe centerto theperiphery.
Apartfromthis nonofficial stand,the CultureAcademyinheritedthe tradition
ofacademicpluralismin Chinesetraditional academies.This pointwas well embodied
in thestructure ofits teachingstaff,whichconsistedofdozensofwell-knownChinese
and foreignscholarsspecializingin China's history,philosophy,and culture.Among
themwereLiang Shumingand Feng Youlan, who, as earlyas the 1920s and 1930s,
were well-knownleading Chinese culturalconservatives; Marxistculturaltheorists
such as Li Zehou, Pang Pu, and Zhang Dainian; antitraditionalist Bao Zunxin; and
otherphilosophers,historians,and literarycriticswho were liberallyinclined to
varyingdegrees.Academyteachersrangedin age fromover 30 to over90. Harvard
UniversityProfessor Tu Wei-mingwas on thefirstlist ofits teachers(see table4), to
be followedby Professor Chung-yingChengfromtheUniversity ofHawaii, Professor
Yii-shengLin fromthe Universityof Wisconsinat Madison,and Professor Frederic
Wakeman,Jr.fromtheUniversity ofCaliforniaat Berkeley.Therewere(or are)other
teachersfromHong Kong, Taiwan, Australia,Canada, and Japan.The lecturersof
the CultureAcademysymposiawere also diverse,geographicallyand ideologically,
includingJinGuantaoand Professor Tang Tsou fromthe Universityof Chicago."2

periodsare available in its

12The lists of the CultureAcademy'steachersover different
introductory pamphlets(the 1988 and 1993 versions).
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 411

Table 3. Publicationsby theInternational

AcademyofChineseCul-
ture(1984-89)

Authoror Editor Title Date Publisher

Tang Yijie Confucianism,
Buddhism and Taoismin 1988 China Peace Press
ChineseTraditionalCulture
Pang Pu TheNationalityofCulturein OurTime 1988 China Peace Press
Tu Wei-ming(U.S.A.) Humanity and Self-Cultivation 1988 China Peace Press
Cheng Chung-ying TheModernization and Globalizationof 1988 China Peace Press
(U.S.A.) ChineseCulture
Wei Zheng-tung The ChineseWisdom 1988 China Peace Press
(Taiwan)
Yin Hai-kuang TheProspects
forChineseCulture 1988 China Peace Press
(Taiwan)
The CultureAcademy Beida'sPresidents
and ChineseCulture 1988 JointPublishingHouse
(ed.)
Li Zhonghua,Zhang On ChineseTraditionalCulture 1988 JointPublishingHouse
Wending (eds.)
Li Zhonghua,Zhang ComparisonbetweenChineseand Foreign 1988 JointPublishingHouse
Wending (eds.) Cultures
Tang Yijie and 1988
Taoismin theWei,jin, and theSouthern ShanxiNormal Univ.
NorthernDynasties Press
Xu Kangsheng,Li HistoryoftheWei-JinMetaphysics 1989 ShanxiNormal Univ.
Zhonghua (eds.) Press
Li Zhonghua (ed.) On Traditionand Anti-traditionalism 1989 ShandongPeople's Press
Tang Yijie (ed.) On Traditionand Anti-traditionalism 1989 Lien-ChingPublishing
(Taiwan edition) House
Feng Zhusheng(ed.) On ContemporaryNew Confucianism 1989 JointPublishingHouse
Yu Longyu(ed.) ComparativeCulturalStudies 1989 JointPublishingHouse
JingHaifeng(ed.) The Characteristic
FeaturesofChineseCultlre 1989 JointPublishingHouse
The CultureAcademy CompleteWorksofLiang Shuming (Vol. 1) 1989 ShandongPeople's Press
(ed.)
The CultureAcademy CompleteWorksofLiang Shuming (Vol. 2) 1989 ShandongPeople's Press
(ed.)
Source:Wang Zhong, "Zhongguo Wenhua ShuyuanXueshu Yanjiu ChengguoYilan" (A Guide to
the CultureAcademy'sAcademic Achievements),in Li Zhonghua and Wang Shouchang(eds.), The
and Prospects
Retrospections ofCulture,pp. 68-73.

Liang Shuming'sreturnto the rostrumin a public space symbolizedthe revival

ofmodernChineseculturalconservatism in the 1980s "culturedebate."In thehistory
of Chinese modernideas, Liang Shumingis widely treatedas a typicalfigurein
culturalconservative movements, in general,and one ofthe initiatingfiguresofNew
Confucianism,in particular(Chang 1976). His return,however,was only of such
symbolicimportanceto the CultureAcademybecause his thoughtsdid not occupy
the mainstreamposition in contemporary Chinese cultural discourses.Both his
thoughtand his social practice(the Rural Reconstruction Project)had becomethe
object of studyof a fewhistorians,but to the majorityof the youngergenerationof
intellectuals,they were only remote historical memories. The contemporary
spokesmenofNew Confucianism areTu Wei-mingfromHarvardUniversity and Liu
Shu-hsien,Professorof Philosophyat the Chinese Universityof Hong Kong. As a
resultof theirzealous preaching,New Confucianismbecame a subtopic arousing
debatesin the "culturefever."
412 EDWARD X. GU

Table 4. TeachersoftheInternational
AcademyofChineseCulture
(1984)

Name Workingat Specializingin

Tang Yijie Dept. of Phi., Beida (Professor) Chi. Phi., Taoism, Buddhism
Liang Shuming Memberof the StandingCommitteeof
the CPPCC Chi. Phi., Indian culture
Feng Youlan Dept. of Phi., Beida (Professor) Chi. Phi.
Zhang Dainian Dept. of Phi., Beida (Professor) Chi. Phi.
Ji Xianlin Dept. of OrientalLan., Beida (Vice-
President,Professor) Orientallinguistics,Indian culture
Zhou Yiliang Dept. of His., Beida (Professor) His. of the Wei-JinDynasties,His.
ofJapan
Hou Renzhi Dept. of Geography,Beida (Professor) Historicaland culturalgeography
Jin Kemu Dept. of OrientalLan., Beida (Professor) Indian phi. and lit.
Yue Daiyun Dept. of Chi. Lit., Beida (Professor) Comparativelit., Chi. lit.
Yin Falu Dept. of Chi. Lit., Beida (Professor) Chi. his., Chi. lit.
Zhu Bokun Dept. of Phi., Beida (Professor) His. of Chi. phi., Zhou Yi, Chi.
ethics
Chen Guying Dept. of Phil., Beida (Professor) Chi. phi., Laozi, Zhuangzi, Nietzsche
Li Zehou Ins. of Phi., CASS (Professor) Phi., His. of Chi. phi., Aesthetics,
Marxism
Pang Pu Ins. of His., CASS (Professor) His. of Chi. phi.
Ren Jiyu GraduateSchool of the CASS (Professor) Buddhism,His. of Chi. phi.
Wu Xiaoling Ins. of Lan., CASS (Professor) His. of Chi. drama,Comparative
linguistics
Ding Shouhe Ins. of ModernHis., CASS (Professor) ModernChi. intellectualhis.
Yu Yu Ins. of Phi., CASS (Professor) AncientChi. logic, Mozi, Fichte,
Buddhism
Ya Hanzhang Ins. of MinorityStudies,CASS
(Professor) Minoritystudies
Yuan Xiaoyuan ResearchIns. of Modernizationof Chi.
Characters(Head) The reformof Chi. characters
He Ziquan Dept. of His., Beijing Normal Univ.
(Professor) Chi. economichis.
Sun Changjiang Chi. Scienceand Technology Daily (Deputy
Editor-in-Chief) ModernChi. intellectualhis.
Dai Yi Ins. of Qing His., Chi. People's Univ.
(Professor) His. of Qing Dynasty
Shu Jun Dept. of Phi., Chi. People's Univ.
(Professor) Chi. intellectualhis.
Bao Zunxin Ins. of His., CASS (AssociateProfessor) ModernChi. intellectualhis.
Xie Long Dept. of Phi., Beida (Associate
Professor) Marxism
Xu Kangshen Dept. of Phi., Beida (Associate
Professor) AncientChi. logic, Laozi, Buddhism
Wang Shouchang Dept. of Phi., Beida (Lecturer) Confucianism,Buddhism
Li Zhonghua Dept. of Phi., Beida (Lecturer) Wei-JinTaoist metaphysics
Lu Jun Dept. of Phi., Beida (Lecturer) ModernChi. intellectualhis.
Wei Changhai Dept. of Phi., Beida (Lecturer) ModernChi. phi., Japanese
intellectualhis.
Chen Zhanguo Ins. of Phi., Beijing Academyof Social
Sciences(Lecturer) Wei-JinTaoist metaphysics
Tu Wei-ming HarvardUniversity(Professor) Confucianism

Source:The InternationalAcademyof ChineseCulture'sintroductory pamphlet(the 1988 version),pp.

21-41.
Abbreviations:Chi.: Chinese; Phi.: philosophy;CPPCC: The Chinese People's Political Consultative
Conference;Lan.: language; His.: history;Lit.: literature;Ins.: Institute.
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 413

Despite its plurality,the important,mainstreamrepresentatives

of the Culture
Academy'sculturaldiscoursewerea fewseniorChineseMarxistculturaltheorists and
historians,
suchas Tang Yijie, Pang Pu, and Li Zehou. Theyhad been trainedin the
1950s in Marxistphilosophyunderthe dominanceof the Communistideology,but
in the 1980s they abandoned a varietyof then-accepteddoctrinesof the official
Marxist-Leninist ideology,drew much of intellectualnourishmentfromChinese
traditionalthoughtsor westernMarxism,or both,and developedtheirown Chinese
neo-Marxistculturaltheories.To a greatextent,theirtheoriesrepresentedthe main
body of the mainlandintellectuals'responsesto overseasNew Confucianism(Chen
1989, 584-85).

Bridging the IntellectualGap between Chinese

and Western Cultures: The Mission of the
Culture Group

The riseoftheCultureAcademywas justa streamcomparedto thefloodofnewly

emergentcultural enterprisesin the mid-1980s. Many conferences,seminars,
workshops,and short-termtrainingcourseswere held one afteranother(for an
incompletelist,see table 5). A huge numberofbooks,eithertranslations ofWestern
worksor discussionsof a varietyof culturalproblems,werepublishedundermany
new book seriesprojects(see table 6). A varietyof official,
semiofficial,or nonofficial
organizationsthat undertookculturalstudies,education,and disseminationwere
established(see table7). Moreover,theproblemofculturaldevelopmentevenaroused
attentionfromsomereformist local governments,forinstance,theShanghaimunicipal
government, whichattemptedto utilizenonofficial culturaldiscoursesto enhancethe
ideologicallegitimacyof the on-goingreforms.
Among all the newlyemergentgroupsand book series,the CultureGroup and
its publicationshad the mostprofoundand far-reaching influenceupon the Chinese
scholarlycommunity.Firstof all, it carriedout the largestpublishingprojectever
attemptedbynonestablishment culturalintellectuals,
whichincludedone journaland
threebook series.Second,fromthe verybeginning,the CultureGroup intendednot
to takethepopularizingapproachthatthe FutureGroup had successfully taken,but
to targetthecommunity ofscholarsin humanitiesas thereadership ofitspublications.
Following this editing principle,their projects were rigorouslyorganized,their
translations wereof high quality,and theirown worksshowedthe best scholarship
comparedwith similarones publishedat thattime in China. Throughtheirworks,
as we shall discuss below, the group's core figuresdevelopedtwo culturalcurrents
that made contemporary Chinese culturaldiscoursesmore colorful.And finally,in
contrastto its academicsuccess,theCultureGroupfailedto institutionalize itsgroup
intoan NGO. Its failurein institution-building hereservesas a foilto thesignificance
ofthoseabove-discussed institutionalelementsto thedevelopmentofan autonomous
public space.
Like the FutureGroup, the CultureGroup had its historicalrootsin the salon
lifeofthelate 1970s. In early1978 manyuniversities and researchinstitutesresumed
graduatestudyprograms,whichhad been suspendedformorethana decade by anti-
intellectualrevolutionary educational policies implementedduring the Cultural
Revolution.Programson Westernphilosophywereamongthe firstto be revitalized,
thanksto the survivalafterthe calamityof a numberof seniorprofessors who were
414 EDWARD X. GU

Table 5. Conferences,
Seminars,Meetings,and Short-Term
Training
Courseson CulturalTopics (1981-88)

Date Place Main Organizer C.A. Themes

1981,10 Hangzhou, SocietyforChi. Phi. His. I.C. Neo-Con. in Song and Ming times
Zhejiang
1982,10 Chengdu,Sichuan JDN C.F. China's backwardnessin S&T in
moderntimes
1982,12 Shanghai The E.C. of Chi. Culture M.T. Chi. cul. his.
1984,6 Changsha,Hunan Yue Lu Academy,Hunan Univ. M.T. Chi. tra. academies
1984,10 Beijing SocietyforChi. Phi. His. M.T. Confucius'sthought
1984,10 Wuhan, Hubei Chi. Asso. forAes. S.M. Chi. and Westernaes. and arts
1984,11 Zhengzhou,Henan Henan Academyof Soc. Sci. C.F. Modern Chi. cul. his.
1984,11 Beijing Ins. of Reli., CASS C.F. Neo-Taoism [Wei-JinXuexuel
1985,3 Beijing The CultureAcademy T.C. Chi. tra. culture
1985,4 Shenzhen Ins. of National Learnings M.T. Comparativestudies of Eastern
(ShenzhenUniv.) and WesternculturesCon.
1985,6 Beijing Chi. Ins. of ConfucianStudies C.F. Neo-Con.
1985,10 Changsha,Hunan Yue Lu Academy T.C. Laozi's thought
1985,11 Xiangtan,Hunan Hunan Academyof Soc. Sci. C.F. Chi. tra. cultureand
modernization
1985,12 Huanggang, Dept. of Phi., Wuhan Univ. T.C. Xiong Shili and the New Con. in
Hubei modernChina
1985,12 Huangzhou, Hubei Beida, Wuhan Univ. I.C. Chi. tra. culture
1986,1 Shanghai Fudan Univ. I.C. ComparisonsbetweenChi. and
Westerncultures
1986,1 Beijing The CultureAcademy T.C. Chi. tra. culture
1986,2 Fuzhou, Fujian Fujian Academyof Soc. Sci. M.T. Culturalconstructionand
development
1986,3 Beijing ChineseCulturalNewspaper M.T. Chi. tra. cultureand
modernization
1986,3 Shanghai WenhuiDaily, Liberation
Daily C.F. Con. in contemporary China
1986,4 Qufu, Shandong JournalofConfucian
Stidues C.F. Shanghaiculturaldevelopment
strategy
1986,5 Shanghai Dept. of Propagandaof Shanghai C.F. Easternand Westernculturesand
PartyCommittee China's modernization
1986,5 Hangzhou, Chi. ResearchCenterforCul. T.C. Cul. development
Zhejiang
1986,6 Beijing Ins. of Lit., CASS M.T. Chi. tra. culture
1986,6 Jinan,Shandong Lit, His. and Phi. C.F. Tu Wei-ming's idea on a third
developmentalepoch of Con.
1986,7 Jinan,Shandong Dept. of His., ShandongUniv. S.M. The cul. originsof the Cultural
Revolution
1986,7 Chengdu, Sichuan Sichuan Youth SocietyforReform S.M. Chi. tra. political culture
Theoriesand Practices
1986,7 Changchun,Jilin Jilin Univ. S.M. Chi. tra. cultureand
modernization
1986,8 Beijing The VoiceoftheMass M.T. Cul. studies and literarystudies
1986,9 Beijing ChineseCulturalNewvspaper M.T. Lu Xun, Chi. and foreigncultures
1986,10 Beijing CASS I.C. Chi. and Japanesecultures
1986,11 Beijing SocietyforSino-JapaneseCul. I.C. Rural cultureand modernization
ExchangeHis.
1986,12 Shanghai Liberation
Daily S.M. Wang Guowei and modernChi.
cul. his.
1987,6 Shanghai Huadong Normal Univ. I.C. Pragmatismin modernChina
1987,6 Suzhou,Jiangsu Beida, Suzhou Univ. C.F. Con.
1987,8 Qufu, Shandong Chi. ConfuciusFoundation I.C. Con. and Chi. tra. culture
1987,9 Nanjing, Jiangsu JiangnanCultural Academy T.C. The cul. processof China's
modernization
1987,9 Wuhan, Hubei Wuhan univ., Hubei Univ. I.C. Con.
1987,11 Jinan,Shandong Chi. Ins. of ConfucianStudies C.F. Zhou Yi (or Yijing) and Chi.
culture
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 415

Seminars,Meetings,and Short-
Table 5. (Continued) Conferences,
TermTrainingCourseson CulturalTopics (1981-88)

Date Place Main Organizer C.A. Themes

1987,12 Jinan,Shandong ShandongUniv. I.C. Chi. Marxismand the New Con.

1987,12 Beijing CASS, CentralPartySchool C.F. The learningsof two Chengs
1988,4 Luoyang,Henan Henan Academyof Soc. Sci. C.F. Con., tra. culture,literati
1988,5 Qufu, Shandong QufuiNormal College M.T. Science and culture
1988,5 Beijing Chi. Asso. of Sci. M.T. Chi. tra. pol. cult. and pol.
development
1988,6 Shenzhen Ins. of Politics,CASS C.F. Cultureand modernization
1988,7 Nanjing, Jiangsu JiangnanCulturalAcademy T.C. Chi. cultureand the reforms
1988,9 Jinan,Shandong ShandongNormal Univ. M.T. Science,democracy,and culture
1988,11 Nanjing, Jiangsu Nanjing Univ. M.T. Heshang(RiverElegy)
1989,5 Beijing The CultureAcademy,The I.C. The May FourthMovement
Twenty-FirstCenturyInstitute

Source: The CultureAcademy(ed.), ZhongguoWenhuaYanjiu Nianjian (1989) (YearbookofCulturalStudiesin China:

1989) (Taipei: Guowentiandizezhishe,1990), pp. 319-410, 415.
Abbreviations:C.A.: Categories;E.C.: Editorialcommittee;T.C.: Trainingcourse;C.F.: Conference;M.T.:
Meeting; S.M.: Seminar;I.C.: Internationalconference;Chi.: Chinese; tra.: traditional;Con.: Confucianism;aes.:
aesthetics;S&T: science and technology.

educatedabroadduringthe 1930s and had earnedreputations as prominent specialists

in Westerncultureaftertheyreturnedto China. Beijing University(Beida) and the
InstituteofPhilosophyoftheCASS, thebesttwoeducationaland academicinstitutes
in China,attractedsomeofthesmartesttalentsforphilosophicalstudies.With shared
in Westernmusic,literature,
interests religion,and aboveall philosophy,theseyoung
philosophersgot to know each otherand quicklystarteda salon at Chen Jiaying's
home,locatedat Heshanhu(literallymeaning"Water Marginof Black Mountain")
on the northwestern outskirtsof Beijing. Chen was a graduatestudentof Beida
professorXiong Wei, a specialistin MartinHeidegger.The Heshanhusalon, as it
was latercalled,was purelya club ofWesternphilosophy,whichwas onlyaccessible
to a small numberof spiritualnobles.Amongits frequentattendants, onlyHu Ping
was a politicalactivist.Due to its informalnature,thissalon was broughtto an end
whenthehostwentto theUnitedStatesforfurther studiesat theend of 1983 (Wang
Wei, Su Guoxun,and Hu Ping,interviewed bytheauthorinJanuary1996, December
1995, and November1992, respectively).
The foundingof the CultureGroup occurredtwo yearslater,whenthe "culture
fever"had alreadytakenoffand the FutureGroup and the CultureAcademywere
alreadyforgingahead.The founders wereGan Yang, Sun Yiyi (Gan's wife),and Wang
Wei, all junior membersof the Heshanhu salon. What stirredup these young
philosophersto runa large-scalepublishingprojectwas an accidentalchance.Under
the impactof the risingtide of culturaldiscoursesin mid-1985, two youngofficials
oftheYouth League oftheCASS, Yu Liang andJi Hong, werestimulatedto mobilize
the young talentswithin their jurisdictionto plunge into the intellectualtrend
(author'sconversation withJi Hong in late 1985). Theirtentativeplan was to runa
journal,and this job fellto Sun Yiyi, thena younggraduatestudentin her second
yearat theGraduateSchooloftheCASS. Gan Yang, thenjuniorstaffat theInstitute
of Philosophyof the CASS, quicklytook chargeof this taskwithYu Liang's and Ji
Hong's trustand appreciation.By the end ofthe year,Gan Yang formedan editorial
committeeto edita journalthattheywereplanningto publish,entitledCulture: China
416 EDWARD X. GU

Table 6. Book SeriesInfluential

to theChineseScholarlyCommunity
in the 1980s

Title of series Publisher Main editors

Towards the World Hunan P.P. Zhong Shuhe

Towards the Future Sichuan P.P. Jin Guantao, Liu Qingfeng,Chen
Yueguang
Modern WesternAcademic Classics JointP.H. Gan Yang, Su Guoxun, Liu Xiaofeng
New Horizon JointP.H. Gan Yang, Su Guoxun, Liu Xiaofeng
Studies in Humanities Shanghai P.P. Gan Yang, Su Guoxun, Liu Xiaofeng,
Wang Yan
Chinese CulturalHistory Shanghai P.P. Zhou Gucheng, Zhu Weizheng, Pang
Pu
Traditionand Change Guizhou P.P. Wang Runsheng
World Cultures Zhejiang P.P. Zhou Gucheng, Tian Rukang,
Zhuang Xichang
ComparativeCulturalStudies Zhejiang P.P. Zhou Gucheng, Wang Yuanhua,
Huang Wansheng
Chinese Cultureand Cultural China Chi. Peace Press Pang Pu, Tang Yijie
Contemporary Academic Currents ShanghaiTranslationsPress Chen Xin, Yang Lunjun, Wang
Huning
Translationsin Aesthetics Liaoning P.P. Li Zehou
Studies in Aesthetics The CASS Press Li Zehou
Reflectionson Chi. Tra. Culture Inter. CulturesP.H. Hua Yan, Chen Jin,Liao Ben
Twentieth-Century Western ShanghaiTranslationsPress No editorialcommitteedisplayed
Philosophy
Facing the World Liaoning P.P. Yuan Shujuan, Shen Hengyan
Human Being and Culture Liaoning P.P. Chen Zhiqiang, Teng Shourao
ContemporarySocietyand Culture Chi. Inter.BroadcastPress Li Shengping,Deng Zhenglai
ContemporaryCulture GuiangrningDaily Press Li Shengping
The Twentieth-Century Treasury Hua Xia P.H. Deng Pufang,Li Shengping
The Philosophyof Culture ShandongLit. and Art. Press Meng Weizhai, Bao Zunxin, Fang
Ming, Chen Ziling
ComparativeLiterature Beijing UniversityPress Yue Daiyun
Everyone Worker'sPress Wang Nianning
Translationson CulturalLife JointP. H. No editorialcommitteedisplayed
Studies in Chi. Tra. Thoughts Qi Lu P. H. Xin Guanjie, Mou Zhongjian, Feng
Tianyu
OverseasChinese Studies JiangsuP.P. Liu Dong
Works of OverseasChinese Scholars JointP.H. No editorialcommitteedisplayed
The Cultural Changes in China Yunnan P.P. Li Zhongyue,Cheng Zhifang,Li
Yongfeng

Sources:The CultureAcademy(ed.), ZhongguoWenhuaYanjiu Nianjian (1989) (YearbookofCulturalStudiesin

China: 1989) (Taipei: Guowentiandizezhishe,1990), pp. 437-65; and the author'spersonalcollections.
Abbreviations:P.H.: PublishingHouse; P.P.: People's Press; Chi.: Chinese; Tra.: Traditional;and Inter.:
International.

andtheWorld(hereafter abbreviatedas CCW), as well as a seriesofbooksin translation.

All the Heshanhusalon's participantswereinvitedto join the editorialcommittee,
althoughsomeofthemhad leftfortheUnitedStates.The CCW's editorialcommittee
also encompassedmorebrightyoungscholarsin humanitiesthenin Beijing,mostof
themworkingat Beida orhavinggraduatedfromBeida. Gan Yang dulymadehimself
the editor-in-chief,and Su Guoxun and Liu Xiaofengwerechosenas deputyeditors-
in-chief(see table 8). Li Zehou, Pang Pu, and Yang Zhouhan (professor in English
literatureat Beida) wereinvitedas theadvisersoftheeditorialcommittee.Compared
withtheeditorialcommitteesofmanyotherseries,theCCW's was themostuniform
bothin compositionand in intellectualorientation. While sharingwithmanyothers,
such as the Future Group, the commitmentto introducethe most sophisticated
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 417

Table 7. ProminentCulturalOrganizationsEstablishedDuringthe
"FuroreofCulturalStudies"

Founding
Dates Main Founders Names of Organizations

1984, 3 Yang Shenchu,Chen Gujia, Chen Haibo InstituteforCultural Studies,Yue Lu Academy,

Hunan Univ.
1984, 7 Peng Chong, Cheng Siyuan,Ma Dayou Chinese CentreforInternationalCultural
Exchange
1984, 9 Gu Mu, Kuang Yaming The China ConfuciusFoundation
1984, 9 Tang Yijie Instituteof National Learning,ShenzhenUniv.
1984, 9 Yue Daiyun, Hu Jingzhi Instituteof ComparativeLiterature,Shenzhen
Univ.
1984, 10 Tang Yijie, Liang Shuming,Feng Youlan The InternationalAcademyof Chinese Culture
1985, 3 Yue Daiyun Beida Instituteof ComparativeLiterature
1985, 3 Zhang Dainian, Qian Xun, Shan Disheng InstituteforCulturalStudies,Qinghua Univ.
1985, 10 Ji Xianlin, Yang Zhouhan Chinese Associationof ComparativeLiterature
1986, 5 Zeng Jinwen,Zhou Dechang, Zhou Tang, Zhong Lingnan R.C. forModern Chinese Intellectual
Xianpei and CulturalHistory,Huanan Normal Univ.
1986, 5 He Ziquan, Tong Qingbing, Wang Furen R.C. forEasternand WesternCultures,Beijing
Normal Univ.
1986, 6 Zhang Dainian, Yin Falu, Jin Kemu Beida SocietyforCulturalStudies
1986, 11 Kuang Yaming, Cheng Baiyang,Wu Xinlei R.C. forChineseThinkers,Nanjing Univ.
Early 1987 Zhao Puchu, Zhou Shaoliang Chinese InstituteforBuddhist Studies
1987, 11 Luo Rongqu Beida R.C. forthe Global Processof
Modernization
1988, 1 Zhou Gucheng, Wang Yuanhua, Feng Qi Shanghai R.C. forChinese-WesternCultural
Exchange
1988, 3 Zhang Songru,Yu Chaogang, Liu Zhongshu InstituteforChinese CulturalStudies,JilinUniv.
Mid-1988 Jin Guantao, Wang Qishan, Zhang Gang The Twenty-FirstCenturyInstitute
1988, 7 Liu Haisu, Kuang Yaming, Wang Bingshi JiangnanCulturalAcademy
1988 Xiao Shafu R.C. forPhilosophyand Humanities,Wuhan
Univ.

Sources:The CultureAcademy(ed.), Zhonggtuo WenhuaYanjiu Nianjian (1989) (YearbookofCulturalStudiesin

China: 1989) (Taipei: Guowentiandizezhishe,1990), pp. 411-36.
Abbreviation:R.C.: ResearchCentre.

Westernachievements in humanitiesand socialsciencesintoChina(see the"Editorial

Preface"to Wenhua:Zhongguo yu Shijie(Culture:China and theWorld),No. 1, June
1987, p. iii.), the CultureGroup's compositionand its publicationplan displayeda
definiteintellectualdirection.
Unlike theeditorialcommitteeoftheTowardtheFutureseries,theCultureGroup
quicklyfoundan establishment publisheras a partner.As mentionedabove,the on-
going "culturefever"had alreadycreateda big culturalmarket.Manypublisherswere
attractedto publishing translationsof Western mastersin social sciences and
humanities,which would both enhance their intellectualreputationand their
commercialinterests. The CulturalGroup'sfirstcontactwas made withtheWorkers'
PublishingHouse (WPH) throughtheYouth League oftheCASS. Its editor-in-chief
was greatlyinterested in theCulturalGroup'splan,but insistedon morecontrolthan
Gan Yang and his colleaguesexpected.The politicalconsiderations werestillrelevant,
but the WPH's desireto wield toughcontrolovertheprojectwas mainlygenerated
by commercialconsiderations.The PublishingHouse was happy to publish those
classicsthatwerelikelyto becomebest sellers,but the CulturalGroup insistedthat
418 EDWARD X. GU

Table 8. MembersoftheEditorialCommitteeofCulture:Chinaand
theWorldseries

Names at
Working in
Specializing
Gan Yang* Inst. of Philosophy,CASS Continentalphilosophy
Su Guoxun** Inst. of Sociology,CASS Max Weber, Germanphilosophy
Liu Xiaofeng** ShenzhenUniversity German romanticism,Theology
Yu Xiao Inst. of Sociology,CASS Theoreticalsociology
Wang Qingjie Abroad MartinHeidegger, Germanphilosophy
Wang Wei Inst. of ForeignPhilosophies,Beida MartinHeidegger, Germanphilosophy
Wang Yan Inst. of Politics,CASS Editing
Fang Ming The People's Press Editing
Ji Hong The Youth League of the CASS The League's affairs
Liu Dong Inst. of Philosophy,CASS Aesthetics,Germanphilosophy
Sun Yiyi Inst. of Philosophy,CASS Erich Fromm
Du Xiaozhen Inst. of ForeignPhilosophies,Beida Paul Sartre,Frenchphilosophy
Li Yinhe Inst. of Sociology,CASS Sociologyof Marriage
He Guanghu Inst. of Religion, CASS Historyof Christianity
Yu Liang The Youth League of the CASS The League's affairs
Chen Pingyuan Dept. of Chinese Literature,Beida Modern Chinese fictions
Chen Lai Dept. of Philosophy,Beida Chinese philosophy,Zhu Xi, Wang
Yangming
Chen Weigang Abroad Religious philosophy
Chen Jiaying Abroad MartinHeidegger
Lin Gang Inst. of Literature,CASS Modern Chinese literature
Zhou Guoping Inst. of Philosophy,CASS FriedrichNietzsche
Zhao Yifan Inst. of ForeignLiteratures,CASS Cultural studies
Zhao Yuesheng Inst. of Philosophy,CASS HerbertMarcuse,Criticaltheory
Hu Ping Abroad Westernpolitical philosophy,ethics
Xu Youyu Inst. of Philosophy,CASS Analyticalphilosophy
Qian Liqun Dept. of Chinese Literature,Beida Lu Xun, Zhou Zuoren, Chinese literature
Huang Ziping Dept. of Chinese Literature,Beida Literarycriticism,Chinese literature
Guo Hong'an Inst. of ForeignLiteratures,CASS Frenchliterature
Cao Tianyu Abroad Historyof science
Yan Buke Dept. of History,Beida Literatiand bureaucracyin imperialChina
Liang Zhiping Dept. of Law, Renda*** Comparativelegal culture,Jurisprudence

Sources:The author'sinterviewswith Wang Wei and Wang Yan. The authoris also personallyacquainted with
most of the membersand therebyknows a lot about theirpersonalbackgrounds.
Notes: *Gan Yang servedas editor-in-chief.
**Su Guoxun and Liu Xiaofengservedas vice editors-in-chief.
***Renda is an abbreviationof the Chinese People's University.

all of its editorialselectionbe accepted(Wang Wei, interviewedby the authorin

January1996).13
NegotiationswiththeWPH werequicklystoppedwhenSanlianshowedinterest
in theproject.To havetheirjournaland translations
publishedbySanliancould only
bringmoresymbolicalcapital to the youngnonestablishment culturalintellectuals
becauseSanlianenjoyeda highreputation amongtheChineseintellectualcommunity.
Sanlian,an establishedculturalpublisher,was formedin 1948 as a Hong Kong-based
companythroughthe amalgamationof threeprogressivebook storesand presses:
Shenghuo(Life)Bookstorewas foundedbyprominentjournalistZou Taofenin 1932,
Dushu (Reading) PublishingHouse was foundedby democraticactivistLi Gongpu

"3Althoughthesenegotiationswereaborted,theWPH stillpublishedErichFromm'sThe
ArtofLove,translatedby Sun Yiyi, whichwas one of the WPH's mostpopularbooks.
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 419

in 1935, and Xinzhi(New Horizon)Bookstorewas foundedbyQianJunruiin 1935.14

From 1951 onwardSanlian became a subsidiaryof the People's Press,but it was
allowed to keep a separateidentityand staff.Since the People's Press,one of the
highest-ranking officialpublishers,was assignedto publishofficialdocuments,high-
ranking party-stateleaders' collections,and Marxist publications,the task of
publishingnon-Marxist worksand translations fromWesternsourcesfellto Sanlian.
Sanlianbecamea leadingliberalculturalpublisherin the 1980s in particularbecause
of the publication of Readingmonthly,a book review that today still wields
unparalleledinfluenceamongthe Chineseintellectualcommunity.In January1985,
Sanlian formallyregainedits independencefromthe People's Press,and its urgent
need thenwas to make contributions to the on-goingculturalpluralismby meansof
its publications.The CulturalGroup'swell-organizedplan was exactlywhatSanlian
was lookingfor.
A finalagreementbetweenthe two sideswas quicklyreachedby mid-1986. Not
only did Sanlian accept the CulturalGroup's package plan to publish the journal
Culture:China and theWorldand the Modern WesternClassics Series,but it also
allowed theplan to be expanded.Sanliangenerouslytransferred the editorshipofits
own New Horizon Series, which was aimed at general readersby publishing
translationworksof an introductory or didacticnature,to the CulturalGroup. As a
result,the CulturalGroup's publicationprojectwas suddenlytransformed into the
biggestat the time. FromDecember 1986 onwards,the CCW editorialcommittee
saw the translationsin printone afteranother.The firstissueofthe journalcameout
in June 1987, althoughwithouta legal licenseto publish periodicalsit had to be
publishedirregularly lateron. The editorialcommitteealso publisheda seriesentitled
"Studies in Humanities" early in 1988 by the Shanghai People's Press, which
comprisedsix originalworkswrittenby Chinesescholars,includingLiu Xiaofeng's
impressivebook that eloquentlypresentedan intellectuallyprovocativeattack on
Chinesetraditionalculture,in particularConfucianism, throughthe novelmeansof
drawinginsightsfromChristiantheology."5
By mid-1989,dozensoftranslatedworkswerepublishedin theModernWestern
Classicsseriesand hundredsin theNew Horizonseries(see table 9). Amongthefirst
group of books were Martin Buber's I and Thou,Jean-Paul Sartre'sBeing and
Nothingness,MartinHeidegger'sBeingand Time,Max Weber'sTheProtestant Ethicand
theSpiritofCapitalism,16and AlbertCamus's TheMythofSisyphus, eachwithan initial

'4Zou Taofen,Li Gongpu,and Qian Junruiwereamongthemostwell-knownprogressive

intellectualswho activelyopposed the Guomingdangregimeand demandeddemocracyin
China in the 1930s. Both Zou and Li wereassassinatedby Guomingdang'sespionageagents.
"5SeeLiu Xiaofeng,Zheng/iu yu Xiaoyao (Redemption and Easiness)(Shanghai:Shanghai
renminchubanshe,1988). In this book, Liu stridently proclaimsthatthe ultimatesourceof
Westernpower,in particularthe spiritualpower of Westernculture,lies not merelyin ra-
tionalismand science,notsimplyin anyinstitutional arrangement in economicorevenpolitical
realms,but in its moral and value fieldthat is nourishedby Christianity.By profoundly
comparingtheultimatespiritualvalue oftheWest (redemption)withits Chinesecounterpart
(easiness),Liu presentsthe most incisivecriticismof Chinesetraditionalcultureeverdone by
Chineseintellectuals.Liu, one ofthemostproductivewriterson culturalissuesin contemporary
China,has notattractedtheattentionhe deservesfromChina scholarsin theEnglish-speaking
world.For a verybriefand scatteredintroduction of his ideas fromtheperspectiveofliterary
criticism,see Zhang, 1997, 57, 63-65.
16An abridgedtranslationof this work had alreadyappearedin the TowardstheFuture
series.The CCW's editorialcommitteeoffereda completetranslation, based on Talcott Par-
sons'sEnglishtranslation.
420 EDWARD X. GU

Table 9. PublicationsEdited by theEditorialCommitteeofCulture:

Chinaand theWorldseries*(untilJune1989)

Authorsor editors Titles PublicationDates

Translations
Martin Buber Ich undDu** December 1986
FriedrichNietzsche The BirthofTragedyas wellas OtherEssaysin Aesthetics December 1986
Jean-PaulSartre L'itre et le Neant March 1987
AlbertCamus Le Mythede Sisyphe** March 1987
Carl G. Jung Essaysin Psychology and Literature November 1987
Max Weber The Protestant Ethicand theSpiritofCapitalism December 1987
Martin Heidegger Seinund Zeit December 1987
Richard Rorty Philosophy and theMirrorofNature December 1987
Immanuel Kant Metaphysische derNaturwissenschaft**
Anfangsgriinde April 1988
Ruth Benedict PatternsofCulture May 1988
Tzvetan Todorov Critiquede la Critique Julne1988
Sigmund Freud Mosesand Monotheism June 1988
ErnestCassirer Languageand Myth June 1988
Erich Fromm Man forHimself November 1988
Jean Piaget Biologyand Knowledge March 1989
HerbertMarcuse TheAesthetic Dimension March 1989
Walter Benjamin CharlesBaudelaire March 1989
Daniel Bell The Cultur-al Contradictions
ofCapitalism May 1989
Jean-PaulSatre Les Mots May 1989
Harold Bloom TheAnxietyofInfluence June 1989
Erich Fromm HabenOderSein June 1989

Volumes Collecting Translated Essays

Li Youzheng and Semiotics
Structuralism November 1987
Ji Shuli WorksofKarl Popper-
Selected March 1988
Tu Jiliang English-Language A Reader
Philosophy: March 1988
Liu Xiaofeng TheAesthetics A Reader
ofReception: January1989

Works
Su Guoxun Rationalization
and Its Limits:An Introduction
to Max Weber's March 1988
Thought March 1988
Du Xiaozhen The Hopein Despair:An IntroductiontoJean-PaulSartre'sThought March 1988
Chen Pingyuan The Transformiation
oftheNarrativePatternsin ChineseFictions April 1988
Yu Jianzhang,Ye Shuxian Symbols:
Languageand Art April 1988
Lai Yonghai The Characteristic
FeaturesofChineseBuddhism April 1988
Liu Xiaofeng Redemptionand Easiness

Journal
Culture:China and theWorld(fiveissues published) 1987-88

Source: The author'spersonalinvestigation.

Notes: *The books published afterJune 1989, in which the list of the editorialcommittee'smembersis no longer
printed,are not listed in this table. Most of the books listed in this table, except forones with marks**, were
published in the Modern WesternClassics series.
**These books appearedin the New Horizon Series,which consistedof more than one hundredbooks translated
fromEnglish,German,French,Russian, and Japanese.

printrunofmorethan50,000 copiesand thenreprinted manytimes.On 10 December

by thecommitteeappearedin theGuangming
1986, a noticeableadvertisement Daily,
announcingthe forthcoming publication of some hundredtitles in the Modern
WesternClassics series,with almost all importantWesternthinkers(in particular
philosophers) represented-Edmund Husserl, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Maurice
Merleau-Ponty,Herbert Marcuse, Paul Ricoeur,JuirgenHabermas, Theodor W.
Adorno,Michel Foucault,Jacques Derrida, Max Scheler,Karl Mannheim,Georg
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 421

Simmel,Talcott Parsons,and so on.'7 The CultureGroup's intellectualorientation

was clearlyembodied in the editorialchoice: prioritywas given to Continental
philosophy and German sociology. Their publications and the advertisement
immediately createda shockamongtheintellectualcommunity becauseit was indeed
the most comprehensiveand systematiceffortever at translatingcontemporary
Westernclassics(in particularthosein humanities)into Chinese.
The CultureGroup's seeminglyextraordinary luck must be understoodwithin
the historicalcontextof the mid-1980s. With the tremendouschangestakingplace
in theeconomicand culturalrealms,thepoliticalatmosphere intolerant ofunorthodox
intellectualopinionsand orientationsthat the YouthManuscripts suffered had been
largelymitigated.The institutionalimpedimentsto the publishingof seriesand
journals by nonestablishmentcultural intellectualshad been greatly removed.
Meanwhile,thanksto the rise of the DevelopmentGroup in the fieldof economic
policy studies and the success of the Future Group in the culturalfield,a new
generationofintellectuals,who werewidelycalled in China "middle-agedand young
intellectuals"(zhongqingnian cameto be prominent
zhishifenzi), in all intellectualfields.
The majorityof theCultureGroup'smemberswerethenin theirearlythirties,some
ofthemstilldoctoralcandidates.Intellectually, theyearnedtherespectand trustfrom
Sanlianmainlybecausetheirarticlesappearedin Reading.In the mid-1980sReading,
edited by Wang Yan, a totallyself-taught youngman versedin both Chineseand
Westernclassicsand literature,alteredits stylefroman ideologicallycoloredto a
more academic,less ideologizedmagazineby publishingmoreyoungsters'articles.
By mid-1985 Gan Yang had become well-knownas a promisingyoungscholarin
circlesof culturalintellectualsthroughhis translationsand articles.In December
1985, ErnestCassirer'sAn Essayof Man: An Introduction to a Philosophy of Human
Culture,translatedby Gan Yang, was publishedby ShanghaiTranslationsPress,and
it quicklyappearedin the list of best sellers.The secondprintingof this book in
April 1986 reached33,700 copies.By early1988, thisbook had been reprintedfive
times,amountingto nearly200,000 copies printed,an amazingrecord.In February
1986, Gan publishedan influential articleentitled"Tradition,Temporality, and the
Future" in Reading,which was the firstto presenta hermeneuticapproach for
reinterpreting and transformingChinesetraditionalculturein mainlandChina.Given
thesituationthatmostculturaldiscussionsthenwereorganizedand expressedwithin
the intellectualframeworks ofeitherMarxismor Hegelianism,Gan's introduction of
ErnestCassirer's,MartinHeidegger's,and Hans-GeorgGadamer'sthoughtsbrought
a whiffoffreshair into the communityofChineseculturalintellectuals.Actually,in
the mid-1980s, many Chinese studentsof philosophyhad no knowledgeof these
contemporary Westernmasters'thoughts.
Despite its successamong the communityof Chineseintellectuals,the Culture
Group failed to achieve an organizational autonomy in terms of group
institutionalization.Lacking affiliationarrangementswith any establishment
organization,the CCW editorialcommitteewas treatedby Sanlian as an informal
intellectualgroup.Therefore, it could not set up its own office,use its own official

17Someoftheplannedtranslations werepublishedaftertheJuneFourthincidentin 1989.

But the translationof some works(in particularthosein social sciences,such as Mannheim's
Ideologyand Utopia,Parsons'sStrnctureofSocialAction,and Weber's Economy and Society)
have
not yet been finishedup to the verylate 1990s. At thispoint,Ding made a factualerrorin
his descriptionabout whichtranslations had been reallypublishedduringthe "culturefever"
in the 1980s. See his DeclineofCommunism,p. 146.
422 EDWARD X. GU

seal, hold its own bank account,nor organizeotherculturalactivitiesin its own

interests.The CultureGroup's heavyfinancialdependenceupon Sanlian even had
some negativeimpactupon its publicationplan. Althoughit was a liberallyoriented
publisher,Sanlianwas aboveall an establishment organization,and it certainly
needed
to look afterits own interests.For instance,the journalCulture:Chinaand theWorld
indeed attractedwide notice among intellectualcircles, but it was published
irregularly,partiallybecause Sanlian was reluctantto fullysupportthis financially
drainingproject.At the end of 1988, afterwitnessingthe successesof the Future
Group and the CultureAcademyin termsof institutionalization, theCultureGroup
startedto plan to establishits own organization, namedthe "ChineseAcademyofthe
Humanities"(Zhongguo Renwen Xueyuan).However,theCultureGroupnevertookany
further steps in implementingthis plan (Wang Wei, interviewedby the authorin
January1996). Threeelementsare evidentforexplainingthisfailure:firstofall, the
membersof the Culture Group did not possess symboliccapital as the Culture
Academydid, and therefore it was difficultfortheformer to earnanykindofpolitical
backingfromhigh-ranking party-state leaders;'8second,consideringthemselvesas
pure and importantintellectuals,almost all the membersof the Culture Group
disdained to establish and mobilize any social relationshipswith influential
establishmentintellectualsas the Future Group did, which made it difficultto
establishan affiliation arrangement with a friendly establishment organization;and
third,the membersof the Culture Group were mostlytoo bookish to nourish
institution-building entrepreneurship, whichwas indispensableto institutionalizing
theirgroup.Borrowingtheterminology fromPierreBourdieu'spoliticalsociologyof
intellectuals,it was mainlyits juniorstatusin the intellectualcommunityand its
estrangeddistancefromtheinfluential factionwithinthefieldofpowerthatprevented
theCultureGroupfromgaininggreatersymbolicpowerin theculturalfield(Bourdieu
1993). The failurethatthe CulturalGroup experiencedalso indicatedthatwithina
state-dominatedinstitutionalenvironmentthere were no efficientresourcesfor
ordinaryintellectualsto institutionalize theirintellectualspaces and, in general,for
social activiststo createa civil society.

Being Overflowedby the Flood of Political

Events: Cultural Intellectualsduring the
People's Movement of 1989

As mentionedearlier,the "culturefever"emergedfromthe ideologicalcritique

of so-called "Chinese feudalism,"which as a main theme of the anti-Maoist
"Emancipatingthe Mind Movement"actuallyput the fingerof blame indirectly on
the totalitarianrule of the Chinese Communist Party. As the cultural debate
proceeded,however,some degreeof academicautonomydid developin the cultural
field.New paradigmsor approaches,mostofthemnon-Marxist, werewidelyaccepted
and adopted.New topics were discovered.And the old notionof "academicsforthe
sake ofacademics"was also proposedas a new idea. In new
short, academicdiscourses
in
were formed the newlyemergent,relativelyautonomous culturalpublic sphere,

18GanYang once complainedto some overseasChinesescholarsthat,unlikethe Culture

it was hardto
Academy,his group was unable to receivesupportfromabroad and therefore
do more(see Liu Shu-hsien1989, 16).
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 423

and somekindofacademicdetachmentfrompoliticswas nourished.To enlargetheir

academicscope and strengthen theiracademictraining,numerousculturalactivists
(e.g., Liu Xiaofeng),one afteranother,wentabroadto continuetheirstudiesin the
late-1980s.
Nevertheless,the entanglementof Chinese culturalintellectualswith politics
neverended.A signoftheentanglement was thebroadcastofthetelevisionminiseries
RiverElegy(He Shang)and the political-ideological shockit caused in the late 1980s.
RiverElegyas a documentary stridently proclaimedthatthedyingChinesetraditional
culturecould no longersurvive;it must be replacedby a new civilizationthrough
theprocessofmodernization and Westernization. The six-parttelevisiondocumentary
chosethreefamiliarsymbolsof China-the dragon,the GreatWall, and the Yellow
River-to visualizea varietyofantitraditionalist themes,whichhad been thesubject
of limited debate among the communityof cultural intellectuals.When it was
broadcaston CCTV (ChineseCentralTelevision,the sole nationalnetwork)in June
1988, the dragonyearaccordingto the Chinesetraditionalcalendar,it producedan
astonishingimpacton the audience,in particularthe educated.Somethingthatonly
a smallnumberofculturalintellectuals werefondofdiscussingsuddenlybecamewhat
thevastmajorityofeducatedpeople,e.g., scientists,technicians, teachersin primary
and secondaryschools,and party-state wereconcernedwith.All ofthemhad
officials,
a tacit understanding of its political overtones.The culturalshock it caused went
beyond even the territoryof mainland China, reaching Hong Kong, Taiwan,
Singapore,and almostall overseasChinesecommunities,in particularthosein the
United States.Numerousbooks criticizingor approvingRiverElegywerepublished
inside and outside China. Many WesternChina scholarswere also involvedin the
discussionsofRiverElegy(Wakeman 1989; Gunn 1993; and Wang 1996, 118-36).
The productionteamwas composedof youngprofessionals and scholarsin their
twentiesand thirties.The directorXia Jun,an admirerof Jin Guantao'shistorical
theory,was the enthusiasticpromoterof the production.Among the team of five
scriptauthorsthat was headed by reportagewriterSu Xiaokang,Zhang Gang and
Xie XuanjunweremembersoftheeditorialcommitteeoftheTowardstheFutureseries.
Zhang Gang, as a core memberof the Future Group, servedas a researcherand
administrator at the ReformInstitute.Two personswereinvitedas advisers:one was
Jin Guantao,the otherLi Yining, an economicsprofessor at Beida and a prominent
economicpolicy intellectualwho was famousfor advocatingso-called ownership
reform(actually referring to the de factoprivatizationof China's economy).The
messageof antitraditionalism the documentary deliveredenragedmanyparty-state
hardliners, includingvice-state-president Wang Zhen,who tookthelead in attacking
RiverElegy.However,Zhao Ziyanggave powerfulsupportto thedocumentary. When
meetingwithLee Kuan Yew, Singapore'sprimeminister,Zhao gave him a videotape
of RiverElegyas a presentand said: "It is worthviewing."UnderZhao's patronage,
the documentary was rebroadcaston CCTV in August and lateron manylocal TV
networks(Ding 1994, 155-62).
Enteringinto 1989, an eventfulyear,themostdramaticpoliticaleventin which
culturalintellectualswere involvedwas the "threepetitions."On 6 January,Fang
Lizhi wrotean open letterto Deng Xiaoping,copiesofwhichweremade availableto
the foreignpress,asking him to pardon Wei Jingshengas well as otherpolitical
prisonersin commemorationof the forthcoming anniversariesof the May Fourth
Movement,the French Revolution,and the foundingof the People's Republic.
Sparkedby Fang's example,a seriesofthreepetitionswereorganizedby a numberof
424 EDWARD X. GU

intellectuals,callingforan accelerationof politicalreform(Link 1992, 260-61; and

Goldman 1994, 287-92).
The firstpetitionyieldedthewidestrepercussion amongtheChineseintellectual
community. The organizerofthispetitionwas Bei Dao, a leaderofan obscurepoetry
movementand one of the fewChinesepoets to gain a worldwidereputation.Like
thosenonestablishment politicalintellectuals,
Bei Dao had participatedin theApril
5thMovementand in theDemocracyWall Movement,duringwhichhe servedas an
editorofan underground literarymagazineToday.However,after1979, he had taken
littlepart in any politicalactivityand had immersedhimselfin writingpoetry.In
mid-February,Bei, in associationwith two other young writers,collected the
signaturesof thirty-three Chinese scholarsand writersin an open letterto the
Politburoand the NPC, supportingFang's appeal. Among the signerswere some
leading Chinese writerswho had activelycriticizedthe officialpolicies towards
literatureand the arts and some membersof Hu Yaobang's networkwho had
frequently called fordemocraticreformthroughoutthe 1980s. What was a littlebit
surprisingto the public was thata numberof culturalintellectualswho had almost
nevershownany interestin politicsoverthe previousyearsalso put theirnamesto
the petition.All of thembelongedto the threeculturalgroupson whichthisarticle
focuses,includingJin Guantao and Liu Qingfengof the FutureGroup,Tang Yijie,
Yue Daiyun,Li Zehou, Zhang Dainian, and Pang Pu of the CultureAcademy,and
Wang Yan, Liu Dong, Huang Ziping, and Chen Pingyuanof the CultureGroup.In
the nexttwo roundsof petition,therewere more culturalintellectualsvyingwith
each otherto sign theirnamesto open letters.
Indeed, these joint actions markedthe firsttime since 1957 that substantial
numbersof Chinese intellectuals,withinthe establishmentor outside,had joined
togethercollectively to opposepartypolicyon a sensitivepoliticalissue(Baum 1994,
241). Nevertheless, suchcollectiveactionsdemonstrated moremoralsymbolismthan
politicalactivism.
In the verylate 1980s, as the autonomousintellectualpublic spherespread,a
sense of intellectualautonomywas nourishedamong the Chinese intellectual
community, in particularamongculturalintellectuals.Showingnonconformity with
the authoritiesbecame the new fashion.It seemed that manyculturalintellectuals
wantedto retainthe rightof evaluativedissentinherentin the Chinesetraditionof
literati.The implementation of such a rightwas seen bothas the performance of the
moraldutyofintellectualsand as themanifestation oftheirmoralcourage.Moreover,
theywerelivingin a most relaxedperiodin termsof ideologicalcontrol.Now that
therewerepeople who would like to spearhead,followingwas absolutelyrational.At
thattimetherewas nothingto fearforthoseseniorculturalintellectualswho enjoyed
nationwideor even worldwidereputations,since they knew their own symbolic
significanceto the regime. For less prominentcultural intellectuals,joining the
petitionshad a twofoldeffectin upgradingtheirpublic image. On the one hand,it
could displaytheirmoralcourage.On the otherhand,it enabled themto free-ride,
rankingthemselvesamongChineseeminentpersons.
However,thesepetitionsbroughtanythingbut solidarityto different factionsof
theChineseintellectualcommunity. Puttingaside thedivergencebetweenpolitically
radicallyorientedand moderatelyorientedintellectuals,the disturbancesthatarose
around these incidentseven touched offan intensiveinternalconflictwithin the
Culture Group. When Bei Dao showed the open letterto him and collectedhis
signature,Gan Yang hesitatedto sign up. Gan's hesitationwas latergiven a good
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 425

scolding by his colleagues at the editorial committee.Since then, the editorial

committeehas been in a defactodivision(Su 1992, 12).29
Moredramatically, theopen-letterincidentcausedJinGuantaoand Liu Qingfeng
a lot of trouble.Afterthe firstpetitionwas publishedby the overseasmedia, the
responsewas unexpectedly
official verytough.Underpowerfulpoliticalpressure, most
intellectualscontinuedtheirprotestsand petitions.But Jin and Liu went to the
United Front Departmentof the CCP on their own accord to explain their
"motivation."The gossipthattheyhad betrayedtheChineseintellectualcommunity
was quickly spread among almost all the Beijing-basedintellectualcircles.Their
popularitysuffered a disastrousdecline. In March 1989, Jin and Liu went to the
Chinese Universityof Hong Kong as visitingscholars.On April 28, a three-day
internationalacademic conferenceon the May Fourth Movement and Chinese
intellectuals,cosponsoredby the Cultural Academy, the Twenty-FirstCentury
InstituterunbyJinGuantao,as well as othertwo Hong Kong-basedorganizations,
was convenedas scheduledat a place in the westernsuburbsof Beijing.Jin and Liu
made a special tripback to Beijing to attendthe conference. During the conference
and throughout theearlydaysofMay,theydevotedtheirmanyenergiesto attempting
to resolvethe internalconflictwithinthe group.
In contrastwith the actions of some politicallyorientedintellectuals,those
culturalintellectualswe are concernedwith played a small role in the People's
Movement.Althoughreturning to the centerof thepoliticalstormin late Apriland
earlyMay,JinGuantaoand Liu Qingfengmaintainedthepositionofonlookers.They
returned to Hong Kong on 7 May. ForseniormembersoftheCultureAcademy,many
ofwhomwereBeida professors, therapiddevelopmentofpoliticaleventsduringthose
dayswas obviouslybeyondtheirintellectualcomprehension. What theycould do was
no morethansend moralsupportto theirstudents.During thedaysfromMay 17 to
19, whenmillionsof Beijing citizenstook to the streetsunderthe bannersof their
work-units to supportthestudents'protest,theCultureAcademyjoinedthemassive
demonstration and a large bannerattackingthe governmentas "shameless"was
displayedin its name. However,its president,Tang Yijie, consistently acted with
caution,avoidingthe violationof anysensitiverulesof the politicalgame. Afterthe
impositionofmartiallaw, Tang persuadedBao Zunxin not to let studentleadersuse
the premisesof the CultureAcademyformeetings(Tang Yijie, interviewedby the
author).
What was surprisingwas thatGan Yang, who had consistently professedto be
above politicsand worldlyconsiderations, tookpartin manymeetingsand activities
organizedby studentsand radicalintellectuals.It seemedthathe was eagerto wipe
out the moralhumiliationthathe had suffered a couple ofmonthsbefore.However,
Gan was able to make himselfplay only a marginal role in various political
organizationsthat blossomedat that time,partlybecause none of his colleaguesin
the CultureGroup followedhim and partlybecause he had not showna working
knowledgeof Chinesepoliticalreality.
Amongthethreegroupsofculturalintellectuals, onlytheInternational Academy
of Chinese Culturesurvivedafterthe June Fourthcrackdown;the othertwo were
disbanded.During the politicalpurge followingthe crackdown,manyNGOs were

190f course,therewereotherreasonsforthedivisionoftheCultureGroup.Amongthem,
the most importantwas the strugglebetweenGan Yang and otherseniormembersof the
group forthe symbolicpowerin the culturalfield.This observationis based on the author's
conversationwithWang Yan and Wang Wei in January1996.
426 EDWARD X. GU

outlawed.The CultureAcademysurvivedmainlybecauseits seniormemberswereso

famousthat purgingthemwas politicallytoo costlyto the authorities.Gan Yang
escaped fromChina afterJune Fourth.He went to Paris firstvia Hong Kong and
finallyto Chicago. Without its leader and organizer,the membersof the Culture
Group went their separate ways. Although it was impossible to continue the
publicationoftheirjournalCulture:Chinaand theWorld,manyofthetranslations and
worksthattheyhad alreadyeditedwerestill publishedby Sanlianand the Shanghai
People's Press afterthe June Fourthincident.Of course,the list of names of the
editorialcommitteehas disappearedin thesepublications.JinGuantaowas attacked
by name in Beijing Mayor Chen Xitong's "Report on Putting Down Anti-
GovernmentRiots" forincitingantisocialistand antigovernment sentimentsduring
the movement.Subsequently, Jinand his wifesettledin a new homein Hong Kong.
The TowardstheFutureserieswas no longerallowed to be published by the local
authoritiesof Chengdu,whereits publisher,the SichuanPeople's Press,is located.

Conclusions

Turningback fromthe social and political disturbancein spring 1989 to the

visionofChineseintellectuallifein the 1980s, in particulartherelationship between
intellectualsand thestate,we returnto thecentralquestions.What kindsofstructural
transformation took place in the intellectualpublic sphere?Under whichhistorical
and institutionalconditionsdid the re-institutionalization of the intellectualpublic
spherehappen? And, furthermore, would such a structuraltransformation of the
intellectualpublic spherefinallymake it possibleforChina's intellectualsto achieve
a degree of intellectualautonomy,fromwhich the sproutof a pluralistand self-
organizingcivil societywould becomerealityin the nearfuture?These questionsare
raised,of course,not onlyfortheirown sake, but also fortheirpotentialtheoretical
implications:to gain a moreappropriate understanding ofthediversity ofstate-society
relationsin communistcountriesand of the historicalpluralityof the communist
transition.
Throughoutthe 1980s, therewas still no ample social space in which NGOs
could be freelyformedand a varietyof sociopoliticalactivistscould be united to
developa civil society,althoughthe economicreformbroughttremendouschanges
to Chinesesociety.On theone hand,theparty-state neverrelaxeditsvigilanceagainst
any nonestablishment sociopoliticalactivitiesand did all it could to preventany
existing nonestablishmentorganizationsand individuals from menacing the
Communistrule. On the other hand, influencedby Chinese traditionalpolitical
culture,the majorityof the Chinese intelligentsianeverthoughtof ending their
mandarinrole. Followingthe routinelyoperatingrule of politicalclientelism,they
werenevertiredto seek tieswithsomeparty-state leadersin orderto boosttheirown
interests.By mobilizingtheirsocial relationships, manyintellectualsdid everything
possibleto shifttheirstatus:fromnonestablishment to establishment. Indeed,those
who were recognizedas membersof the Chinese intellectualelite did assume
reforming the existingparty-stateinstitutionalconfiguration as theirunshirkable
responsibilityand task.A partofthisinstitutional configuration did change.Another
partstill shapedthepoliticalgame betweenintellectualsand theparty-state.
Nevertheless, the factthatthe fundamental patternof intellectual-state
relations
underwentlittlechangedoes notmeanthatit was totallyimpossibleforautonomous
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 427

intellectualpublic spaces to emergein CommunistChina. Even wherethe powerof

the officialideology and the state are all-pervasive,the demand and longing of
intellectualsforintellectualand evensocial autonomywould naturallygrowundera
relaxedpoliticalclimate.The politicalclimateof the 1980s was generallyfavorable
to the growthof such an autonomy,even if therewere manyintervalsof political
storms.Despitetoughcontrolimposedbytheparty-state, societalpluralismand social
autonomyexpandedto a certainextentin Chinesesocietyin theeraofreforms. Under
this historicalcondition,some prominentculturalintellectualssuccessfully opened
up different formsofindependentculturalpublic spacesin whichtheyproduceda de
factoculturalpluralism.
This developmentpromptedmany observersof China to draw a farfetched
comparisonbetweenthe newlyemergentChineseintellectualpublic sphereand civil
society(see, forexample,He 1994; and He 1996). These are,afterall, thingswhich
can be captured,albeit quite unconvincingly, by the conceptof "civil society,"or
moreappropriately by the conceptualschemaof the "sproutsof civil society."The
problemis that using value-burdentermslike "civil society"does not help us to
understand thecomplicated,dynamicpictureofstate-society relationsin a transitional
communistcountry,but onlyleads us to a teleologicalexercise:speculatingwhether
or not China would achieve a democraticbreakthrough along an Eastern-Central
Europeantrajectory. As we have shown,Chineseintellectualshad theirown waysto
shiftthe relationshipbetweenstate and societyduringthe transitionalperiod. To
graspthemultilinear pictureofthetransition fromcommunismto pluralism,we need
an alternativeapproachthatenablesus to explainnotonlythosephenomenathathave
originallybeen labelled "civil society,"but also thosethathave littleto do withthe
term"civil society."
By introducingthe methodof institutionalanalysisthat is being developedin
the new institutionalism, this articleattemptsto go beyondsuch methodologically
problematicand empiricallymisleadingconceptionsas the "civil societyagainstthe
state."In lightof thisnew approach,Chineseintellectualsas a wholehavebeen seen
as a highlysegmentedentitywith different segmentshavingdifferent links to the
state.The institutional base forthe oppositionof intellectualsto theparty-state was
weak, and the actionscharacteristic of the intellectualsagainstthe party-state were
notmainstream. What was mainstream was thatintellectuals utilizedtheinstitutional
leewaymade by the changesin different institutionalsectorsand policy fieldsto
developtheirgrouplifeand to get the intellectualgroupingsinstitutionalized. One
means of institutionalization was that informalintellectualgroups spontaneously
formedin societyreceivedrecognitionand supportfromthe party-state and further
establishedtheirown organizations withintheestablishment. Anothermeanswas the
formation of NGOs outside the establishment. The outcomes of group
institutionalizationwere shaped by complicated interactionsbetween actors'
preferences, institutionalconditions,and historicalfactors.The difference in the
positionsthatdifferent segmentsoftheintelligentsia occupiedin theintellectualfield
was also significant
forshapingtheoutcomesoftheinteraction. Thus,manyeconomic
policyintellectualsachievedtheirdesireto play the traditionalmandarinrole in the
policy-making process,and some prominentculturalintellectualsopenedup certain
autonomouspublic spacesin societyto producepublic discourses.
As a result,in the culturalrealm,certainexistinginstitutionalarrangements
concerningsuch culturalactivitiesas publishingbooks (and book series),producing
nonofficialdiscourses,and establishing independentorganizationsoutside the
establishment, werechangeddue to theinstitution-building entrepreneurship shown
428 EDWARD X. GU

by thecoremembersofthethreeculturalgroupswe havediscussed,in particularthe

FutureGroup.While beingstructured, constrained, and refractedbytheinstitutional
configurationat large, they made history by inventing a new institutional
arrangement, i.e., the establishment of affiliation
relationswith some organizations
withinthe establishment, to legitimizethe public spaces that theycreatedin the
culturalrealm.For culturalintellectuals,gainingan establishment statusor getting
supportfromimportantfigureswithintheestablishment was ofabsolutesignificance
to theirtastingthe fruitsof victoryin the symbolicbattleforsymboliccapitalsand
symbolicpowerin the intellectualfield.
The newlyemergentpublic spacesweretoo weak to bearanypoliticalhitduring
thepoliticalstorm.Two groupsweredisbandedaftertheTiananmenMovement.The
only survivor,the CultureAcademy,survivedlargelybecause as an NGO it rarely
violatedtherulesofthepoliticalgame thattheparty-state imposedupon society,and
its core memberspossessedso much symbolicinfluenceat home and abroad thatit
would be too costlyto theparty-state if it weredisbandedby the authorities.
However,the culturalpublic spaces opened up by intellectualgroupscontinue
to existin the 1990s, eventhoughtwo ofthesegroupsweredisbandedin 1989. The
defactoculturalpluralismcontinuesto flourish (He 1996). A so-called"New National
LearningMovement"(xinguoxue yundong), whichis engagedin rediscovering thecream
of the post-MayFourthculturalconservatism, is attractingmore and more young
Chinese scholars,who are mostlyformerstudentsof the teachersof the Cultural
Academy.The mastersofthe"nationallearning"ofthiscentury, suchas ChenYinque,
Tang Yongtong,and Wu Mi, who weremostlyeducatedin Westerncountries,have
beenhighlyrespected, and reprints oftheirworks,originally publishedseveraldecades
ago, havebecomebest-sellers. Antitraditionalism has becomeunfashionable, although
Liu Xiaofeng still upholds his basic stand in his newly published books. The
radicalizationof the modernChineseintelligentsia, in particularthoseintellectuals
who later became Communist revolutionaries,has been critically examined.
Gradualism,which is best embodied in China's successfuleconomic reform,has
become a new banner.The so-called "New Leftists"(xin zuopai),consistingof a
numberofformer overseasChinesegraduatestudentswho arenowassistantprofessors
at MIT, Yale, Duke and otherplaces,haveprovokeda heateddebateovertherelevance
ofa "fourthway"-namely, theapproachofmarketsocialismthatdistinguishes itself
fromLeninism,Maoism,and capitalism-to China'smodernization and marketization
(formoredetailsabout the New Leftism,see Zheng 1999, ch. 3). In respondingto
the increasingly rapidgrowthof commercialism accompanyingthe marketization of
the economicsystemand the Westernizationof society,manyChineseintellectuals
are lookingback at Chinesetraditionalculturein orderto reconstruct a humanistic
"ultimateconcern"ofthewholenationbydrawinginsightsand valuesfromtheNeo-
Taoism oftheWei-Jinperiodsand theNeo-Confucianism oftheSong-Mingperiods.
Nevertheless, some intellectualscontinueto take a close look at the developmentof
Westernpoliticalthought,in particularliberalism.
More importantly, the institutionalmechanismbywhichthethreegroupsunder
discussioncreatedculturalpublic spaces remainsunchangedbecause thereis no
dramatictransformation of the relationshipbetweenstateand societyin the 1990s.
Tough regulationsimposedby the party-state upon the formation of NGOs are yet
to be eased. Editorialcommitteesand researchinstitutesare major organizational
vehiclesforcreatingnew public spaces. Some of the formermembersof the two
disbandedgroupsorganizedagain to publish new nonofficial journals.Their major
difficultyis how to achievefinancialautonomy.In the wake of commercialism, the
 POLITICS OF THE CULTURAL PUBLIC SPACE 429

marketforintellectually profoundculturalgoods is shrinking.To maintaincurrent

public spaces fordevelopingculturalpluralism,the vigorousnessof the institution-
buildingentrepreneurship is terriblyneeded.Some newlypublishedjournalsreceive
sponsorship from foreign foundations.For example, the publicationof Gonggong
Lunchong (Forum for PublicAffairs)coeditedby Wang Yan, whichmainlypublishes
articleson the relevance of Western political thought(in particularliberalism)to
China's transition,is sponsoredby the Ford Foundation.The integrationof Hong
Kong with mainland China provides Chinese intellectuals with additional
institutionalchannelsto set up their enterprises.ErshiyiShiji (The Twenty-First
Century),whichis editedby Liu Qinfengand JinGuantaoand is publishedin Hong
Kong, has become one of the most popular academicperiodicalsamong mainland
Chinese readers.Zhongguo ShehuiKexueZikan (The ChineseSocial ScienceQuarterly),
edited by a group of some formermembersof the FutureGroup and the Culture
Group,is also publishedin Hong Kong. A moreencouragingtendencyis thatsome
culturalintellectualshave begun to run privatebookstores,preparingto establish
private publishing houses in the near future,once the process of publishing
deregulationis underway.

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