Agenda for (Democratization

http //www library yale.edu/un/un3d3.htm

Internet Access to Biographical Information: Boutros

Boutros-Ghali: "Agenda for Democratization"
17 December 1996

Supplement to Reports A/50/332 AND A/51/512 on Democratization Boutros

Boutros-Ghali

Paragraphs: I. Introduction : Democratization and Democracy 1-14

II. An Emerging Consensus 15-25
The Foundation for Action 26-35
An Evolving United Nations Role 36-60
Democratization at the International Level 61 - 115
Conclusion: Toward an Agenda for Democratization 116 - 128

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I. Introduction : Democratization and Democracy

Democratization is a process which leads to a more open, more participatory, less authoritarian
society. Democracy is a system of government which embodies, in a variety of institutions and
mechanisms, the ideal of political power based on the will of the people.

In places from Latin America to Africa, Europe and Asia, numbers of authoritarian regimes have
given way to democratic forces, increasingly responsive governments and increasingly open so-
cieties. Many States and their peoples have embarked upon a process of democratization for the
first time. Others have moved to restore their democratic roots.

The basic idea of democracy is today gaining adherents across cultural, social and economic
lines. While the definition of democracy is an increasingly important subject of debate within and
among societies, the practice of democracy is increasingly regarded as essential to progress on a
wide range of human concerns and to the protection of human rights.

Both democratization and democracy raise difficult questions of prioritization and timing. It is
therefore not surprising that the acceleration of democratization and the renaissance of the idea
of democracy have met with some resistance. On the practical level, the world has seen some
slowing and erosion in democratization processes and, in some cases, reversals. On the norma-
 tive level, resistance has arisen which in some cases seeks to cloak authoritarianism in claims of
cultural difference and in
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others reflects the undeniable fact that there is no one model of democratization or democracy suit-
able to all societies. The reality is that individual societies decide if and when to begin democrati-
zation. Throughout the process, each society decides its nature and its pace. The starting point
from which a society commences democratization will bear greatly on such decisions. Like the
process of democratization, democracy can take many forms and evolve through many phases,
depending on the particular characteristics and circumstances of societies. And, in every society,
the persistence of democracy itself requires an ongoing process of political renewal and develop-
ment.

The phenomenon of democratization has had a marked impact on the United Nations. Just as
newly-independent States turned to the United Nations for support during the era of decoloniza-
tion, so today, following another wave of accessions to Statehood and political independence,
Member States are turning to the United Nations for support in democratization. While this has
been most visible in the requests for electoral assistance received since 1989 from more than 60
States — nearly one-third of the Organization's Membership — virtually no area of United Nations
activity has been left untouched. The peace-keeping mandates entrusted to the United Nations
now often include both the restoration of democracy and the protection of human rights. United
Nations departments, agencies and programmes have been called on to help States draft constitu-
tions, create independent systems for the administration of justice, provide police forces that re-
spect and enforce the rule of law, de-politicize military establishments, and establish national in-
stitutions for the promotion and protection of human rights. They also have been asked by many
States engaged in democratization to help encourage and facilitate the active participation of citi-
zens in political processes, and to foster the emergence of a productive civil society, including re-
sponsible and independent communications media.

These operational activities were the subject of a report requested of the Secretary-General by the
General Assembly in its resolution 49/30 of 7 December 1994. My report, "Support by the United
Nations System of the Efforts of Governments to Promote and Consolidate New or Restored De-
mocracies" (A/50/332), was presented to the Assembly on 7 August 1995. The General Assembly
welcomed my report in its resolution 50/133 of 20 December 1995 and requested me to prepare a
second report on the same subject, which I accordingly presented on 18 October 1996 (A/51/512).
Beyond operational assistance, there is a growing^ interest among Member States in the democra-
tization of the United Nations itself. At the Special Commemorative Meeting of the General As-
sembly, held from 22-24 October 1995 on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the United Na-
tions, nearly every speaker
— including inter alia 128 Heads of State or Government — addressed this important issue.

7. Reflecting on these realities — the fact of democratization, the request for United Nations in-
volvement
and the interest in widening the scope of democratization — I believe the time has come for a
deeper
consideration of the idea in all its ramifications and possibilities. I discern four components of
such an
attempt: an emerging consensus on democracy and its practical importance; the foundation for
United
 Nations concern with democratization and the role envisaged for it; the new momentum for, and
the
resultant expansion in, United Nations support for democratization; and a new dimension of this
support
— democratization at the international level.

8.1 offer this paper in the hope that it may deepen understanding of United Nations efforts in fa-
vour of democratization and intensify debate on future international action in this area. To address
the subjects of democratization and democracy does not imply a change in the respect that the
United Nations vows for the sovereignty of States or in the Principle of non-intervention in inter-
nal affairs set out in Article 2(7) of the Charter of the United Nations. To the contrary, the founding
Purposes and Principles of the United Nations are the very basis of the present reflection.

9. The United Nations is not alone in supporting democratization. The past decade has brought a

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proliferation of actors engaged in this effort, which has fast become a massive global enterprise.
These actors include international and regional intergovernmental organizations; individual States;
Parliamentarians; non-governmental organizations from the local to the global levels; and private
actors such as legal professionals, the media, academics, private institutions and civic associa-
tions, including ethnic, cultural and religious groups. Taken together, they represent a vast spec-
trum of perspectives, expertise, approaches and techniques. The consideration of democratization
offered in this paper focuses on the United Nations as one such actor, albeit unique in character.
Thus, from the outset, it is essential to be clear about the particular aim and distinct role of the
United Nations in democratization.

The United Nations is, by design and definition, universal and impartial. While democratization is
a new force in world affairs, and while democracy can and should be assimilated by all cultures
and traditions, it is not for the United Nations to offer a model of democratization or democracy or
to promote democracy in a specific case. Indeed, to do so could be counter-productive to the proc-
ess of democratization which, in order to take root and to flourish, must derive from the society
itself. Each society must be able to choose the form, pace and character of its democratization
process. Imposition of foreign models not only contravenes the Charter Principle of non-
intervention in internal affairs, it may also generate resentment among both the Government and
the public, which may in turn feed internal forces inimical to democratization and to the idea of
democracy.

Therefore, the United Nations does not aim to persuade democratizing States to apply external
models or borrow extraneous forms of government. Rather, the United Nations aims to help each
State pursue its own particular path. Understanding democratization as a process calling for wide-
ranging action, the United Nations aims to support democratizing States in a variety of processes
and experiences. Its role in favour of democratization in a particular State is understood and car-
ried out as one of assistance and advice.

The United Nations possesses a foundation and a responsibility to serve its Member States in de-
mocratization, yet it must receive a formal request before it can assist Member States in their de-
 mocratization processes. United Nations activities and responsibilities in the area of democratiza-
tion thus parallel and complement those in development: to provide and help coordinate assistance
to those who request it, and to seek a strengthened context in which those requesting and those
responding may achieve success.

Democratization is predominantly a new area for technical assistance. Traditionally, technical as-
sistance has been provided in the context of economic and social development, with the main em-
phasis on building and strengthening physical infrastructure and the executive arm of the Gov-
ernment; assistance in governance beyond that was made virtually impossible by the political cli-
mate throughout most of the United Nations' history. While the United Nations still provides tech-
nical assistance in those areas, the wave of economic and political transitions witnessed in the
post-cold war period has led Member States to reorient their requests for technical assistance to-
ward areas more relevant to democratization, broadly defined.

The United Nations strengthens the context for democratization support through information-
gathering and awareness-raising and by offering Member States and the wider international com-
munity a universally-legitimate global forum for dialogue, debate and consensus-building.
Through the United Nations, multilateral agreements can be reached — whether embodied in the
form of non-binding norms, internationally-recognized standards, or binding obligations ~ which
help to define a common political and legal framework for action. Indeed, it is to a certain extent
through the forum of the United Nations that a consensus on democracy and its practical impor-
tance has begun to take shape.

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II. An Emerging Consensus

Over the last half-century, the meaning of democracy has shifted considerably in world affairs. In
1945, democracy was a clear concept as defined by the allied nations in opposition to fascism.
With the onset of the cold war, democracy came to be propounded from two perspectives, East
and West. As the Third World took its place on the international stage, its members strove to find
their own methods of government, appropriate to their needs, providing in the process alternative
perspectives on democracy. Today, the rapidly changing global scene has set the age-old concept of
democracy in a new light. While differences in the economic, social, cultural and historical cir-
cumstances of the world's societies mean that differences will continue between democracy as
viewed by one society and democracy as viewed by another, democracy is increasingly being rec-
ognized as a response to a wide range of human concerns and as essential to the protection of hu-
man rights.

This is not to say that democracy is without detractors. In some quarters, the charge is made that
there can be no democracy in times of trouble or war, that democracy itself leads to disorder, that
democracy diminishes efficiency, that democracy violates minority and community rights, and that
democracy must wait until development is fully achieved. However, whatever evidence critics of
democracy can find in support of these claims must not be allowed to conceal a deeper truth : de-
 mocracy contributes to preserving peace and security, securing justice and human rights, and pro-
moting economic and social development.

Democratic institutions and processes channel competing interests into arenas of discourse and
provide means of compromise which can be respected by all participants in debates, thereby
minimizing the risk that differences or disputes will erupt into armed conflict or confrontation.
Because democratic Governments are freely chosen by their citizens and held accountable through
periodic and genuine elections and other mechanisms, they are more likely to promote and respect
the rule of law, respect individual and minority rights, cope effectively with social conflict, absorb
migrant populations and respond to the needs of marginalized groups. They are therefore less
likely to abuse their power against the peoples of their own state territories. Democracy within
States thus fosters the evolution of the social contract upon which lasting peace can be built. In
this way, a culture of democracy is fundamentally a culture of peace.

Democratic institutions and processes within States may likewise be conducive to peace among
States. The accountability and transparency of democratic Governments to their own citizens —
who understandably may be highly cautious about war, as it is they who will have to bear its risks
and burdens — may help to restrain recourse to military conflict with other States. The legitimacy
conferred on democratically elected Governments commands the respect of the peoples of other
democratic States and fosters expectations of negotiation, compromise and the rule of law in inter-
national relations. When States sharing a culture of democracy are involved in a dispute, the trans-
parency of their regimes may help to prevent accidents, avoid reactions based on emotion or fear
and reduce the likelihood of surprise attack.

Lacking the legitimacy or real support offered by free elections, authoritarian Governments all too
often take recourse to intimidation and violence in order to suppress internal dissent. They tend to
reject institutions such as a free press and an independent judiciary which provide the transparency
and accountability necessary to discourage such governmental manipulation of citizens. The re-
sulting atmosphere of oppression and tension, felt in neighbouring countries, can heighten the fear
of war. It is for this reason that the Charter declares that one of the first purposes of the United
Nations is "to take

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effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace". Threatened
by the resentment of their own people, non-democratic Governments may also be more likely to
incite hostilities against other States in order to justify their suppression of internal dissent or forge
a basis for national unity.

It is true that the introduction of democratic practices into formerly authoritarian or war-torn
States may contribute to civil conflict by opening channels for free expression, including the ex-
pression of hatred. Free and fair elections can be followed by the suppression of those defeated.
There is also a danger that strengthening civil society without also addressing state capacity may
undermine governability or overwhelm the State. Especially for Governments in underdeveloped
countries, which are typically engaged full time in the provision of basic human needs for their
populations, the risks to stability that may arise in the early stages of democratization may make
them reluctant to continue democratization or even to begin the process at all.
 These difficult questions of prioritization and timing suggest several important lessons. First and
foremost, it is essential that each State itself decide the form, pace and character of its democrati-
zation process. This suggests a fundamental prerequisite for democratization : the existence of a
State which can and is willing not only to create the conditions for free and fair elections, but also
to support the development and maintenance of the institutions necessary for the ongoing practice
of democratic politics. Second, democratization must begin with an effort to create a culture of
democracy — a political culture, which is fundamentally non-violent and in which no one party or
group expects to win or lose all the time. Such a culture is built upon a societal consensus not
about policy, but about the process and framework of democratic political life : that the will of the
people is the basis of governmental authority; that all individuals have a right to take part in gov-
ernment; that there shall be periodic and genuine elections; that power changes hands through
popular suffrage rather than intimidation or force; that political opponents and minorities have a
right to express their views; and that there can be loyal and legal opposition to the government in
power. Third, democratization must seek to achieve institutional balance between the State and
civil society. Finally, support for democratization must be coupled with support for development
in order that socio-economic as well as civil and political rights are respected. Although develop-
ment can take place without democracy, there is no evidence that the breakthrough to development
requires an authoritarian regime. There is, however, ample evidence suggesting that over the long
term, democracy is an ingredient for both sustainable development and lasting peace. Moreover,
the globalization of economic activity and communications has generated pressures for democra-
tization and human rights.

In today's world, freedom of thought, the impetus to creativity and the will to involvement are all
critical to economic, social and cultural progress, and they are best fostered and protected within
democratic systems. In this sense, the economic act of privatization can be as well a political act,
enabling greater human creativity and participation. The best way to cultivate a citizen's readiness
to participate in the development of his or her country, to arouse that person's energy, imagination
and commitment, is by recognizing and respecting human dignity and human rights. The material
means of progress can be acquired, but human resources — skilled, spirited and inventive workers
~ are indispensable, as is the enrichment found through mutual dialogue and the free interchange
of ideas. In this way, a culture of democracy, marked by communication, dialogue and openness to
the ideas and activities of the world, helps to foster a culture of development.

Democracy is not an affirmation of the individual at the expense of the community; it is through
democracy that individual and collective rights, the rights of persons and the rights of peoples, can
be reconciled. Many different balances can be struck between the rights of individuals and the
rights of the community within the context of democratic politics. Democratic processes are the
most reliable way to

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ensure that these balances are genuinely reflective of a people's broader culture, which> in every
society, must itself serve as the ballast for the healthy functioning of democracy.

Democracy today is receiving widespread acknowledgement for its capacity to foster good gov-
ernance, which is perhaps the single most important development variable within the control of
 individual States. By providing legitimacy for government and encouraging people's participation
in decision-making on the issues that affect their lives, democratic processes contribute to the ef-
fectiveness of state policies and development strategies. Democratic institutions and practices fos-
ter the governmental accountability and transparency necessary to deter national and transnational
crime and corruption and encourage increased responsiveness to popular concerns. In develop-
ment, they increase the likelihood that state goals reflect broad societal concerns and that govern-
ment is sensitive to the societal and environmental costs of its development policies.

Non-democratic States over time tend to generate conditions inimical to development: politicized
military rule; a weak middle class; a population constrained to silence; prohibitions on travel; cen-
sorship; restrictions on the practice of religion or imposition of religious obligations; and perva-
sive and often institutionalized corruption. Without democratic institutions to channel popular
pressures for development and reform, popular unrest and instability will result. The reality is that
no State can long remain just or free — and thus also have the potential to pursue a successful and
sustainable development strategy ~ if its citizens are prohibited from participating actively and
substantially in its political processes and economic, social and cultural development. Increasingly,
it is from this perspective that democracy is being seen today — as a practical necessity.

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III. The Foundation for Action

The consensus that is currently taking shape on the practical importance of democracy finds the
United Nations well-placed to respond to the requests of its Member States for assistance in de-
mocratization.

At the time of the United Nations' founding in 1945, as the Second World War was drawing to a
close, the overriding aim was to prevent the recurrence of global conflict. With the creation of the
United Nations, the founders began a second experiment in democratic international organization,
building upon the League of Nations and the logic of its Covenant, framed in the aftermath of the
First World War. The Covenant was intended to guard against the dangers of thwarted nationalism
through respect for self-determination; to transcend the dangerous reliance on power balances
through a shared system of security; to reverse the arms race through disarmament; and to replace
secret treaties with open, international diplomacy. Democracy within and among States was under-
stood as the binding element of these efforts. It would preserve the sovereignty and political inde-
pendence of nations, by allowing individuals to exercise their fundamental right to political par-
ticipation, and of peoples, by allowing them to exercise their fundamental right to self-
determination. It would foster State participation in democratic international organizations and
processes and in collective security arrangements. It would also encourage respect for the rule of
law within and among States. The same understanding of democracy underpins the Charter of the
United Nations. Within the original framework of the Charter, democracy was understood as es-
sential to efforts to prevent future aggression, and to support the sovereign State as the basic guar-
antor of human rights, the basic mechanism for solving national problems, and the basic element
of a peaceful and cooperative international system.

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The word "democracy" does not appear in the Charter. However, with the opening words of that
document, "We the Peoples of the United Nations", the founders invoked the most fundamental
principle of democracy, rooting the sovereign authority of the Member States - and thus the le-
gitimacy of the Organization which they were to compose - in the will of their peoples. The Char-
ter offers a vision of democratic States and democracy among them that both derives from and
aims to realize the founders' "faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the
human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small" (preamble).
Their commitment to democracy shows in the stated Purposes of the United Nations to promote
respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples (art. 1, para. 2; art. 55)
and for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without discrimination (art. 1, para. 3; art.
55). It is further revealed in the stated Principle of the United Nations that "the Organization is
based on the principle of the sovereign equality of its Members" (art. 2, para. 1).

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted unanimously by the General Assembly in
1948, elaborates upon this original commitment to democracy. The Universal Declaration pro-
claims the right of all individuals to take part in government, to have equal access to public serv-
ice, and to vote and be elected. It further states that "the will of the people shall be the basis of
authority of government", and that "this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections
which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent
free voting procedures" (art. 21). It also declares the right to equality before the law, to freedom of
opinion and expression, and to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.

The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted by
the General Assembly in 1960, strongly reaffirmed the right of all peoples to self-determination
and declared that, "by. virtue of that right [all peoples] freely determine their political status and
freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development" (art. 2). The Declaration also
called for "immediate steps" to "be taken, in Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories or all other
territories which have not yet attained independence, to transfer all powers to the peoples of those
territories, without any conditions or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed will
and desire, without any distinction as to race, creed or colour, in order to enable them to enjoy
complete independence and freedom" (art. 5).

Taken together, these three primary documents, the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial
Countries and Peoples, provide a clear and solid foundation for a United Nations role and respon-
sibility in democratization.

Soon after the birth of the Organization, however, the onset of the cold war effectively truncated
United Nations support for its Member States in democratization. On one side of the global ideo-
logical confrontation were States which claimed to have peace and democracy at home, and which
supported peoples' calls for self-determination and democratization abroad. Yet these States often
misappropriated the name of democracy and acted in drastically undemocratic ways. On the other
side were States which endeavoured to maintain peace and democracy at home and to promote
those objectives within other States. Yet these States often supported authoritarian regimes, on the
grounds that those regimes opposed communism and defended market freedoms, or used non-
democratic means to achieve their foreign policy goals. The actions of both sides seemed to sug-
gest a belief that peace and democracy within States could be achieved by war and non-democracy
among States.

The cold war thus interrupted the project of democratic international organization begun by the
founders. Throughout the decades of this confrontation, many of the major decisions of interna-
 tional peace and security were taken outside the United Nations and managed within the context
of a

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non-democratic system, the bipolar system. The principle of self-determination was usurped and
manipulated. International law became a casualty. The bright prospects for democracy within and
among States soon faded to a faint glow.

Nonetheless, during that time the United Nations was active in keeping international organization
alive, in promoting and facilitating decolonization, in easing the transition of newly independent
peoples into the international State system, in promoting economic and social development, in
building human rights machinery and in defending international law. The principle of self-
determination was reaffirmed not only in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Co-
lonial Countries and Peoples but also in the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights
and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which both entered into force in 1976 - the latter
Covenant making clear that economic, social and cultural rights stand on an equal basis with civil
and political rights. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in its Article 25 reaf-
firmed and made binding respect for the right of all individuals to take part in public affairs, to
vote and be elected in periodic and genuine elections, and to have equal access to public service. It
did the same for other basic human rights critical to the achievement of genuine electoral proc-
esses and democratic government, such as freedom of expression, of information, of assembly, of
association and movement, and freedom from intimidation.

The foundation for a United Nations role in democratization was thus fortified even during the
global contest of the cold war. As the era of superpower confrontation was coming to an end, and
the drive for democratization gained momentum, there emerged a fresh prospect for the pursuit of
the Charter's original goals — and for offering assistance in democratization.

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IV. An Evolving United Nations Role

The new acclaim for democracy and growing recognition of United Nations potential in democra-
tization have been reflected most obviously in the General Assembly's increased attention in re-
cent years to enhancing the effectiveness of the principle of periodic and genuine elections. In its
resolutions on this matter, which has appeared annually on its agenda since 1988, the General As-
sembly has reasserted the foundation for a United Nations role in democratization by explicitly
reaffirming the relevant principles, purposes and rights articulated in the Charter of the United
Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights. In a related series of resolutions on respect for the principles of national sover-
eignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes, the Assem-
bly has explicitly recalled its resolution containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independ-
ence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.

The General Assembly also has placed a dual emphasis on democracy as an ideal and as an essen-
tial ingredient for progress. In its resolution 43/157 of
 8 December 1988, reaffirming that the will of the people, expressed in periodic and genuine elec-
tions, shall be the basis of authority of government, the General Assembly stressed that, "as a mat-
ter of practical experience, the right of everyone to take part in the government of his or her coun-
try is a crucial factor in the effective enjoyment of a wide range of other human rights and funda-
mental freedoms, embracing political, economic, social, and cultural rights".

38. This series of General Assembly resolutions, together with the respondent reports submitted
by
myself and other relevant United Nations entities, illustrates the ongoing process of dialogue,
assessment, debate and reform in the area of electoral assistance that has emerged in response to
the

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rising tide of interest in democratization and requests for United Nations support. This process has
been influenced and received added impetus from the dialogue taking place in international con-
ferences, particularly the World Conference on Human Rights, which was convened by the
United Nations in Vienna in June 1993, and the First and Second International Conferences of
New or Restored Democracies, held respectively in Manila in June 1988, with 13 countries par-
ticipating, and in Managua in July 1994, with 74 countries participating. The result has been the
establishment of a Focal Point for Electoral Assistance Requests within the United Nations De-
partment of Political Affairs, along with an Electoral Assistance Division (EAD); the establish-
ment of various trust funds for electoral assistance; the creation of a global Electoral Assistance
Information Network, coordinated by the EAD, in which an increasing number of intergovern-
mental, non-governmental and private organizations are participating; and, on the operational
level, the refinement of procedures and design of new approaches to electoral assistance.

The evolution of this reform process in the electoral field has coincided with a major reorienta-
tion of Member States' requests for technical assistance in institution-building, evident in the ex-
panding interest of the United Nations agencies and programmes in the social dimension of de-
velopment and in the question of governance. The scope of requests for assistance made by
Member States has broadened, and now encompasses assistance provided before, during and af-
ter the holding of elections in order to "ensure the continuation and consolidation of democratiza-
tion processes in Member States requesting assistance" (General Assembly resolution 48/131 of
20 December 1993).

It is on the availability of such assistance from the United Nations system, and following on a re-
quest made in the Managua Plan of Action, that the General Assembly requested me to prepare
the 7 August 1995 report, "Support by the United Nations System of the Efforts of Governments
to Promote and Consolidate New or Restored Democracies". That report, as well as the 18 Octo-
ber 1996 report of the same title, details the range of available assistance, from assistance in the
creation of a political culture in which democratization can take root, to assistance in democratic
elections, to assistance in building institutions which support democratization.

The reports emphasize that democratization must have indigenous support if it is to take root
within a society. The United Nations assists Member States in building such support by helping
to promote a culture of democracy. With its impartiality and universal legitimacy, and its
 Charter-based purpose of promoting human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, the United
Nations is uniquely placed to provide such assistance.

Assistance in creating a culture of democracy can take many forms and often is provided in the
context of electoral assistance, although it is and need not be limited to that context. In Cambodia
(1993) and El Salvador (1994), the United Nations helped the parties to conduct a fair electoral
campaign — free from partisan intimidation ~ through diplomacy, civic education programmes
and efforts to ensure fair access to the media. In Mozambique (1994), the United Nations has
helped transform the Resistencia Nacional de Mocambique (RENAMO) into a political party and
facilitated the country's transition from a one-party to a multi-party system. In many other coun-
tries around the world, United Nations programmes for the return of refugees and displaced per-
sons to their home territories constitute a major contribution to the re-creation of a polity within
which democratization may be seriously contemplated.

Support for a culture of democracy has proved critical to success in holding free and fair elections
in which all actors in society ~ government officials, political leaders, parliamentarians, judicial
officials, police and military forces and individual citizens — play their accorded roles. Moreo-
ver, it has proved critical to ensuring that electoral results are respected and that there is wide-
spread support among all actors for the continued practice of democratic politics beyond a first
referendum or election. In this

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regard, should a political stalemate or crisis at some point occur which threatens to derail the de-
mocratization process or to interrupt the practice of democratic politics, the United Nations should
be ready to serve as a neutral and confidential mediator to try to facilitate a peaceful and satisfying
resolution of the dispute. The request of the parties concerned is a prerequisite.

This same emphasis on the continuation and consolidation of democratization processes has
guided the United Nations' refinement of procedures and design of new approaches in the field of
electoral assistance, although the purpose of elections themselves must not be to decide on
whether or not democratization will go forward but to elect a legitimate government. The United
Nations offers electoral assistance which aims to build both confidence in democratic political
processes and long-term national capacity to conduct periodic and genuine elections. The United
Nations endeavours to help States construct an electoral process and electoral infrastructure using
appropriate technology. Where possible, it assists in the creation of a national network for elec-
toral observation, which encourages the participation of national political parties and non-
governmental organizations and thereby strengthens simultaneously national capacity and base of
support for continued democratization.

Beyond fostering a culture of democracy and holding democratic elections lies the evident and
crucial need to prepare, and to continually renew and strengthen, the institutional ground in which
democratization can take shape. The United Nations provides a wide variety of assistance in this
area, encompassing much of its operational work in development and human rights, and focusing
on both state institutions and the institutions of civil society. As stressed in my two reports, the
United Nations offers assistance in institution-building for democratization that encompasses far
more than helping Member States to create democratic structures of government, or to strengthen
 existing ones. United Nations assistance in institution-building also involves helping to improve
accountability and transparency, to build national capacity, and to reform the civil service ~ in a
word, good governance. It involves institutional support for the rule of law, in which United Na-
tions departments, agencies and programmes help States to reform and strengthen legal and judi-
cial systems, to build human rights institutions - including those of a humanitarian character, to
create police and military forces respectful of human rights and the rule of law, to provide police
forces that enforce the rule of law and to depoliticize military establishments. Finally, United Na-
tions assistance in this area involves institution-building for social development, such as helping to
create independent trade unions or to promote the full integration of women into all aspects of po-
litical, social, cultural and economic life — a task of particular importance to the consolidation of
democratization.

The entire range of United Nations assistance — from support for a culture of democracy to assis-
tance in institution-building for democratization — may well be understood as a key component of
peace-building. Peace-building is a new approach which emphasizes that in order to achieve last-
ing peace, the effort to prevent, control and resolve conflicts must include action to address the
underlying economic, social, cultural, humanitarian and political roots of conflict and to
strengthen the foundations for development.

The proliferation of actors engaged in such activities, supporting democratization, has on the
whole been a positive trend. Requesting States and their peoples - which themselves represent a
wide diversity of circumstances, characteristics and priorities ~ are being offered a rich variety of
perspectives, capacities, approaches and techniques from which to choose. Yet, with this prolif-
eration of actors and activity also comes the risk of confusion, waste and duplication of effort. As
in the field of development, the United Nations today can help to rationalize and harmonize the
multiplicity of public and private efforts worldwide in the field of democratization.

To illustrate, in cases where the United Nations has been entrusted with a peace-making or

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peace-keeping mandate to help bring about national reconciliation and democratic consolidation,
the establishment of informal, ad-hoc groups of States to support the United Nations in that effort
has served to harmonize diplomatic initiatives and to achieve, among other aims, a coordinated
approach in promoting a culture of democracy. Such has been the case, for example, with the
"Friends of the Secretary-General for El Salvador", the "Friends of the Secretary-General for Gua-
temala" and the "Friends of the Secretary-General for Haiti", where the United Nations and the
Organization of American States have deployed a joint civilian human rights mission.

In electoral assistance, lack of coordination among international actors risks far more than waste
and duplication. Conflicting advice from technical consultants, overfunding of or attention to par-
ticular electoral components to the detriment of others, and lack of unity in assessments by elec-
toral observers, whether made before, during or after an election, are all possible results. Each can
carry potentially severe consequences for the overall electoral effort.

The United Nations Focal Point for Electoral Assistance Requests, the Under-Secretary-General
for Political Affairs, helps to ensure coordination among the primary United Nations units active
 in the electoral field. Among all international actors in the electoral field, coordination is served by
ongoing United Nations activities, such as the maintenance of the global Electoral Assistance In-
formation Network, the publication and dissemination of guidelines and handbooks on electoral
assistance, and the convening of workshops and seminars with various governmental, intergov-
ernmental and non-governmental partners of the United Nations in electoral assistance. On the
operational level, the United Nations can provide an umbrella framework for communication and
coordination. Where possible, the United Nations has fostered joint operations with regional inter-
governmental organizations. Such field cooperation has brought positive results for the requesting
States, assisting organizations and relevant donors, and bodes well for enhanced coordination in
the future.

In institution-building for democratization, the task of coordination among international actors is

substantially more complex and difficult than in the electoral field. Institution-building for democ-
ratization not only involves a far larger and more diverse group of actors; it is a newer and wider
area of international activity, which, unlike electoral assistance, lacks a precise organizational fo-
cus. Coordination of international actors is essential to avoid waste and duplication and, more im-
portantly, to avoid conflicting advice from technical consultants, programmes working at cross
purposes, and overfunding of or attention to particular aspects of the democratization process to
the detriment of others; the last could lead in turn to an imbalance between the capacities of state
and civic institutions. Any or all of these results could undermine the overall effort to consolidate
democratization.

The United Nations is well placed to facilitate coordination among international actors engaged in
institution-building for democratization. The United Nations maintains a global network of re-
gional economic and social commissions and country offices. The global mandate of the United
Nations spans economic, social, security, political, humanitarian and human rights issues, which is
why the United Nations is active across virtually the full range of issues relevant to democratiza-
tion and can help integrate these issues into a wider effort linking peace-keeping, refugee assis-
tance, relief efforts, reconstruction and development. Finally, the United Nations itself accounts
for many of the international actors engaged in institution-building for democratization.

The United Nations serves coordination in institution-building by strengthening coordination

within its own organizational framework and within the United Nations system as a whole. The
Administrative Committee on Coordination, chaired by the Secretary-General and comprised of
the executive heads of all the United Nations programmes and specialized agencies, including the
Bretton Woods institutions, works to foster an effective division of labour within the United Na-
tions system and to promote joint
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initiatives toward common objectives. An important part of this effort is the United Nations resi-
dent coordinator system, designed to promote effective coordination among all economic and so-
cial actors at the country-level. In the context of peace-keeping, this coordinating role is fulfilled
by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General in command of the operation. This coordi-
nation effort within the United Nations system already allows for and encourages the participation
of non-United Nations actors, both governmental and non-governmental. Through this effort can
be developed an expanding network for information-sharing, policy development and programme
cooperation in democratization support. In this context, post-election needs-assessment missions
aimed at recommending programmes that might contribute to democratic consolidation could be a
useful basis for formulating coordinated approaches and joint initiatives among international ac-
 tors. Such missions are now offered by the United Nations Electoral Assistance Division at the re-
quest of the General Assembly in its resolution 48/131 of 20 December 1993.

For the United Nations, the task of fostering communication and coordination among international
actors in democratization assistance goes hand-in-hand with the effort to strengthen the interna-
tional context for such assistance. Toward this end, the convening of international conferences has
proved to be an effective mechanism.

With the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, held in Rio de Janeiro in
June 1992, the United Nations began a series of international conferences that have brought to-
gether not only all States, but also relevant non-governmental organizations and other representa-
tives of civil society, to focus on interlocking economic and social issues by considering their im-
pact on the human person and human communities. At Rio, the focus was on sustainable devel-
opment and the necessity for a new and equitable partnership among all States, developed and de-
veloping, and between government and civil society at all levels. At Vienna (June 1993), the world
turned to human rights and, particularly, to the mutually-reinforcing relationship between democ-
racy, development and respect for human rights. At Cairo (September 1994), the focus was on
population and development, linking demographic change to development policies. At Copenha-
gen (March 1995), the age-old problems of poverty, unemployment and social disintegration were
considered as global problems requiring global attention. At Beijing (September 1995), the ad-
vancement of women was discussed as a key to progress in the search for equality, development
and peace. At Midrand, South Africa (May 1996), trade and development were addressed in the
context of globalization and liberalization, and at Istanbul (June 1996), the focus was on human
settlements and the problems of development in cities.

Taken together, these conferences evidence an emerging global consensus on democracy itself and,
more clearly, on an array of issues directly and indirectly relevant to democratization. This consen-
sus is being translated into international norms, agreements and specific commitments, integrated
by Member States into national priorities, and supported by the United Nations and others through
operational activities.

Through international conferences and in other ways, such as, for example, the resumed 50th ses-
sion of the General Assembly on public administration and development (15-19 April 1996), the
United Nations fosters a supportive international environment for democratizing States ~ and, in-
deed, for all democracies, new and long-established ~ which encourages consolidation of democ-
ratization while helping to guard against erosion, reversal or abandonment of democratic politics.

Yet, the objective to create a supportive international environment for democracy and democratiz-
ing States requires expanded effort. If the new phenomenon of democratization within States is to
be fully understood, and its progress certainly advanced, it must be considered in its full interna-
tional context.

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This means recognizing, as in 1945, the positive relationship between democracy and the function-
ing of the international system. The logic of the Charter is today made manifest as United Nations
support for democratization is helping to prevent aggression, and to foster the construction and
maintenance of viable and independent States as the basic guarantors of human rights, the basic
mechanisms for solving national problems, and the basic elements of a peaceful and cooperative
international system.

Since 1945 this relationship has evolved. The reality of globalization and the new world environ-
ment now require democratization at the international level, in order that democratization within
States can take root, in order that the problems brought on by globalization and which affect all
States are more effectively solved, and in order that a new, stable and equitable international sys-
tem can be constructed in the place of the bipolar system, so recently swept away.

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V. Democratization at the International Level

Democratization internationally is necessary on three interrelated fronts/The established system of

the United Nations itself has far to go before fulfilling to the extent possible the democratic poten-
tial of its present desigrvsmd in transforming those structures which are insufficiently democratic.
The participation of newactors on the international scene is an acknowj<euged fact; providing
them with agreed means of participation in the formal system, heretofore primarily the province of
States, is a new task of our time. A third cnsdlenge will be to achieve a culture/of democracy inter-
nationally. This will require not only a society of States committed to democrauyprinciples and
processes. It will also demand an enlarged internationaKcivil society deeply involved in demo-
cratic institutions, whether State, inter-State or supra-State, private orquasi-private; committed to
democratic practices, procedures and political pluralism; and composed of peoples ingramed with
those habits of openness, fairness and tolerance that have been associated with oemocragy since
ancient times.

There are of course substantial differencesSetween democratization at the international level and
democratization within States. At the inteomtionaUevel there are international organizations and
institutions, and international decision-nraking and international law, but no international structure
equivalent to that of state GovernmentsInternational sofcjety is both a society of States and a soci-
ety of individual persons. Nonetheless, thexoncept of democratization as a process which can cre-
ate a more open, more participatory, less authoritarian society, applies b\tii nationally and interna-
tionally.

There are likewise substantial differences between the ideas or^ational democracy and interna-
tional democracy. Growing recognition of the practical importance of democracy within States has
nevertheless contributed w growing recognition of the practical importanse of democracy among
States, and generated increased/demand for democratization internationally. >.

Individual involvement in the political process enhances the accountability anaN^sponsiveness of

government. Governments which are responsive and accountable are likely to be stable\and to
promote peace. Many internal conflicts stem from the belief, justified or not, that the State does
not^represent all groups in societVor that it seeks to impose an exclusive ideology. Democracy is
the way to mediate the various social interests in a particular community. In the international
community, it is the way to^i promote the participation of all actors and to provide a possibility to
solve conflicts by dialogue rather than by force of arms. The process of democratization interna-
tionally can therefore help promote peaceful relations among States.
 With participation, economic and social development become meaningful and establish deeper
roots.

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accommodate diversity. Democratic processes at the international level therefore provide the best
way to
reconcile the different legal systems of States. With continued democratization internationally, one
can
contemplate the eventual creation of a common international legal system - not to replace national
legal
systems, but to serve in certain kinds of cases as a core institution of democratic cooperation
within and
among States. \

The establishment of thsTnternational Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, and the^actions of the Se-
curity Council establishing international tribunals on war crimes comntittejLkf'the former Yugo-
slavia and in Rwanda, are important stepVtoward the effective rule of law in international affairs.
The next step must be the further expansion of international jurisdiction. The Gene^afAssembly in
1994 created an ad hoc committee to consider the establishment of a permanent international
criminal court, based upon a report and draft Statute prepared by the International Law Commis-
sion. The Assembly has since established a preparatory committee to prepare\^aft convention for
such a court that could be considered at an international conference of plenm^tentiaries. This mo-
mentum must not be lost. The establishment of an international criminal couj^wouhLbe a monu-
mental advance, affording, at last, a genuine international jurisdictional protectiento some of^the
world's major legal achievements. The benefits would be manifold, enforcing fanaamental hu-
manNights and through the prospect of enforcing individual criminal responsibility ftXgrave in-
ternational crimhs. deterring their commission.

This area of United Najions activity, promoting democratizatioXinternationally, exemplifies the

seamless connection between the United Nations roles in peace-buildirrg^at the State level and in
the maintenance of the international system. As is apparent in the diversity ofrrew actors to be ac-
counted for and in the changes^ architecture to be addressed, this task of the United Nations has
become increasingly complex in recent years. It amounts to nothing less than managing the con-
struction of a new internationaLgystem in an increasingly globalized environment, marked by a
rapidly expanding array of non-State gctors. It amounts to nothing less than peace-building at the
international level, in the aftermath of the cold war.

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VI. Conclusion: Toward an Agenda for Democratization

In June 1992, at the request of the Security Council, I issued An Agenda for Peace, in which I em-
phasized the need for a comprehensive approach to peace and security, incorporating preventive
diplomacy, peacemaking, peace-keeping and peace-building. I also drew the attention of the inter-
national community, in this report, to the reality that peace and development can no longer be re-
garded as separate undertakings.
 In May 1994, at the request of the General Assembly, I produced a companion report to An
Agenda for Peace, entitled An Agenda for Development. In this report, I presented development as
a multidimensional enterprise that involves far more than economic growth. Development efforts
have to be guided by a new understanding of the different dimensions of development, among
which is democracy as good governance.

This paper has been motivated by the evident desire for democratization, not only within States,
but also among them and throughout the international system. It has been rooted in the conviction
that peace, development and democracy are inextricably linked. While recognizing that the rela-
tions between these three great concepts remain a matter of controversy, this paper, in a sense,
completes my reflections on An Agenda for Peace and An Agenda for Development and is offered
in the hope it will motivate intensified international debate on the two agendas and contribute to
the necessary construction of a third

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essential agenda, an agenda for democratization.

At the heart of this debate will be the difficult questions, raised by democratization, of prioritiza-
tion and timing among peace, development and democracy — questions which have been a con-
stant concern throughout this paper. In some cases, peace, development and democracy have been
pursued simultaneously. Such was the case in Cambodia, El Salvador and Mozambique, where
United Nations efforts in support of democratization served as a link between conflict resolution,
on the one hand, and reconstruction and development, on the other.

In other cases, however, the joint pursuit of these goals has proved more difficult than expected, at
times contributing to political instability, social disarray and economic disappointment. These ex-
periences have brought to the fore the main question of prioritization: whether democratization
requires as a precondition the achievement within a nation of a certain level of peace and devel-
opment.

Peace can be seen as essential, for without some degree of peace, neither development nor democ-
racy is possible. Yet, both development and democracy are essential if peace is to endure. The ar-
ticulation between development and democracy is more complex. Experience has shown that de-
velopment can take place without democracy. However, there is little to suggest that development
requires an authoritarian regime and much to suggest that, over the long term, democracy is an
essential ingredient for sustainable development. At the same time, development is an essential
ingredient for true democracy so that, beyond formal equality, all members of society are empow-
ered to participate in their own political system.

This paper does not pretend to provide an easy answer to the questions of prioritization and timing
that have arisen with the new wave of democratization. Rather, it seeks, by drawing out the lessons
of experience, to help shape a platform of understanding upon which solutions can be built. Fore-
most among these lessons is that there is no one model of democratization or democracy suitable
to all societies. The path adopted by each society depends upon its historical circumstances, eco-
nomic situation, and the political will and commitment of its members.
 Realism imposes prioritization upon States. Each State must be free to determine for itself its pri-
orities for the welfare of its people. This prioritization, however, should only be applied over the
short term and cannot serve States as a pretext for the neglect of any one of the three objectives of
peace, development and democracy.

Given the potential dangers of democratization, a cautious approach is understandable and, in fact,
necessary. However, with this caution must come the crucial recognition that these dangers can be
reduced. Lessons learned about democratization over the past few years suggest ways in which
democratization can be undertaken more safely and effectively, and more certainly advanced. De-
mocratization requires a comprehensive approach, addressing not only the holding of free and fair
elections, but also the construction of a political culture of democracy and the development and
maintenance of institutions to support the ongoing practice of democratic politics. Democratization
must seek to achieve a balance between the institutions of the State and the institutions of civil
society. In order to succeed over time, democratization within States must also be supported by a
process of democratization among States and throughout the international system.

Democratization internationally brings with it its own set of problems of prioritization and timing.
Democratization internationally, as this paper has sought to show, can be a contribution to peace
and development. However, there is a concern that international efforts to deal with the outbreak
of conflict may detract attention and resources away from development cooperation and democra-
tization support.

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Between development and democratization the articulation is, here again, more complex. Democ-
ratization internationally can serve the cause of social equity and be a powerful tool for address-
ing the alarming socio-economic gap between North and South. At the same time, however, de-
mocratization internationally may itself require the reduction of the North-South gap, so that all
States are empowered to participate in the international political system, to which they all belong.
This latter concern goes beyond the question of resources available for State participation. If de-
mocratization internationally is to include the increased participation of new non-State actors, the
fact that the vast majority of these actors today come from the North must be considered.

With its global mandate and as the world's most inclusive global forum, the role of the United
Nations in democratization is, in a sense, to help States and the international community deal with
the questions of prioritization and timing as they arise both nationally and internationally.
Through the United Nations, the three great goals of peace, development and democracy can re-
ceive the comprehensive treatment they deserve.

The United Nations project in democratic international organization, begun some fifty years ago,
has gained new momentum. Yet, significant obstacles remain. The disruptions and distortions of
recent decades must be overcome. The original understandings of 1945 must be restored and hard-
won wisdom readily applied. Disillusion created by the manifest difficulties of creating a new
international system must be surmounted. The wave of democratization must be seen in its full
context, as a movement of global extent and requiring integration of all levels of world affairs.
 While democratization must take place at all levels of human society — local, national, regional
and global — the special power of democratization lies in its logic, which flows from the individ-
ual human person, the one irreducible entity in world affairs and the logical source of all human
rights. At the same time that democratization will rely upon individual commitment to flourish,
democratization will foster the conditions necessary for the individual to flourish. Beyond all the
obstacles lie bright prospects for the future.

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"Because I believe the advance of liberty is the path to both a safer and better world, today I propose establishing a
Democracy Fund within the United Nations. This is a great calling for this great organization...To show our commit-
ment to the new Democracy Fund, the United States will make an initial contribution." -President George W. Bush,
UN General Assembly, September 21, 2004
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On July 4, 2005, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan announced the establishment of a UN Democracy Fund. The idea
for the Fund was first articulated by President Bush in a speech before the UN General Assembly last fall and has
been embraced by the 141 nations that attended the third ministerial meeting of the Community of Democracies in
Santiago, Chile in April 2005. The UN Democracy Fund builds on the UN General Assembly's commitment to pro-
mote and consolidate new and restored democracies, as expressed in a resolution adopted in 2003. Annan's an-
nouncement is an important step toward the September 2005 World Summit where world leaders will seek consen-
sus on a UN Reform plan.

26 Countries Express Their Support

The United States has declared its intention of being among the first donors, and President Bush has requested $10
million for the U.S.' initial contribution in his FY06 Budget Request. In a June 2005 letter to Kofi Annan, 26 countries,
including the United States, expressed their support for the creation of the Fund. It would, they said, play "a valuable
role in highlighting the importance of democracy and U.N. involvement in democratic development." The Democracy
Fund will be operational in time for the September 2005 World Summit, making it possible for participating countries
to contribute to it.

The UN Democracy Fund will be a voluntary fund housed in the UN Fund for International Partnerships (UNFIP)*, but
with its own Executive Head who will report to an Advisory Board of Member States on substantive matters. In order
to ensure transparency and accountability, a dedicated support office will arrange for monitoring, evaluation and
auditing of the program.

A New Chapter in the UN's Efforts to Promote Democratic Institutions and Practices
The UN Democracy Fund is the latest manifestation of the UN's commitment to supporting emerging democracies
with legal, technical and financial assistance and advice. On-going activities include:
LEARN ABOUT THE US-UN

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Electoral Assistance: UN officials lent logistical and strategic support to over twenty elections in the last
year alone, including Afghanistan, Palestine and Burundi. In Iraq, the UN assisted the formation of the
Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq (IECI) that supported the January 2005 elections.

Democratic Governance: In Iraq, the UN is reaching out to groups such as the Sunni Arabs that did not
take part in the elections, but are willing to engage in dialogue and peaceful negotiations to reach their
goals. As the newly-elected National Assembly drafts its first constitution, UN advisors are also guiding
this process.

Democracy Caucus: In 2000, foreign ministers of a majority of Member States met in Warsaw to found
the Community of Democracies, a precursor of the Democracy Caucus. The purpose of the Caucus, with
a membership of over 100 countries, is to "forge common positions on democracy-related resolutions
and activities."

Rule of Law: Upon completion of Peacekeeping missions, the UN remains engaged to ensure that the
peace is buttressed by stable political institutions and the rule of law. Currently, a political mission in East
Timor is developing and strengthening the countries judicial, human rights and police capacities.

Anti-Corruption: In 2003, the General Assembly adopted the UN Convention against Corruption. The
UN Office on Drugs and Crime also coordinates efforts to prevent and control corruption by offering
 guidance, technical assistance and evaluation services to countries. In Nigeria and Kenya, the UN is
currently helping the governments recover assets looted by corrupt officials.

With the pledge to establish the Democracy Fund, the Secretary-General is committed to bet-
ter coordinating the on-going democratic governance and election assistance work of diverse
UN agencies. The UN Democracy Fund provides the UN with a new tool for the promotion of
democracy and the strengthening of the rule of law.

* The Secretary-General established UNFIP in March 1998 to coordinate, channel and monitor contribu-
tions from the UN Foundation. Additionally, UNFIP works to build other partnerships between the UN and
a variety of organizations, including the business community, foundations, and international and bilateral
donors.

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