VOLUME VI ISSUE I AUGUST 2010

State Sovereignty vs. Self-Determination

Science And Diplomacy: Bridging The Gap
The Israel-Palestine Conflict: New Perspectives

Climate Change: A Security Issue

Changing Asia-Australia Relations
Language Barriers: An Enduring Divide
 A WORD FROM THE EDITOR

In recent years, the celebratory rhetoric about globalisation

The Sydney Globalist is a member of Global21, an international network of
undergraduate global affairs magazines founded by Yale University. Visit
and the erosion of state borders appears to have shifted. There
our website at www.thesydneyglobalist.org. has been a renaissance in the study of borders and the creation
The views expressed in The Sydney Globalist are those of its contributors of a counter-narrative to the notion that we live in a ‘borderless
alone. Neither its Board of Advisers nor the University of Sydney are world’. In this edition of The Sydney Globalist, our contributors
responsible for its contents. consider the role of borders in the 21st century.
Editorial Team Drawing on a variety of case studies, our contributors
Editor-in-Chief May Samali convincingly suggest that borders have been reconfigured,
Deputy Editor-in-Chief Richard Sawyer rather than uniformly eroded; territorial boundaries continue
Publisher Oliver Bolton
to cause major political instability, and state frontiers remain
Chief Copy Editor Lukasz Swiatek
one of the most visible features of our international system.
Artistic Design and Layout
Borders, both real and imagined, play a central role in shaping,
Hee-Jung Kim
Juliet Lui dividing, and uniting the world’s societies, economies, and
Associate Editors Neroli Austin ecosystems.
Genevieve Curtis
Lewis d’Avigdor
In our lead article, ‘Beyond War: The Globalisation of Tamil
Jessica Evans Nationalism’, Sam Thampapillai and Mario Emmanuel
Benjamin Friis O’Toole challenge the popular notion that security is served by
Tarsha Gavin maintaining the inviolability of state sovereignty. Instead,
Misa Han
Glenn Kembrey
Thampapillai and Emmanuel advocate the recognition of
Wesley Lalich self-determination as a primary right in international law.
Jahan Navidi Other contributors explore solutions to the Israel-Palestine
Juliette O’Brien border conflict; the potential for linguistic differences to
Mekela Panditharatne
Monty Pounder
serve as ‘dividers’; the role of ethnicity and religion in border
Assistant Copy Editors
skirmishes; the socio-economic divisions that haunt both
Olivia Barlow
Shaun Crowe South Africa and Dubai; and the conundrum of the ‘Third
Dominic Dietrich Culture Kid’. I encourage you to visit the online edition of
Mihajla Gavin our magazine to access additional articles that have not been
Jonathan Hon
included in this print edition.
Rachael Hyde
Anna Solar-Bassett These contributions lead us to a nuanced understanding of
Hariharan Thirunavukkarasu
borders as dynamic institutions, rather than simply lines on
Board of Advisers a map. They are the frameworks through which power is
The Hon. Catherine Branson QC, President, Australian Human Rights
expressed and control is practiced. Therefore, the securing of
Commission borders is not simply a matter of securing state sovereignty.
Professor Alan Dupont, Director of the Centre for International Security Borders also demarcate zones of inclusion and exclusion in
Studies, University of Sydney relation to broader social, economic, and cultural practices,
Professor the Hon. Gareth Evans AO QC, President Emeritus,
International Crisis Group
such as language and religion. I would like to take this
Professor Graeme Gill, University of Sydney opportunity to congratulate our contributors for encouraging
Mr. Owen Harries, Senior Fellow, Centre for Independent Studies us to think about global issues in a constructive manner and
Professor Michael Jackson, University of Sydney with a sense of hope and idealism.
The Hon. Michael Kirby AC CMG
Dr. Milton Osborne, Adjunct Professor, Australian National University With the publication of this edition, it brings me great pleasure
Professor Linda Weiss, University of Sydney to welcome The Hon. Catherine Branson QC, the President
sponsors of the Australian Human Rights Commission, to our honorary
Platinum Sponsor Board of Advisers. The continued expansion of our magazine
Melbourne Law School would not be possible without the support of our Board and the
Gold Sponsors generosity of our sponsors. Last, but not least, I wish to extend
Dr Michael Spence, Vice-Chancellor and Principal, University of Sydney
my heartfelt thanks to the members of our editorial team, who
Department of Government and International Relations, University of
Sydney have worked tirelessly to assemble this issue. Thank you for
Faculty of Business and Law, Edith Cowan University your efforts.
Sydney Law School
University of New South Wales Law School
Silver Sponsor Yours in global affairs,
International House, University of Sydney
Distribution and Launch Partners
May Samali
University of Sydney Union
Politics Society, University of Sydney Editor-in-Chief

TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 

CONTENTS
TheSydneyGlobalist VOLUME VI ISSUE I AUGUST 2010

24
BORDER POLITICS

Beyond War:
The Globalisation of
Tamil Nationalism
Sam Thampapillai and
Mario Emmanuel

REGULARS FEATURES

4 The Roundtable 30 When Geneva Meets Genetics

Michael West
5 Global Happenings
32 The Right Track to France
48 The Last Word
Jonathan Salgo
35 The Charisma of Religion in Iran
BORDER POLITICS Clare Power
36 The Surprise Holiday
9 No Common Tongue on the Continent Drew Rooke
Lukasz Swiatek 39 Human Rights and Islamic Culture
10 We The Peoples or We The States? Ben Baxter
Anshu De Silva Wijeyeratne and Rebecca Beard
OPINION
14 No Place Like Home?
Dominic Dietrich 42 Redefining Climate Change
16 All Roads Lead to Kirkuk Andrew Tulloch
Monty Pounder 43 Children of the Education Revolution
Michael De Waal
18 Beyond the Barrier
Gabrielle Easter 44 The Next Clash of Civilisations
Andrew Cong
20 One Filter, Two Worlds
45 All That Glitters is Not Gold
Zvjezdana Kragic
Misha Munim
22 Redrawing India’s Political Map
Adam Zwi PHOTOGRAPHIC ESSAYS
23 The Myth of the Rainbow Nation 12 Kashmir: The City of Lakes
Catrina Yu Lucy Boyle
28 Peace in the Holy Land 19 Hebron as a Ghost City
Raihana Haidary Rawan Abdul-Nabi
29 On Fragile Borders 40 With Open Arms
Lewis Hamilton Melanie Brown

TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 

 THE ROUNDTABLE
VOLUME V ISSUE II NOVEMBER 2009
DIGITISING
IRAN'S
DEMOCRATIC
DEFICIT
LIBERAL DEMOCRACY:
AN ENDANGERED SPECIES
OF GOVERNANCE?
HARD POWER, SOFT POWER,
AND EVERYTHING IN BETWEEN
THE NATION-STATE:
REDUNDANT OR RELEVANT?
REDUN
Drug Car tels and the Subver sion Lessons from Afghanistan Obliging Filial Piety under
of U.S. Foreign Policy and Iraq Singaporean Law
Dissent and Cultural Context
Jahan Navidi’s article, ‘The Technological Revolution: Freedom,
Change and Democracy in Iran’, constitutes a thoughtful
reminder of the troubled and unresolved history of Iran, as well
as an insightful glimpse into the forces currently shaping its
trajectory. And it is always unnerving to be reminded of how
the West’s meddling of yesteryear has yielded today’s intractable
geopolitical issues. The role that social networking technology
is playing has become a hot topic amongst political scientists
and social commentators, and for good reasons, it would appear.
It is argued that the channels of communication that carry our
social, political and cultural interactions are being re-structured.
But to what extent is this power illusory, and are we overstating
its importance? Spaces for dissent are undoubtedly significant,
but unless dissent finds influence in government action, its effect
will be hindered.
It is also arguable that the conversation surrounding political
transformation processes in developing nations suffers from
a universal lack of differentiation in its terms. Terms like
‘democracy’ and ‘freedom’ need to be coloured by cultural
context through a consideration of more than just political
history. One of the great tasks ahead for policy makers in the
international sphere will be to negotiate the tensions between
values that are culturally specific and the unimpeachable
universal basis of human rights. An awareness of how language
works in this context is vital to moving the debate forward.
Stuart Cottle is in his final year of a Bachelor of Laws.
 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist
Stuart Cottle and Sam Gerber respond to
articles published in Volume V Issue II of
The Sydney Globalist
Chinese Democracy Unlikely
In ‘What is the Future of Liberal Democracy?’, Wesley
Lalich posits a future in which China, faced with the inherent
contradictions between a prospering economy and an
authoritarian political regime, will most likely progress towards
liberal democracy. While Wesley’s thesis is well argued and
representative of all determinist ‘grand theories’ of history, it
remains problematic. Its focus on broad, theoretical contradictions
and historical trends at the macro level means that it overlooks
the micro-level diversity that separates one historical instance
from another.
Significant societal change does not simply occur at an abstract,
ideological level, but manifests itself in elections, protests or
coups d’états: heterogeneous events that are contingent on all
kinds of micro-level ‘details’. Consider demography: South
Korea and Taiwan, which are cited by Lalich as examples of
recently liberalised states, are more or less ethnically and
culturally homogeneous. China, conversely, is riven by class,
ethnic, and urban/rural divisions. This is just one example that
supports the view that China may lack the ingredients necessary
to develop a cohesive civil society that can agitate for democratic
change.
Economic progress may create conditions ripe for liberal
democracy. Then again, it may not. Another ‘detail’, such as the
strength of the army or the intervention of another state, may
prevent that happening. What we have to remember is that if
and when it does liberalise, it will be the product of contingent
and specific ‘details’, not the inevitable realisation of abstract,
macro-level tensions.
Sam Gerber is in his third year of a Bachelor of International
Studies, majoring in Government and International Relations
and Modern Hebrew.
 THE GREAT DEBATE
Should the U.S. Use Force Against a Nuclear Iran?
Jay Wiseman and Matthew Kalyk consider arguments for and against the use of military force against the
Islamic Republic of Iran
YES
Opposition to the use of military force leaves three options
for the U.S. to prevent a nuclear Iran: covert regime change,
engagement or sanctions. None of these are credible. History
has taught the U.S. that engineering regime change through
direct intervention is very likely to backfire. In fact, in Iran
it already has: witness the lasting bitterness over the CIA’s
involvement in the overthrow of the democratically elected
Mossadegh Government in 1953. For that reason, many ‘doves’
favour engagement over direct interference. It is possible that
engagement with Iranian civil society will generate a liberalising
wave that washes away the Islamic Republic. However, time
is not on Obama’s side. That sort of liberalisation could take
decades. Thus, Obama is seeking UN Security Council sanctions
to dissuade Iran from going nuclear. But the mechanics of this
strategy are equally uncertain. The survival of hostile regimes in
Myanmar and North Korea reminds us that sanctions typically
harm ordinary civilians, not the government.
So the U.S. is presented with a stark choice between a nuclear
Iran and the use of force. What would the consequences of a
nuclear Iran be? Let us assume that Iran’s nuclear program exists
to deter U.S. and Israeli military threats, and ignore questions of
whether conventional nuclear strategy applies to a theocracy or
whether Tehran would pass nuclear materials to terrorists.
First, an emboldened, nuclear Iran will aggravate regional
tensions, expanding its support of Iraqi Shia militants and
Hezbollah, among others. The U.S. will be compelled to adopt
a costly, Cold War-style strategy of containment, including a
forward deployment of forces. Second, the U.S. will need to
extend its nuclear umbrella to Iran’s mistrustful neighbours.
But does the U.S. want to be the explicit security guarantor
for all of the crooked autocracies in the region? The U.S. will
have to be, because the alternative – a regional nuclear arms
race – involves risks that are unthinkably perilous: including
likely nuclear brinkmanship and an increase in the odds of an
accidental launch.
Certainly, military force is undesirable. But if Iran proceeds with
its program, the U.S. must make a surgical strike. Israel’s past
strikes against Iraqi and Syrian nuclear facilities gives historical
precedent and support for their effectiveness.
The serious misadventures of the U.S. in recent years do not
call for equivocation on this issue. If the world is faced with the
awful choice between the Middle East on a nuclear hair-trigger
and a surgical strike, the second option is clearly preferable.
Jay Wiseman is in his final year of a Bachelor of Laws.
NO
After World War II, the signatories to the UN Charter foreswore
war as a tool of international relations. They committed
themselves to an international framework that had as its core
the maintenance of peace and security through the prevention
of armed conflict and the promotion of peaceful resolution to
disputes. An armed attack – whether a full-scale invasion or a
‘surgical’ strike – carries with it the risk of taking innocent lives.
This value, placed on human life, underpins the requirement
under international law that any use of armed force not only be
in self-defence, but also be necessary and proportionate to the
perceived threat.
The use of military force is not simply a policy tool. It is a
last resort. An attack on Iran would neither be necessary nor
proportionate; and therefore, neither legal nor moral.
To launch such an attack would fundamentally undermine the
central purposes and mechanisms of the UN. Iran is slated to
undergo another round of sanctions by the UN Security Council.
Even if the sanctions are ultimately ineffective, the U.S. ought to
exhaust all options before the more drastic course is taken.
However, despite Ahmadinejad’s proclaimed ambivalence,
a number of factors indicate that sanctions may be working.
Sanctions are far more sophisticated than they have been in the
past, targeting particular companies and industries most likely to
harm Iran’s decision-makers. Furthermore, sanctions are slowly
gaining international support, with long-time antagonists Russia
and China easing opposition. There are even signs that the Iranian
Government and the Revolutionary Guard are starting to feel
the sting of the sanctions: as one of Iran’s former chief nuclear
negotiators stated, the sanctions are “causing international
isolation”.
Advocates of an attack regularly (and wrongly) assume that a
nuclear Iran would be just too risky. Whilst proliferation is not
ideal, history has shown that simply because a regime is unstable
and/or has deep-seated animosities, it does not have a greater
proclivity to use nuclear weapons. North Korea and Pakistan
evidence this. If Iran were to use a nuclear weapon itself, or pass
it on to a terrorist organisation, it would practically be suicidal.
Were terrorists to set off a nuclear weapon in an American city,
there are only a few places from which it could come, and I
doubt the U.S. would then give Iran the benefit of the doubt.
As the regime’s response to the post-election protests last year
shows, they may be repressive, but they are not irrational.
Matthew Kalyk is in his final year of a Bachelor of Laws.
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 
 THE LAYPERSON’S GLOBALIST: ‘Globish’
Lewis d’Avigdor dots the i’s and crosses expression of the dominance of English as question the nuanced information that may
the t’s on the new global dialect a lingua franca, Globish is rather a specific be lost in business meetings conducted in
linguistic tool. Globish, because little attention is paid to

G lobish is the most recent attempt

to overcome the problems of
understanding in the international realm.
As the term suggests, it is a form of
English that the globe can speak.
If you’ve ever been in a non-English
speaking country, you will probably have
encountered the following phenomenon:
two non-native English speakers
communicating in a ‘decaffeinated’
English. Whilst it is stripped of its
grammar, tenses and any form of idiom,
it is more than likely that they will
understand each other through basic
syntax and extensive gesticulation.
Paradoxically, it is the perplexed native
English speaker, eavesdropping at the
airport, or struggling to communicate in
a business meeting, who finds it more
difficult to reach the same basic level of
understanding.
Although the speakers may be unaware
of it, they are speaking Globish in its
organic form. The main proponent of
Globish, Jean-Paul Nerrière, a retired
vice-president of IBM, made a similar
observation in a posting while in Japan and
christened the patois ‘Globish’. Although
outwardly this may simply appear to be an
Globish is not an imposed or artificially
constructed language in the mould of
failed attempts such as Esperanto. It
derives from the observation of the kind
of English spoken everywhere. However,
Nerrière has codified this viral dialect
in his book Parlez Globish, providing
basic grammar, syntax and a 1,500-word
vocabulary, which goes from ‘able’ to
‘zero’. ‘Niece’ and ‘nephew’ are not
included, instead replaced with “the
children of my brother”. ‘Chat’ becomes
“speak casually to each other”. ‘Kitchen’ is
the “room in which you cook your food”.
Despite the obvious simplifications
involved in reducing an entire language to
1,500 words, Nerrière insists that Globish
is not a “me Tarzan, you Jane” version
of English. However, it is legitimate to
the cultural and linguistic differences that
underpin the transactions.
Whilst Globish may be less than a lingua
franca, in some ways it is more. Indeed, its
very limitations provide it with its strength.
In his book Globish: How the English
Language Became the World’s Language,
Robert McCrum argues that English has
been transformed from an expression of
Anglo-American cultural hegemony into
a supra-national phenomenon, with its
own, powerful inner dynamic. Benedict
Anderson describes the process as “a kind
of global-hegemonic post-clerical Latin”.
The spread of Globish may even arrest
the dissemination of English, and instead
create a space for other languages
to reassert themselves and for local
identities to be strengthened. Whereas
languages remain the vehicles of culture,
Globish represents nothing more than
a communicative tool. In other words,
learn English for Shakespeare, and learn
Globish to order a coffee or discuss the
price of commodities.
Lewis d’Avigdor is in his fourth year of
combined Bachelor of Laws and Bachelor of
Arts. He is currently completing Honours in
History.

Live the WorLd … Share the WorLd

Make more of your university life. Experience different cultures
and nationalities while studying at the University of Sydney!
Live at International House, the residential college owned
and operated by the University of Sydney that is home to an
exceptional residential community of 200 undergraduate and
postgraduate students from Australia and around the world.
» On-campus location » Range of facilities
» Supportive environment » International
» Comfortable understanding
accommodation

aPPLY NoW For 2011

sydney.edu.au/internationalhouse
Phone: +61 2 9950 9800

 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist

interantional house ad The Globalist.indd 1 2/07/10 4:25 PM

BOOK REVIEW:
Globalisation:
A Civilising Force?
Jessica Evans and Kaine McDonald review
David Kinley’s Civilising Globalisation
T hat globalisation has the power to
improve people’s lives is a premise
central to David Kinley’s book, Civilising
Globalisation, released in 2009. Kinley
contends that globalisation is often a
civilising force, but warns that the process
itself must also be civilised if it is to
benefit the global population.
Civilising Globalisation discusses the
effect of growth in the global economy
as a means to stimulate wealth and,
by extension, promote human rights
objectives. These objectives include the
alleviation of poverty, the strengthening
of governance, and the promotion of
opportunities and freedoms. The pursuit
of these objectives is considered to be
more than a ripple of market success
and is explained as a goal of the global
economy. The prevalence of this goal
is seen in the spread of corporate social
responsibility and in the aspirations of
free and fair trade associated with the
World Trade Organization.
A successful economy is itself
insufficient to secure human rights in
most circumstances but, according to
Kinley, it can create an environment that
is conducive to such ends. It is in this way
that the active role of the economy is most
notably put forward: as a vehicle for the
promotion and protection of human rights.
However, Kinley stresses the dangers of
overreliance on the economy. He notes
the tendency of human rights groups to
demand more from the economy than it
can deliver.
In conjunction with his appraisal of
globalisation’s ability to act as a civilising
force, Kinley also argues that globalisation
itself must be civilised. Whilst Kinley
argues that bilateral trade has the potential
to provide such benefits as technology
transfer and infrastructure development,
he also argues that it can prop up
governments with dismal human rights
records, citing investment by the Chinese
Government in Myanmar as evidence of
this proposition. Thus, he suggests that
globalisation has the potential to ‘cut
both ways’ and it is therefore necessary to
ensure that globalisation is civilised.
Kinley proposes a number of methods by
which this could be achieved. He focuses
particularly on the possibility of increasing
the obligations and accountability of
trans-national corporations that operate
within developing countries.
In terms of soft law approaches, Kinley
suggests that a plethora of codes for
corporate social responsibility has been
developed, but that the danger of such
codes is that corporations may only
employ them to the extent that doing so
will benefit their businesses viewing them
as a marketing tool. Arguably, whilst such
approaches may be effective in ensuring
compliance by large corporations with
well-established reputations, it is the
smaller corporations and sub-contractors
and subsidiaries of such corporations that
have the ability to ‘slip under the radar’ in
such frameworks.
Kinley also discusses the number of
hard law mechanisms being developed
for ensuring transnational corporation
compliance with human rights obligations.
These include extra-territorial laws that
allow states to prosecute breaches of
human rights in foreign (often developing)
states. He also explores the possibility of
the development of an international legal
framework under which corporations
would themselves be liable for human
rights breaches, thereby overcoming the
problems associated with some states’
unwillingness to prosecute within the
domestic sphere. He discerningly suggests
that the impetus for such a framework
must largely come from corporations
themselves if it is to be successful.
Kinley, having extensive experience
working as a consultant on human rights
law to various Asian countries such as
Vietnam and Myanmar, successfully
weaves such experiences into his
argument. His examination reflects an
interdisciplinary approach that draws on
law, political science and economics.
Ultimately, Kinley’s thesis mediates
between two traditionally conflicting
approaches to globalisation. He
reconciles both approaches to deliver
a realistic compromise, one that holds
promise for a workable solution by virtue
of its recognition that the economy and
human rights are, and should remain,
co-dependent. Civilising Globalisation
addresses complex ideas while remaining
accessible to a wide audience, and is a
highly recommended read.
Jessica Evans is in her fifth year of
a combined Bachelor of Laws and
Bachelor of Economic and Social
Sciences, majoring in Government and
International Relations.
Kaine McDonald is in his second year of
a Bachelor of Laws.
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 

C urrently the Deputy Director of the
Lowy Institute for International
Policy, Martine Letts had a four-year stint
as the CEO of the Australian Red Cross
and a 17-year career with the Department
of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Martine is
a member of the Advisory Board of the
International Commission on Nuclear
Non-proliferation and Disarmament
(ICNND), and speaks French, German
and Spanish.
Tell us about a typical day at the Lowy
Institute.
A typical day at the Lowy involves
a mixture of research and events and
bringing people together to discuss
creative ideas about how to address
challenging international policy issues. It
also involves trying to broaden community
engagement. We received a very generous
grant from the Lowy family to get us up on
our feet and we need to work very hard to
get the kind of external financial support
and engagement that will confirm the
institution’s position as an indispensable
part of the Australian intellectual
infrastructure. As Deputy Director, I
oversee the business development side of
the organisation, but also have an interest
in the substance of the work, in particular
arms control and disarmament. I find I get
torn in about 20 different directions every
day, so trying to balance all of that and still
stay connected with what is going on in
the outside world is always a challenge.
What are the key issues facing
international policy makers at the
moment?
The key issues are the destabilising
effects of changing demography, resource
distribution, the changing environment
and the shift of power from the North
Atlantic to Asia. We have moved from
a uni-polar world to a more multi-polar
world, with China and India being the
next two big players. One of the big
 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist
TheSydneyGlobalist meets
Martine Letts
Jessica Evans and Kaine McDonald interview Martine Letts, the
Deputy Director of the Lowy Institute for International Policy
issues is how the international system can
cope with that, make sure there is room
for everybody and manage the results in a
stable way. A very big challenge for many
countries is the lack of development.
The issue is therefore how you promote
development, which in turn should create
greater international stability. Another
important long-term issue is how we deal
with weapons of mass destruction and
their proliferation.
What was one of the most rewarding
experiences of your career?
My role in bringing to a conclusion the
international convention banning the
possession and use of chemical weapons.
This convention is significant because it
abolishes an entire class of weapons, it
is in force, it has one the most intrusive
verification regimes and it serves as a
model for future treaties.
What advice would you give to students
aspiring to work in international policy
one day?
If you want to be in the game of diplomacy,
you will require an ability to think laterally.
To be able to understand how the big ideas
have shaped international policy in the
past is a fantastic asset, because you can
always learn from history. Get involved
in extra-curricular activities, as this will
teach you important life skills and make
you a more rounded human being and
more effective in what you do.

Z akumi must be an optimist. ‘Za’ is the
country code for South Africa, while
‘kumi’ translates into ‘ten’ in various
African languages.
Zakumi, a leopard with green hair, is the
mascot of this year’s World Cup. The
International Federation of Association
Football (FIFA) tells us that, apart from
his multilingual name, Zakumi loves to
play soccer, “as it is a great way to connect
with others and break down language
barriers”.
This last factor gives the mascot his
importance: he is a symbol of linguistic
unity. Through the universal appeal of the
‘world game’, South Africa will try its
best to create this image in 2010.
Technological developments are helping
Africans surmount some linguistic obstacles.
For example, the Pan-African Living
Dictionary Online will eventually provide
a multilingual, interlinked dictionary
for many languages. Companies such as
Alterme Inc. are providing English-Afrikaans
translation applications for mobiles. The list
of innovations grows every month. Such is
the rate of technological advancement that
a 2007 Localization World Conference
was themed: “Celebrating the end of
language barriers.”
Was this declaration drastically premature,
though? Despite a proliferation of new
translation products, language barriers are
as enduring and widespread as ever. This
is perhaps most acutely felt in Africa.
The continent accommodates more than
1,000 languages; South Africa itself has
11 official languages.
Hence, it is unsurprising that difficulties
should arise in such a linguistically
disparate setting. In 2004, Dr Ana
Deumert, the then research director of
Monash University’s Language and
Society Centre in South Africa, found that
language barriers were making access to
social services and employment difficult.
“Doctors in clinics and hospitals usually
have little knowledge of Xhosa, the main
NO COMMON TONGUE
ON THE CONTINENT
Technological advancements are not enough to break down
linguistic barriers in Africa, writes Lukasz Swiatek
language spoken by most of the internal
migrants,” Dr Deumert said. One patient’s
response encapsulated this difficulty:
“Me understand doctors, doctors not
understand me.”
English had become the major language of
upward mobility and political participation
in post-apartheid South Africa. However,
rural dwellers migrating to cities are
equipped only with elementary English
skills and a minimal proficiency in
Afrikaans, the language spoken by many
employers in the Western Cape.
Linguistic blockades still hinder
improvements in science and medicine
today on the whole continent. A wealth of
scientific knowledge and local practices is
being lost in translation. Charles Dhewa,
a consultant for Knowledge Transfer
Africa, recently wrote in SciDev.Net that
Africa’s potential contributions to science
– in areas such as medicine, agriculture
and even climate change – are being
excluded from the knowledge base.
“Much of this type of knowledge is
embedded in the diverse local languages
and cultures found in Africa,” writes
Dhewa. However, the language barrier is
a two-way obstacle. The marginalisation
of African languages “means much local
knowledge is lost” and, simultaneously,
many innovations from rural communities
“are excluded from modern science and
technology”.
The answers to opening the
communication conduits are not as
simple as developing new technologies.
Don Osborn, in his book African
Languages in a Digital Age, highlights
that translation technologies – such as
voice, text-to-speech recognition and
computer-assisted translation – are not
widely established across Africa. In the
West, too, speech-based translation is still
being developed. “Being able to recognise
words is still a long way from machines
actually understanding what people are
saying”, a BBC Click article emphasises.
Any strategy that seeks to address these
problems must involve governments
and non-governmental organisations.
“African policymakers must make an
effort to ‘domesticate’ science by using
vernacular languages to talk about it. This
means investing in translation activities,”
Dhewa argues.
By collaborating with governments and
international NGOs, some of the costs
can be eased. The Kamusi Project online
dictionary, for instance, began at Yale
University and is currently affiliated
with the World Language Documentation
Centre. NGOs such as the Ghana-based
Center for Indigenous Knowledge Systems
are also helping to unite indigenous
knowledge with information technology.
However, budgets to fund new
initiatives are still limited across Africa,
whose foremost concern is economic
development. According to the UNESCO
Institute of Statistics, Sub-Saharan states
spent just 0.3 per cent of their GDP on
science and technology development
in 2007, while North African countries
allotted only 0.4 per cent.
Dhewa is emphatic, though. Whatever
the funding solution, he argues, “science
translation activities in Africa are
urgently needed if we are to tap into the
energy, entrepreneurship, creativity and
intelligence of [the African] people”.
Zakumi may live up to his promise
of throwing “one huge, joyful and
unforgettable party” at this year’s World
Cup. Enthusiasts will probably find a
common tongue in the universal language
of soccer. However, the language barriers
that confront South Africa, as well as the
whole continent, remain as unshakable as
ever.
Lukasz Swiatek has completed a Bachelor of
Arts (Media and Communications), majoring
in Government and International Relations
and French. He is currently completing
Honours in Media and Communications.
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 
 “We the Peoples” or
“We the States”?
Anshu De Silva Wijeyeratne and Rebecca Beard examine our failure to reconcile indigenous self-determination
with the statist system, revealing limitations in the UN system
“We the Peoples”. So begins the
preamble to the United Nations Charter:
a blueprint for an international system
based on democratic principles, shaping
a global community that recognises and
represents a diversity of experience, but
at the same time highlights our common
humanity. Yet, more than 60 years on
from its inception, the UN has much to
answer. For all its admirable rhetoric
about the rights and self-determination of
the “peoples” that it seeks to encompass,
in practice, UN actions reveal a pattern
that reinforces the supremacy of state
sovereignty and territorial integrity over
all else.
Ultimately, there is a significant
disconnection between the UN’s
normative aspirations to be an inclusive
and representative organisation, traversing
borders to be more than just an aggregation
(and even a tool) of states, and its reality
as a fundamentally statist institution. The
UN’s failure to respond to these questions
is not new or surprising. The problem
is deeply structural. At its heart lies the
paradox of its dual considerations of state
sovereignty and self-determination.
Sovereignty and Self-Determination:
Paradox Within the United Nations
Self-determination is the right for
people to determine their own political
status and economic, social and cultural
development. Sovereignty is the ultimate
and independent authority over a defined
territory. Both are distinct concepts, but
appear closely linked within the UN
Charter, in which self-determination
encompasses the right to an independent
state, and therefore sovereignty.
Yet, if these principles are so entwined,
why do indigenous rights and state
sovereignty seem so incompatible? Both
concepts command in-principle support
and cultural significance, but history
demonstrates that sovereignty takes
precedence.
10 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist
In many respects, the UN is a statist to comply and can nullify the power of a
system, based on realist tenets. Self- majority made up of smaller states that
determination may be necessary for state- may think otherwise, as was the case in
making, but, once achieved, there is little Iraq, Darfur and Zimbabwe.
interest in a nation continuing to reinforce Significantly, self-determination is a
its worth. In fact, the two principles disputed concept, not least because it goes
appear to be far more dichotomous than against the interests of the UN’s member
complementary. The state is unitary: states, which the institution ultimately
whole rather than the sum of constituent serves. It is therefore unsurprising that
parts. Realist thought postulates that “peoples”-based issues related to this
states conduct their foreign policy solely area have been somewhat neglected in
in response to international pulls and UN deliberations. For the most part,
pushes, and not to further domestic ends. indigenous claims to self-determination
Self-determination movements challenge have occurred within a limited framework;
this singularity. They understand the that is, self-government has been allowed
contradiction between states’ rights under existing state structures, or it
and the rights of minorities, which pose
difference and diversity. Inherently, then,
the notion of self-determination, with its
suggestion of multiple forms of power
and governance, is a direct challenge to
the state.
Furthermore, whilst self-determination
is referenced in a number of legal
instruments, it is not enshrined in the same
way as the principle of state sovereignty.
Article 2(7) of the Charter emphasises
that the UN is not authorised to “intervene
in matters which are essentially within
the domestic jurisdiction of any state
or shall require the Members to submit
such matters to settlement”. Additionally,
per Article 2(4), members must refrain
from “the threat or use of force against
the territorial integrity or political
independence of any state”.
These clauses very clearly reflect, and
respond to, the condition of anarchy that
stems from the absence of any entity
enjoying sovereignty over the states.
Although the UN may seek to influence
states’ behaviour, it is ultimately a state’s
prerogative to accept or reject the standards
to which the international community
wishes it to adhere. The problem with
indigenous self-determination, like so
many issues concerning the UN, is that
the most powerful states may choose not

has been ignored completely. Legally,
self-determination and sovereignty for
indigenous peoples has been interpreted
in ways that fall short of directly
challenging the nation-state.
The Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples (DRIP) articulates
this point. DRIP, adopted by the General
Assembly in 2007, outlines the individual
and collective rights of indigenous
peoples. Of the issues under consideration
in this process of construction and
adoption, self-determination proved
particularly contentious. Articles 3 and
4 of the Declaration outline the right to
indigenous self-determination as the
ability for peoples to “freely determine
their political status and freely pursue
their economic, social and cultural
development”, through autonomy and
self-government.
Article 46 expressly states that DRIP
may not be interpreted as implying
or encouraging any action that would
“dismember or impair, totally or in
part, the territorial integrity or political
unity of sovereign and independent
States”. Importantly, as proponents of
the Declaration have argued, this is its
strongest asset. It mandates collaboration
and compromise between national
governments and indigenous populations,
so as to identify the needs of populations
and resolve them accordingly. It does not
yield the sovereignty of nation-states to
“peoples”, but suggests that flexibility is
in order.
However, the document’s legitimacy in the
international arena is questionable, given
the abstention of perhaps the four most
significant countries in this policy area:
Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the
United States. Whilst there are examples
in these nations of shared authority (for
example, tribal sovereignty in the U.S.
allows Native American tribes to function
as ‘domestic dependent nations’), in an
international context, the clash between
sovereignty and self-determination means
that, ultimately, the self-preservationist
motivations of states prevail. The structure
of the system makes compromising on
sovereignty an unlikely option.
Implications of Paradox: The Legitimacy
of the International System
This paradox, which lies at the heart of
the UN’s foundations and aspirations, has
several important consequences for the
legitimacy of the system.
First, it poses a challenge to UN authority
and contradicts its normative aspirations.
Whilst the UN might strive to act on
ideas of trans-boundary representation
predicated on our common humanity,
it is ultimately undermined by its statist
structure. “We the Peoples” becomes
nothing more than a weak gesture at best,
and an ideological cloak for great power
interests at worst. This calls into question
the legitimacy of the UN as a global
governance and representative structure.
Second, as Paul Keal argues, it raises
questions about the legitimacy of existing
human rights regimes and the UN as
a source of progressive international
law. Key states have failed to recognise
the rights of indigenous peoples, citing
concerns over the challenges posed to
traditional sovereignty by collective
rights, particularly in terms of land rights,
the input of indigenous people on relevant
policy, and the practice of customary
activities and laws. This contributes to
a crisis in international law, the UN’s
capacity to uphold humanitarian standards
and the equal rights of all “peoples”.
Although Australia and New Zealand have
since given support to DRIP, and Canada
is considering similar moves, the fact is
that these positions have changed in the
states’ own time and on their own terms.
Furthermore, the non-legally binding
nature of the document means that no
sense of accountability exists. Although
it is an important first step, there is no
requirement for the states to move beyond
symbolism.
Third, the continued denial of self-
determination by the statist system may
lead to a crisis of confidence in nation-
states themselves, particularly those that
refuse to recognise any right to self-
determination. If legitimacy rests on
recognition provided by an un-coerced
constituency, then the validity of the
statist system only holds for as long as
indigenous populations (and similar
actors) continue to operate within, and
accept, its parameters.
Striking a Compromise: Reinterpreting
Sovereignty
Traditional sovereignty needs to be
transcended to recognise more adequately
indigenous peoples’ legitimate claims
under international human rights law.
The emergence of complex federations
of states, such as the European Union,
suggests that more flexible conceptions
of sovereignty are achievable. The EU
epitomises a scenario in which nation-
states agree upon a broader sovereignty
that works concurrently with their own.
Whilst this might present a way
forward for internal arrangements of
shared sovereignty, a caveat remains.
As highlighted by the rise and fall of
the doctrine of the Responsibility to
Protect (R2P), which is predicated on
the international community’s obligation
to disturb sovereignty to protect human
security, when sovereignty is at stake,
there is a marked reluctance to shift from
old ways of thinking.
Ultimately, both governments and
indigenous peoples need to be flexible
and realistic. States need to recognise the
moral imperative of self-determination
for indigenous peoples and its inextricable
links to dignity, freedom, control and
identity. But this must be reconciled
with the reality that secession is usually
unrealistic and undesirable for the wider
(and often predominantly non-indigenous)
populations. What is necessary is the
realisation of self-determination as
autonomy, where aspirations for greater
control are balanced with accountability,
basic community standards and broader
national interests. The symbolic gestures
of states need to be supported by tangible
and practical outcomes.
What is more, this rationale extends
beyond the moral to the practical. There
is a state interest in recognising these
claims. Often, indigenous people have
a keener grasp of their particular needs
and interests, prompting more effective
policy-making and decisions. But, more
relevantly to the statist structure as a
whole, it can help avoid the crisis of
legitimacy that has hampered the UN’s
efforts to promote global welfare. Instead,
we can step towards the final affirmation
of “We the Peoples”: the idea of disparate
communities being able to live together
“In Larger Freedom”.
Anshu De Silva Wijeyeratne is in his fourth
year of a combined Bachelor of Laws
and Bachelor of International Studies.
He is currently completing Honours in
Government and International Relations.
Rebecca Beard is in her final year of
a Bachelor of Arts. She is currently
completing Honours in Government and
International Relations.
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 11
 KASHMIR: THE CITY OF LAKES

Despite its troubled past and

current tensions, the state of
Jammu and Kashmir offers
many fascinating and memorable
sights, as Lucy Boyle discovered

12 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist

Nestled in the north of India, precariously
close to the border of Pakistan, is the
controversial and fragile state of Jammu
and Kashmir. In 1947, when independence
was granted from the British, the Muslim-
majority areas were portioned to create
Pakistan, and the Hindu areas to form
India. However, despite its predominantly
Muslim population, Jammu and Kashmir
remained part of the territory of India; this
decision has continued to have serious
repercussions for the region.
Although it is now possible to visit the
region, albeit under strict scrutiny, there
is still evidence of serious conflict, with
a military curfew enforced in some areas,
limited access to the Internet, restricted
mobile phone use and the ceaseless
presence of coils of barbed wire. Despite
this, the area has an entrancing charm,
with people rowing between house boats
to sell their wares, chatting under huge,
woollen blankets on the street and sipping
hot kawa tea.
Lucy Boyle is in her sixth year of a
combined Bachelor of Laws and Bachelor
of Commerce (Honours), majoring in
Economics. She visited Kashmir in
December 2009, while completing an
internship at the South Asia Human
Rights Documentation Centre in Delhi.
All images are the author’s own.
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 13
 NO PLACE LIKE

HOME?

Dominic Dietrich explores what it means to be a Third Culture Kid in an era of globalisation

T he customs guards were somewhat

confused. A panoply of six individuals
claiming to be the one family stood before
of their identity, and are legal citizens of.
In contrast, TCKs do not necessarily have
set national-cultural identities to which
Hey Dude, Where’s My Identity?

The most resounding feature of the

them. The older sister obstinately declared, they feel a connection, regardless of their TCK phenomenon is the conundrum of
in an American accent, that although her legal associations. national-cultural identity. Generally, a
Australian passport was distinct from her key component of people’s identity is tied
This article will explore this novel to the notion of ‘nation’: that ‘imagined
older brother’s South African passport,
concept of TCKs, drawing on the community’ to which individuals feels
they were in fact siblings. Adding fuel to
personal experiences of four individuals a distinct affinity, by and large sharing
the fire was the younger sister chiming
who have found their lives, identities and its presumed norms and values, and
in with her opinion. She spoke with the
boundaries profoundly affected by their declaring it a key part of their identity.
authority of a Hong Kong passport, and in
existence as TCKs. Those interviewed The interviewees revealed that the
an American accent. The other sister, who
were Natasha Reurts (who has lived in six cultural ‘confusion’ of TCKs is more
had a British passport and a British accent
countries), Shona Read and Alice Dwyer than a little pronounced. As Natasha
to match, seemed content to look on. This
(who have both lived in four countries) said, “I’m culturally neutral”. Apart from
state of cultural confusion captures the
and Nick Ricardo (who has lived in three celebrating the Dutch Queen’s birthday
conundrum of the ‘Third Culture Kid’.
countries). (koninginneday), her sense of cultural
The sociologist Ruth Useem coined
affinity, at least within the bounds of
the term ‘Third Culture Kids’ (TCK) to
nationhood, seems non-existent. Similarly,
describe children who have travelled to,
Alice stated, “I don’t have the cultural
and lived in, a multiplicity of countries
sensitivity … that nostalgia” towards a
during their formative years. Key to the
particular national identity. Her foods of
definition is the experience of having lived
choice are Stroopwaffles from Amsterdam
in each country for a significant period
and Bibimbap from Korea. Such cultural
of time, often for more than a couple of
neutrality leads TCKs to feel that they
years. TCKs differ from the ‘expats’ of the
lack a national identity or ‘home’.
previous era. ‘Expats’ are individuals who
live externally from a given nation-state, When discussing the notion of ‘home’
to which they consciously derive an aspect with TCKs, one quickly becomes aware

14 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist

of the importance of immediate family.
Whilst it is not surprising that family
should figure predominantly in people’s
idea of ‘home’, the extent to which
TCKs exclusively define ‘home’ within
the boundaries of the family is unique.
Alice, Natasha and Shona all indicated
that ‘home’ is wherever the family is,
regardless of the nation in which they
find themselves. Alice remarked that
this is further amplified by the fact that
family members are the only people who
understand their particular identity, as
they themselves are likely to be going
through the same internal processes.
Therefore, the ‘borders of identity’
of TCKs shift in unexpected ways.
The ‘borders of identity’ refers to the
framework within which people define
their identity. This includes denoting who
one is, and importantly, denoting who one
is not. As such, people may include within
their ‘borders of identity’ the notion of
being Sydneysiders, Australians, and
perhaps even international citizens.
One may expect TCKs to possess the
distinctly post-national identity of
international citizens, having expanded
their ‘borders of identity’ through
residence in a number of countries.
However, the reverse seems to be true.
Increasing exposure to multiple national
spheres produces a retrenchment of an
individual’s ‘borders of identity’. Family
becomes the border; family becomes the
boundary. One is not a member of the
‘Davos group’, a term that Samuel P.
Huntington used to refer to globalised
individuals; rather, one is a member of the
Anderson, Read, or Dwyer family.
I’m Leaving on Jet Plane, Probably
Won’t Be Back Again
Another interesting development from the
TCKs’ multiplicity of territorial residences
is the increasingly porous nature of national
boundaries, at least in a psychological
sense. This is derived from two elements.
The first involves the attitude of TCKs
towards their perceived roots in a given
community. As already noted, the sense of
national-cultural association is marginal
at best. But it goes deeper than this. As
both Alice and Natasha noted, they have
had difficulty maintaining contact with
childhood friends. According to Alice,
this situation led her to accept the transient
nature of inter-personal relationships. On
the other hand, Shona remains in contact
with many long-term friends through the
use of modern telecommunications such
as facebook. Yet, she still retains her
strong impulse to move residence every
few years. Whatever roots she may have
in a community do not seem to tie her
down. Furthermore, her use of modern
telecommunication systems minimise the
emotional impact of ‘up-rooting’, as the
loss of social networks is mitigated. For
TCKs, the ties of long-term friendship do
not seem to bind.
A second factor is what can be termed
the ‘moving itch’, a common tendency
found in all four interviewees. For the
TCKs, living in a given country for any
longer than three to five years produces
an impulse to relocate. The day before
she moved to New Zealand, Alice
stated: “I’ve been here [Australia] two-
and-a-half years; it’s time to go.” Nick
expressed a similar sentiment: after five
years of living in Australia, it is time for
him to move. Furthermore, he noted the
personal enjoyment derived from moving
and adapting to new locales, an enjoyment
that undoubtedly makes his moving itch
even itchier.
The marginal presence of specific
community ties, combined with the
‘moving itch’ syndrome, has produced
individuals who are less psychologically
bound to a given territory. Interestingly,
although TCKs’ subjective ‘borders of
identity’ are far from internationalist,
their objective movements suggest the
feasibility of this label. They do not
identify as internationalist, but they do act
in an internationalist manner.
Nation-State and the Post-National
State: The Original Odd Couple?
With the increasing intensity of
globalisation, many individuals are
likely to fit the post-national TCK model.
What, then, are the implications of this
post-national identity for the ‘imagined
community’ of the nation-state? Will
TCKs’ lack of national affinity undermine
the sense of national consensus so
fundamental to the nation part of a nation-
state? Here, nation refers to the ‘imagined
community’, as defined above. State is
defined as the collection of institutions
that monopolise violence within a given
territory, and are therefore fundamental
in constraining and enabling individuals
within that territory.
It is likely that TCKs will have marginal
impact on the weakening of the nation-
state. It is true that TCKs lack perceived
bonds with a singular ‘imagined
community’. In turn, they are unlikely
to assist in the production of a national
consensus.
However, TCKs are likely to remain
a minority within nation-states, thus
minimising their impact on national
consensus. TCKs largely emerge due to
the employment of their parents, who
maintain a high degree of international
movement. However, despite an
increasing range of jobs – especially
at the highly skilled, executive level
– demanding trans-national movement
and habitation, such employment remains
highly exclusive. In reality, the majority
of jobs remain locked within the bounds
of the nation-state.
Interestingly, when looking at the nation-
state calculus, a lack of support for the
nation does not mean likewise for the
state. Rather, TCKs often acquiesce to,
and support, the institutions of the state.
They seek to enjoy the benefits provided
by holding some legal association with one
or several nation-states. They enjoy this
legal association, while being less attuned
to the cultural. For example, Nick desires
an Australian passport largely because
of the practical benefits derived from the
legal document, including improved rights
of residence, and enhanced employment
opportunities within the Australian
territory. Such practice will continue to
be the case within a system that remains
dominated, though perhaps less so than in
previous eras, by the nation-state form of
social organisation.
No Need to Explain
The TCK is here to stay. Hopefully, an
accompanying understanding of the
dynamics, attitudes, constraints and
benefits of this particular social model
will begin to permeate the collective
consciousness such that the expression of
the airport customs guards will shift from
bemused confusion to routine indifference:
“No need to explain, we get it.”
Dominic Dietrich is in his third year of
a Bachelor of Arts, majoring in Chinese
Studies and Government and International
Relations.
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 15
 ALL ROADS LEAD TO
Monty Pounder considers
the tricky questions facing
the future of the Iraqi state
A large Kurdish flag flies above
Kirkuk’s ancient citadel in northern
Iraq and Kurdish soldiers patrol the
city’s streets. However, the city is outside
the borders of the Kurdish Regional
Government (KRG) and, according to
Iraqi law, is under the jurisdiction of the
Central Government in Baghdad. This
contested city, the so-called ‘Jerusalem’
of the Kurds, is at the centre of thorny
questions facing the country over its
future and very viability.
The beleaguered country has survived
some serious challenges in the years
since the American-led invasion of 2003:
the cack-handed rule of Paul Bremer’s
Coalition Provisional Authority, unhelpful
foreign meddling from near and afar, and
the sectarian violence of 2006 and 2007.
Another, perhaps more difficult, challenge
remains. How will power be ordered
within the state?
At the crux of this question is the future
of Iraq’s Kurds and the semi-autonomous
16 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist
KIRKUK
region of Iraqi Kurdistan in the north of
the country. The Kurds are an ethnically
and linguistically distinct group, which
comprises about 20 per cent of Iraq’s
population. Though by no means a
cohesive political community, they are
generally united by a desire for autonomy
from the rule of Baghdad, if not outright
independence: an aspiration that many
Arab politicians find hard to tolerate.
March Elections
In the lead-up to the recent parliamentary
elections, competition between Iraqi Arab
and Kurdish nationalist narratives intensified.
Parties from all sides were making
bold promises. National unity became
a cornerstone of several leading Arab
parties, while Kurdish parties continued to
insist on their right to increased autonomy.
In the background to these antagonisms,
there is an uneasy history, and vast natural
resources are at stake.
Nowhere is this confluence of forces
more readily visible than in the contest
for control of oil-rich Kirkuk and its
surrounding territory. Baghdad and the
Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil
have both staked claims to it. Iraqi Kurds
see Kirkuk as their historical capital
and demand it as the first city in their
autonomous region in the north of the
country, an ambition that is enshrined in
their 1992 Constitution.
Several leading Arab parties, such as
Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s al-
Dawa party, have seized upon Kirkuk as
a token of Iraq’s integrity and are seeking
to keep the city under their jurisdiction at
all costs.
An Uneasy History
Kirkuk’s inhabitants are a mixed group,
and the various ethnic identities – Kurdish,
Arab, Turkmen and Assyrian – by and
large coincide with political groupings.
Finding a compromise among this array
of deeply held political loyalties will be
difficult.
The past continues to overshadow Arab-
Kurd relations. Most poignant is the
program of ethnic cleansing conducted
under Saddam Hussein, which aimed to
secure oil-rich Kirkuk by removing Kurds
and replacing them with Arabs. This so-
called ‘Arabisation’ campaign resulted in
an untold number of Kurds being forcibly
removed from the city.
The 2005 Constitution mandated that
the awkward problem of Kirkuk’s
demography and territorial status –
whether it will be part of Iraqi Kurdistan
or not – would be resolved by referendum.
Kurdish politicians are confident that their
constituency represents a winning majority.
Unsurprisingly, the Government in Baghdad
has dragged its feet on the issue and no
official poll has yet taken place.
Crude Claims
The other major factor is oil. The
administrative area of the Kirkuk
Governorate encompasses Iraq’s second-
largest oil field and a number of observers
interpret the Kurdish claims as an
indication of their desire to secede. The
wisdom is that if the KRG can control
the Kirkuk oil fields, it will have the
resources necessary to break away into an
independent state.
But this analysis is flawed in several
respects. It ignores a number of geopolitical
realities and the sentimental importance
attached to Kirkuk. Assuming that it did
secede, the land-locked state would be
in the vulnerable position of relying on
Turkey and Arab Iraq as conduits for
its oil. Iraqis know about the power of
sanctions all too well. On a population-
proportioned basis, the KRG would do
better out of oil revenues by remaining a
part Iraq, federated or otherwise, where
its rights to revenues are guaranteed by
the Iraqi Constitution.
What Will Happen Next?
Iraqi and Kurdish politics form a complex
terrain and it is difficult to predict how a
compromise over Kirkuk, and the status
of the KRG-controlled areas, may evolve
in the post-election period. The two main
Kurdish parties, the Patriotic Union
of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdish
Democratic Party (KDP), have an uneasy
history, but appear to be able to remain
united. If they do, their 57-seat bloc in
the upcoming parliament will have to be
courted by any coalition serious about
forming government. During the post-
election horse-trading, the status of Iraqi
Kurdistan and Kirkuk will be at the centre
of the negotiating table.
In any case, the PUK and KDP are well
positioned and it is almost certain that
the Iraqi president will continue to be a
Kurd. They are likely to play a long game
and rely on the constitutionally mandated
referendum as the best route to annex
Kirkuk into KRG territory legitimately.
Turkey and Pan-Kurdism
The other key factor is Turkey. Several
years ago, Turkish opposition to increased
Kurdish independence inside of Iraq was
guaranteed. A strong Kurdish state, let
alone entity, in the region would have
awkward ramifications for Ankara. It
would draw the fragile loyalty of its
own Kurdish population further away
from the Turkish state. Moreover, if
the international community deemed
Kurdish claims for self-determination
inside Iraq legitimate, Turkey would find
it increasingly hard to justify its own
domestic policies regarding the Kurds.
Despite this, relations between the KRG
and Ankara appear to be doing well. Trade
with Turkey accounts for the majority
of economic activity in Iraqi Kurdistan.
Turkey, a central player in the Nabucco
pipeline proposal, which is an energy
pipeline running through Turkey into
central Europe, is also positioning itself
as a main energy hub for Iraqi oil and
appears willing to accept Iraqi Kurdistan
as a reality of the region.
For their part, there is a conspicuous lack
of formal or informal support for Kurdish
separatist movements inside of Turkey
from KRG leaders. In the face of all of
their rhetoric about self-determination,
this suggests a brand of realpolitik that
places immediate economic security
over the lofty ideals of pan-Kurdism that
Turkey fears.
If relations improve enough and regional
isolation becomes less likely, the Kurdish
parties may feel able to act more boldly in
the knowledge they have a reliable trading
partner to the north.
The Trigger Line
The other scenario for the future of
Iraqi Kurdistan – a scenario that is
gaining currency among more fervent
commentators – is that Kurd-Arab
tensions will descend into armed conflict.
They point towards the so-called ‘trigger
line’: a border that stretches across
northern Iraq between the Iranian and
Syrian borders, along which Arab Iraqi
forces and Kurdish fighters are placed in
opposing formations. The veteran U.S.
diplomat Peter Galbraith has pinpointed
Kirkuk as the likely flashpoint, calling it
“a ticking ethnic time bomb”.
Attempts by the U.S. to integrate the forces
through joint patrols and intelligence
sharing have been largely unsuccessful.
In a Congressional hearing last year,
General Odierno, the Commander of the
U.S. forces in Iraq, stated that Arab-Kurd
tensions have become the main threat to
Iraq’s stability.
But outright conflict, at least in the short
term, seems unlikely. Although slow, the
political processes are not deadlocked,
and the capacity of Arabs and Kurds to
move beyond ethnic tensions should not
be underestimated.
Compromise
The pace at which animosities can fade
is illustrated well by the improvement
of Sunni-Shia relations since 2006.
Arab-Kurd differences on issues such
as Kirkuk can be resolved. Doomsayers,
like those who advocated partitioning
Iraq along sectarian lines several years
ago, overemphasise the negative aspects
of the relationship. They overlook the
shared interests of the KRG and an Arab
government in Baghdad, particularly with
regard to oil.
Moreover, Kurds are by no means
alienated from the Iraqi state. Kurdish
voices have an influential role in the
present government and will continue to
do so. The Iraqi President, Jalal Talabani,
experienced the worst of Baathist Iraq, but
has gone on to play a largely constructive
role in the post-2003 order.
But one should be cautious. Any state-
directed project of national identity in
Iraq is unlikely to be successful. Kurdish
nationalism in Iraq has developed in a
dynamic way against governments in
Baghdad. The al-Anfal Campaign of 1988
and horrific use of chemical weapons
against Kurdish civilians remains one
of the most potent myths of Kurdish
nationalism. It is a lasting reminder of
their troubled relationship with Arab
governments in Baghdad.
Furthermore, Iraqi Kurdistan has
developed on a trajectory distinct from
the rest of the country. This culturally
and economically autonomous entity has
existed in northern Iraq since 1991 and
a U.S.-British administered no-fly zone
has been established. Iraqi Kurdistan
is currently the most prosperous and
peaceful region in Iraq and has had little
trouble attracting foreign investment.
The Kurdish militias are arguably the
most able domestic military force in the
country.
Drawing Maps
When the Ottoman Empire collapsed, the
Kurds found themselves spread across
four nation-states and marginalised from
the prevailing Iranian, Turkish and Arab
national narratives. They have been late
starters in the nation-state game, but are
emerging as a determined and viable
political force. How the map of the
Middle East will look in 10 years is open
to debate. Nothing will happen quickly.
The governments in Baghdad and Erbil
need each other too much, particularly to
develop the oil fields. Change is afoot and
we will hear about Kirkuk again soon.
Monty Pounder is in his fourth year
of a Bachelor of Arts. He is currently
completing Honours in Arabic.
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 17
 BEYOND THE BARRIER
Gabrielle Easter reflects on her trip to the West Bank a year on from the war in Gaza

L ittle consideration lay behind my

decision to go backpacking around
the Middle East. A friend of mine was
smitten by an Israeli, while another was
interested in the region’s politics. I simply
tagged along. After travelling down the
Nile River, we arrived in Israel, although
not without some difficulty. The internet
could not be accessed right across the
Mediterranean, limiting our access to
the news. A few frantic phone calls from
concerned parents informed us of the
impending war in the Gaza Strip.
As a six-month peace deal came to an end,
rockets were exchanged between Israel
and Hamas-ruled Gaza two days before
we planned to cross the border to Israel.
By the time we arrived in Tel Aviv for
New Year’s Eve, Israel’s ‘Operation Cast
Lead’ was underway. However, Tel Aviv
seemed so far removed from it all that, if
it weren’t for the daily images broadcast
on television and the arguments in bars, I
would never have believed that I was in a
war-torn country.
Two weeks later, while sitting on a to the birthplace of Jesus, rarely straying haunting. The wall snaked on without end
rooftop in Jerusalem, listening to the beyond the religious sites. As we arrived, in each direction. I never thought that a
sound of church bells competing with we saw a group of women outside the physical wall could prove so confronting,
the Arabic call to prayer, I met two Irish Bethlehem Peace Centre demonstrating but this barrier seemed to represent all of
journalists who were writing a story on against the Gaza War. This was the only the fear and pain suffered on both sides.
the lack of water in the Israeli-occupied sign of the reality of the war. From the How could something so obstructing and
West Bank. Instead of following this main streets of Bethlehem, there was no intrusive possibly offer a solution?
lead, they covered the protests occurring evidence that a wall even existed between
in the Palestinian city of Ramallah over As we left for Jerusalem, it began to rain.
the West Bank and Israel. Determined to At the Israeli border, we were ordered off
the construction of the dividing barrier venture on, we set off to see the separating
separating the West Bank from Israel. the bus by two young soldiers. While the
barrier.
soldiers stood by the bus door smoking
I left Australia with little knowledge about
and chatting in Hebrew, we were made to
the Middle East, uneducated in its history
wait unsheltered until they called us up,
and politics. Consequently, hearing
one by one, to inspect our IDs. We had
stories of Israeli soldiers firing aluminium
passports and were allowed back onto the
bullets and gas canisters to quell violent
bus, cold and wet. The soldiers collected
protests only fuelled my curiosity to
the locals’ ID cards and let everyone back
venture out to this wall and see for myself
on to take their seats. Several minutes
the cause of so much conflict. I found
later, the soldiers returned, calling out
it incomprehensible that synagogues,
names and returning passes one by one.
mosques and churches could co-exist
Those who did not have their names
within the walls of Jerusalem, when, only
a short bus trip away, an endless conflict called were escorted off. The bus drove
was being waged between Palestinians away, no questions asked.
and Israelis. In silence, we approached the six-metre- Leaving the wall behind did not mean
We ventured from Jerusalem to Bethlehem, high slabs of concrete, topped with abandoning the barriers. In Jordan, we
one of the only cities advertised for tourists barbed wire and covered in graffiti. The were often greeted with hostility when
in the West Bank. Tour groups were ferried best word that I can find to describe it is locals realised that we had been to Israel.

18 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist

Even less inviting were the shops with
signs in their windows that read, “we
do not accept dogs or Israelis”. We had
unavoidably found ourselves in the midst
of a war that had spilt beyond the borders
of the conflict between Israel and Hamas.
The wall was no more than a physical
manifestation of a much larger division
between two nations, two identities and
two cultures.
‘Operation Cast Lead’ ended on January
18, 2009, three weeks after the first rocket
was fired. 13 Israelis and over 1,000
HEBRON: A GHOST CITY
T his is a photo of the Old City of
Hebron, the Palestinian city south of
Jerusalem and Bethlehem in the occupied
West Bank. To me, it represents the notion
of ‘borders within borders’. Beyond the
concrete road lane separator depicted
in this photo is the Jewish settlement of
Kiryat Arba, which is inhabited by over
400 Jews.
This settlement, which was established
in the late 1970s, separates Palestinians
Palestinians were killed. Although the
wall remains, little mention is made of the
Palestinians living in Israel, the Israelis
living in the Palestinian territories, the
Jews in Arab towns, the Arabs in Jewish
ones, the Christians in both and the
atheists interspersed throughout. Whether
a two-state solution is viable in the future,
from their families and cuts Hebron’s Old
Quarter in half. Hebron is divided into
sections: H2 (Hebron 2), which is under
Israeli control, and H1 (Hebron 1), which
is under the control of the Palestinian
Authority. Life for the 30,000 Palestinian
residents in H2 is a constant struggle. The
Palestinians are surrounded by Israeli
patrol units, clock towers, and some 16
checkpoints with constant surveillance
and curfews. Therefore, Hebron is
or a single, united state is ever an option,
one thing is certain: that wall must come
down.
Gabrielle Easter is in her third year
of a Bachelor of Arts (Media and
Communications), majoring in Government
and International Relations and Spanish.
Rawan Abdul-Nabi provides
a snapshot of the divisions that
haunt Hebron
symbolic of the border conflicts in Israel.
I took this photo in February 2010 as I
was waiting to clear the checkpoint to
make my way to a Palestinian pottery
store across this border. The soldiers on
patrol had just yelled at one of the young
boys who had crossed the concrete road
lane separator.
Rawan Abdul-Nabi is in her third year
of a Bachelor of Laws. The image is the
author’s own.
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 19
 ONE FILTER,
TWO WORLDS

Zvjezdana Kragic imagines

what the world would look
like if all nation-states
adopted the Internet filter

T he Australian Government is
determined to control what we see
on the Internet. Unfortunately, the fierce
public debate over a mandatory filter
operated by Internet Service Providers
(ISPs) has been restricted to well-
established ideological boundaries that
force people to choose between freedom
of speech and the protection of the
innocent. This translates into a polarising
– and simplistic – argument: that the filter
is either good or bad.
However, to automatically dismiss the
Government’s actions as authoritarian and
controlling is neither helpful nor accurate.
Nor is it correct to cloak Internet-patrol
as a protective measure, given the many
government bodies and initiatives that
are already engaged in monitoring and
prosecuting hackers, child pornographers
and terrorists.
A better approach is to be found in an
Orwellian or Huxleian thought experiment
in which we imagine every nation-state
adopting a filter. One can then ask the
question: will a filter actually be effective
in achieving its aims?
Efficacy can only be measured when the
aim is clearly defined. The protection of
children (and society more generally)
from all that is not pretty on the Internet is
not a clear aim; it is a result or a motivating
factor. Furthermore, as the Sydney
Morning Herald’s Communications
Correspondent, Ari Sharp, points out in
‘Net Nannies take on Freedom Fighters’,
child protection can be achieved by
downloading a manually controlled home
filter. So the sledgehammer approach of
a mandatory national filter leads to one
logical conclusion: “that the real targets
of the filter are adults”.
In fact, the true aim of the filter is to
regulate Internet activity. It is with
this pursuit in mind that we may more
pointedly critique how effective the filter
is likely to be.
A Parallel of the Parallel
First, we need to recognise that being
satisfied with the effect that the filter will
have in Australia alone is inadequate.
The Internet is of a global and shared
nature. Consequently, the filter’s effect
on international Internet regulation
is an important factor in determining
its effectiveness. But how does one
express concerns over the international
consequences of a mandatory filter
without encroaching on another state’s
sovereignty? It is easy to become mired in
the ongoing struggle to reconcile national
interests with conflicting international
demands. So let us analyse this problem
in a new light: one that stems from
Enlightenment philosophy.
Immanuel Kant’s categorical imperative is
used to evaluate motivations for action. It
involves imagining what the world would
be like if everyone adopted a particular
ideal as a moral constraint. Although it
is mostly used in moral philosophy, one
can apply the same concept in politics
and ask: what would the world look like
if every nation-state patrolled its Internet
borders, seeking only to protect the
citizens inside?
It would mean two things. First,
the Internet would be split into two
dimensions: the socially acceptable, safe
plane, and the unregulated, black-market
plane. Second, this division would lead
to an inevitable stereotype of the Internet
user qua the Internet division: those who
remain within the confines of their state’s
filter are moral and obedient citizens,
while those who dare to trespass must
be doing so in order to access blacklisted
or unavailable content. The way in

20 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist

which users and enforcers perceive the
Internet would drastically change in this
unregulated, parallel world.
Would such a division be conducive to
protecting citizens from illegal activity in
the cloud that is the Internet? To answer
this question, it is useful to explore what
motivates people to use the Internet in the
first place.
The Wild Wild West
The lawless nature of the World Wide
Web, or ‘Wild Wild West’ as it has come
to be perceived, provides governments
with countless provocations to introduce
a filter. The Web is a dimension to which
we all have access, and where illegal
and legal activities occur concurrently.
It seems like an anarchic world without
any legal framework, regulated only by
the market of demand and supply. The
consequences of this anarchic world
are starting to reveal themselves in the
rapidly changing ways in which we use
this space.
No longer do we go to the Net just to
search for answers to assignments, access
information about historical events, or
play games that require the space bar
to jump over purple monsters. Instead,
one’s life has become integrated with the
Wi-Fi microwaves and Ethernet cables
connected to laptops: things one carries
wherever one goes. To set a lunch date
with a colleague across the room, we
email each other; to catch up with friends,
we Facebook; to get the latest news, we
jump online every couple of hours; to find
information on how to change the lint in
Zippo lighters, we go to YouTube; and
to indulge any of our curiosities, senses,
appetites and desires, we go to Google.
The emphasis on these changes is not
to suggest that, when the Internet first
took flight, it did not allow for misuse or
criminal activity. But today the lines are
increasingly blurred. The fact that the
Internet is a dimension in which anyone
can place anything in a public cloud
that is accessible to all has compounded
issues of regulation. The legal – and, to an
extent, moral – boundaries that we find in
real life are nonexistent on the Web.
People ‘adopt’ multiple avatar identities
in virtual worlds, ‘smuggle’ information
across borders, ‘pick locks’ on classified
files, ‘steal’ content for free and ‘share’
it with other users: all without the same
fear and risk of prosecution that prohibits
similar acts in the physical dimension. One
can see why the Government is restless! It
wants to impose a moral division between
good and bad into a digital world where
boundaries are not easily identified.
To add a further layer of complexity,
Internet activity itself does not respect
borders. A Russian can sell pornographic
material to a North American, who sets
up a Web portal that is accessed by an
Australian, who shares content with a
Saudi Arabian. Although governments
have actively pursued extreme Web
activities such as terrorist conspiracies
and child pornography, much goes
unpunished and does not fall subject to
any legal system.
If Sharp was correct in stating that the
filter targets adults as well as children,
then the filter’s primary aim is not to
protect children. It is to sort through legal
and illegal activities that are currently
unregulated. If the aim is regulation
and the result is protection, we must
ask if there will be any side effects
that would nullify attempts to achieve
this goal. Again, this must be done in a
global context; a bordered, nationalistic
assessment of a tool so internationally
interconnected would be artificial.
Parallel Perceptions
Let’s return to imagining a world where
all states patrol their Internet borders,
creating the two aforementioned, morally
dichotomous planes. A collective of
nationally filtered Internet spaces would
compete against a singular international
space that would remain unregulated by
virtue of its orphan status. Parallel worlds
would begin to clash: one inhabited by
law-abiding citizens, the other by illegal
hackers who aim to escape the confines of
the local filter.
Two problems emerge in this scenario.
First, our social perceptions of what
is acceptable may change in a climate
of hypersensitivity. Everything will be
judged as falling on either side of the
dividing line of acceptability. Anything
beyond conventional action has the
potential to be blacklisted. No longer
will fringe activities be just ‘weird’, but
actually illegal. The implications here
are immense. Serious questions emerge
over how blacklisted content will be
determined, through government and
mainstream decisions, for approval.
Hacking out of the filtered space would
seemingly be an Orwellian revolution.
The second problem stems from the first.
A stark division in what is and what is not
acceptable may lead to this proliferation
of illegal activity outside the filter. When
improper activity hides underground, the
law ceases to be relevant. In the parallel
cloud, illegal activity will not be illegal;
rather, it will be a service that meets the
demands of the black market. The irony
is that the consequences of a global filter
would, in essence, defeat the aim of the
filter itself: to regulate activity.
Filtering the Internet may result in
destabilising the cycle of life that the
Web has found. On the Internet, what
does not gain popularity dies out, what
is unconventional finds its own space
and what is immoral is hunted down.
The Web is a living thing. It breathes life
into the cables that transport one person
from his or her physical boundaries to a
virtual reality. In a living environment,
ostracising particular areas and
attempting to exclude them from view
risks exacerbating them.
In the current Australian debate over a
mandatory filter, where can a moderate
person stand? The Internet is something
that we share with everyone: a
commonality, like the environment.
Regulative, but not exclusionary laws,
need to be developed on both the national
and international fronts.
If the main aim of the filter is to legalise
Web activity on a mass scale, it might
cause a counter-effect, by creating
regulated and unregulated spaces in
which activities are either legal or illegal
by virtue of belonging to either one of
those planes. As a result, dividing the
electronic cloud will not lead to the
effective implementation of an electronic
rule of law. It will only obscure what
Internet activity is really out there.
Zvjezdana Kragic recently completed
a Bachelor of Liberal Studies with
Honours in Philosophy.
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 21
 REDRAWING
INDIA’S
POLITICAL MAP
Adam Zwi traces the controversial history of the
Telangana movement in Andhra Pradesh, India
I ndia has always struggled to unify its
extraordinarily diverse population
under a federal structure. One solution
has been to create new states that give
expression to sub-national identities,
be they religious, economic, regional,
linguistic or ethnic. Most recently, the
Central Government announced that it
intended to proceed with the creation of
India’s 29th state, Telangana.
This is the latest instalment in a long
and continuing struggle for a separate
Telangana state. Telangana was originally
the Telugu-speaking region of the former
Hyderabad State. In 1956, it was merged
with the coastal state of Andhra, also
Telugu-speaking, to form the state of
Andhra Pradesh. It was precisely because
the regions shared a language that they
were merged. The ruling Congress Party
has traditionally supported the notion of
drawing state boundaries along linguistic
lines in an effort to organise India’s
fragmented internal map.
There was much contemporaneous debate
about whether creating a ‘linguistic state’
was appropriate in the region. The Prime
Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, departed
from party tradition by arguing against
the reorganisation of states on a linguistic
basis. He preferred to give primary
consideration to national unity, security
and prosperity when drawing state
boundaries. The States Reorganisation
Commission (SRC) was set up to examine
these issues, and ultimately recommended
that Telangana should not be merged with
Andhra for a number of reasons.
First, Telangana enjoyed a substantial
revenue surplus, despite being a relatively
poor state. Andhra, on the other hand,
suffered serious financial difficulties. A
merger would permit Andhra to benefit
from Telangana’s financial position and
divert resources away from Telangana’s
development.
Second, Telangana’s population was far
less educated than Andhra’s. Telangana had
previously been a region of the Muslim-
ruled Princely State of Hyderabad, whereas
22 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist
Andhra had been part of the British-ruled
Madras Presidency. With the benefit of
British education and administrative
experience, Andhrans would easily be
able to dominate the new state’s civil
service and would deny the people of
Telangana employment opportunities.
According to the SRC, Telangana feared
that it would be “converted into a colony
by the enterprising coastal Andhra”.
Third, Telangana’s public opinion on
the question of the new state had not yet
emerged. In Andhra, the proposal enjoyed
widespread support.
Nehru ultimately capitulated to political
pressure from Andhra. Reluctantly, he
declared the creation of Andhra Pradesh,
a uniformly Telugu-speaking state, on
March 5, 1956. Since then, the people
of Telangana have felt gravely aggrieved
and maintain that they are entitled to their
own state.
The SRC was prescient in its analysis
of the issue. Telangana has floundered
as a part of Andhra Pradesh, receiving
less than its due share of investment and
remaining widely undeveloped.
The issue of an employment deficit is
very much alive for Telangana people.
Earlier this year, a 19-year-old Telangana
resident immolated himself because he
was frustrated by the lack of available
employment opportunities. Pro-Telangana
campaigners say that a new state would
provide employment for Telangana’s
young population.
Whilst economic grievances are valid,
there is a more pressing issue at play:
identity. Despite sharing a language,
Telangana and Andhra were wholly
different cultural entities when they were
merged. Having been separated for 400
years, the two regions spoke different
dialects of Telugu. Whilst language was
the logic used to unite the regions, it has
become a divisive factor: a signifier of
difference rather than of shared identity.
In Telugu cinema, people from Telangana
are portrayed as villains, fools or
comedians: indicative of a widespread
sense of disenfranchisement and isolation.
In the words of the commentator Aparna
Alluri, “the Telangana movement…is
about a people whose identity has been
eroded by dominant narratives…The
demand is as much for recognition as it is
for separation”.
The root of the problem was the
asymmetry of the merger. By focusing
on language as the basis for drawing
boundaries, and neglecting to consider
cultural heritage, the Central Government
created a fundamentally unstable state.
On December 9, 2009, the Central
Government committed itself to fixing the
problem, but subsequently backtracked
due to strong protest. Wide-ranging
consultations have been initiated to settle
the Telangana question. There are good
reasons for a new state, but the Central
Government does not want to encourage
other secessionist movements. Whilst the
Balkanisation of India is something to be
avoided, there are persuasive arguments
for the re-drawing of state boundaries
up and down the country, particularly in
Assam, West Bengal and Kashmir.
At the end of British rule, the map of India
reflected its colonial experience. Ever
since Independence, India has struggled
to redraw its internal boundaries to reflect
the desires of its diverse population.
The case of Andhra Pradesh proves that
borders should be sensitive to political,
economic, linguistic, cultural and religious
factors. This is particularly true in India,
where identity politics are an extremely
powerful, and often destructive, political
force.
Adam Zwi is in his third year of a combined
Bachelor of Laws and Bachelor of Arts, majoring
in Government and International Relations.
THE MYTH OF THE RAINBOW NATION
Catrina Yu exposes the idealism that is stifling the South African identity
“Good morning, my darling.” Inviting
warmth exuded from an elderly white
woman at the counter of the local cafe, her
English richly coated with an Afrikaans
accent.
“Can I have an Earl Grey tea, please?” I
waited on the side for my order as I took
in the view from the side window. Painted
with the grandeur of Table Mountain, the
image was so picturesque that it bordered
on surrealism.
A few moments later, a commotion from
the kitchen disrupted my idealised reverie.
A young African girl emerged, her startled
eyes emanating fear. “Mam…”
“You stupid girl! Just grab the damn
kettle!” There was an instantaneous
change of character in the woman.
Dumbfounded, I averted my eyes.
“I’m sorry mam. I’m very sorry”. The
young woman scurried back into the
kitchen.
“Stupid black girl,” the elderly woman
muttered under her breath.
This was Cape Town. The date was
January 2010.
I n 1994, the world chose to see South
Africa in a new light, as it was
perpetuated as a symbol of triumph and
Western idealism. Miraculously, the
African National Congress (ANC), led
by Nelson Mandela, won 62.5 per cent
of the vote in the nation’s first democratic
elections.
Guided by the promises and support of
the Western world, the South African
Government established a Constitution
that duly satiated the thirst of the United
Nations for human rights. Most notably,
Chapter 2 provided an enviable Bill
of Rights that claimed to “[enshrine]
the rights of all people in our country
and [affirm] the democratic values of
human dignity, equality and freedom”.
Institutionalised racism was replaced
by a strong and tangible possibility for
equality. In theory, at least, it seemed that
South Africa was transformed overnight.
The nation’s future was arbitrarily torn
apart from the racial ugliness of its past.
Archbishop Desmond Tutu coined the
phrase ‘Rainbow Nation’ as a metaphor
for post-apartheid South Africa under
ANC rule. The term was intended to
encapsulate the unity of multiculturalism
in a country once identified with the strict
division of white and black. It became
further entrenched in the national rhetoric
when Nelson Mandela proclaimed that
South Africa was now “a rainbow nation
at peace with itself and the world”.
The image of a ‘Rainbow Nation’ has
provided the world with a practicable
illusion, one that is actively exploited
in stifling the realisation of a truly
multiracial nation. Away from the glare
of the international community, uneasy
racial tensions have ensued.
In the past two decades, as poverty
and violence became more entrenched
than ever within Africa, refugees from
Zimbabwe, Somalia, Burundi and the
Democratic Republic of Congo steadily
crossed South Africa’s borders. Upon
arrival, they became victims of growing
unemployment, crime and sexual abuse.
They were subsequently held responsible
for internal political and economic crises.
Fear drove immigrants into new, ethnic
enclaves. Their homes were burnt down
and looted; many were killed or assaulted
as the institutionalised racism of the pre-
1994 years manifested itself once more.
On May 12, 2008, in the township of
Alexandria in Johannesburg, locals
attacked migrants from Mozambique,
Malawi and Zimbabwe. This instigated
a stream of racial attacks that spread to
Durban and Cape Town. In November
2009, 3,000 Zimbabweans were forced
to abandon their homes, due to racial
violence motivated by fervent national
self-interest. Despite the high casualty
rates, these violent occurrences received
little international attention. One possible
explanation is that the international
community was blinded by the myth of
the ‘Rainbow Nation’.
The reality of South Africa as a struggling
and divided nation undermines its image as
a ‘Rainbow Nation’. The idealised image
of a ‘Rainbow Nation’ does not reflect the
social, economic and political realities in
South Africa. Whilst no one denies the
beauty of this diverse nation, not all South
Africans have the opportunity to enjoy
its beauty. The picturesque Lion’s Head
in Cape Town, for example, lies in stark
contrast to the poverty-stricken township
in Khayelitsha. The nation remains
divided in two, despite the political
rhetoric surrounding unification.
Ultimately, we need to look beyond the
metaphor of the ‘Rainbow Nation’ to
realise South Africa’s true colours. As the
host of this year’s Soccer World Cup, South
Africa will undoubtedly receive more
international coverage and scrutiny than
ever before. The international community
will be reminded that segregation does
still exist in South Africa, regardless of
its liberal Bill of Rights. 16 years after
the abolition of apartheid, South Africa
remains besieged with realising what it
truly means to be a ‘Rainbow Nation’: an
ideal that seemingly haunts us all.
Catrina (Chuan) Yu is in her second year
of a combined Bachelor of Laws and
Bachelor of Arts, majoring in History.
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 23

THE GLOBALISATION OF
TAMIL NATIONALISM
I nternational law and the geopolitical
order are fundamentally predicated
on the sovereignty of states. Running
counter to this is the legal notion of self-
determination, which minority groups
have often asserted in order to protect
their rights in the wake of state-led
oppression. The long-standing conflict
in Sri Lanka can be characterised as a
military and political clash between these
two ideals. In the wake of the historical
marginalisation of the island’s Tamils, the
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)
pursued self-determination through an
armed struggle for a separate Tamil state,
whereas the Sri Lankan state affirmed its
sovereignty over the island’s territory.
The military victory of the state over the
LTTE in 2009 (with Chinese and Indian
political and military support) illustrates
the primacy of sovereignty over self-
determination in the present world order.
However, the post-war era has demonstrated
that the political spaces contested hitherto
by internal actors in Sri Lanka have been
fundamentally globalised, leading to fresh
notions of borders, conflict and political
community. In particular, the notion of
self-determination has taken on a global
nature, with the struggle for Tamil
political rights continuing in the post-
war period. Several countervailing forces
have emerged to reinvigorate the claims
of Tamil self-determination, including the
demands of human rights, the migration
flows of asylum seekers, and Chinese
and Indian geopolitical interests in the
Indian Ocean. Moreover, the presence of
a politically mobilised diaspora ensures
that Tamil rights are permanently in the
Western orbit.
In response, Western policy has
acknowledged the need for power-
24 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist
sharing to accommodate minority rights,
but insists that this can be accomplished
through processes of state transformation,
whereby the state voluntarily reconfigures
its sovereignty. However, we argue that
post-war developments in Sri Lanka
indicate the unreality of such a project
and challenge the assumption that security
is served by maintaining the inviolability
of sovereignty. Rather, we propose that
the Tamil case illustrates the Realpolitik
of recognising self-determination as a
primary right leading to a ground-up
process of state formation.
Legal Theories on Self-Determination
The right to self-determination is a
collective right, exercisable only by
groups, and allows those groups to
choose their sovereign political status
freely. It is enshrined in Article 1 of the
UN Charter and restated as a founding
principle of numerous other conventions.
There are two facets to the right of self-
determination: first, the external aspect,
which relates to the nature of a group’s
status in international law, and second,
the internal aspect, which relates to the
right of a group to choose a system of
governance within the territory that it
purports to define. Groups that seek to
assert a right to self-determination must
establish a distinguishable culture, a
history of independence or self-rule in
an identifiable territory, and a will and
capability to self-govern.
Self-determination initially arose in the
context of decolonisation. In the Tamil
case, as in many others, the claim of
self-determination involves the assertion
of autonomy by ethnic and religious
minorities within already-established
sovereign states. Unlike former colonial
land, these claims need not necessarily
The Tigers may have silenced their
guns, but in the wake of Sri Lanka’s
civil war, what prospects remain for
Tamil claims to self-determination?
Sam Thampapillai and Mario
Emmanuel explore this pertinent
question.
include an external recognition of a new
statehood. Instead, the claim may focus on
the internal aspects of self-determination,
including the right to a particular form of
self-governance such as federalism.
In these circumstances, as demonstrated
by the International Court of Justice
advisory opinion in the Western Sahara
case in 1975, the minorities do not
have recourse to the institutions of
international law because, as individuals
who have no recourse to requests for
statehood under international law, they
do not yet have a state that can carry their
case. This means that the success of the
claim to self-determination depends on
another sovereign state willingly ceding
administrative control of a territory. These
are concessions that few states are willing
to make, regardless of the legitimacy of
the minority’s claim.
Thus, a clear conflict between state
sovereignty and self-determination
emerges. Some academics have postulated
that, where a sovereign state frustrates a
legitimate assertion of self-determination,
a right to unilateral secession arises.
Practically, this is a politically moot point.
States form the cornerstones of global
stability and international relations have
placed pre-eminence on the inviolability
of state sovereignty. Therefore, there is no
consensus yet on adopting this new form
of statehood recognition.
The Need for Countervailing Force
Thus, the theoretical foundations of
self-determination are academically
recognised, if highly debated. However,
practically, we suggest that the actual
realisation of collective rights requires
countervailing force. In the Tamil case,
after the failure of three decades of
political and parliamentary pressure, it
was only the recourse to armed struggle
that compelled the Sri Lankan state to
recognise Tamil aspirations, even though
it ultimately failed.
This countervailing force reached its
zenith in the early 2000s, when the LTTE
was running a de facto state over much of
the territory it claimed for a separate Tamil
Eelam. This created a rival centre of power
to the Colombo government. However,
the LTTE was categorically defeated in
2009. Although it was once considered
invincible, Sri Lanka’s elimination of the
LTTE leadership (alongside an estimated
40,000 Tamil civilian casualties)
fundamentally changed the power balance
between Tamils and the state.
This return to the status-quo ante-bellum
was heralded by some commentators
as an ‘end of history’ moment for Tamil
nationalism. Yet Sri Lanka’s post-war
landscape features several new factors
that continue to challenge the state’s
legitimacy, reinvigorating the political
claim of the Tamils for self-determination.
These new factors differ from the past in
that they are inherently internationalised,
as the legal claims for statehood rely on
international law. Thus, they not only
pressure the Sri Lankan state over its post-
war trajectory with the Tamil population,
but also require the international
community to re-evaluate its approach to
the claim for self-determination.
Human Rights and Liberal Governance
A key driver of current Tamil self-
determination is the professed concern
of the international community over the
safeguarding of human rights within Sri
Lanka. Implicit in such rhetoric is the
belief that, in a post-war society, de-
militarisation and democratisation should
gradually emerge. However, the conduct
of the state in the war’s closing stages,
and in its yearlong aftermath, has revealed
that human rights violations in Sri Lanka
are inextricably bound to the ethnocentric
character of the state.
Following the war, the Sri Lankan
Government incarcerated 300,000
Tamil civilians – the entire population
of the former conflict zone – in military
internment camps. Moreover, the Tamil
majority regions of Sri Lanka are now
under permanent military occupation,
with the UK’s The Times reporting the
expansion of army camps throughout the
country’s northern and eastern regions.
Arguably, this constitutes a significant
subjugation of Tamils in the absence of
an armed threat. Furthermore, a year after
victory was declared in the war, Sri Lanka
continues to be governed under a state
of emergency, with sweeping powers for
both the military and police. A U.S. State
Department report on human rights in Sri
Lanka, released in March 2010, reveals
the consequences of such militarisation.
It details that, overwhelmingly, the
victims of human rights violations, which
included acts such as extrajudicial killings
and unexplained disappearances, were
young, male Tamils.
Consequently, the evidence reveals
that human rights for Tamils cannot be
safeguarded without the existence of an
independent political space for Tamils
as a collective entity. Doctrines such as
the Responsibility to Protect empower
the international community to breach
sovereignty where human rights are
violated. Thus, a commitment to liberal
values can only truly be realised by
emphasising Tamil self-determination
as a necessary foundation for a stable,
overarching Sri Lankan polity.
Internationalised Elements
Whilst the ‘internationalisation’ of human
rights norms may at best intensify the
hypocrisy of professing liberal values in
the absence of credible support for Tamil
self-determination, other factors create
an impetus for self-determination. The
continuing insecurity for Tamils in Sri
Lanka resulted in a continued, steady
flow of asylum seekers throughout the
history of the conflict, particularly since
its conclusion. These historical flows have
created a million-strong Tamil diaspora
that is primarily domiciled in India,
Europe, North America and Australia.
The increased migration flows have put
pressure on border protection globally.
Governments facing political fallout over
increased boat arrivals have gravitated
towards short-term measures, such as
Australia’s recent freeze on processing
Sri Lankan asylum claims. Whilst such
measures have electoral value, they
are unlikely to halt migration flows in
the absence of political stability in Sri
Lanka.
Concurrently, the diaspora’s vigorous
engagement with Sri Lanka’s politics
has made the Tamil claim for self-
determination a transnational discourse,
involving both Tamils on the island
of Sri Lanka and those outside. In this
transnational discourse, the diaspora lays
concurrent claims: first, as a stakeholder
in Sri Lankan politics, with its members as
constituents of a ‘Tamil Nation’ dispersed
by the ethnocentric politics of Sri Lanka,
and second, as full citizens of Western
democracies, and the inheritors of their
liberal democratic ideals.
This political space, in which the diaspora
confidently asserts a dual identity, ensures
that the politics of the ‘homeland’ retain
an integral part of its members’ political
engagement with Western governments.
A key example of this new ‘political
space’ is the worldwide ‘referendums’
on an independent Tamil Eelam that
have been conducted by diaspora Tamils.
Maintaining that democratic space for
Tamils is absent in Sri Lanka, where
the advocacy of separatism is banned
under the Constitution. The diaspora
argues that referendums are a legitimate
use of Western democracy in which
Tamil national aspirations can be freely
expressed. Conversely, the diaspora’s
mobilisation is not without its critics.
Some have argued that the diaspora has the
luxury of pursuing maximalist objectives
while being disconnected from the ground
realities facing Tamils in Sri Lanka.
Nonetheless, the diaspora’s mobilisation
is powerful and has drawn the attention of
Western policy makers. For example, the
International Crisis Group has devoted an
entire report to the diaspora post-LTTE.
Ultimately, the widespread Tamil
migration, combined with the diaspora’s
resilience in maintaining Tamil national
aspirations, and its capacity to finance
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 25
 further armed struggle, place the conflict
firmly within the Western orbit. A
meaningful model of self-determination
will not only promote peace in areas of
conflict but also mitigate the conflict’s
international fallout, thereby contributing
towards greater global stability.
The Geopolitical Game
The international community also has
other strategic interests that are intertwined
with Tamil political claims on the island
of Sri Lanka. The military defeat of the
LTTE was significantly assisted by the
geopolitical alignment of Sri Lanka with
the global south, especially China. The
West, whilst opposing the armed struggle
of the LTTE and its secessionist goal,
placed faith in the containment process
that was enacted, which focused on
stabilising the situation to a negotiated
equilibrium favourable to its interests.
However, the emergence of China and
the global south as allies of Sri Lanka
provided the Sri Lankan state with an
alternate pathway to defeat the LTTE.
Such a geopolitical alignment provided
not only military support to Sri Lanka, but
also acted as a buttress against the charges
of war crimes that were subsequently
brought against the state. Assistance has
continued after the war, with significant
financial flows from China.
Unsurprisingly, these funds have favoured
a post-war model centred on economic
development, rather than governance
reform and improving political rights.
This tactic is clearly aligned with the
interests of the global south, whose states
have been similarly harsh in dealing
with their minorities and sub-nationalist
movements. Ultimately, this financial
backing stabilises the current autocratic
rule in Sri Lanka. In turn, this reduces
the leverage of sanctions (and similar
measures) being used by the West, such as
the EU’s suspension of Sri Lanka’s GSP+
(Generalised System of Preferences
extension) concession. Thus, empowering
a claim of self-determination could
perhaps be the only vehicle for the West
to wield influence in the region, given
its rivals’ competition for hard and soft
power in the region and in an increasingly
multipolar world.
Self-Determination: The Foreign Policy
Prescription
The abovementioned factors clearly
align Tamil desires for self-determination
with the strategic interests of Western
stakeholders. However, the key issue
of deciding how to advance such a goal
remains. As mentioned, bridging the
gap between self-determination and
sovereignty in international law requires
the unlikely acquiescence of the Sri
Lankan state in voluntarily adopting
structures to accommodate the plural
nature of its polity.
26 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist
Some Western states have sought
to encourage this process of ‘state
transformation’ through constitutional
reform. Although they reject self-
determination as a right, some Western
states have sought to “convince the
Sri Lankan state to transform itself in
such a manner as to address the various
challenges that it faces”, the former
Tamil MP Gajen Ponnambalam has
posited. Indeed, the U.S. response to Sri
Lanka’s recent parliamentary election
encouraged the Government to move
forward on issues such as “national and
ethnic reconciliation, decentralizing
power, economic development, and
securing human rights”. Thus, Western
policy recognises the pragmatism of
decentralised governance, but still treats
sovereignty as sacrosanct. Consequently,
it has advocated measures that internally
restructure sovereignty through top-
down devolutionary processes such as
constitutional reform. The central policy
focus is not so much the goal – of a
decentralised political model – but the
particular method of arriving at such an
outcome.
However, Sri Lanka’s history has
shown that the state has been unwilling
to devolve power to the Tamils. The
key driver of this resistance is a deep-
seated Sinhalese ultranationalism that
has been emboldened under a unitary
Constitution. Moreover, Sri Lanka’s
electoral democracy reinforces such
majoritarianism. Sinhalese-dominated
parties have sought to outdo each other
over who can best represent Sinhalese
interests, usually at the expense of
Tamils. Among the advantages afforded
by numerical superiority to the Sinhalese
majority is the opportunity to camouflage
discriminatory measures through a
democratic veneer.
Where ethnocentric policy is electorally
incentivised and structurally entrenched,
there is no impetus for the state to
transform itself voluntarily. Despite this,
as mentioned, top-down constitutional
reform has become a major preoccupation
of Western policy towards Sri Lanka. We
argue that a more pragmatic policy is a
‘ground-up’ policy that would recognise
a primary right of self-determination of
the island’s constituent Tamil peoples.
A federal policy premised on self-
determination does not regard the state
as the sole custodian of power. This
would empower civil society and NGOs
to organise on their own terms. It would
mitigate against the politicisation of
development, with projects organised and
donor funds channelled directly through
non-governmental routes. Moreover,
political engagement by foreign
governments and agencies would not need
to occur exclusively through the conduits
specified by the state. Such measures
would mark sovereignty as residing with
the people, not the state. This would more
likely result in accountable governance,
human rights and the empowerment
of citizens. It necessarily punctures
the equation of majoritarianism with
democracy, recognising the pluralistic
nature of the island.
Conclusion
The formation of political spaces in
which minority groups such as Tamils can
enjoy both individual and group rights
is increasingly crucial in a globalised
world. Regional instability has broader
security and economic implications for
the international community. The case
of the Tamils demonstrates that intra-
state conflict has significant global reach.
Moreover, the end of armed hostilities
does not in itself end political turmoil.
The principle of self-determination forms
the most pragmatic basis of reconciling
group identity within the community of
nations. Western foreign policy should
not insist that decentralised models of
governance emerge from within the state
itself. Rather, the recognition of a right to
self-determination is a first step in state-
formation. This process is more consonant
with the ideals of liberalism and human
rights than the realist project of top-down
state-transformation. Such a process
identifies the primacy of sovereignty as
being within the possession of citizens
themselves. Moreover, this facilitates
governance models that promote stability
and regional security. The political
recognition of the Tamil claim to self-
determination thus portends to resolve
civil strife within Sri Lanka and augurs
well for the global project of liberal
democracy.
Postscript
Since the original submission of this
article, new events have reinforced its
thesis. The International Crisis Group
released a report that provided substantial
evidence of war crimes committed by the
Sri Lankan armed forces, prompting the
UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-Moon,
to announce an investigative panel
into Sri Lanka’s conduct of the war.
Simultaneously, Tamils in the diaspora
have elected representatives to a Trans-
National Government of Tamil Eelam,
which was launched at the historic
Philadelphia Independence Mall in the
United States. It appears that, whilst the
war is over, the battle lines remain drawn
in the ongoing quest for Tamil self-
determination.
Sam Thampapillai is in his sixth year
of a combined Bachelor of Laws and
Bachelors of Economics (Honours).
Mario Emmanuel is in his fourth year
of a combined Bachelor of Laws and a
Bachelor of Commerce.
27
 PEACE IN THE HOLY LAND
Raihana Haidary examines the borders of Jerusalem that lie at the heart of the ,VUDHO3DOHVWLQHFRQÀLFW

J erusalem remains central to the

identity of the Jewish people, as well
as Muslims and Christians. The vague
7HO $YLY´ 7KH ,VUDHOL 3ULPH 0LQLVWHU¶V
bureau released a further statement
claiming that there were no limitation
borders of this Holy City are at the root of rights on the ownership of Jerusalem.
WKH,VUDHOL3DOHVWLQLDQFRQÀLFWDQGIXUWKHU
settlement of these disputed areas could 8QGHU LQWHUQDWLRQDO ODZ KRZHYHU WKH
potentially destroy the peace process. construction of settlements in the occupied
:HVW%DQNDQG(DVW-HUXVDOHPLVLOOHJDO
The Holy City and Its Unholy 6HFXULW\&RXQFLO5HVROXWLRQDGRSWHG
Consequences RQ-XQHGHPRQVWUDWHVWKHLQYDOLG
The political analyst Rashid Khalidi nature of “actions taken by Israel, the
UHFRJQLVHV WKH VLJQL¿FDQFH RI WKH occupying power, which purport to alter
Jerusalem issue in moulding an effective the character and status of the Holy City resolution found in March, the
peace process, claiming that “in the RI -HUXVDOHP´ %DQ .L 0RRQ H[SUHVVO\ settlements pose “a dangerous obstacle to
end, only a negotiation in which all of FRQGHPQHG ,VUDHO¶V SROLF\ ³/HW XV EH DMXVWDQGFRPSUHKHQVLYHSHDFHSURFHVV´
Jerusalem is placed on the table will clear, all settlement activities are illegal 1HWDQ\DKX KDV FRQ¿UPHG WKHVH IHDUV E\
VXI¿FH´ -HUXVDOHP¶V UHOLJLRXV FHQWUH anywhere in occupied territory and this stating unequivocally that the settlements
covers only one square kilometre, yet it PXVWVWRS´ “will be part of Israel in any peace
UHPDLQV WKH SLYRWDO SRLQW RI WKH FRQÀLFW VHWWOHPHQW´ DQG WKDW GLVPLVVLQJ WKHP
with its overlapping demographic, “runs the risk of the peace process being
political, religious and symbolic borders. EORFNHG IRU D \HDU´ 7KH 8QLWHG 6WDWHV
The sacred sites increase tensions as they Jerusalem’s religious centre 6HFUHWDU\RI6WDWH+LODU\&OLQWRQKDVDOVR
overlap physically, and are historically covers only one square DFNQRZOHGJHG WKH VHWWOHPHQWV¶ VHULRXV
indivisible. implications in “endangering proximity
kilometre, yet it remains the WDONV DQG XQGHUPLQLQJ$PHULFD¶V DELOLW\
The Tensions Over Sovereignty SLYRWDOSRLQWRIWKHFRQÀLFWZLWK to play an essential role in the peace
The issue of sovereignty remains at the heart its overlapping demographic, SURFHVV´
of the tension. The Israeli commentator political, religious and symbolic
(KXG <DDUL FODLPV ³LW¶V LPSRVVLEOH IRU Real Peace?
any Israeli prime minister to say that he borders. Yaari proposes the most realistic step
LVJRLQJWRIRUHJR-HUXVDOHPEHIRUHD¿QDO WR HQG WKH FRQÀLFW SHUPDQHQWO\ )DU
status negotiation with the Palestinians IURP DFFHSWLQJ 3UHVLGHQW %XVK¶V IDLOHG
IRUHQGRIFRQÀLFW´)XUWKHUPRUH+DPDV )XUWKHUPRUH WR WKH 3DOHVWLQLDQV (DVW µURDGPDSIRUSHDFH¶KHSURSRVHVDOHVV
refuses to participate in dialogue with Jerusalem stands as a future capital of ambitious armistice, forcing both sides to
Israel, claiming, “we want to recognise ZKDWWKH4XDUWHWWKH86818.DQG FRPSURPLVH%\IRFXVLQJRQGLDORJXHDQG
the Palestinian people as a partner in this
land … we demand the establishment of
a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its
FDSLWDO´7KH816HFUHWDU\*HQHUDO%DQ
Ki Moon, recognises the pivotal nature of
VRYHUHLJQW\VWDWLQJ³:HPXVW¿QGDZD\
for Jerusalem to emerge from negotiation
as the capital of two states, with the
arrangement of holy sites acceptable to
DOO´
Settlements and the Peace Process
The continuous tensions over the
sovereignty of Jerusalem have never been
more evident than in the recent proposal
E\ ,VUDHOL 3ULPH 0LQLVWHU %HQMDPLQ
1HWDQ\DKX WR FRQVWUXFW DQ H[WUD 
residential units in the East Jerusalem
QHLJKERXUKRRG RI 5DPDW 6KORPR
'HVSLWHWKHGLVSXWHGERUGHUV1HWDQ\DKX
KDV GH¿DQWO\ FODLPHG WKDW ³EXLOGLQJ LQ
Jerusalem is the same as building in
28 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist
5XVVLDZDQWVE\DQ³LQGHSHQGHQW addressing the possibility of a Palestinian
democratic and viable Palestinian state VWDWH ZLWKRXW IRFXVLQJ RQ -HUXVDOHP¶V
living side by side in peace and security sovereignty, both states can move beyond
ZLWK,VUDHO´ WKH VWDOHPDWH RI WKH ODVW  \HDUV $V
<DDULFODLPV³LWZRXOGFRQVWLWXWHDPDMRU
The disputed settlement proposal has step towards ending the occupation,
seriously hampered the peace process. In IXQGDPHQWDOO\ UHFRQ¿JXULQJ WKH FRQÀLFW
the eyes of the Palestinians, settlements DQGPDNLQJWKHSURVSHFWVIRUD¿QDOVWDWXV
diminish the possibility of a future DJUHHPHQWIDUEULJKWHUWKDQEHIRUH´
VRYHUHLJQ 3DOHVWLQLDQ VWDWH 6LQFH WKH
V KDOI D PLOOLRQ -HZLVK VHWWOHUV Jerusalem, with its overlapping borders,
KDYH VHWWOHG LQ WKH :HVW %DQN DQG (DVW VLWV DW WKH KHDUW RI WKH FRQÀLFW ZLWK WKH
Jerusalem along the built barrier, forcing current increase in settlement activity
more Palestinians out of this area. The further dividing the two states. Peace
Israeli claim of right to total ownership efforts must focus on a resolution beyond
RIWKHµSURPLVHGODQG¶KDVIXUWKHUIXHOOHG the borders of the Holy City before they
disagreement, as greater settlement become so blurred through settlement that
signals an intention to maintain, and compromise becomes impossible.
possibly expand, the borders.
5DLKDQD+DLGDU\LVLQKHU¿UVW\HDURID
The division has severed all proximity %DFKHORURI$UWVPDMRULQJLQ*RYHUQPHQW
WDONV DQG DV WKH $UDE /HDJXH VXPPLW DQG,QWHUQDWLRQDO5HODWLRQV
ON FRAGILE BORDERS
/HZLV+DPLOWRQexamines the ethno-political borders of the ;LQMLDQJprovince in China
The border is still under constant strain
from the remnants of the Cold War. The
new and independent Central Asian
FRXQWULHV WKDW EURNH RII IURP WKH 6RYLHW
8QLRQ ± .\UJ\]VWDQ 7DMLNLVWDQ DQG
.D]DNKVWDQ ± EURXJKW DERXW D G\QDPLF
pro-independence sentiment among
;LQMLDQJ¶V PDMRULW\ HWKQLF JURXS WKH
8\JKXUV PDQ\ RI ZKRP GHVLUHG WKH
sovereignty that their near neighbours
had attained. That sentiment has spawned
the growth of insurgency movements in
the province, and raised grave concerns
among policy makers about the possible
secession of the region from mainland
China. It is not surprising, then, that new
VWFHQWXU\WHUURULVPIRVWHUVIHDUDPRQJ
&KLQHVHUDQNV)ROORZLQJ6HSWHPEHU
X LQMLDQJ SURYLQFH LQ WKH ZHVW WKHERUGHUEHWZHHQ;LQMLDQJDQG3DNLVWDQ
of China is a haven for ethnic was closed by authorities in order to
XQUHVW DQG D PLFURFRVP RI WKH QDWLRQ¶V prevent spills of ethno-religious terrorist
fractured human rights record. The networks from Central Asia that could
media are on high alert every time there feed the insurgency movements already
is an apparent Chinese Communist present in the province.
Party (CCP) crackdown in the region.
There are acts of repression instigated
E\&KLQHVHDXWKRULWLHVLQ;LQMLDQJIURP
the temporary banning of text messaging
Xinjiang, then, is more
and the censorship of websites, to the than just land and people.
arrest of teenagers for contacting a group It is an economy, and it
H[WHUQDOWRWKHFRXQWU\%XWZKDWLVPRVW is vital to the continued
interesting about the region is its border,
DQG LPSRUWDQWO\ WKH VLJQL¿FDQFH RI WKDW JURZWKDQGSURVSHULW\RI
border to Chinese national security, and to &KLQDDVDZKROH
the political minds of the one-party state.
;LQMLDQJ ERUGHUV ,QGLD 3DNLVWDQ If there is one thing clear about nation-
Afghanistan, Russia, Mongolia, and three states it is that they do not like to give
H[ 6RYLHW 8QLRQ VWDWHV HLJKW FRXQWULHV XS WHUULWRU\ ZLWKRXW D ¿JKW DQG &KLQD
with immensely varying political LV QR H[FHSWLRQ ;LQMLDQJ FRQWDLQV RQH
systems and cultural histories. It is no VL[WK RI &KLQD¶V WRWDO ODQGPDVV DV ZHOO
wonder that cross-border migration and as a good portion of its economy. Many
political ideologies blur the distinction DUHDV RI ;LQMLDQJ DUH ULFK ZLWK RLO DQG
EHWZHHQZKDWLV;LQMLDQJDQGZKDWLVQRW provide China with its own, steady supply
(WKQLFDOO\;LQMLDQJLVYHU\GLIIHUHQWIURP RI HQHUJ\ 7KH &KLQHVH *RYHUQPHQW
the rest of China. The population is mostly will do everything in its power to ensure
dense in the western regions, which are that every drop of oil is used for the
separated from the main mass of China advancement of China, so that business
by the Taklamakan Desert. As a result of does not have to redirect its attention to
this geographical separation, the ethnic more volatile regions, like the Persian
GHPRJUDSKLFV RI ;LQMLDQJ UHÀHFW WKH *XOI 8QGRXEWHGO\ LW KDV QRW HVFDSHG
populations of its border states more than the notice of the CCP that the region is
WKH\ GR WKH UHVW RI &KLQD 7KH 8\JKXU also a powerful security buffer between
who make up a minority in greater China, the vastly populated eastern provinces
EXW D PDMRULW\ LQ ;LQMLDQJ KDYH QHYHU (as one academic has called it, the “island
people. It is an economy, and it is vital
to the continued growth and prosperity
of China as a whole. The sentiment of
independence that simmers in the region
threatens China, and perhaps rightly so
for these reasons.
Cross-border migration and
political ideologies blur the
GLVWLQFWLRQEHWZHHQZKDWLV
;LQMLDQJDQGZKDWLVQRW
A combination of tactics aimed at
ethnic dilution and strategic economic
development has been used to secure
the province and solidify the border.
Economic expansion in the region has
led to masses of Chinese Han immigrants
ÀRRGLQJ LQWR WKH PDUNHW LQFUHDVLQJ
the ethnic population of Han Chinese
IURP  SHU FHQW WR  SHU FHQW RI WKH
total population in the province. There
have been restrictions placed upon the
XVH RI 8\JKXU ODQJXDJH LQ VFKRROV DQG
WKH UHOLJLRXV H[SUHVVLRQ RI WKH 8\JKXU
inhabitants. Economic development
policies also seek to boost the prosperity
of the region and legitimate CCP rule.
%RUGHU FKDQJHV KDYH FRPH DQG JRQH
been drawn and redrawn, crossed and re-
FURVVHG7KH\DUHWKHVXEMHFWRIGLSORPDWLF
breakdowns and the cause of international
battles; most importantly, they still exist
in the world today, no matter how often
ZH SUHGLFW WKHLU REVROHWHQHVV %RUGHUV
still matter to states, especially borders
DV IUDJLOH DV ;LQMLDQJ¶V 5DUHO\ GR ZH
ORRNSDVWWKHPHGLDFRYHUDJHRI;LQMLDQJ
province and think of why the region really
matters to China. To us, it is a hotspot for
ethnic unrest and human rights violations.
7R &KLQD¶V SHRSOH KRZHYHU WKH UHJLRQ
is part of their identity, their security,
DQG WKHLU IXWXUH SURVSHULW\ ;LQMLDQJ LV
torn between cultures and politics: little
wonder why it is such a priority for the
CCP.
/HZLV +DPLOWRQ LV LQ KLV WKLUG \HDU
RI %DFKHORU RI $UWV PDMRULQJ LQ
really been culturally proximate to the &KLQD´ UHJLRQ DQG WKH UHVW RI (XUDVLD *RYHUQPHQW DQG ,QWHUQDWLRQDO 5HODWLRQV
PDMRULW\&KLQHVH+DQ ;LQMLDQJWKHQLVPRUHWKDQMXVWODQGDQG DQG6RFLRORJ\

TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 29

 When Geneva Meets Genetics
Michael West analyses the emerging nexus between science and diplomacy

-RUGDQ 7KH 5R\DO 6RFLHW\ LV SDUWQHULQJ

with the Organisation of the Islamic
Conference to produce an Atlas of Islamic
:RUOG 6FLHQFH DQG ,QQRYDWLRQ ZKLFK
will identify potential science linkages
LQ 0XVOLPPDMRULW\ FRXQWULHV JOREDOO\
These efforts aid science, while nurturing
constructive international ties.

Diplomacy for Science

6HFRQGWKHUHLVµGLSORPDF\IRUVFLHQFH¶
which entails using diplomatic engagement
to create cross-border political support for
SURJUDPV WKDW EHQH¿W VFLHQFH ([DPSOHV
might include providing state funding
IRU PXOWLQDWLRQDO SURMHFWV OLNH WKH /DUJH

O Q D VWHDP\ GD\ LQ  IURP D

facility nestled in the mountainous
3XHUWR5LFDQMXQJOHKXPDQNLQGPDGHLWV
government organisations, or institutions
such as universities, research laboratories
DQG QDWLRQDO VFLHQWL¿F DFDGHPLHV ,Q
Hadron Collider particle accelerator or
enacting less restrictive visa requirements.
$IWHUWKH6HSWHPEHUDWWDFNVVFLHQWLVWV
¿UVW FRQFHUWHG DWWHPSW WR FURVV WKH PRVW these circles, science diplomacy is the IURP 0XVOLPPDMRULW\ FRXQWULHV IDFHG
imposing of borders: the void separating VXEMHFW RI LQFUHDVLQJ HQWKXVLDVP 7KH GLI¿FXOWLHV LQ FROODERUDWLQJ ZLWK WKHLU
this solar system from the rest of the 8QLWHG.LQJGRPDSSRLQWHGLWV¿UVW&KLHI American and European counterparts
universe. The Arecibo radio telescope 6FLHQWL¿F $GYLVHU WR WKH )RUHLJQ 2I¿FH because of prohibitive travel restrictions.
beamed a message to the stars, encoding ODVW \HDU )HGRURII ZDV UHFHQWO\ HOHFWHG Other issues, like the management of
D YDULHW\ RI PDWKHPDWLFDO DQG VFLHQWL¿F president of the prominent American intellectual property and the regulation
FRQFHSWV±IURPRXUV\VWHPRIFRXQWLQJWR Association for the Advancement of of potentially harmful emerging
WKHVWUXFWXUHRI'1$±WKDWZRXOGLQIRUP 6FLHQFH DQG FRXQWULHV IURP (XURSH WR technologies, also require an international
alien recipients about humanity. Asia are beginning to invest in similar approach, with diplomats laying the
programs. This is because politicians, foundations for scientists to conduct their
6LQFH WKDW GDWH WKLV PHWKRG RI EULGJLQJ diplomats and scientists all see potential work.
such an inevitably vast communication EHQH¿WVLQWKHPDQ\GLIIHUHQWIRUPVWKDW
gap by appealing to science and science diplomacy can assume.
mathematics, what Astronomer Royal 6RFLHWLHVZLOOUHTXLUH
Martin Rees called “the surest common Science for Diplomacy breakthroughs from
FXOWXUH´KDVJDLQHGWUDFWLRQ7KHREYLRXV )LUVW WKHUH LV µVFLHQFH IRU GLSORPDF\¶
FDYHDW±WKDWFRQWDFWZLWKH[WUDWHUUHVWULDOV which involves states working laboratories and conference
LV ZLOGO\ XQOLNHO\ ± GRHV QRW PDNH WKH FRRSHUDWLYHO\ RQ MRLQW VFLHQWL¿F SURMHFWV halls in equal measure.
idea useless. Closer to home, we must that target international issues like
take advantage of the border-crossing climate change, and which build closer
universality of science to forge the UHODWLRQVKLSV DV D UHVXOW 6SHDNLQJ WR Science in Diplomacy
transnational connections needed to WKH 5R\DO 6RFLHW\ WKH 8.¶V QDWLRQDO 7KH WKLUG PDMRU FRPSRQHQW LV µVFLHQFH
address the looming challenges of the DFDGHP\ RI VFLHQFH WKH %ULWLVK )RUHLJQ LQ GLSORPDF\¶ ZKLFK UHÀHFWV WKH IDFW
VWFHQWXU\ 6HFUHWDU\ 'DYLG 0LOLEDQG TXRWHG WKDW VFLHQWL¿F DGYLFH PXVW QRZ LQIRUP
7KRPDV 3DLQH¶V HSLJUDP ³DQ DUP\ RI foreign policy decision-making, from
7KLVFRQFHSWODEHOOHGµVFLHQFHGLSORPDF\¶ principles can penetrate where an army of climate change to nuclear weapons.
LVGH¿QHGE\1LQD)HGRURIIWKH6FLHQFH VROGLHUVFDQQRW´WRLOOXVWUDWHKLVEHOLHILQ Rapid shifts in technology can break
DQG 7HFKQRORJ\ $GYLVHU WR WKH 8QLWHG the utility of science to cultivate linkages diplomatic impasses by enabling cheaper
6WDWHV6HFUHWDU\RI6WDWH+LOODU\&OLQWRQ despite tense political climates. or more politically acceptable solutions
DV ³WKH XVH RI VFLHQWL¿F FROODERUDWLRQV WR WKRUQ\ SUREOHPV 1HJRWLDWRUV PXVW
among nations to address the common +LVWRULFDOFROODERUDWLRQVEHWZHHQ6RYLHWV also be aware of what is still impossible,
SUREOHPV IDFLQJ VW FHQWXU\ KXPDQLW\ DQG$PHULFDQV*HUPDQVDQG,VUDHOLVDQG and recognise limitations in areas like
and to build constructive international Western and Eastern Europeans all provide the detection of nuclear material or the
SDUWQHUVKLSV´ $OWKRXJK µVFLHQFH¶ LV valuable precedents that could be applied genetic engineering of crops. Embedding
GLI¿FXOW WR GH¿QH H[DFWO\ VFLHQWL¿F in the present day. In the Middle East, DFFHVVWRREMHFWLYHVFLHQWL¿FLQIRUPDWLRQ
interactions can refer to those between IRU H[DPSOH HLJKW QDWLRQV ± LQFOXGLQJ within foreign policy departments is
LQGLYLGXDO SUDFWLVLQJ VFLHQWLVWV RI¿FLDOV ,UDQ,VUDHODQG(J\SW±DUHFRRSHUDWLYHO\ vital to developing a culture of respect
in science-focused policy bodies and non- building a shared synchrotron facility in for science, rather than only calling on

30 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist

30
LWUHWURVSHFWLYHO\WRMXVWLI\GHFLVLRQVWKDW scientists can legitimately provide. In access for Australian scientists to
have already been made. WKH'DQLVK3ULPH0LQLVWHU$QGHUV expensive research facilities that we cannot
)RJK5DVPXVVHQGHPDQGHGD³\HVRUQR´ afford to build ourselves. Disappointingly,
)LQDOO\ VFLHQFH DQG WHFKQRORJ\ DUH response from scientists on whether his $XVWUDOLDKDVRQO\¿YHVFLHQWL¿FDWWDFKpV
important sources of soft power in their proposed cuts to carbon emissions would DEURDG %\ FRQWUDVW WKH 8.¶V 6FLHQFH
RZQ ULJKW 6SXWQLN DQG$SROOR ZHUH NH\ be adequate, thereby reducing a complex DQG ,QQRYDWLRQ 1HWZRUN HPSOR\V 
sources of global prestige in a divided LVVXH ZLWK VLJQL¿FDQW XQFHUWDLQW\ WR DQ VWDII LQ  HPEDVVLHV ZRUOGZLGH 7KH
ZRUOGIRUWKH6RYLHW8QLRQDQGWKH8QLWHG overly simplistic answer. 8. KDV RQO\ WZLFH $XVWUDOLD¶V *'3
6WDWHV 0RUH UHFHQWO\ ZKHQ $PHULFDQ 6HFRQG WKH JHQXLQH SXUVXLW RI VFLHQFH and three times its population, so our
DQG %ULWLVK VFLHQWLVWV GHYHORSHG WKH must not be subordinated to international shortfall cannot be explained solely by
Internet, English became its lingua franca, showmanship. Although successful DSSHDOLQJWRRXUVPDOOHUVL]H$XVWUDOLD¶V
VSUHDGLQJ SRZHUIXO FXOWXUDO LQÀXHQFHV VFLHQFHFDQSURYLGHYDOXDEOHµVRIWSRZHU¶ 'HSDUWPHQWRI)RUHLJQ$IIDLUVDQG7UDGH
into many nations whose borders were capital, it is vital that scientists are also lacks an equivalent to the high-level
otherwise tightly sealed. The potency not diverted into sham programs more VFLHQWL¿F DGYLVHUV SUHVHQW LQ WKH %ULWLVK
of the Internet has been recognised by focused on generating publicity than and American departments.
regimes from China to Iran, which have DFKLHYLQJVFLHQWL¿FSURJUHVV(TXDOO\WKH
instituted widespread, but inevitably LQÀXHQFHRIVWDWHGLVSXWHVRQLQWHUQDWLRQDO
incomplete, online censorship regimes. VFLHQWL¿F H[FKDQJHV VKRXOG EH OLPLWHG We must take advantage of the
where possible, unlike situations in border-crossing universality
Science and Politics which national sporting teams are made
However, where scientists begin to be to boycott disputant countries. Discretion of science to forge the
drafted as soldiers on the battlegrounds is required on the part of scientists, but transnational connections
RI LQWHUQDWLRQDO GLSORPDF\ REMHFWLRQV heavy-handed direction from the state needed to address the looming
begin to be raised. Politics and science ZRXOG EH GHWULPHQWDO WR WKH IUHH ÀRZ RI
are two very different cultures. Many ideas.
challenges of the 21st century.
researchers are cautious about diluting the
GLVWLQJXLVKLQJ IHDWXUHV RI WKH VFLHQWL¿F An example from the Cold War illustrates
PHWKRGVXFKDVREMHFWLYLW\WUDQVSDUHQF\ the fact that past governments have not 7KH$FDGHP\¶VUHSRUWDOVRUHFRPPHQGHG
and accepting uncertainty, in pursuing always taken a hands-off approach. In the appointment of an Australian envoy
diplomatic goals. David Dickson, the  WKH$PHULFDQ SK\VLFLVW DQG 1REHO IRU VFLHQFH 7KLV ¿JXUH ZRXOG EH D
former news editor of the prestigious ODXUHDWH 5LFKDUG )H\QPDQ ZDV LQYLWHG prominent scientist, empowered to work
VFLHQFH MRXUQDO 1DWXUH KDV ZDUQHG RI WR D VFLHQWL¿F FRQIHUHQFH LQ 0RVFRZ across borders to locate opportunities for
the “danger of distorting the integrity of +H VRXJKW WKH DGYLFH RI WKH 86 6WDWH $XVWUDOLDQVFLHQFH6XFKDSRVLWLRQZRXOG
VFLHQFHLWVHOI´7ZRPDLQQRWHVRIFRQFHUQ Department because he had worked on mirror the science envoys to Muslim-
have been sounded. WKH0DQKDWWDQ3URMHFWDQGZDVFRQFHUQHG PDMRULW\ FRXQWULHV DQQRXQFHG E\ %DUDFN
about the possibility that he might be Obama in his landmark speech in Cairo in
)LUVW VFLHQWL¿F LPSDUWLDOLW\ PXVW QRW EH detained and questioned. The Department WKHVHUHSUHVHQWDWLYHVKDYHUHFHQWO\
undermined by political entanglement. If responded that they believed that the EHJXQ YLVLWV WR 1RUWK$IULFD WKH 0LGGOH
VFLHQWL¿F DGYLFH LV WR EH XVHG WR LQIRUP 6RYLHW *RYHUQPHQW ZDV ³SULPDULO\ East and Indonesia. Programs like these
foreign policy conclusions, it has to be motivated by the prospect of propaganda should be embraced to secure and extend
XQELDVHG RU LWV YDOXH LV ORVW 6FLHQWL¿F JDLQV LQ WKH LQWHUQDWLRQDO SROLWLFDO ¿HOG $XVWUDOLD¶V SODFH RQ WKH JOREDO VFLHQWL¿F
credibility could vanish if political forces and [had] little intention of establishing stage.
H[HUW SUHVVXUH RQ VFLHQWL¿F LQVWLWXWLRQV PRUH QRUPDO VFLHQWL¿F UHODWLRQV ZKLFK
to produce outcomes that are deemed would involve great exchange of mutually 7KH PRVW VLJQL¿FDQW FKDOOHQJHV RYHU WKH
politically convenient. Of course, EHQH¿FLDO VFLHQWL¿F LQIRUPDWLRQ´ DQG coming decades, for Australia and the
governments may direct more funding to urged him to decline the invitation. He world, will only be met by the fusion
areas that they consider to be of national did not attend. Clashes like this may RI VFLHQWL¿F SURJUHVV DQG GLSORPDWLF
concern; but attempting to control the strain relationships between scientists FRQVHQVXVEXLOGLQJ 6RFLHWLHV ZLOO
FRQFOXVLRQVRIVXFKUHVHDUFKDVWKH%XVK and politicians, but should not prove require breakthroughs from laboratories
administration did by rewriting reports intractable. and conference halls in equal measure.
from the Environmental Protection As a result, governments must invest
$JHQF\FRQÀLFWVZLWKVFLHQWL¿FYDOXHV Australia’s Role in International in ensuring that science informs and
6FLHQWL¿F([FKDQJHV UHLQIRUFHVGLSORPDF\DQGÀRXULVKHVLQD
Yet interference may occur even with Where does Australia stand amongst these supportive international environment. To
WKH EHVW RI LQWHQWLRQV %ULQJLQJ VFLHQFH JOREDO VFLHQFH OLQNDJHV" 8QIRUWXQDWHO\ transcend borders in the pursuit of global
and politics closer together invites not yet at the forefront. An Australian JRDOVZHPD\LQGHHG¿QGWKDWRQHRIRXU
SROLWLFLDQV LQWR WKH UHDOP RI VFLHQWL¿F $FDGHP\ RI 6FLHQFH UHSRUW SXEOLVKHG best tools is science, the most universal of
debate. However, there is a disconnection LQ )HEUXDU\  VXUYH\HG RXU OHYHO RI languages.
EHWZHHQSROLWLFLDQV¶QHHGIRU¿UPDFWLRQ LQWHUQDWLRQDOLVDWLRQDQGLGHQWL¿HGVHYHUDO
Michael West is in his sixth year of a
and digestible sound bites, and the hedged areas for improvement. 0LFKDHO :HVW
combined LV LQofKLV
Bachelor VL[WK(Advanced)
Science \HDU RI D
conclusions with which scientists are FRPELQHG%DFKHORURI6FLHQFH$GYDQFHG
and Bachelor of Engineering. He is
more comfortable. Even the many leaders One crucial program is employing DQG %DFKHORU
currently RI (QJLQHHULQJ
completing +H LV
Honours in Physics.
ZKR JHQXLQHO\ YDOXH LPSDUWLDO VFLHQWL¿F VFLHQWL¿F VWDII LQ HPEDVVLHV WR IDFLOLWDWH FXUUHQWO\FRPSOHWLQJ+RQRXUVLQ3K\VLFV
The photograph is from The Royal Society/
input may request more certainty than international collaboration and secure 3KRWRJUDSKVDUHDXWKRU¶VRZQ
Tracey Croggon.

TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 31

31
 the RiGht tRack
ack to
Jonathan Salgo follows the trail of 1RUWK$IULFDQ
immigrationLQWR)UDQFHDQGXQUDYHOVLWVLPSDFWRQ
mainstream conservative politics
I Q WKH GD\V IROORZLQJ 0DUFK  WKH
(O\VpH 3DODFH LV ¿OOHG ZLWK DQ[LHW\
and indecision. Ministers and political
VWUDWHJLVWV UXVK LQ DQG RXW RI 1LFRODV
6DUNR]\¶VRI¿FH7HQVLRQVDUHKLJKDQGWKH
mood is sour. The verdict of the regional
HOHFWLRQVKDVFRPHLQDQGWKH/HIWOHGE\
WKH6RFLDOLVW3DUW\KDVJDLQHGDVLJQL¿FDQW
 SHU FHQW RI WKH WRWDO YRWH 6DUNR]\¶V
FHQWUHULJKWSDUW\WKH8QLRQIRUD3RSXODU
)URQW1DWLRQDOOHGE\-HDQ0DULH/H3HQ
,W ZRQ  SHU FHQW RI WKH YRWH LQ WKH 
regions it contested. This represents a
doubling of its vote from the last round of
HOHFWLRQV(YHQWKRXJKWKH6RFLDOLVW3DUW\
ZRQ RYHU VRPH YRWHUV IURP 6DUNR]\¶V
803 LW ZDV WKH )URQW 1DWLRQDO WKDW
JDLQHGWKHYDVWPDMRULW\
Over the last six decades, these old routes
have been revamped for intense migratory
WUDI¿FEHWZHHQ1RUWK$IULFDDQG(XURSH
The demand for this movement is coming
from the south of the Mediterranean, from
those who desire a better economic future
or wish to reunite with family. Overall, this
KDVUHVXOWHGLQ1RUWK$IULFDQLPPLJUDQWV
FRPSULVLQJ RYHU RQH¿IWK RI WKH WRWDO
QXPEHU RI LPPLJUDQWV ÀRRGLQJ WKURXJK
0RYHPHQW803KDVDFKLHYHGDORZO\
SHUFHQW0RVWVLJQL¿FDQWO\WKHLVODQG
of Corsica, which the Right had held for
WKH SDVW  \HDUV KDV IDOOHQ WR WKH /HIW
After disastrous elections and waning
opinion polls, strategists are anxious about
KRZ6DUNR]\¶VSUHVLGHQF\FDQEHVDYHGLI
KHUHFRQWHVWVWKLVSRVLWLRQLQ
)DVWIRUZDUGGD\VDQGWKHVWUDWHJLVWV
DORQJ ZLWK 6DUNR]\ KDYH FRPH WR
something of a conclusion on a plan
to regain political momentum for the
president. A new bill on immigration has
been unveiled. The bill is not aimed at
picking up the left or the centre; rather,
it is directed at picking up the far-right.
The bill toughens immigration rules. The
measures seek to increase the time during
which illegal immigrants can be held in
GHWHQWLRQ±IURPGD\VWRGD\V±DQG
WR LPSRVH D PD[LPXP ¿YH\HDU SULVRQ
WKH(XURSHDQ8QLRQERUGHU7KHVHSHRSOH
The increased represent the largest group of immigrants
immigration from the within the whole of Europe.
Maghreb has been a
6R ZKHUH DUH PRVW RI WKHP JRLQJ"
leading factor in the 6DUNR]\¶V )UHQFK 5HSXEOLF 7KH UHDVRQ
JURZWKRIWKHIDUULJKW IRU WKLV LV WKDW PXFK RI 1RUWK:HVWHUQ
nationalist party, the Africa was previously colonised by the
)UHQFK 7KLV LQFOXGHV IRXU RXW RI WKH
Front National. ¿YH 0DJKUHEL VWDWHV 7XQLVLD $OJHULD
Morocco and Mauritania. Recent reports
VKRZ WKDW HDFK \HDU FORVH WR 
7KLV DUWLFOH SDLQWV D SLFWXUH RI 1RUWK SHRSOH DUH PLJUDWLQJ IURP 1RUWK $IULFD
$IULFDQ LPPLJUDWLRQ LQWR )UDQFH WR)UDQFH
revealing that the far-right policy response
WR WKLV LPPLJUDWLRQ LV IRUFLQJ WKH 803 The Front National: A Block in the
to move further to the right on issues of Road
immigration. The increased immigration from the
Maghreb has been a leading factor in the
The First Step: Across the growth of the far-right nationalist party,
Mediterranean WKH )URQW 1DWLRQDO 7KLV SDUW\ KDV EHHQ
To understand the immigration from able to channel the perceived threats
VHQWHQFHDQGHXUR$8'
¿QH XSRQ DQ\RQH HPSOR\LQJ LOOHJDO
immigrants.
:K\ GLG 6DUNR]\ DGRSW WKLV VWUDWHJ\"
)LUVWDQGIRUHPRVWLWLVQRWDFWXDOO\WKDW
SROLWLFDOO\XQVRXQG:KLOVWWKH803KDG
a poor showing in the polls, this was not
an unexpected outcome, as the regional
elections mostly covered seats that were
DOUHDG\KHOGE\WKH6RFLDOLVW3DUW\
The real story to come out of the election
was the success of the far-right party, the
32 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist
32
1RUWK$IULFD LQWR )UDQFH LW LV LPSRUWDQW of African immigration into an anti-
to start with an understanding of the immigration policy over the last three
geopolitical relationship between Africa decades. Its key slogan, as advocated by
and Europe. LWV OHDGHU -HDQ 0DULH /H 3HQ KDV EHHQ
³$)UDQFHIRUWKH)UHQFKDQ$OJHULDIRU
Africa and Europe converge upon a WKH$OJHULDQV´
common marine basin, the Mediterranean.
Historically, trade routes have permitted 8QOLNH2QH1DWLRQZKLFKQHYHUDFKLHYHG
trans-Mediterranean interactions between RYHU  SHU FHQW RI WKH YRWH IHGHUDOO\ LQ
WKH 6RXWK:HVWHUQ (XURSHDQ VWDWHV ± $XVWUDOLD WKH )URQW 1DWLRQDO KDV EHHQ
6SDLQ 3RUWXJDO )UDQFH DQG ,WDO\ ± ZLWK very successful during the last decade
WKH¿YH1RUWKHUQ$IULFDQVWDWHVNQRZQDV LQ )UHQFK QDWLRQDO SROLWLFV ,WV DELOLW\ WR
the Maghreb: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, generate support culminated in electoral
/LE\DDQG0DXULWDQLD VXFFHVV LQ  ZKHQ LW UDQ VHFRQG WR
to FRance

the incumbent president, Jacques Chirac, RI HPSOR\PHQW ¿QDQFLDO UHVRXUFHV DQG between church and state. This argument
ZLWK  SHU FHQW RI WKH QDWLRQDO SRSXODU VRFLDOLQWHJUDWLRQ7KLVSODFHVDVLJQL¿FDQW has been criticised as covering up the
vote. barrier on Maghrebi immigrants who are reality of the policy: an anti-egalitarian
trying to gain economic and social rights DJHQGD DLPHG DW WKH 1RUWK $IULFDQ
The UMP’s Reaction: Pushing ZLWKLQ)UDQFH community.
Immigration Policy to the Right
In a climate of growing community %XW IDU KDUVKHU WKDQ WKLV UHFDVWLQJ KDV
concerns over immigration and high EHHQWKH803¶VSXVKRIDQHWKQRSOXUDOLVW The UMP is currently
OHYHOV RI SRSXODU VXSSRUW IRU WKH )URQW agenda. Ethnopluralism is a philosophy WU\LQJWRSDVVODZVWKDW
1DWLRQDO 6DUNR]\¶V UXOLQJ 803 SDUW\ that recognises all cultures as equal, ZRXOGHVWDEOLVKDIXOO
has sought to reclaim these voters but emphasises that they should remain
WKURXJKDGXDOSROLF\UHDFWLRQ)LUVWWKH separate and homogenised. This agenda is SXEOLFEDQRQWKHZHDULQJ
803 KDV DLPHG WR OLPLW PHPEHUVKLS EHVW GHPRQVWUDWHG E\ WKH )URQW 1DWLRQDO of burqas.
ZLWKLQ WKH )UHQFK FRPPXQLW\ WR QDWLYH slogan discussed above. The muscle
)UHQFKSHUVRQV6HFRQGLWKDVVRXJKWWR RI WKLV DJHQGD ZDV IXOO\ ÀH[HG LQ 
restrict the behaviour of members of the ZKHQ WKH )UHQFK *RYHUQPHQW SDVVHG In recent months, claims that the cultural
state through a cultural code of conduct. OHJLVODWLRQ WKDW ZRXOG LQFOXGH '1$ code of conduct is discriminatory have
testing for prospective migrants to prove UHFHLYHG VLJQL¿FDQW ZHLJKW7KH 803 LV
The muscle of this their link to relatives. Whilst the tests are currently trying to pass laws that would
not compulsory, there are grave fears that establish a full, public ban on the wearing
DJHQGDZDVIXOO\ÀH[HG those who do not take them will have RI EXUTDV :KLOVW WKH 6RFLDOLVW 3DUW\
LQZKHQWKH)UHQFK WKHLU FDVHV UHMHFWHG )XUWKHUPRUH VRPH has managed to water down the debate,
Government passed civil rights groups have warned that this it is still raging in parliament and it
effectively equates them to criminals appears likely that the ban on burqas will
OHJLVODWLRQWKDWZRXOG whose genetic records are currently kept H[WHQG DV IDU DV JRYHUQPHQW RI¿FHV DQG
include DNA testing for on police databases. SXEOLF KRVSLWDOV (LWKHU ZD\ WKH )UHQFK
prospective migrants to *RYHUQPHQW¶V DFWLRQV RQ LPPLJUDWLRQ
Cultural Code of Conduct directly oppose multiculturalism. They
prove their link to relatives. )XUWKHUPRUH 6DUNR]\ KDV LQWURGXFHG D are policies that undermine the culture of
strict, homogenous cultural code. This LWVRZQFLWL]HQV
Overall, these two policy responses policy indirectly pursues Maghrebi
are attempts to allay concerns that true immigrants who have already attained Conclusion
)UHQFKLGHQWLW\LVEHFRPLQJDQDUWHIDFWRI FLWL]HQVKLSRUUHVLGHQF\ZLWKLQ)UDQFH$W The rise in popular support for the
the past. the heart of this policy lie questions of what )URQW 1DWLRQDO LV D FRQFHUQ IRU )UDQFH
LW PHDQV WR EH )UHQFK ,QWHUWZLQHG ZLWK The reason for this is not because the
Limiting Membership this is the issue of religion and whether party itself has the power to change the
/LPLWLQJ WKH PHPEHUVKLS RI WKH )UHQFK 1RUWK $IULFDQV ZKR DUH SUHGRPLQDQWO\ immigration policy, but because of how
FRPPXQLW\ LV D UHVSRQVH WKDW WKH 803 Muslim can hold the same values as the WKH 803 LV UHDFWLQJ WR LWV SRSXODULW\
has used to appease far-right voters who WUXH)UHQFK )UDQFH¶V LPPLJUDWLRQ SROLF\ LV PRYLQJ
are concerned about Africans settling further and further to the right, and this is
LQ )UDQFH 7KH )UHQFK *RYHUQPHQW This cultural code of conduct has been endangering both the social and political
has vigorously pursued this policy by PDVNHGE\WKH)UHQFKUHSXEOLFDQYDOXHRI ULJKWVRI1RUWK$IULFDQLPPLJUDQWV
UHFDVWLQJ ERWK UHVLGHQF\ DQG FLWL]HQVKLS VHFXODULVP7KH803KDVMXVWL¿HGLWVEDQ
ODZV 8QGHU QHZ ODZV LQWURGXFHG LQ RQWKHZHDULQJRIµRVWHQWDWLRXV¶UHOLJLRXV
 LPPLJUDQWV ZLVKLQJ WR TXDOLI\ IRU symbols within state schools by arguing -RQDWKDQ 6DOJR LV KLV WKLUG \HDU RI D
residency now need to meet strict criteria that it is emphasising the separation %DFKHORURI/DZV

TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 33

33
34
The ChaRisMa oF ReliGion in iRan
&ODUH3RZHUdeconstructs the sources of Iranian President 0DKPRXG$KPDGLQHMDG¶VSROLWLFDODXWKRULW\
$\DWROODK .KRPHLQL )RXQGHU RI WKH
,VODPLF5HSXEOLFRI,UDQ³2XUSROLWLFVLV
WKHVDPHDVRXUUHOLJLRVLW\´
,Q$XJXVW0DKPRXG$KPDGLQHMDG
was elected to his second term as Iranian
3UHVLGHQW 2I¿FLDOO\ UHFHLYLQJ  SHU
FHQWRIWKHYRWH$KPDGLQHMDG¶VVWURQJHVW
political support stemmed from the
FRXQWU\¶V PRVW UHOLJLRXVO\ FRQVHUYDWLYH
UHJLRQV +H UHPDLQV ,UDQ¶V RXWVSRNHQ
and controversial President, placing the
country at greater odds with the West.
Religion and politics have grown
indistinguishable within Iran, a country
ZKRVH  PLOOLRQVWURQJ SRSXODWLRQ LV
 SHU FHQW 0XVOLP 3XEOLF RSLQLRQ RI
politicians and the authority that they
harness is strongly connected to their
religious views and interpretations of holy
texts. Thus, political success often rests
XSRQ WKH LQGLYLGXDO¶V DELOLW\ WR LQWHUDFW
with Islam and the generate charisma
ZLWKUHOLJLRQ7KLVLVHYLGHQWLQWKHµW\SH¶
RI SRZHU WKDW 0DKPRXG $KPDGLQHMDG
exhibits.
,QKLV¿YH\HDUVDV3UHVLGHQW$KPDGLQHMDG
has led Iran through a tumultuous period
for Islam internationally. However,
his controversial actions have created
further disparities between the Islamic
community and the greater international
audience at large. As a member of one of
,UDQ¶VPRVWFRQVHUYDWLYHSROLWLFDOSDUWLHV
$KPDGLQHMDG KDV KLQGHUHG DWWHPSWV DW
democratisation within the country and
pushed for the creation of an ‘Islamic
LGHDO¶7KLVKDVLQWXUQHYROYHGWKHSROLW\
from a theocracy to one more resembling
an autocracy.
0D[ :HEHU¶V W\SRORJ\ RI µOHJLWLPDWH XQLTXHQHVV RI $KPDGLQHMDG¶V DXWKRULW\
GRPLQDWLRQ¶ RIIHUV DQ LQWHUHVWLQJ lies. The structure of the Iranian political
framework through which we can system, and its indistinguishable
DQDO\VH $KPDGLQHMDG¶V OHDGHUVKLS DQG
DFWLRQV :HEHU SRVLWV WKUHH µW\SHV¶ RU
vehicles, of legitimate authority through
which power can be legitimised. These
are legal rational authority, traditional
authority and charismatic authority.
The latter two are relevant here as they
DGGUHVV $KPDGLQHMDG¶V PRQRSRO\ RYHU
Islamic interpretation through his role as
President.
At this point, it is important to
acknowledge the complexity of the
political system within Iran. The
promotion of fundamentalist Islam as the
dominant discourse does not necessarily
VWHP VROHO\ IURP $KPDGLQHMDG KLPVHOI
5DWKHU LW RULJLQDWHV IURP WKH 6XSUHPH
/HDGHU $\DWROODK .KDPHQHL DQG WKH 
PHPEHUV RI D *XDUGLDQ &RXQFLO 7KLV
DUWLFOH IRFXVHV RQ$KPDGLQHMDG¶V UROH DV
DUHSUHVHQWDWLYHRIWKH,VODPLF5HSXEOLF¶V
perception of Islam.
Ahmadinejad’s pervasively
fundamentalist and politicised
XQGHUVWDQGLQJRI,VODPDOORZV
KLPWR\LHOGSRZHURYHUWKH
people of Iran.
7UDGLWLRQDODXWKRULW\DVGH¿QHGE\:HEHU
concerns the legitimisation of power
through an association with a particular
VRFLHWDO WUDGLWLRQ LQ ,UDQ¶V FDVH ,VODP
The leader comes to encapsulate the
authority of the tradition itself and is thus
SHUFHLYHGWRµQDWXUDOO\OHDG¶%HFDXVHRI
his unbreakable relationship with Islam,
$KPDGLQHMDG¶V DXWKRULW\ LV OLPLWHG E\
its breadth and teachings. He can only
rule upon issues that are in accordance
ZLWK WUDGLWLRQ +RZHYHU $KPDGLQHMDG
and Khamenei have forcefully reached
a position of power such that their
interpretations of religion have become
accepted. Thus, their authority can
SHUYDGH DUHDV WKDW :HEHU LGHQWL¿HV
DV ³IUHH RI VSHFL¿F UXOHV´ 5HIRUPLVW
Muslims identify this as breaking away
from the actual essence of Islam for the
political purposes of the state.
It is within this somewhat renegade
interpretation that the importance and
relationship with Islam, means that
$KPDGLQHMDG KDV YHU\ OLWWOH SRZHU
separate from his actions as a Muslim
DQG ZLWKRXW WKH VXSSRUW RI WKH 6XSUHPH
/HDGHU%XWKRZFDQDOHDGHUFRQWLQXHWR
reap power and legitimise authority from
a religion that has been politicised for
centuries?
It is at this point that the importance of
charismatic authority becomes evident.
Charismatic authority is attributable
WR D VSHFL¿F H[WUDRUGLQDU\ DOPRVW
supernatural quality that the individual
possesses. The charismatic leader is often
propelled to power after the performance
of a miracle or participation in some
such ethereal happening. Although this
authority is, to some extent, easy to lose,
when successfully utilised, it provides
OHDGHUV ZLWK DQ XQSDUDOOHOHG LQÀXHQFH
over their populace.
Religions themselves rely on charismatic
qualities for their authority. It is this
authority that is exploited by individuals,
VXFK DV $KPDGLQHMDG IRU WKHLU RZQ
political endeavours. Without the
charisma of religion, their authority would
EHFRPHPHDQLQJOHVV7KXV$KPDGLQHMDG
LQWURGXFHVDQG.KDPHQHLUDWL¿HVSROLFLHV
WKDW UHÀHFW WKHLU SHUFHSWLRQV RI ,VODP LQ
turn reinforcing their ties with a religion
profuse within the population over which
they govern. As a leader whose legitimacy
LV KLJKO\ TXHVWLRQDEOH $KPDGLQHMDG¶V
pervasively fundamentalist and politicised
understanding of Islam allows him to
yield power over the people of Iran. He
must maintain this relationship or risk
losing his authority.
2I FRXUVH $KPDGLQHMDG¶V SROLWLFLVDWLRQ
of Islam stems from deep, historical
circumstances surrounding the role of
religion within the Islamic Republic of
Iran. However, we must recognise that
the type of power wielded by the Iranian
President is reliant upon aspects not of his
own creation, such as an ability to purport
particular ideas convincingly, but upon
traits that exist within the tradition on
which his polity is built.
&ODUH 3RZHU LV LQ KHU WKLUG \HDU RI
D %DFKHORU RI (FRQRPLF DQG 6RFLDO
6FLHQFHV PDMRULQJ LQ *RYHUQPHQW DQG
,QWHUQDWLRQDO 5HODWLRQV DQG 3ROLWLFDO
(FRQRP\
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 35
 The suRpRise
holiday
'UHZ5RRNHDQDO\VHVWKH86*RYHUQPHQW¶V
MXVWL¿FDWLRQIRUextraordinary rendition
W
KHQ D 1HZ <RUN 7LPHV
MRXUQDOLVW DVNHG *HRUJH :
%XVK LQ 0DUFK  KRZ KH
ZRXOGMXVWLI\WKHSUDFWLFHRIH[WUDRUGLQDU\
UHQGLWLRQ %XVK UHSOLHG ³WKDW¶V D
K\SRWKHWLFDO´+HWKHQVWDWHGWKDW³7RUWXUH
is never acceptable, nor do we hand over
SHRSOH WR FRXQWULHV WKDW GR WRUWXUH´ %XW
As communism began to fall, so did
the paramilitary operations being
FRQGXFWHG E\ 86 IRUFHV %XW DV WKH
WKUHDWRIWHUURULVPHPHUJHGLQWKHV
increasing demands were placed on the
&,$WRHQVXUHWKHVDIHW\RIWKH86:KHQ
al-Qaida struck a direct blow at the heart
RI $PHULFDQ SRZHU RQ 6HSWHPEHU 
$VDUHVXOWRIWKHVHUHYHODWLRQV$PHULFD¶V
senior politicians and the CIA leadership
were forced to defend rendition publicly.
$V WKH MRXUQDOLVW 6WHSKHQ *UD\ KDV
highlighted, they did not deny its use or
YDOXH7RWKHFRQWUDU\&RQGROHH]]D5LFH
WKH 86 6HFUHWDU\ RI 6WDWH DW WKH WLPH
VWDWHG LQ 'HFHPEHU  WKDW ³UHQGLWLRQ
ZLWKWKHHPHUJHQFHRIGHFODVVL¿HG86  KHQFHIRUWK  LW VHUYHG DV D is a vital tool in combating trans-national
*RYHUQPHQW GRFXPHQWV DQG WKH ¿QGLQJV FDWDO\VW IRU WKH &,$¶V UHLQWURGXFWLRQ RI WHUURULVP´ )XUWKHUPRUH 86 RI¿FLDOV
of independent investigations, it has FRYHUW RSHUDWLRQV DQG PRUH VSHFL¿FDOO\ claimed that the use of extraordinary
EHFRPHFOHDUWKDW%XVK¶VVWDWHPHQWVZHUH µH[WUDRUGLQDU\ UHQGLWLRQ¶ $V -RVHSK UHQGLWLRQ XSKHOG WKH &,$¶V PLVVLRQ
PHUHO\DIDoDGHIRUWKHVXUSULVHµKROLGD\V¶ %ODFN WKH WKHQ KHDG RI WKH &,$¶V statement: “Collecting information
that the Central Intelligence Agency Counterterrorist Center, told Congress that reveals the plans, intentions and
(CIA) was granting to terrorist suspects at DIWHU³WKHJORYHVFDPHRII´ capabilities of our adversaries and
WKH WLPH (YHQ LQ WKH SRVW%XVK HUD WKH provides the basis for decision and
Obama administration has, worryingly, DFWLRQ´
FRQWLQXHGWRXWLOLVHDQGMXVWLI\WKHXVHRI
As the threat of terrorism
extraordinary rendition. %XW WKH DOOHJDWLRQV WKDW WKH &,$
emerged in the 1990s, transferred terrorist suspects to prisons
7KH2ULJLQVRI([WUDRUGLQDU\ LQFUHDVLQJGHPDQGVZHUH where it was known they would encounter
Rendition placed on the CIA to ensure torturous methods of interrogation have
µ([WUDRUGLQDU\ UHQGLWLRQ¶ KDV EHFRPH been continuously denied. In the face of
synonymous with the covert actions the safety of the U.S. insurmountable evidence, the veracity
undertaken by the CIA to transfer criminal of these denials has been increasingly
suspects to other states for interrogation challenged.
without any kind of formal extradition or ([WUDRUGLQDU\5HQGLWLRQLQWKH3RVW
legal proceedings. However, this practice 9/11 Epoch The Insurmountable Evidence
ZDVQRWWKHLQYHQWLRQRIWKHUHFHQW%XVK 6LQFH  WKH XVH RI H[WUDRUGLQDU\ The various testimonies of terrorist
administration. UHQGLWLRQ E\ WKH &,$ KDV LQWHQVL¿HG ,Q VXVSHFWV ZKR KDYH EHHQ VXEMHFW WR
 WKH :DVKLQJWRQ 3RVW SXEOLVKHG extraordinary rendition reveal how torture
The Cold War was the catalyst for the UHYHODWLRQV DERXW WKH &,$¶V FDSWXUH RI and interrogation are used on suspects.
development of extraordinary rendition, WHUURULVWV QRW RQO\ IURP WKH ZDU ]RQHV One notable example is that of Mamdouh
ZLWK &,$ RI¿FHUV VHHNLQJ ZD\V WR ERWK of Iraq and Afghanistan, but also from Habib, who was arrested in Pakistan on
passively and actively obtain information QHXWUDO QDWLRQV LQFOXGLQJ %RVQLD the grounds of terrorist activity and then
about the enemy. These furtive methods Albania, Croatia, Malaysia, Pakistan UHQGLWLRQHGWRD&DLURMDLOE\86DJHQWV
were expanded during the Vietnam War; and Kenya. These terrorist suspects were There he suffered continuous torture for
in the Phoenix Program, CIA agents transferred to prisons within third-party six months. Disturbingly, he was then
organised the detainment of persons who VWDWHV ± VXFK DV (J\SW 6\ULD -RUGDQ IRXQGµQRWJXLOW\¶RIDOOFKDUJHV
were believed to be associated with the 3RODQGDQG0RURFFR±ZKHUHLWLVFODLPHG
1RUWK9LHWQDPHVHPLOLWDQWJURXSWKH9LHW they were interrogated and tortured for Despite numerous, similar cases coming
Cong. the purpose of obtaining information. WROLJKWWKH%XVKDGPLQLVWUDWLRQDQGWKH

36 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist

36
CIA refused to accept responsibility for the All of the states to which suspects were A more rational and enforceable measure
torture of their renditioned suspects. When sent had records of using torture, but this would be to establish a formal bilateral
VSHDNLQJ WR WKH 6HQDWH LQ -DQXDU\  detail was conspicuously overlooked by WUHDW\ EHWZHHQ WKH 86 DQG DQ\ VWDWH WR
WKHIRUPHU86$WWRUQH\*HQHUDO$OEHUWR WKH86*RYHUQPHQW which prisoners are sent. Human rights
*RQ]DOHVVXPPDULVHGWKH*RYHUQPHQW¶V advocates have called on Obama to
primary defence to the accusations. He Additionally, according to the International establish this policy, but these calls have
stated that diplomatic assurances from Committee of the Red Cross, international gone unrecognised in Washington.
the involved countries that they would law requires that a hearing or independent
not undertake any form of torture against review be conducted before anyone can
VXVSHFWV SURYLGHG VXI¿FLHQW MXVWL¿FDWLRQ be rendered to another country in which
IRU XVLQJ µH[WUDRUGLQDU\ UHQGLWLRQ¶ DV D
that person might fear abuse. However, Obama has not yet introduced
OHJDOO\YDOLGPHWKRGRI¿JKWLQJWKHµ:DU according to investigations undertaken by DSROLF\LQZKLFKVXVSHFWVZKR
RQ7HUURULVP¶ WKH(XURSHDQ3DUOLDPHQWLQQRVXFK IHDUWKDWWKH\ZLOOEHWRUWXUHGLI
KHDULQJV ZHUH XQGHUWDNHQ E\ WKH 86
%XWHYHQWKLVFODLPLVKLJKO\TXHVWLRQDEOH *RYHUQPHQW rendered to another state have
7KH IRUPHU 86 DPEDVVDGRU WR (J\SW an automatic right to have their
(GZDUG:DONHU-UDQGDIRUPHURI¿FLDO As well as ignoring international law, FDVHUHYLHZHG
in the CIA Directorate of Operations H[WUDRUGLQDU\ UHQGLWLRQ DOVR GH¿HV WKH
have both stated that the ‘diplomatic territorial boundaries that are imposed
DVVXUDQFHV¶DQGSOHDRILJQRUDQFHPDGHE\ RQWKH867KHWHUULWRULDOVRYHUHLJQW\RI
WKH 86 *RYHUQPHQW UHJDUGLQJ VXVSHFWV neutral nations has been impeded through )XUWKHUPRUH WKHUH KDYH EHHQ QR
being tortured in other states is a sham the use of rendition, highlighting how amendments to impose greater restrictions
and a bare-faced lie. Additionally, claims national borders no longer halt the actions on suspects being ‘extraordinarily
by Amnesty International that almost of a hegemonic state. The borders of UHQGHUHG¶2EDPDKDVQRW\HWLQWURGXFHG
all suspects in the rendition program other states have served to diminish the a policy in which suspects who fear being
protested about their likely torture in the 86 *RYHUQPHQW¶V UHVSRQVLELOLW\ ZLWK tortured if rendered to another state have
country to which they would be deported regard to the torture of terrorist suspects. an automatic right to have their case
LVDPDWWHUWKDWWKH86*RYHUQPHQWDQG Extraordinary rendition therefore acts as UHYLHZHG,WVHHPVWKDW*HRUJH:%XVK¶V
CIA had a duty to consider. However, a fundamental challenge to the notion of rendition programme is being mirrored by
nothing of the like has occurred. traditional territorial boundaries. It makes Obama, rather than scaled-back.
borders increasingly malleable for the
purpose of conducting counter-terrorist Conclusion
Despite the controversy activities. 7KHODFNRIVHULRXVLQWHUQDWLRQDOREMHFWLRQ
surrounding the WR WKH 86 SROLF\ RI µH[WUDRUGLQDU\
Obama’s Continuation of UHQGLWLRQ¶KDVHQDEOHGLWVFRQWLQXDWLRQE\
µH[WUDRUGLQDU\UHQGLWLRQ¶ ([WUDRUGLQDU\5HQGLWLRQ YDULRXV 86 DGPLQLVWUDWLRQV RYHU WLPH
SURJUDPPHZKLFKEHFDPH Despite the controversy surrounding the This programme not only circumvents
emblematic of the Bush µH[WUDRUGLQDU\ UHQGLWLRQ¶ SURJUDPPH the boundaries imposed on government
ZKLFK EHFDPH HPEOHPDWLF RI WKH %XVK DFWLRQV E\ WKH 86 DQG LQWHUQDWLRQDO
administration, Barack DGPLQLVWUDWLRQ %DUDFN 2EDPD KDV legal systems, but it also ignores the
Obama has publicly stated publicly stated that he will continue constraints of territorial sovereignty. The
WKDWKHZLOOFRQWLQXHWKH the practice, albeit with a few, minor 86 KDV XVHG WKH WHUULWRULDO ERXQGDULHV
DOWHUDWLRQV $  H[HFXWLYH RUGHU of other states to mask the reality that it
SUDFWLFHDOEHLWZLWKDIHZ
HQWLWOHG (QVXULQJ /DZIXO ,QWHUURJDWLRQV is the prime instigator, whether directly
minor alterations. stated that Obama would establish a or indirectly, of the alleged torture of
multiagency interrogation unit within the terrorist suspects.
,PSOLFDWLRQVIRU,QWHUQDWLRQDO/DZDQG
Domestic Sovereignty
7KH HYLGHQFH UHÀHFWV WKH IDLOXUH RI WKH
86WRXSKROGLWVGXWLHVXQGHUWKH8QLWHG
1DWLRQV &RQYHQWLRQ DJDLQVW 7RUWXUH DQG
Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
7UHDWPHQW RU 3XQLVKPHQW 5DWL¿HG
E\ WKH 86 LQ  $UWLFOH  RI WKH
Convention explicitly prohibits any state
from transferring a prisoner to another
country where there is a substantial risk
WKDWKHRUVKHZRXOGEHVXEMHFWWRWRUWXUH
+RZHYHUDV6WHSKHQ*UH\KLJKOLJKWVWKH
ZKROHFRQFHSWRIµUHQGLWLRQLQJ¶LQYROYHV
)HGHUDO %XUHDX RI ,QYHVWLJDWLRQ )%,
to ensure the legality of terrorist suspect
interrogations. Although stripping the CIA
of its role in questioning terrorist suspects,
this cannot eliminate the possibility of
rendered suspects being tortured, as this
new unit will not be independent of the
*RYHUQPHQW RU WKH &,$ 0DQ\ LOOHJDO
measures may still be employed for the
essential task of obtaining information
from terrorist suspects who are reluctant
to talk.
2I HYHQ JUHDWHU FRQFHUQ LV 2EDPD¶V
implication that fragile “diplomatic
,W LV LPSHUDWLYH WKDW WKH 86 WDNH VRPH
proactive responsibility for ending the
practice of extraordinary rendition.
2EDPD¶VFKDQJHVWRWKHSROLF\GRVLJQLI\
VRPH SURJUHVV LQ HQVXULQJ JUHDWHU 86
commitment to international law norms.
However, more substantial action needs
to be taken in order to guarantee that a
dangerous precedent is not set and that the
practice of rendition does not proliferate
LQIXWXUHLQWHUQDWLRQDOFRQÀLFWV
'UHZ5RRNHLVLQKLV¿UVW\HDURID%DFKHORU
the transfer of suspects to states where the DVVXUDQFHV´ ZLOO VWLOO EH UHOLHG XSRQ WR RI $UWV 0HGLD DQG &RPPXQLFDWLRQV
rule of law is frail and where, therefore, ensure that the states to which prisoners PDMRULQJLQ*RYHUQPHQWDQG,QWHUQDWLRQDO
torture is much more likely to be tolerated. are rendered will not engage in torture. 5HODWLRQV

TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 37

37
38
HUMAN RIGHTS AND ISLAMIC CULTURE
%HQ%D[WHUexplores whether it is possible to cater for Islamic cultural identity in international human rights law

WR FDWHU IRU WKRVH UHDOLWLHV *LYHQ WKDW from the religious establishment, which
such inequality is no longer necessary, issued a fatwa condemning the practice as
less emphasis should be placed on these un-Islamic.
scriptures. Instead, more emphasis
should be placed on scriptures that focus In the climate of substantial anti-colonial
upon the idea of all human beings being sentiment prevailing at the time, the
unconditionally equal in dignity through practice morphed into a symbol of African
*RG¶VDFWRIFUHDWLRQ resistance to foreign encroachment
DQG LQÀXHQFH 7KH SURJUHVVLYH 8VWDGK

C ulture is unbounded, contested and Human Rights as Cultural

connected to relations of power. Imperialism?
It is a dynamic institution, open to new
Mahmoud Mohamed Taha, the founder
of the aforementioned reformative
form of Islamic interpretation,
LGHDV DQG SHUPHDEOH WR WKH LQÀXHQFH RI Alongside notable feminists such as vehemently opposed the ordinance as
other cultures. This conception of culture 6DOO\ (QJOH 0HUU\ DQG 7UDF\ +LJJLQV D YLOH GLVSDUDJLQJ DWWDFN RQ 6XGDQHVH
means that, in effect, it can be politicised. $O1DLP UHJDUGV WKH SULPDU\ FKDOOHQJH sovereignty and identity, arguing
Thus, political legitimacy can be attached facing human rights advocates as being its inevitable ineffectiveness in the
to the corpus of international human a political one: namely, an upsetting of eradication of the practice and preferring
rights norms within cultures. the male-dominated political and social a more gradual education process.
institutions that perpetuate these cultural
However, political institutions can also practices. As a result of this political history, the
UHVLVWWKHLQÀXHQFHRILQWHUQDWLRQDOKXPDQ practice of Pharaonic circumcision is now
rights on the basis of a defence of culture. HQWUHQFKHGZLWKLQ6XGDQHVHFRPPXQLWLHV
There is an apparent
The primary challenge facing human The story illustrates how the interplay
rights advocates is a political one: namely, HSLVWHPRORJLFDOFODVKEHWZHHQ RI SROLWLFV UHOLJLRQ DQG WUDGLWLRQ ± PRVW
whether or not to clothe international international human rights and the QRWDEO\LQ$IULFDZKHUHPDQ\LQÀXHQFHV
human rights norms in cultural legitimacy. Islamic tradition. KDYH PRUSKHG DQG VKDSHG FXOWXUH ± FDQ
The challenge is particularly real where perpetuate cultural norms.
attempts are made to reconcile Islamic
tradition with international human rights. Western ideas of the universality of The Importance of Cultural Evolution
human rights are foreign when set 7KH 6XGDQHVH H[DPSOH GHPRQVWUDWHV
Reconciling International Human against historically entrenched cultural how social and political forces within
Rights and Islamic Tradition practices. This provides the Islamic FRPPXQLWLHV FDQ QHJDWLYHO\ LQÀXHQFH
There is an apparent epistemological patriarchy with a political argument FXOWXUH $V UHFHQWO\ VXJJHVWHG E\ 6DOO\
clash between international human rights against the alignment of Islamic practice Engle Merry, a leading anthropologist,
and the Islamic tradition. International ZLWK LQWHUQDWLRQDO KXPDQ ULJKWV )XUWKHU culture is unbounded, contested and
human rights derive authority from the reinforcing this argument is the well- connected to relations of power; it is a
Western Enlightenment philosophy of founded scepticism within Islamic states SURGXFW RI KLVWRULFDO LQÀXHQFHV UDWKHU
the universality of rights, while Islamic that the implementation of international than evolutionary change.
tradition derives authority from the human rights is another form of Western
prescription of rights by the Divine imperialism. With the experience of This fact is important for international
sovereign. decades of colonial intervention in human rights advocates, because
domestic affairs, the concern of Muslim it locates legitimacy in the idea of
Despite this clash, various scholars have states that further intervention is being international human rights. If culture is
suggested that a complete reconciliation pursued under the guise of international QRWLPSHUYLRXVWRH[WHUQDOLQÀXHQFHWKH
of international human rights and Islamic KXPDQULJKWVLVMXVWL¿DEOH growing cry of people in non-Western
tradition can be achieved. Abdullah An- countries for change can be realised by
1DLPGUDZLQJXSRQWKHWHDFKLQJVRIWKH The Case of Sudan cultural evolution at the suggestion of
DXWKRU8VWDGK0DKPRXG0RKDPHG7DKD :LWKLQ WKH 6XGDQ WKH SROLWLFDO the international community through
advocates a reformative interpretation entrenchment of Pharaonic circumcision international human rights, rather than
of the Islamic tradition. He argues that illustrates the dynamic interplay of through a Western hegemony. In short,
context may be taken into account when politics and culture. WKHHIIRUWVRIVFKRODUVVXFKDV$Q1DLP
considering the role that Islamic tradition in focussing attention on the alignment
VKRXOGKDYHRQWRGD\¶VSUDFWLFHV ,Q WKH 6XGDQ LQ WKH V WKH %ULWLVK between human rights and Islamic norms,
colonial administration enacted an are valuable.
)RU H[DPSOH LQ WKH HLJKWK DQG QLQWK ordinance that criminalised the practice
centuries, social, political and cultural of Pharaonic female circumcision, the %HQ%D[WHULVLQKLV¿IWK\HDURIDFRPELQHG
realities necessitated gender inequality, most severe form of female circumcision. %DFKHORU RI 6FLHQFH $GYDQFHG DQG
DQGWKH,VODPLFVFULSWXUHVUHÀHFWHGQRUPV 7KH%ULWLVKDGPLQLVWUDWLRQVRXJKWVXSSRUW %DFKHORURI/DZV

TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 39

39
 With
Open
ARMs
0HODQLH%URZQ
provides a glimpse of
her travels to the Tibetan
refugee settlement in the
north of India, near the
6LQR,QGLDQERUGHU

40 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist

6 LQFH WKH 'DODL /DPD¶V MRXUQH\ LQWR
H[LOH LQ 'KDUDPVDOD ,QGLD LQ 
PRUHWKDQ7LEHWDQVKDYHIROORZHG
KLP DFURVV WKH 6LQR,QGLDQ ERUGHU 7KH
Tibetan refugees have been welcomed
with open arms by both the government
and the people of India. Tibetan numbers
are equal to those of Indians in many areas;
7LEHWDQV RFFXS\ PDQ\ MREV LQ ,QGLDQ
businesses; and Tibetan monasteries
are more prevalent than Indian temples.
1HYHUWKHOHVVWZRYHU\GLIIHUHQWUHOLJLRQV
and cultures peacefully coexist.

:KHQ WKH XSULVLQJ LQ  FDXVHG

hundreds of deaths in Tibet, Indians
marched alongside Tibetans for three
days and nights. As one man explained,
³%XGGKD >D 7LEHWDQ GHLW\@ ZDV ERUQ LQ
India: so Tibetans go to India to worship.
/RUG6KLYD>DQ,QGLDQGHLW\@LV7LEHWDQVR
,QGLDQV JR WR7LEHW WR ZRUVKLS 6R ,QGLD
DQG 7LEHW DUH IRUHYHU FRQQHFWHG´ ,Q D
modern world characterised by Rudyard
.LSOLQJ¶V µ:H¶ DQG µ7KH\¶ VXFK DQ
attitude is refreshing. My photos convey
the coexistence of these inspirational
people in the face of the torment of
Tibetans.

0HODQLH %URZQ LV LQ KHU WKLUG \HDU RI D

FRPELQHG%DFKHORURI/DZVDQG%DFKHORU
RI ,QWHUQDWLRQDO 6WXGLHV PDMRULQJ LQ
*RYHUQPHQWDQG,QWHUQDWLRQDO5HODWLRQV
$OOLPDJHVDUHWKHDXWKRU¶VRZQ

41
 RedeFininG
CliMate ChanGe
$QGUHZ7XOORFKargues that climate change is far more
WKDQMXVWDQenvironmental problem
C limate change is often cast as an
environmental problem. Yet now it is
being viewed as a geopolitical issue that
could potentially cause mayhem in the
established global political order. Climate
security is an issue of paramount concern
for world leaders, as they grapple with a
changing political landscape.
Whilst members of the media argue
over the semantics of climate change, a
VFLHQWL¿F FRQVHQVXV KDV HPHUJHG WKH
climate is changing, and the world must
prepare to weather the effects of this.
,QGHHG LQ 6HSWHPEHU  WKH &,$
opened a centre for climate change and
QDWLRQDOVHFXULW\ZKLOHWKH8.¶V&OLPDWH
DQG6HFXULW\(QYR\HPEDUNHGRQDJOREDO
tour, discussing the dangers posed by
the changing climate. The geopolitical
landscape has now become a global
FKHVVERDUGDVWKH86 DQGWKH(8 IDFH
off against Russia and China over control
of both established and developing natural
resources.
As Hurricane Katrina demonstrated in
 WKH 86 LV YXOQHUDEOH WR H[WUHPH
weather events and the ravages of climate
FKDQJH 7KH 86 $UP\ HVWLPDWHG WKH
total damage caused by Katrina at over
86 ELOOLRQ IDU PRUH WKDQ WKH
annual expenditure on the Iraq War. The
sluggish and inadequate response to this
environmental disaster highlighted key
institutional, regulatory, political, and
social weaknesses in the fabric of the
nation. Yet this fabric will be tested far
more in years to come.
Consider the Arctic Ocean, where the
VWLOOIUR]HQ 1RUWKZHVW 3DVVDJH LV D NH\
battleground for the aforementioned
powers. As warming continues and Arctic
ice melts, this passage will become an
immensely valuable shipping route
EHWZHHQ$VLDDQG(XURSH&DQDGD¶VQRUWK
will become a global choke point, on
WKH VFDOH RI WKH 6XH] &DQDO RU WKH 6WUDLW
RI +RUPX]$V KLVWRU\ DWWHVWV WKHVH DUH
42 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist
42
the sorts of strategic access points to
resources over which empires go to war.
importance. As the rusting wrecks of
Japanese and American planes and ships
can attest, it is a vital battleground for
Canada currently claims the Passage as part FRQÀLFW EHWZHHQ $VLD DQG $PHULFD
RILWVWHUULWRULDOZDWHUV+RZHYHUWKH86 Indeed, Robert Kaplan recently wrote in
has expressed a preference for the Passage The Atlantic Monthly: “The American
to be recognised as an international strait, PLOLWDU\FRQWHVWZLWK&KLQDLQWKH3DFL¿F
allowing the country unfettered access to ZLOO GH¿QH WKH WZHQW\¿UVW FHQWXU\´ $W
pursue its own interests, such as oil and VWDNH DUH NH\ VKLSSLQJ ODQHV ¿VKHULHV
gas exploration. This standoff has led the control of regional security, and
Canada to begin exploring a commercial geostrategic advantage and leverage.
and strategic relationship with Russia
and China in this area. The Canadian Recently, China has sought to use its
'HSDUWPHQWRI)RUHLJQ$IIDLUVUHOHDVHGD economic strength to expand its sphere of
UHSRUW LQ  VXJJHVWLQJ WKDW ³3HUKDSV LQÀXHQFHLQWKH3DFL¿F7KURXJKIRUHLJQ
more than any other country, Canada is aid and infrastructure improvements,
uniquely positioned to build a strategic it has bought the trust of several of the
partnership with Russia for development QDWLRQV GRWWLQJ WKH 3DFL¿F FDXVLQJ
RIWKH$UFWLF´7KHVHGHYHORSLQJDOOLDQFHV concern to powers in Washington.
FRXOGXOWLPDWHO\SURYHGLVDVWURXVIRU86 7KH 86 UHFRJQLVHV WKDW LW LV EHLQJ
security. undermined by Chinese interests in the
3DFL¿F,QUHVSRQVHWKH86*RYHUQPHQW
GHFODUHG  WR EH WKH ³<HDU RI WKH
3DFL¿F´DQGVSRQVRUHGDFRQIHUHQFHIRU
Combating the effects of 3DFL¿F OHDGHUV 7KLV GHYHORSLQJ LVVXH
climate change on domestic UHÀHFWVWKHWURXEOHWKDWWKH86IDFHVDVLW
and foreign fronts is an struggles to combat a multitude of threats
in many theatres.
immense challenge for both
the West and the East. Combating the effects of climate change
on domestic and foreign fronts is an
immense challenge for both the West and
These short-sighted domestic foreign the East. Responding to the changing
policy decisions are already proving environment will take a coordinated,
dangerous for the West. In almost every far-reaching approach that emphasises
FRUQHU RI WKH ZRUOG WKH 86 LV EHLQJ long-term stability, even at the expense
RXWÀDQNHG E\ &KLQD PDLQO\ GXH WR RI VKRUWWHUP SUR¿W ,W ZLOO WDNH SROLWLFDO
&KLQD¶VHFRQRPLFLQWHUHVWVEHLQJDOLJQHG ZLOO HFRQRPLF VDFUL¿FH DQG ORQJWHUP
with its foreign policy: a programme planning. Whilst modern history suggests
GXEEHG µQDWLRQDOLVWLF FDSLWDOLVP¶ that these are not attributes that the West
Chinese companies already control has in surplus, they are integral to an
key global choke points, including the effective response to climate change.
Panama Canal. If the West continues to 1DWLRQVZLOOKDYHWRSUHSDUHIRUGRPHVWLF
put short-term commercial interests ahead unrest and reinforce alliances abroad. The
of long-term security interests, dramatic storm is coming.
geopolitical shifts will ensue.
$QGUHZ 7XOORFK LV LQ KLV WKLUG \HDU RI D
China is already looking to the low-lying FRPELQHG%DFKHORURI/DZVDQG%DFKHORU
3DFL¿F,VODQGVDVORFDWLRQVRINH\VWUDWHJLF RI6FLHQFHPDMRULQJLQ0DWKHPDWLFV

W hen former Australian Prime
Minister, Kevin Rudd, toured
WKH QDWLRQ RQ WKH  FDPSDLJQ WUDLO
for many he appeared most appealing
either in his perceived commitment to
DQ µHGXFDWLRQ UHYROXWLRQ¶ RU DV D VWURQJ
advocate for a forward-thinking, globally-
DZDUH $XVWUDOLDQ *RYHUQPHQW DQG
VRFLHW\,WDSSHDUVWKDWRQO\QRZLQ
these two visions are properly coming to
fruition, and, perhaps unsurprisingly, in a
way that connects them.
A draft Australian Curriculum has been
released, and within its History and
(QJOLVK FRPSRQHQWV LV D VLJQL¿FDQW
HPSKDVLV RQ $VLDIRFXVHG WH[WV ± ³WKH
telling of the Australian story within the
$VLDQFRQWH[W´±DQGHYHQ$VLDQKLVWRU\
³LQLWVRZQULJKW´7KLVQHZIRFXVZKLFK
ZRXOG SURIRXQGO\ DIIHFW $XVWUDOLD¶V
relationship with Asia, is vital. In order to
succeed economically and diplomatically
in an Asian century, the Australian
*RYHUQPHQWPXVWGHYHORSDQGVXSSRUWDQ
Asia-literate Australia.
6LQFH WKH HQG RI WKH 6HFRQG:RUOd War,
Australia-Asia relations have been
generally good-natured, largely due to
growing economic interdependency.
,Q SDUWLFXODU WKH QDWLRQ¶V SDUWQHUVKLSV
with Japan and China have been well
documented, and are valued in business
and governmental circles. However,
ZKHUHPRQH\LVQRWFRQFHUQHG$XVWUDOLD¶V
cultural understanding of Asia is far from
advanced; it appears that our European
roots continue to permeate our own
cultural identity and perceived global
position.
This is largely a result of how Australians
are taught history in school. One of the
only pieces of information that primary
and secondary students are taught about
the Japanese is that Australia fought
DJDLQVW WKHP LQ WKH 6HFRQG :RUOG :DU
6WXG\RIWKH9LHWQDP:DULVODUJHO\IURP
an American perspective; China, currently
childRen oF the
education Revolution
Michael de Waal argues that the proposed Australian Curriculum
will strengthen $XVWUDOLD¶VUHODWLRQVKLSZLWK$VLD
WKH ZRUOG¶V IDVWHVWJURZLQJ HFRQRP\
only exists through the Terracotta
Warriors. Remarkable modernisation
increasingly ineffectual global role, and
&KLQD LV SRLVHG WR EHFRPH WKH ZRUOG¶V
largest economy, it is time Australia
VWRULHV VXFK DV WKRVH RI 6RXWK .RUHD WXUQHGLWVQDWLRQDOJD]HWRWKHQRUWK
and Taiwan, the impact and ongoing
UDPL¿FDWLRQV RI -DSDQHVH FRORQLDOLVP The response to the proposed Australian
and the controversial leadership of Mao Curriculum has been mixed. Predictably,
Zedong are deemed unworthy of study. WKH )HGHUDO 2SSRVLWLRQ DQG D QXPEHU RI
conservative groups have criticised the
draft as a politically correct document
in great need of a stronger focus on
The teaching of history has Europe. The advocacy organisation
$VLD (GXFDWLRQ )RXQGDWLRQ SDUWO\ DQ
QHYHUEHHQDERXWGZHOOLQJ DFWLYLW\ RI $VLDOLQN DW WKH 8QLYHUVLW\
on the past in a stagnant of Melbourne, has asserted that the
DQGUHÀHFWLYHZD\ Curriculum developers must be certain
to make the Asian components of the
Curriculum mandatory. Otherwise,
However, through the study of Asian teachers may be strongly tempted simply
history, Australian school students of all to select to teach what they have taught
ages would come to appreciate the richness in the past.
and diversity that characterises modern
Asia. An education in the history and $VLD PXVW QRW EH ¿OWHUHG RXW RI WKH
culture of Asia would inevitably lead to Curriculum in the consultation process.
more harmonious diplomacy, heightened The teaching of history has never been
levels of business and investment, and, of about dwelling on the past in a stagnant
course, greater social cohesion. DQG UHÀHFWLYH ZD\ ,W LV PXFK PRUH
concerned with the future: how we are
)RU LQVWDQFH LW ZRXOG WR VRPH H[WHQW to grapple with current and impending
eradicate the xenophobia surrounding challenges by understanding what has
the increasing enrolments of Asian come before. It is in the national interest
students in Australian universities, while to educate young Australians about their
simultaneously deterring potential drug neighbours in the north, who will play
mules and corrupt businesspeople from a far greater role in their lives than the
trying their luck in the region again. It is Motherland.
not unreasonable to argue that seemingly
XQUHODWHG ¿DVFRV VXFK DV WKH UDFLDOO\ 7R GHQ\ WKHP WKLV LV WR MHRSDUGLVH WKH
motivated attacks on Indian students critical position that Australia could play
DQG WKH %DOL 1LQH FDVH ERWK RI ZKLFK in what will be an Asian century, and,
proved detrimental to regional diplomacy, SHUKDSV PRUH VLJQL¿FDQWO\ WR MHRSDUGLVH
may not have occurred with a greater their chances of helping to build a more
understanding of Indian and Indonesian SHDFHIXO DQG XQGHUVWDQGLQJ $VLD3DFL¿F
society and culture. region. It is time for the Australian
*RYHUQPHQW WR PDNH LWV µHGXFDWLRQ
:LWKD*RYHUQPHQWLQWHQWRQSushing for UHYROXWLRQ¶WUXO\UHYROXWLRQDU\
WKHIRUPDWLRQRIDQ(8VW\OH$VLD3DFL¿F
community in the region, it is absolutely 0LFKDHO GH :DDO LV LQ KLV WKLUG \HDU RI
vital that the study of Asia plays a much D %DFKHORU RI 3ROLWLFDO (FRQRPLF DQG
larger role in the education of young 6RFLDO6FLHQFHVPDMRULQJLQ*RYHUQPHQW
Australians. As Western Europe plays an DQG,QWHUQDWLRQDO5HODWLRQV
TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 43
43
 the next Clash oF Civilisations
$QGUHZ&RQJquestions the inevitability of a civilisational clash
between China and the West

W KHQ 6DPXHO +XQWLQJWRQ SRVLWHG

WKH µ&ODVK RI &LYLOLVDWLRQV¶ WKHRU\
LQ  LW ZDV DQ H[FLWLQJ WLPH ERWK LQ
WRJHWKHU DV µFXOWXUDO FRPPRQDOLWLHV¶
would gradually overcome ‘ideological
GLIIHUHQFHV¶+XQWLQJWRQFODLPHGWKDWWKH
at least in the Huntington sense. In a
UHFHQWVSHHFKDWWKH8QLYHUVLW\RI6\GQH\
the former Chinese Ambassador to the
history and international relations theory. FRQÀLFWEHWZHHQ,VODPDQGWKH:HVWZRXOG 81:DQJ<LQJIDQ VXPPHG XS &KLQD¶V
7KH 6RYLHW 8QLRQ KDG FROODSVHG MXVW EH D ³VPDOO IDXOW OLQH ZDU´ DQG WKH UHDO foreign policy as striving towards ‘mutual
two years before and the dichotomy of FRQÀLFWZRXOGEHEHWZHHQ&KLQDDQGWKH EHQH¿W¶³:HKDYHOHDUQWRXUOHVVRQDERXW
LGHRORJLHV FROODSVHG ZLWK LW )LOOLQJ WKLV West. It would be an “intercivilisational LGHRORJ\´:DQJDGPLWWHG
LGHRORJLFDOYRLGZDV+XQWLQJWRQ¶VWKHRU\ ZDURIFRUHVWDWHV´
Huntington claimed that the next source 7KDW OHVVRQ LV HWFKHG LQ KLVWRU\ &KLQD¶V
RI LQWHUQDWLRQDO FRQÀLFW ZRXOG QRW EH As intercivilisational wars go, so far this UHODWLRQV ZLWK WKH 6RYLHW 8QLRQ DQG
based upon ideology, but instead that the RQH LV SUHWW\ PLOG 7KH VWDUW RI WKH VW 9LHWQDP ± SXUSRUWHG LGHRORJLFDO DOOLHV
³GRPLQDWLQJ VRXUFH RI FRQÀLFW ZLOO EH century has been marked by overwhelming ± GLG QRW SUHYHQW WKH SDLQIXO ERUGHU
FXOWXUDO´ economic and political cooperation FRQÀLFWVZLWKWKRVH6WDWHV7KLVF\QLFLVP
EHWZHHQ WKHVH WZR µFLYLOLVDWLRQV¶ of ideology applies to other explanatory
+XQWLQJWRQ¶V SUHGLFWLRQ WKDW WKH :HVW $VVXPLQJWKDWWKH86FDQEHFRQVLGHUHG PRGHOV RI EHKDYLRXU OLNH +XQWLQJWRQ¶V
DQG ,VODP ZRXOG LQHYLWDEO\ µFODVK¶ ZDV the representative of Western civilisation, theory. Instead of relying on vague
vindicated, in the eyes of some, by the UHODWLRQV ZLWK LWV 6LQLF FRXQWHUSDUW KDYH concepts of international identity, like
unfolding events of the last decade: never been better. culture, values and ideology, Wang says
6HSWHPEHU  WKH ,UDQLDQ QXFOHDU WKUHDW that “nations must follow their own road
DQG WKH UHHPHUJLQJ VSKHUHV RI FRQÀLFW RIGHYHORSPHQW´
in Iraq and Afghanistan. However, :KLOVWWKHFODVKZLWK,VODP
+XQWLQJWRQ¶V FODLPV KDYH EHHQ KLJKO\ 0DOFROP &RRN IURP WKH /RZ\ ,QVWLWXWH
controversial and bitterly contested. has seemingly played for International Policy describes China as
out, Huntington’s second ³WKHORQHOLHVWJUHDWSRZHUWRHYHUH[LVW´
Opinion on both the man and his ideas SURSKHVLVHGFRQÀLFWLV\HWWR China only has one formal treaty ally:
LV GLYLGHG :KHQ KH GLHG LQ  KLV 1RUWK.RUHDKDUGO\DUHODWLRQVKLSZRUWK
RELWXDU\RQ7KH1HZ<RUN7LPHVZHEVLWH
materialise: the fundamental advertising. The fact that China is so
ZDVLQÀDPHGE\WKHFRPPHQWVRIUHDGHUV DQGLQHYLWDEOHFODVKZLWKWKH ORQHO\LVWKHELJJHVWEORZWR+XQWLQJWRQ¶V
2QHUHDGHUGHIHQGHG+XQWLQJWRQ¶VOHJDF\ Sinic civilisation. theory.
ideas and the confronting bluntness of his
prose. Another, equally blunt, wrote: “It 8QOLNH ,VODP ZKLFK PLJKW HDVLO\ DQG
LVWKHHQGRIDQRWKHUWKFHQWXU\UDFLVW´ *UDQWHG WKHUH DUH PDQ\ H[DPSOHV RI IDOVHO\ EH GHVFULEHG DV D µFLYLOLVDWLRQ¶
7KHµ&ODVK¶WKHRU\LVURXWLQHO\FULWLFLVHG longstanding disagreements between XQL¿HG E\ UHOLJLRQ &KLQD LV VLPSO\
DV D VHOIIXO¿OOLQJ SURSKHF\ DQ H[ WKH 86 DQG &KLQD RQ LVVXHV OLNH WKH China. The Chinese people speak of
WHPSRUH WKHRUHWLFDO MXVWL¿FDWLRQ IRU 86 curtailment of civil liberties, the status China as a civilisation: one of the earliest.
intervention into the affairs of various RIWKH'DODL/DPDDQGWKHSHJJLQJRIWKH %XW WR DUJXH WKDW LWV FXOWXUDO YDOXHV ZLOO
Islamic countries. Chinese currency. However, these are inevitably clash with the Western ideals
exceptions to the steady but overwhelming of liberty and democracy is unpersuasive.
Whilst the clash with Islam has seemingly tide of quiet cooperation; numerous
SOD\HG RXW +XQWLQJWRQ¶V VHFRQG economic, cultural and political ties have The real insecurities held by the world
SURSKHVLVHGFRQÀLFWLV\HWWRPDWHULDOLVH bound the states together. FRQFHUQ&KLQD¶VHPHUJLQJSRZHUQRWLWV
the fundamental and inevitable clash with culture. In this regard, Australia is pivotal
WKH 6LQLF FLYLOLVDWLRQ ,Q KLV  HVVD\ This situation is a far cry from what to Chinese development. According to
Huntington claimed that China was a +XQWLQJWRQ SUHGLFWHG LQ  ZKHQ KH &RRN$XVWUDOLDLVWKHWHVWFDVHIRU&KLQD¶V
civilisation disguised as a state. In his wrote: relationship with the rest of the world.
 ERRN 7KH &ODVK RI &LYLOLVDWLRQV &KLQD LV TXLFNO\ EHFRPLQJ $XVWUDOLD¶V
and the Remaking of the World Order, With the Cold War over, the underlying number one trading partner and Australia
+XQWLQJWRQ UHYLVHG WKLV GH¿QLWLRQ GLIIHUHQFHVEHWZHHQ&KLQDDQGWKH8QLWHG is economically and geographically the
identifying China as the cornerstone of 6WDWHVKDYHUHDVVHUWHGWKHPVHOYHVLQDUHDV closest Western nation to China. As the
WKH6LQLFFLYLOLVDWLRQZKLFKDOVRLQFOXGHG such as human rights, trade and weapons world looks towards China, they will be
7DLZDQ 6LQJDSRUH 9LHWQDP DQG 6RXWK SUROLIHUDWLRQ « $ ³QHZ FROG ZDU´ DV looking towards us.
DQG 1RUWK .RUHD 2WKHU 6RXWKHDVW Deng Xiaoping reportedly asserted in
Asian countries were also considered  LV XQGHU ZD\ EHWZHHQ &KLQD DQG $QGUHZ &RQJ LV LQ KLV IRXUWK \HDU RI
possibilities. America. D FRPELQHG %DFKHORU RI /DZV DQG
%DFKHORU RI (FRQRPLF DQG 6RFLDO
The argument was that, with the Cold War China itself has downplayed the notion 6FLHQFHV PDMRULQJ LQ *RYHUQPHQW DQG
over, these countries would move closer WKDWLWUHSUHVHQWVDQ\VRUWRIµFLYLOLVDWLRQ¶ ,QWHUQDWLRQDO5HODWLRQV

44 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist

44
a
ALL
ll THAT GlitteRs is
that GLITTERS IS N
NOT Gold
ot GOLD
Dubai is a cosmopolitan city divided by striking inequalities, writes Misha Munim

in setting their own working conditions.

,Q+XPDQ5LJKWV:DWFKGHVFULEHG
the construction workers as “deportable
IRUFHG ODERXU´ DQG FKDVWLVHG WKH 8$(
for cheating workers. However, the
'XEDL *RYHUQPHQW GHQLHG DQ\ NLQG
RI ODERXU LQMXVWLFHV DQG VWDWHG WKDW WKH
ZDWFKGRJ¶V DFFXVDWLRQV ZHUH PLVJXLGHG
$FFRUGLQJ WR WKH 8$( ODERXU ODZV
employees are entitled to have medical
care and a day shift should only last eight
KRXUV 8QIRUWXQDWHO\ PRVW FRQVWUXFWLRQ
companies do not comply with this
regulatory framework.

D ubai is the eighth most visited city in

WKH ZRUOG 7KH MHZHO RI WKH 8QLWHG
$UDE (PLUDWHV 8$( LW LV WKH RQH RI
ZRUOG¶VPRVWSRSXODUWRXULVWGHVWLQDWLRQV
The city is home to many attractions,
LQFOXGLQJ WKH ZRUOG¶V ODUJHVW VKRSSLQJ
mall, the only seven-star hotel on the
SODQHW DQG WKH ZRUOG¶V WDOOHVW EXLOGLQJ
The heart of downtown Dubai boasts
an array of skyscrapers that house the
RI¿FHV RI PXOWLQDWLRQDO FRUSRUDWLRQV
This global city is a modern oasis with a
thriving nightlife, a penchant for luxury
and an endless selection of international
cuisine.
'XEDL¶V SURSHUW\ PDUNHW H[SHULHQFHG
D PDMRU GRZQWXUQ LQ  DQG  Most workers reside in a large labour immediately ordered for the wall to be
DV D UHVXOW RI WKH JOREDO ¿QDQFLDO FULVLV camp on the outskirts of the city called dismantled. The city has also ensured
However, the living standards of these
PLJUDQWV OLH LQ VWDUN FRQWUDVW WR 'XEDL¶V
HOLWH ZKLFK HQMR\V WKH FLW\¶V ERXQWLIXO
OX[XULHV0DQ\RI'XEDL¶VIRUHLJQ
labourers live in conditions described by
Human Rights Watch as being “less than
KXPDQ´
The living standards of
these migrants lie in stark
contrast to Dubai’s elite,
ZKLFKHQMR\VWKHFLW\¶V
ERXQWLIXOOX[XULHV
Despite being described as the “West in
WKH(DVW´WKH8$(LVXOWLPDWHO\JRYHUQHG
by a constitutional monarch. It is not
a democracy. Although some tenets of
liberalism have been partially embraced,
6KHLNK 0RKDPPHG ELQ 5DVKLG $O
0DNWRXPWKH3ULPH0LQLVWHURIWKH8$(
and ruler of Dubai, remains the supreme
authority.
Although Dubai will never forfeit its
monarchic roots, some advancements
have been made towards protecting
ZRUNHUV¶ULJKWV,QZKHQWKRXVDQGV
of labourers went on strike over the
construction of a wall that restricted their
DFFHVV WR WKH EHDFK 6KHLNK 0RKDPPHG
Despite suffering a slowdown during µ6RQDSXU¶µ&LW\RI*ROG¶LQ+LQGL,WLV that its bus stops are air-conditioned to
WKLV SHULRG 'XEDL¶V HFRQRP\ LV VWLOO hardly as glamorous as the name suggests. SURWHFWZRUNHUVIURPWKHEOD]LQJKHDW$V
thriving compared to its Middle Eastern 7KRXVDQGVRISHRSOHDUHFRQ¿QHGWRVPDOO RI6KHLNK0RKDPPHG¶VUHJLPHKDV
neighbours. How has Dubai gained dormitories that house eight people per claimed that minimum wage legislation
and maintained its status as the largest room. Roads are covered with sand and is forthcoming. Although these reforms
LQWHUQDWLRQDO ¿QDQFLDO DQG WRXULVW FHQWUH JUDYHO DQG ZRUNHUV¶ PRUQLQJV DUH VSHQW signal a step in the right direction, the
in the Middle East? travelling to construction sites, where living and working conditions of migrant
they work in extreme weather conditions workers remain substandard.
The answer lies in the hands of millions IRU RQO\ 86 SHU PRQWK /DERXUHUV
of expatriate labourers who spend KDYHQHLWKHUMREVHFXULW\QRUDFRQFHSWRI The large discrepancy in the standard
countless hours laying the foundations for µEHQH¿WV¶ ZKLFK LV JHQHUDOO\ FRQVLGHUHG of living between different classes
the grand developments that construction commonplace in Western democratic in Dubai taints its international
companies are erecting. Most of these nations. reputation. The seemingly irreconcilable
ZRUNHUVKDYHHPLJUDWHGIURP6RXWK$VLD relationship between the monarchy and
to Dubai in the search for higher incomes In addition, labour unions are not the advancement of rights and liberties
to support their families back home. permitted in Dubai and there is no is, with the requisite effort, entirely
These migrant workers willingly seek VHW PLQLPXP ZDJH 7KH *RYHUQPHQW achievable. The necessity for change is
MREVLQ'XEDLGXHWRHLWKHUDVKRUWDJHRI has played a minimal role in labour ULSH ,W LV WLPH IRU WKH µ&LW\ RI *ROG¶ WR
employment opportunities within their regulations. Workers are contractually receive the polishing that it deserves.
own countries, or their inability to make bound to work with employers for at least
enough money working locally. The two years. If they quit, they are simply 0LVKD 0XQLP LV LQ KHU WKLUG \HDU RI D
remittances that these workers send back replaced by new migrants. Therefore, 3ROLWLFDO6FLHQFHGHJUHHDWWKH8QLYHUVLW\
home boost their local economies. corporations have considerable leverage RI7RURQWR

TheSydneyGlobalist August 2010 45

45
Edith Cowan UnivErsity
Faculty of Business and Law
the road is open.
the journey is yours.
Life is full of journeys. And, while everyone’s journey is unique, the
ride may not always be a smooth one. However, at ECU, we think
you’ll be pleasantly surprised.
ECU is committed to ensuring the road is always open and
your journey is clear of obstacles. That’s one of the reasons we
introduced our Faculty of Business and Law Online Courses.
Faculty oF Business and law
online courses
Our Online Courses mean that you can still achieve a first class
degree in Business or Law, even if your circumstances prevent
you from attending campus. With a wide range of units available
online, you’re not only spoilt for choice, you’ll also find it easier to
tailor your interests with a career path that’s right for you.
That’s just for starters. Take a closer look at why our Online
Courses are so popular:
n Each course is fully accredited and nationally recognised. In
fact, we’re the first WA university to offer a fully accredited
Bachelor of Laws program online.
n You’ll enjoy the freedom and flexibility to study in your
own time and at your own pace, to accommodate personal
commitments and circumstances.
n Faculty of Business and Law graduates are highly sought after
Australia-wide by business and industry, promoting a faster
transition from study to employment.
CRICOS IPC 00279B Information was correct at the time of printing and may be subject to change.
n The Faculty of Business and Law offers a wide range of courses
in response to industry trends. Courses range from traditional
disciplines, such as Accounting through to contemporary
disciplines, such as Event Management and Planning.
n Our off-campus support is extensive and includes library
mailing services, telephone and email services (eg counselling
and career advice), access to interactive learning spaces,
recorded lectures and online discussion groups.
start your Journey today!
All the information you need to start your journey is only a mouse
click, email or phone call away:
Get more info:
Online Courses - www.reachyourpotential.com.au
Faculty of Business and Law - www.business.ecu.edu.au
Speak to us:
Course Queries - businessandlaw@ecu.edu.au or
134 ECU (134 328)
K2D_31354_06/10
About the Melbourne JD

The Melbourne JD is a graduate entry legal qualification for non-law graduates, which leads to
admission to practice.

What we offer our students

A program of exemplary quality where you have access to the highest quality common law legal
education available, taught by an outstanding Faculty who are at the cutting edge of modern
legal thinking and research. In addition, as a JD student you can choose optional subjects from
the Melbourne Law Masters program, which offers the biggest range of optional subjects in
Australia across 20 core areas of specialisation.

A purpose built Law Building houses the world-class Law Library over three floors, a custom
built Moot Court, as well as comfortable student lounge spaces, well equipped teaching spaces
and 12 research centres.

A range of unique ‘beyond the classroom’ opportunities, designed to equip you with the
necessary tools to succeed and engage you with the profession. These include:

The Melbourne Law School Mentoring Program

This program offers you the change to be partnered with a Melbourne Law School alumnus,
supporting your academic training by providing a link to the profession.

The Melbourne Law School Internship Program

This enables you to further your legal training with practical experience. Melbourne Law School
has established links with a range of different institutions across the public, private and
community sectors.

Unique international opportunities

Choose from studying subjects overseas (in Washington or Geneva) or doing a combined degree
via our global degree partnerships program at New York University Law School, Chinese
University Hong Kong or Oxford University.

Guest Lecture Series

The Guest Lecture Series offers first year JD students the chance to host a guest speaker each
week, who is a notable figure working in the law.

Give yourself your best chance to succeed with the Melbourne JD.

Phone: 03 8344 8912

Email: jd-law@unimelb.edu.au
Website: www.jd.law.unimelb.edu.au
 THE LAST WORD
B orders are rich metaphoric signs.
A description of breaking down a
border carries the positive connotations
of change and progress. Universalised
borderlessness can conjure a narrative
of a global movement towards unity and
harmony. This represents the positive side
to (the now perhaps slightly cliché) story
of globalisation and the rapid shrinking of
our globe into a global village.
Yet, presented with the theme ‘Border
Politics: Conflict, Security, Identity’,
many of the authors in this edition sought
to examine critically examples of our
supposedly increasingly borderless world,
problematising simplistic narratives of
progress and highlighting the ways in
which old borders remain, or have found
replacements. In this way, this edition
of The Sydney Globalist may stand as
a testament to the ongoing importance
that border politics play in international
affairs.
Lewis Hamilton examines China’s
Xinjiang province, which borders eight
foreign states. Hamilton argues that,
despite the porous nature of artificially
imposed state boundaries, the maintenance
of territory (and therefore the protection
of existing borders) remains a priority for
modern states. Hamilton identifies cogent
economic and security benefits that
China derives from maintaining Xinjiang
province within its national boundaries.
By analysing the ways in which a ceded
Xinjiang would be detrimental to China,
Hamilton re-asserts the importance of
borders to states.
The conflict between states’ desires
to maintain current borders (that is, to
maintain unchanged sovereignty) and
attempts by religious or cultural groups to
assert their rights to self-determination is
a theme explored in Samuel Thampapillai
and Mario Emmanuel’s analysis of
post-war Sri Lanka. Thampapillai and
Emmanuel call for a rejection of the
current primacy of sovereignty and
top-down nation building. In its place,
they argue for a ‘ground up’ approach
that anchors sovereignty in a state’s
48 August 2010 TheSydneyGlobalist
citizenry, rather than its government, and
respects the right of minorities to self-
determination. Such an approach is said
to protect human rights and safeguard
international interests better.
Similarly, for Anshu De Silva Wijeyeratne
and Rebecca Beard, the precedence of
state sovereignty in the workings of the
UN undermines its credibility. For these
authors, the institution’s inability to
protect non-state actors’ rights to self-
determination reflects the UN’s “reality
as a fundamentally statist institution”.
The abovementioned authors all highlight
the ongoing importance of borders by
implicating them in understandings of
state sovereignty.
Conflicts over borders remain a significant
feature of international politics. Raihana
Haidary discusses the ways in which
contentious physical borders maintain
and inflame conflict in her article about
Jerusalem. Meanwhile, both Gabrielle
Easter and Rawan Abdul-Nabi provide
chilling photographs of the most obvious
physical manifestations of borders: walls.
From another part of the world, Lucy
Boyle’s beautiful, but haunting,
photographs of the Northern Indian
state of Jammu and Kashmir capture the
physical scars that border disputes can
leave on territories. Located close to the
Pakistan border, the state is characterised
by the “ceaseless presence of coils of
barbed wire”. In one image, houses appear
as fragile and hollowed as cicada shells,
waiting for the wind to collapse them.
Whilst the politics of physical borders
loom large in international affairs, some
authors preferred to address the issue
of transcending borders from a less
geographical starting point, tapping
into the metaphoric power of ‘borders’.
Lukasz Swiatek discusses intra-state
language barriers in South Africa, arguing
that, despite the optimism produced by
new translation technologies, information
exchange and communication remain
as difficult as ever. This connects with
Catrina Yu’s article, which asks readers
to look beyond the rhetoric of the
‘Rainbow Nation’ in examining post-
apartheid South Africa, and recognise the
continued existence of deeply entrenched
racial barriers. Both articles question the
existing narrative that barriers have been
broken down.
Of course, although many authors
illustrate that borders remain central to
contemporary international affairs, this
is not to deny the increasing ease with
which national boundaries are crossed
today. Zvjezdana Kragic examines the
transnational influence of the Internet
as a global phenomenon, analysing
the hypothetical effect of a universally
adopted Internet filter. Elsewhere,
Michael West analyses the capacity for
science to play a central and multifaceted
role in international diplomacy. For West,
science figures as a global language of
universal utility. Dominic Dietrich’s
interviews with ‘Third Culture Kids’
(TCKs) gestures towards a generation
of people who have grown up without
calling any particular state their home;
their association with a particular nation
or culture is “marginal at best”. Yet even
Dietrich’s analysis does not argue that
the TCKs phenomenon signals an end to
the importance of state borders. Instead,
he argues that TCKs exist because of
relatively rare and exclusive transnational
careers pursued by parents. Accordingly:
“TCKs are likely to remain a minority
within nation-states, thus minimising
their impact on national consensus.”
Thus, whilst the contemporary world
presents new opportunities for global
movement, exchange and collaboration,
state borders remain an important sticking
point in achieving international peace and
security.
These comments canvass only some of the
exciting and varied commentary that this
edition contains. For their insightful and
diverse contributions, I congratulate all
contributing authors and wish all readers
a stimulating read.
Richard Sawyer is the Deputy Editor-in-
Chief of The Sydney Globalist.
www.thesydneyglobalist.org