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GLISP: Fall
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Sita and the Prostitute: On the Indian Prostitution Stigma


Jocelyn Bell
This paper will cover my research on the social stigma attached to prostitutes as understood
within the context of ideal Indian womanhood and the social attitude towards the relationship
between Indian women and sex. The Body (to be explained below) has provided me with
literature concerning and insight into the social standing of women in India, the social views on
women and sex, and the social stigma of prostitutes. The data for this portion of my research,
which is an introduction of sorts to my principle research on protestant Christian organizations
providing rehabilitation and reintegration services for former prostitutes, has been collected
primarily from literature on prostitution and women’s gender role in India.

March 4, 2011
Fall
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Introduction

When I first told my advisor that I wanted to complete an independent research

project on something concerning women and children’s rights while I spent a year in New

Delhi, she told me, “Alright. That’s great. Now go away and come back with something a

little more specific next time I see you.” Well, she did not say that exactly; she put it in a

much gentler and understanding way. However, that was, in essence, what she said. So, I

began to think about what particularly stirred my passion concerning women and children’s

rights. Then I considered a presentation I saw in high school on human trafficking. I must

admit that it was a sort of last-ditch effort to come up with a noteworthy research topic.

When I took a seminar in spring semester 2010, though, which focused upon the international

sex trade (GNSS1960H: Theorizing the Global Sex Trade) I felt a reaction within my blood

that confirmed that this was indeed a subject that I could not only complete with academic

intent but with a personal dedication as well.

Originally, I wanted to study alternative forms of social reintegration for former

prostitutes and their children. When I put this idea before my advisor, she told me that first I

need to understand how they (the women) got to where they are. So, I set out with the

ambition of understanding the social space of women in India, that is, their gender role in

order to therefore understand how the prostitute is viewed by Indian society (as women)

before they enter prostitution, how her line of work is viewed, and how they are viewed as

being a part of the trade. In short, this paper will cover my research on the social stigma

attached to prostitutes as understood within the context of ideal Indian womanhood and the

social attitude towards the relationship between Indian women and sex.

My research was guided by conversations and observations I made while interacting

with a group of Christian individuals and NGOs that meet to discuss various issues of sex

trafficking in India – prosecution of traffickers/buyers, protection of victims, prevention of

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trafficking, rescue of victims, rehabilitation, and reintegration. This group (which I will refer

to as the Body from now on) includes Indians and expatriates from all over India, most of

them are working within the state of Delhi. The Body has provided me with literature

concerning and insight into the social standing of women in India, the social views on women

and sex and the social stigma of prostitutes. I have chosen the Body from which to glean

information for a variety of reasons: most importantly, they are indispensible to my core

research, which focuses upon how Protestant Christian organizations help rehabilitate and

reintegrate former prostitutes; there are individuals and organizations in the Body that have

lived and worked in India for several years gathering information on such topics as women’s

gender roles, sex and Indian society, and the Indian sex trade; people in the Body are able to

enter into places and speak to people that I as a student, a foreigner, and a single women

cannot (and often, for safety’s sake, should not) come in contact with; the Body is willing to

speak to me about matters that are generally viewed as unseemly (especially for a young

woman) to discuss, namely sex and prostitution; and finally, but not least of all, the Body is a

group of individuals that I have found I can trust with my safety while I research this topic

that can be quite dangerous for a young woman to study, let alone one who is alone in a

foreign country.

An important note on the term prostitute, before I continue: Whenever I use the term

prostitute I am referring to female adults and children. I do recognize that prostitution

extends to male adults and children as well as intersex individuals. However, as the Body

generally is in contact with female prostitutes, my research will also focus upon this group.

The data collected for this portion of my research is from literature on prostitution and

women’s gender role in India. My choice is guided primarily by discussions I have had with

and have heard within the Body. I begin with the construction of the Indian woman through a

quick study of Sita, a primary character in the Hindu epic Ramayana who I suggest embodies

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the Indian ideal of womanhood. I then move on to discuss the Indian social view of the

acceptable relation between women and sex. From there, I use the ideal womanhood

construction and the woman-sex relationship to create an understanding of the social stigma

attached to the prostitute.

The Ideal Indian Woman

It is important to state a few disclaimers before I herein present what I have deduced

to be the ideal type of the Indian woman. The aim of my analysis is not meant to make

valuations of the ideals I have perceived from my collected data. To make valuations of the

ideal would be presumptuous of me for several reasons. Not only am I just at the beginning

of understanding how to look below the surface of social relationships in order to consider

linkages that are not readily apparent – as is the task of the social scientist – but I am also a

novice in the study of Indian social structures. I have drawn from the more experienced

scholars of Indian culture so that their knowledge may bolster my ignorance. Making

valuations would also be presumptuous on my part as I am not Indian and thus lack the

insight into certain social exchanges, which either I cannot perceive or are purposely hidden

from me because I am an outsider.i

With the above disclaimers in mind, clarification of the term ideal is in order. When

first I set out to define the social space of Indian women I experienced difficulty in making a

description broad enough to span the urban and the rural, the north and the south. There are

currently 28 states in India with 122 languages spread throughout the nation (this does not

include dialects) (The Office of Registrar General & Census Commissioner of India 2001)

and over 2000 ethnic people groups (that is, “a significantly large sociological grouping of

individuals who perceive themselves to have a common affinity with one another”) (Joshua

Project n.d.). It is difficult to define a woman’s social space, that is the role which a woman

assumes within a given society that the society recognizes as pleasing through the acceptance,

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that is, the integration, of the woman into the social network, when the woman one sets out to

describe is supposed to represent a majority of women from a variety of different socio-

cultural backgrounds. This woman is supposed to represent the ideal. To use the word ideal

is not to say that I believe she – this ideal – is the woman that all Indian women should aspire

to be. It is to say that she is the woman whose conduct would be deemed acceptable amongst

the broadest range of cultures within India.

How does one pinpoint the ideal within such a complex country as India? As there

are multiple factors that through comparison can be utilized in the formulation of the ideal, it

is imperative to focus. I have chosen religion as it has some of the greatest influence on

shaping the behavioral patterns and social relations in Indian society. If it were not enough

evidence to take a ride in an auto rickshaw and see not only the pictures of deities inside the

vehicle but the temples, mosques and gurudwaras along the road, then there are also the calls

to prayer, the marigold garland sellers, the water on the streets from daily cleansing rituals

and the early-morning yogic exercises in the parks.

Religion

Religion permeates and shapes society (even though it would be foolish of me to

suggest that it is the only influence). Albeit it is a grim and grave example, communal

violence is evidence of religion’s power to affect the social climate. Undoubtedly communal

violence goes deeper than religion. (For example, the Noakhali massacre of 1946 involved

the particular targeting of the wealthy Hindu zamindars by their poorer Muslim tenants who

found themselves at the mercy of the landowners. Chandra Pal, 23-years-old at the time of

the violent outbreak, observed, “Our neighbours’ houses, the big zamindars’ houses, and

those of the big business families – those houses had been looted like anything, people had

been massacred, and their women taken away. That happened on a massive scale. It seemed

the rioters wanted vengeance against those with money and power” (Whitehead 1997).)

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However, religion does often lie at the crux of such violent clashes. The Ayodhya Debate

can demonstrate this fact well enough, particularly the events after the 1992 demolition of the

Babri Masjid. The site where the mosque stood was the former location of a Hindu religious

structure dedicated to Lord Rama, Ayodhya being his birthplace. (Ayodhya 2010) The

demolition of the mosque by a mob of Hindu fundamentalists was instigated and supported

by the Bharatiya Janata Party (a Hindu nationalist party), according to the report submitted in

2009 by the Liberhan Commission that had the task of investigating the sequence of events

that led to that day in December 1992. (Babri Masjid 2009) Nearly 2,000 people were killed

in the riots between Hindus and Muslims in the days after December 6th. (Q&A 2010)

The 2001 Indian Census records that 80.5% of the population is Hindu, 13.4% is

Muslim, 2.3% is Christian, 1.9% is Sikh, 0.8% is Buddhist, 0.4% is Jain and 0.6% is

classified as Other Religions and Persuasions while for the remaining 0.1% their religion is

not stated. (Religious Compositions 2001) I will be drawing from the first religion –

Hinduism – in order to construct this ideal. The answer to the question of ‘Why choose

Hinduism?’ can be observed in the fact that the majority of the Indian population ascribes to

that religion. Beyond the appeal of the “majority rules” paradigm, though, is the evidence

that Hinduism has penetrated the practices and perceptions of other religions in India. Or,

perhaps it is more precise to suggest that Hinduism has been able to adapt in such a way that

it can take on the characteristics of water – if given time, able to creep even through the

tiniest of cracks. Klaus K. Klostermaier, Ph.D. is a researcher on Hinduism and Indian

history and culture. In his studies on Hinduism’s interaction with other religions, he noted

Gandhi’s reaction to the relationship between Hinduism and Buddhism: “Gautama was

himself a Hindu of Hindus. He was saturated with the best that was in Hinduism and he gave

life to some of the teaching that were buried in the Vedas which were overgrown with weeds”

(Gandhi quoted in Klostermaier 2007: 376). The Reverend Paul Collins, Ph.D., a professor

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of Systemic Theology at the University of Chichester, wrote on the inculturation of

Christianity in India. He specifically cited how the bestowal of garlands and flowers and the

practice of aarti (the Hindu ritual using a sacred flame waved in front of an individual)

utilized to “welcome and honour visitors or particular individuals” (Collins 2007: 140) are

carried over into Christian worship. At the start of a Catholic mass, for example, the priest

may be received with aarti and in turn make aarti to the congregation. (Amalorpavadass

1976: 168) Even those adhering to other religions sometimes celebrate Hindu festivals. In

Lucknow, for example, the Holi Baraat procession has been a source of revelry for Hindus

and Muslims for over 40 years. (Indo-Asian News Service 2010)

Seeing that religion is a social influencer and that Hinduism is a religion in India that

has a long arm for reaching into the lives of the majority of the population as well as into the

various practices of other religions, the Indian social ideal of a woman can be found within

Hindu religious texts. The woman I have chosen is Sita.

Sita

Sita is the wife of Lord Rama, whose story is told in the Hindu epic entitled

Ramayana; her marriage to Rama, her abduction by Ravana, and her recapture by Rama form

the central narrative. Sita was born not from a union of man and woman but supernaturally

from the earth itself, having been plowed up when King Janaka, her father, was in the fields.

King Janaka raised her as his own and held a swayamwara (that is, a suitor’s contest for a

bride) in order to choose a husband for her. Rama, a prince and the hero of Ramayana,

indisputably won the contest and, subsequently, Sita’s hand in marriage. Thusly, she enters

into the tale that has marked the lives of women throughout India. (Kinsley 1998: 68)

Why Sita?

A question must be addressed before I continue, however, that inevitably arises with

my choice – why Sita? What is it about this woman in the Ramayana that would lead to

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better comprehension of the Indian social thought on the ideal woman? Why her above all

other women in the Hindu religious texts?

It is not important for the purpose of this paper to ascertain when the Sita ideal first

came into Indian consciousness. It is important, however, to establish that the thought of her

as the ideal does widely exist in India. Others have noted the importance of Sita in the Indian

understanding of women’s social space. Sudhir Kakar, Ph.D. is an Indian psychoanalyst

whose field of study centers on religion and mysticism. He writes that the importance of Sita

can be observed even in the metaphoric rhetoric in India.

…’She is as pure as Sita’ denotes chastity in a woman, and

‘She is a second Sita,’ the appreciation of a woman’s

uncomplaining self-sacrifice. If, as Jerome Bruner remarks, ‘In

the mythologically instructed community there is a corpus of

images and models that provide the pattern to which the

individual may aspire, a rand of metaphoric identity,’ then this

range, in the case of a Hindu woman, is condensed in one

model. And she is Sita. (64)

Delivering an inaugural address at the International Ramayana Seminar sponsored by the

Sahitya Akademi the sixth vice-president of India, Justice Mohammad Hidayatullah exhorted

the value of Ramayana in Indian society and Sita as a role model by quoting the introduction

of P.P.S. Sastri’s translation of the Ramayana

Sita is the noblest flower of Indian womanhood, devoted to her

lord in thought, word and deed, whether in her own palace or

under duress in an enemy’s camp. There can be no better text-

book of morals [speaking of Ramayana] which can be safely

placed in the hands of youths to inspire them to higher and

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nobler ideals of conduct and character. (Hidayatullah 2003: 27)

Hidayatullah, a Muslim, goes on to say in his own words, “Sita represents compassion and

grace. She suffers most but preserves herself with heroism, love and devotion. She is the

ideal wife and is the model for our womanhood” (Hidayatullah 2003: 28). As a final example

of the regard given to Sita as the ideal woman within Indian consciousness, Madhu Kishwar

offers her observations. Kishwar is Senior Fellow at the Centre for Study of Developing

Societies based in Delhi whose work has centered upon human rights, especially for women.

She recognizes that Sita is even the ideal amongst young academics, even though popular

belief tends to express that greater education correlates with a distancing from traditional

religious beliefs.

Even among my students in the Delhi University college where

I teach, Sita invariably crops up as their notion of an ideal

woman. She is frequently the first choice if you ask someone

to name a symbol of an ideal wife. When I ask women why

they find this ideal still relevant, the most common response is

that the example Sita sets will always remain relevant, even

though they may themselves not be able to completely live up

to it. This failure they attribute to their living in kalyug. They

feel that in today’s debased world it is difficult to measure up to

such high standards. However, most women add that they do

try to live up to the Sita ideal to the best of their ability, while

making some adjustments keeping present day circumstances in

view.

Kishwar also mentions the way Sita emerges in Christians’ work: “Not just me [Kishwar],

even my former colleague, Ruth Vanita, who is from a Christian family, wrote many a poem

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around the Sita theme. Her recent collection of poems has several poems that revolve around

the Sita symbol” (Kishwar 1997: 21).

From the words of these men and women it can be gleaned that Sita does indeed hold

sway as the ideal woman in Indian consciousness.

Constructing the Ideal

There are many facets to Sita’s character upon which one can expound. However, it

should be kept in mind that certain qualities of this woman, although contributing to the ideal,

would not contribute to the purpose of this paper, which is to compare the Indian social

female ideal with the Indian social perception of the prostitute. Therefore, as the prostitute is

without a husband – that is, a man whose name offers her protection and position (Hope

quoted in Bell 7 Dec 2010)ii – Sita’s loyalty to Rama, although a focal point among her

praised attributes, is irrelevant. However, as I stated before, there are many facets to Sita’s

character. (Note: The characteristics explored below are in no particular order.)

Sita does not forsake her dharma. Dharma is, put most simply, righteous duty.

(Henderson 2002: 31) “Though destitute of virtue,…or good qualities, a husband must be

constantly worshiped as a god by a faithful wife…. She who controls her thoughts, words,

and deeds, and never slights her lord, resides with her husband (in heaven after death), and is

called a virtuous (wife)” (Laws of Manu quoted in Wadley 1977: 118). This was Sita’s

dharma. To fulfill one’s dharma, that which “one must do in life,” is to “sustain society

against the chaos that is introduced through failure, supernatural forces, evil, and bad luck”

(Henderson 2002: 54). This adhering to dharma – when Ravana abducted and tempted her,

when Rama doubted her virtue, when Rama exiled her – all was to Sita’s credit. “People

commonly perceive Sita’s steadfastness [in her love of Rama] as a sign of emotional strength

and not slavery, because she refuses to forsake her dharma even though Ram forsook his

dharma as a husband” (Kishwar 1997: 23).

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Sita is not ruled by desire for personal gain. She does not place value upon jewels or

the wealth of palaces. It is not the luxuries of the transient that give delight her. She exhibits

this characteristic first in her willingness to forsake the palace of Ayodhya so that she does

not leave the side of her husband when he is exiled. (Ayodhya Kanda in Prose: Sarga 30

2008) Rama attempts to deter her from following him with outlining the horrors of such an

existance, stressing that a woman who is accustomed to a palatial lifestyle would not be able

to endure in the harsh wilderness. (Ayodhya Kanda in Prose: Sarga 28 2008) However, Sita

is insistent that she is ready to leave behind everything in order to follow him. In her

insistence, I reiterate that it is not relevant to this paper that she was being loyal to her

husband. It is relevant that she does not cleave to wealth, which would mean forsaking her

dharma. Even after she is captured by Ravana her resolve does not crumble. He allows her

to be tortured by rakshashis (ogresses) and then comes to her to offer a more luxurious way

of life contingent upon her becoming his wife. But Sita says to his offers, “I am not capable

to be tempted by wealth or by money” (Sundara Kanda in Prose: Sarga 21 2008). She will

not trade her morals for riches.

Sita is chaste. Although Sita is beautiful she does not use it to entice. Hers is a chaste

beauty and even if she does invoke erotic desire (Zacharias 1994: 34) she does not succumb

to the desires of one who is not her husband. After Rama accuses her of having been

unfaithful during her captivity with Ravana, Sita undergoes a trial by fire. “Because of her

innocence and purity, Agni [the god of fire] refuses to harm her and returns her to Rama so

unscathed that even her flower garland remains unwithered by the heat of the flames”

(Kinsley 1998: 74). It is then, and only then, that Rama welcomes Sita into his arms after

rescuing her. It is her chastity that garners much of the acclaim she holds within India.

Sita respects those with authority over her. Throughout Ramayana Sita shows

evidence of being conscientious of and respectful towards those in authority over her. When

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Rama tells her that she must not follow him into exile but stay within the safety of the palace

with her in-laws, Sita alludes to her upbringing: “My mother and father taught me in many

ways how I should conduct myself. I need not be told as what I have now to do” (Ayodhya

Kanda in Prose: Sarga 27 2008). This implies that she not only remembers the council of her

parents but through their counsel she has learned how to properly conduct herself, showing

respect for their words. She also exhibits respect for those whose years, and therefore their

understanding of life through personal experience, are beyond hers. From The Book of

Ayodhya in the Valmiki Ramayana, we see Sita receives instruction from Anasuya, the

elderly wife of an elderly sage, on the conduct of a good wife and the shortcomings of an evil

one. Although she is not personally attached to this woman, Sita readily accepts her advice.

(Aklujkar 2000: 58) Finally, when Rama calls for her after her rescue, Sita is eager to rush to

him. But Vibhishana, the demon sent to fetch her urges her to follow the instructions of her

husband:

[Vibhishana, to Sita:] ‘O [Sita], Anointed with charming

cosmetics and adorned with beautiful jewels if you please,

mount on the vehicle. Your husband wants to see you.’ [Sita:]

‘O king of demons! I wish to see my husband even without

taking my bath.’ [Vibhishana:] ‘You ought to do the bidding of

Rama, your husband, as he has enjoined you to do.’ Hearing

the words of Vibhishana, the virtuous [Sita], regarding her

husband as divinity, endowed as she was with a devotion to her

husband, said in reply, ‘So [be it]!’ (Yuddha Kanda in Prose:

Sarga 114 2008)

This further shows her respect, her obedience, her regard for those who have authority over

her, whether their authority comes by personal connection or age (as is the case of Anasuya).

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Having outlined the characteristics of Sita – chastity, respectfulness, selflessness, and

dharmikta (righteousness) – I will now further explore the concept of chastity and sex.

The Indian Society and Sex

Tied into the ideal is the concept of praise. Throughout Ramayana, Sita is praised for

her character. Conversely, it can be assumed that there is condemnation for such behavior

that does not align with the ideal. There is that which is acceptable and that which is

unacceptable. The chastity of Sita is the acceptable, the praised character of sexuality in

women. However, there is a need to define what chastity means within the Indian context. In

the following sections is outlined the social structures and landscapes within which

acceptable, and therefore unacceptable, sex is defined.

The Acceptable and the Unacceptable

One must define the boundaries of the socially acceptable if one can hope to

understand what lies outside of them. So, when is sex considered socially acceptable? That

is, when is it that a woman can engage in sex without hazarding social censure? Sex within

marriage, and only within marriage, is stressed as the only context in which sexual relations,

for a woman, is acceptable. Victor Joseph, D.Min. (2009) wrote on the views of sex and girls

in his study of the rehabilitation of sex trafficking victims in India:

Girls who lose their virginity before marriage are made to feel

disgraced, unclean, filthy. Girls who lose their virgin status

before marriage are often called derogatory names like ‘whore’

or ‘adulteress.’ In fact, men maintain a double standard

insisting that their wives should be virgin or pure when they

marry but feeling no such obligation regarding their own

conduct. (Joseph and Hill 2009: 33)

A woman must remain a virgin until she is married to avoid public censure. (Chakraborty

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2010: 3) In Hinduism “kanya [the term meaning ‘virgin girl’] as a construct entails the

dharma of virginity while her parents must provide protection and appropriate dana [dowry]”

(Khare 1992: 149). In the Kolkata slums young women caught infringing upon the accepted

social boundaries of female sexual conduct face violence, harassment and an even greater

social risk than the young man. “A female’s izzat is strongly linked to her sexuality through

chastity before marriage and faithfulness after, and she, and [maybe even] her family, may be

socially stigmatized or…physically and verbally abused if she deviates from this norm”

(Chakraborty 2010: 4).iii There is a double standard, as a Muslim young man can “get away

with” sexual promiscuity while a Muslim young woman bears a heavy consequence, like

forced arranged marriages, disownment (in the case of elopement) or curbing of mobility.

(Chakraborty 2010: 4) (“Zina, or premarital sex between men and women, is haram

[forbidden] in Islam for both men and women” (Emphasis of ‘both’ mine, Chakraborty 2010:

4).)

However, the act of marriage can even cause discomfort for married couples. In her

study of marriage within Hindu Bengali society, Lina Fruzzetti, Ph.D. wrote

Women are shy and embarrassed about being married, since

being married means a woman has sexual relations with her

husband. It is sex, an act performed not for desire and

enjoyment, but mainly for the creation of children and the

continuation of the [male line], that makes women ashamed.

(Fruzzetti 1994: 14)

It is embarrassing for a Hindu couple to have children after they have grandchildren because

it indicates that they are still having sex, at a time in their lives when it is believed they

should turn their minds toward their salvation. (Quinn)

The discussion of sex, although it has broken into the public domain (for example, the

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India Today annual sex surveys that began in 2003), is still considered taboo. In America,

the complaint is often heard that the media deluges the youth with sex. The same complaint

is voiced within India as well. India’s MTV shows more skin than is seemly to traditional

Indian society and Bollywood films are featuring western-clothing-clad heroes and heroines

whose styles become more risqué as the years pass. The social norms of what is acceptable

and unacceptable in relation to sex are reiterated in what is and is not shown. The women in

rural areas are shown in films as innocent, “good girls” who cover themselves up from head

to toe, like Hum Saath Saath Hain, while women that wear western-style clothing are

considered to be inviting the attentions of young men, like in Raja Hindustani. (Banaji 2006:

381-383) In the article “Subliminal Seduction” in the Indian magazine Femina, the writer

covers sexual subliminal messaging, a subject that is frowned upon by society norms as a

whole. How can one tell? Because looking at the provided pictures of Disney subliminal

messaging, the circles that would provide a zoomed in view of the otherwise unnoticeable

sexual images are blurred for censoring purposes. (Kokra 2010)iv Even in a society that is

increasingly becoming more open with the discussion of sex, there are still boundaries that

maintain a considerable silence.v “A woman who talks about her sexuality, even to her close

friends, is considered to be ‘immoral’” (Joseph and Hill 2009: 33).vi

The Unacceptable and Sexual Violence

The social shame attached to a woman losing her virginity outside of marriage is not

only attached when she loses it through consensual sex. Rape victims also face

stigmatization. “Even young girls, of whom a high percentage experience some type of

sexual abuse, are ashamed to speak out about what happens to them. One of the main reasons

for their silence is that if they speak out, their parents will blame and punish them” (Joseph

and Hill 2009: 33). Human Rights Watch released a report in 2010 on the ineffectiveness and

irrelevancy of the two-finger test, which physicians conduct on women who report that they

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are victims of rape, in the proceedings of the prosecution of an alleged rapist. (The

examination entails the physician sticking two fingers into the vagina to check the state of the

hymen (broken or intact) and to determine the size or laxity of the vagina. (Kashyap 2010: 2,

3)) The report draws attention to the emphasis that this type of examination places upon

stereotypes concerning rape victims.

A medico-legal report that identifies an unmarried girl or

woman as allegedly ‘habituated to sexual intercourse’ attaches

extreme stigma to her, compounding the considerable stigma

unmarried women already face when reporting rape, and

adding to a general stereotype about sexually active women.

Police officers, prosecutors, other lawyers, and judges may

have a conception that a ‘bad’ woman of ‘loose morals’ may

try to press a false charge of sexual assault against an innocent

man. For instance, one former public prosecutor who spoke

with Human Rights Watch said, ‘I find that in most cases where

the man is not known to the woman, then it is definitely rape,

but where the man is known to the woman, it is usually not

rape, and it is a case of false charge.’ (Kashyap 2010: 31, 32)

Further evidence of the stigma that tends to be attached to rape victims is offered in

other studies. Using a sample of Indian college students in their study of the attribution of

causal and moral responsibility to a victim of rape, “Kanekar and Kolsawalla (1980) found

that greater fault was attributed to a victim dressed in provocative attire than to a victim

dressed unprovocatively” (Cassidy and Hurell 1995). Victims of rape are often believed to

have invited the attention and their families will even turn them out of the house for fear that

the stigma attached to their daughter or wife will cast a blemish upon the rest of them.

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(Sleightholme and Sinha 1996: 26, 27) The belief that the victim of the rape somehow was

inviting sexual attention, especially those victims who have a history of sexual activity,

makes them targets for social scorn. (John and Nair 2000: 25)

The Indian consciousness of sex and the woman lies within the realm of the

acceptable and the unacceptable defined by the ideal of chastity (which is emulated in Sita).

A woman is not to exhibit sexual passions and is subject to social stigmatization if she does

so. She is expected to remain a virgin until she is married and then to remain demure in all

matters concerning sex. The prostitute exists completely outside of this realm of socially

acceptable sex.

The Prostitute

The prostitute’s social stigmatization rests in her existing outside of the boundaries of

the Sita ideal and within the realm of socially unacceptable sex.

There are many types of prostitutes to be found in India – common girl (full-time at

brothels, restaurants, road-side hotels, etc.), singing and dancing girls, concubines/semi-

attached, call girls (usually work “for furthering their financial capital and social network”

rather than for financial support), religious, and cage/brothel (mostly those forced or sold into

prostitution). (Chattopadhyay and McKaig 2004: 161) The formal Hindi word for prostitute

is veshya. “Veshya is someone with whom men form economic rather than social

relationships. This is about sex, but a very particular situation in which a woman and a man

form a temporary relationship based on money” (Chatterjee n.d.: 281). From this definition

of her work, the precise nature of her exclusion from the Sita ideal previously outlined –

selflessness, chastity, dharmikta, and respectfulness – can be deduced.

The prostitute as unchaste. The prostitute’s very work involves engaging in sex with

a man that is not her husband. As mentioned in the section concerning the acceptable and the

unacceptable, it is considered socially unacceptable for a woman to have sex with a man that

Bell 17
is not her husband, whether that means losing her virginity before marriage or having an

extramarital affair. Women sexually active outside of marriage are viewed as being

passionate. (John and Nair 2000: 17) Sita is warned against passion by Anasuya

Evil women whose hearts are dictated by passion…[Sita], such

women who have been overpowered by wrong actions indeed

destroy their own code of conduct, and attain disrepute in

addition. But women like you, who are well-qualified, and

who can visualize the later regions, good or bad – such women

will attain to heaven just as well as the ones who have done

meritorious deeds. (Emphasis mine, Aklujkar 2000: 58)

So, the prostitute, being considered unchaste and therefore passionate, attains disrepute.

The prostitute as adharmik (unrighteous). Because she is viewed as being ruled by

passion, the prostitute, according to Anasuya’s advice to Sita about evil women, has

destroyed her own code of conduct, her duty, her dharma. She is unchaste when, as a

woman, it is her duty to be chaste. (John and Nair 2000: 17) In being chaste she would

maintain the ideal and thus sustains society against the chaos that stepping outside of the

acceptable can cause. (Henderson 2002: 54)

The prostitute as selfish. To be immoral in exchange for money violates another of

the characteristics of the ideal – selflessness. Sita goes into the wilderness rather than leave

her husband’s side, which would mean forsaking her dharma, to stay in the luxury of the

Ayodhya palace. She does not give in to Ravana’s erotic desire, which would mean being

unfaithful to her husband, when he offers her wealth instead of her continued torture in

exchange for her hand in marriage. The very essence of Chatterjee’s definition of

prostitution is the exchange of sex for money. It already has been established that sex before

or outside of marriage is considered adharmik and unchaste, and thus immoral. Therefore,

Bell 18
prostitution can be socially considered an act of selfishness, of greed, for the prostitute trades

her morals for money.

The prostitute as disrespectful. As mentioned before, a girl is taught from a young

age to hold onto her virginity until marriage and to keep sex within marriage. Sita

remembered the lessons taught to her by her parents and conducted herself accordingly.

Since the prostitute violates the sexual moral code, she is seen as having cast off the advice of

her elders. This results in social censure, not only for the prostitute but for her family as well.

(Chakraborty 2010: 4)

So, being outside the bounds of the Sita ideal and socially acceptable sex, the

prostitute is rejected. Even if she leaves the sex trade, society sees her past as a blemish. A

very promising site the Home – a recently emerged organization providing rehabilitation and

reintegration services to girls rescued from sex trafficking – was considering in December for

the after-care program unfortunately was not to become theirs because of the social stigma

attached to prostitutes. Even though the proprietor was willing to lease the building to the

Home, the proprietor’s mother was of a different opinion. She did not want former

prostitutes living there for fear that the neighbors would find out and think that they are

running a brothel. (Bell 20 Jan 2011)

However, the prostitute is perceived as a “necessary evil.” Some police officers see

prostitution as necessary to lower the rate of sexual crime. (Joseph and Hill 2009: 17) An

Indian dispatched intelligence bureau officer shared his opinions on prostitutes and

prostitution with Nicholas Kristof:

[Officer:] ‘Prostitution is inevitable…. There has always been

prostitution in every country. And what’s a young man to do

from the time when he turns eighteen until when he gets

married at thirty?’

Bell 19
[Kristof:] ‘Well, is the best solution really to kidnap Nepali

girls and imprison them in Indian brothels?’

…[Officer:] ‘It’s unfortunate,’ he agreed. ‘These girls are

sacrificed so that we can have harmony in society. So that

good girls can be safe…. The good Indian middle-class girls

are safe.’ (Kristof and WuDunn 2009: 23, 24)

Indian men will even say of themselves that they believe that if they do not have prostitutes

to have sex with then they will end up attacking an innocent girl. (Bell 25 Jan 2011)

She may stand outside of the boundaries of acceptable society due to her not adhering

to the modicums of ideal Indian womanhood, but the prostitute is toleratedvii – and even seen

as necessary by some – in order to satiate the supposed fundamental needs, which seemingly

cannot be ignored, of men in India.

Conclusion

So, having studied the ideal of the Indian woman – that is, Sita – in relation to the

social understanding of the prostitute I have come to understand that due to her not being in

accord with “the acceptable,” the prostitute is placed on the outskirts of society. The Indian

attitude towards the connection between sex and women also contributes to the prostitute’s

stigmatization. Sex is taboo. For a woman to even speak of it suggests that she is immoral

and to be immoral is to be placed within the realm of the unacceptable, the social outcasts.

Understanding how society views the prostitute is an important step in the

rehabilitation and social reintegration process for those women (and children) who are

leaving the sex trade. There will be challenges to her entering “acceptable” society. The

blemish of the stigma is not easily removed from her reputation. That she has left

prostitution is not enough. She must prove herself in order for society to accept her,

especially if they know her past. My next paper will address how the social stigma of

Bell 20
prostitution affects the rehabilitation and social reintegration processes for former prostitutes.

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i
This is not to say that the studies and observations of native scholars are more valuable than that

of foreign scholars. Individuals from each classification can offer different perceptions and

therefore contribute to a more complex, richer insight into social relations. It is for this reason that I

have drawn from the observations of social scientists foreign and native to India.
ii
Hope (not her real name), an Indian who works in women’s rights advocacy, told the story of her

housekeeper’s suffering domestic abuse. When Hope advised the woman to do something about it

– speak up or leave him – the housekeeper said, “No. My children need a father. I have the name,

the protection of this [his] name” (Bell 7 Dec 2010).


iii
According to Kabita Chakraborty (2010) – a Ph.D. graduate of the University of Queensland

whose areas of study include the sexual health and identities of young people and contemporary

South Asian studies – the concept of izzat (that is, in simple terms, honor, integrity and self-respect)

determines what is decent in terms of women’s sexuality within Indian society. (3) Izzat is very

much like dharma in that it invokes a sense of duty and righteousness.


iv
Laws are constructed from a code of ethics that finds its base upon social morals. Therefore, it is

important to consider what the law has to say concerning women’s sexuality as the law reflects how

society views certain matters. Censorship law paints a picture of how sex finding its way into the

public social sphere is handled. If material appeals to the carnal side of human nature or sexually

arouses it is labeled as obscene and is banned from the public eye to protect decent people. Such

censorship pops up in unusual ways, as is the case with the Femina article. (There are exceptions

made for material with a “socially redeeming purpose,” like giving advice to married couples.)

(Kapur 1997: 294) This suggests that sex and sexuality, though a part of human nature, is immoral

and should be suppressed.


v
It is because of this silence that many have to learn about sex from what society would deem

unseemly sources. Blue movies (pornographic films) and Internet sex sites are often a means of

education for those who would otherwise not know about sexual relations. Preeta, a young woman

from Bombay admitted that she and her Muslim friend go to cyber cafes to only look at
pornographic sites. It is from these sites that she learns anything about sexuality and sex. (Banaji

2006: 13) Although blue movies are not the best forms of education as they depict more fantasy

than reality, the young women were searching for exposure where they could find it.
vi
I would be remiss if I did not address the Kama Sutra in relation to sex and women in

India. When sex and India are mentioned together, one thing most often comes to mind (at least, to

the Western mind) – the Kama Sutra. However, it is erroneous to assume that since this book is

from the “Golden Age” of India that sex is emphasized and praised in Hinduism. “Despite a

general acknowledgement of male sexual need, even promiscuity, male celibacy has…been

valorised as an indisputable (upper caste) ideal” (John and Nair 2000: 16). It is popularly known

that Gandhi, the Father of the Indian Nation, upheld this ideal. Women’s sexual conduct is also

exhorted to be morally right and pure.

It is not virginity that is upheld as an ideal for women so much as the

notion of the chaste wife [e.g. Sati], an empowered figure in (Hindu)

myth who functions as a means of taming or domesticating the more

fearful aspects of the woman’s sexual appetite [e.g. Kali, a fierce and

sexually passionate goddess]. (John and Nair 2000: 17)

Hindu men and women are encouraged to abstain from their baser desires to obtain something more

eternal (Quinn), while today the mainstream message is that the stronger the passion the better.
vii
Further evidence that she is tolerated can be found in the fact that prostitution is not illegal in

India. There is no legislation that deems it as such. However, it is very difficult to practice legal

prostitution. For more information, see Sithannan, V. (2007) Immoral Traffic: Prostitution in India.

Chennai, India: 89-117.

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