Remembering Historical Events in American History Part 3
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About this ebook
This book is about the basic principles and events that shaped our Country or had an impact on who we are as a country. Events such as the Mayflower Compact, The Star Spangled Banner, the Monroe Doctrine among others. Presenting these events it is hoped that a new sense of patriotism is generated. .
Dennis AuBuchon
Dennis has a background in quality assurance and auditing and is a certified quality auditor with ASQ (American Society for Quality). He has written over 1,000 articles mostly on the topic of integrity and hot topics of the day. Links to articles can be found on his website and hubpages.com. He is not one to shy from controversial topics as can be seen in his articles.Dennis believes in the principle that one person can make a difference and through hisweb site, his articles and his current book he is doing just that. The one key phrase on all his web site pages is quality writing and services to make a difference. Dennis designed his own web site www.myqualitywriting.com which is a resource for other authors to gain exposure for their work. Through his web site Dennis provides marketing information and opportunities to help other authors and the general public. Any person in business can learn from the information on his site through his articles and articles by other authors. Dennis continually tries to help other authors with information on all aspects of the publishing industryDennis has been a part of auditing teams and a team leader. Dennis’ relationship with quality assurance principles and integrity principles can be seen in his commitment to operate his business and web site with honesty, integrity and quality principles. This is evidenced by the fact that he has signed a business ethics pledge committed to treating all stakeholders fairly, with compassion and a commitment to service.
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Remembering Historical Events in American History Part 3 - Dennis AuBuchon
Remembering Historical Events in American History Part 3
By Dennis AuBuchon
Copyright © 2020 AuBuchon Books, Articles and Services
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Chapter 1 The Mayflower Compact
Chapter 2 Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
Chapter 3 The Declaration of Independence
Chapter 4 Articles of Confederation
Chapter 5 Constitution of the United States
Chapter 6 Washington's Farewell Address
Chapter 7 The Star Spangled Banner
Chapter 8 The Monroe Doctrine
Chapter 9 Harkins to American People
Chapter 10 Lincoln's House Divided Speech
Chapter 11 Lincoln's First Inaugural Address
Chapter 12 The Gettysburg Address
Chapter 13 The Pledge of Allegiance
Chapter 14 FDR's Infamy Speech
Chapter 15 The Economic Bill of Rights
Chapter 16 Ask Not What Your Country Can Do For You
Summary
About the Author
Other Books by this Author
Connect with this Author
Introduction
The topics in this third book in remembering historical events in American history are basic. The focus is on some of the founding principles and events associated with our country since it began over 200 years ago. It is hoped the focus and comments about each of them will help to better focus on what our country really represents not what is being portrayed today. We must reflect on the topics in this book as they are basic to our continued existence as a country.
Chapter 1- The Mayflower Compact
Below is the complete content of the Mayflower Compact that was significant with respect to those individuals who came to our country. Comments about the content will be provided at the end.
In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread Sovereigne Lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britaine, France and Ireland king, defender of the faith, etc. having undertaken, for the glory of God, and advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by the presents solemnly and mutually in the presence of God and one of another, covenant and combine
Body politick, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to entacte, constitute, and frame such just and equall laws,
ordinance, acts, constitutions and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete and convenient for the general good of the Colonie unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cape-Codd the 11 of November, in the year of the raigne of our soverigne lord King James, of England, France and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fiftie-fourth, anno Dom. 1620
John Carver
William Bradford
Edward Winslow
William Brewster
Issac Allerton
Myles Standish
John Alden
Samuel Fuller
Christopher Martin
William Mullins
William White
Richard Warren
John Howland
Stephen Hopkins
Edward Tilley
John Tilley
Francis Cooke
Thomas Rogers
Thomas Tinker
John Rigdale
Edward Fuller
John Turner
Francis Eaton
James Chilton
John Crackston
John Billington
Moses Fletcher
John Goodman
Degory Priest
Thomas Williams
Gilbert Winslow
Edmund Margeson
Peter Browne
Richard Britteridge
George Soule
Richard Clarke
Richard Gardiner
John Allerton
Thomas English
Edward Dotey
Edward Leister
As identified above the principle included in the content of the Mayflower Compact was the basic structure of a government. It was the first document that created a structure of government for citizens of the colony identified to accept as witnessed by the signatures of the individuals who signed the compact. We as individuals in this day and age by our votes elect representatives and senators not only at the federal level but state and local levels. These individuals are to make decisions in the best interest of the government structure for which they have been elected.
Chapter 2 Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.
No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feed are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it or not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feed. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have been held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned, we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free—if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending – if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained – we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is