Professional Documents
Culture Documents
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted
in any form or by any means without the written permission of the Publisher.
The views expressed in this book are those of the individual contributors,
and not necessarily those of the editors or the Publisher.
Front cover: Working together to build a cement platform for the water tank at Gode hospital, Ethiopia.
Photo: Crispin Hughes, Oxfam
© Oxfam GB 2001
Published by Oxfam GB, 274 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 7DZ, UK.
http: / /www.oxfam.org.uk/publications
Typeset in Palatino by Oxfam; printed by Information Press, Eynsham
Oxfam is a registered charity No. 202918
Oxfam GB is a member of Oxfam International
ISBN 0 85598 4570
Gender, conflict, and building sustainable peace: recent lessons from Latin America 29
Caroline O.N. Moser and Fiona C. Clark
Gender and power relations in a bureaucratic context: female immigrants from Ethiopia
in an absorption centre in Israel 60
Esther Hertzog
Resources 88
Compiled by Nittaya Thiraphouth
Publications 88
Organisations 95
Electronic resources 97
Editorial
M
illions of people world-wide are for future disasters, mitigating the impact
currently living in a state of of disasters, alleviating suffering, and
emergency, thrown into crisis by rebuilding community life. Women's
conflict or natural disaster to the extent that specific contribution may be different from
they and their communities are no longer and complementary to that of men. Not
able to meet the needs of everyday life. It is only do women bring a gender-specific
now well-recognised that war and natural range of skills, experience, knowledge,
disasters affect men and women in different authority, and leadership to coping with
ways. At a global level, women and crises, but they are also powerful agents of
children form by far the largest proportion change, often adapting more quickly than
of civilians displaced by conflict (both men to new situations, and more easily
internally and internationally). Complex finding alternative means of survival.
emergencies often result in a demographic This collection of articles from develop-
shift such that women make up the ment policy makers, practitioners, and
majority of the post-emergency population. researchers explores the interface between
Men and women are vulnerable to gender issues and humanitarian work.
different types of risk and threat in While some articles in this collection focus
emergencies, related to their physical on humanitarian work during natural
security, food security, health, or other disaster, others analyse humanitarian
issues. Yet the fact that women bear the responses to conflict. A third group of
brunt of world poverty, with fewer assets articles considers the post-crisis period: the
and greater reproductive burdens, have less time when immediate work to save lives
power and status than men, less mobility, gives way to work that aims to promote
and less defence against violence, makes reconstruction. In the case of natural
them particularly vulnerable during crises. disaster, much of this work aims to promote
Roles and responsibilities change during emergency preparedness; in the period
disaster, with men often being forced to after conflict, peace-building is the aim.
migrate in search of work or to take up arms,
leaving women to bear an increased burden
of responsibility for home and family.
Current challenges to
In spite of women's particular vulner- humanitarian policy
abilities during crises, they have a specific During the 1990s, there has been an
contribution to make towards the reduction increase in both the value and volume of
of vulnerability to disasters, to preparing humanitarian assistance, only partly due to
Editorial
increased need. In addition, it is due to the are seen in perspective, as part of a strategy
greater reach of humanitarian agencies into for institutional transformation. Standards
territories that had been off-limits prior to must also include an analysis that ensures
the end of the Cold War (Macrae 1999). that humanitarian work is performed as
Parallel to the increase in humanitarian efficiently as possible by understanding the
activity has been debate within the aid connection between social identity, power,
community on the current challenges of and survival itself.
working in emergencies that arise from
complex political situations. In turn, these Development and humanitarian work:
debates have taken place concurrently with what is the relationship?
debate within the women's movement Another key difference between schools of
(including feminists in humanitarian humanitarian thought that underlies the
agencies) on the responses from the articles in this collection is the relationship
humanitarian agencies and their impact on between relief and development work.
women's status and practical wellbeing. Perceived by some as distinctly different
This debate is concerned with three sets of kinds of interaction between agencies and
issues: the immediate needs of women in societies on the ground, these concepts are
emergency situations and their role in relief seen as part of a continuum by others, who
work; understanding and challenging the may speak in terms of 'developmental
different forms of subordination of women relief, or reject the terms completely. In
in these situations; and the role of women some contexts of political emergency, this is
in reconstruction and reintegration not a departure from the norm; rather, crisis
(El Bushra 1999, 97). While there has is the norm itself. This state of affairs calls
recently been greater - and timely - into question the classic conceptualisation
attention to men's gender issues in peace- of relief as being a short-term, practical
building, this collection of articles focuses in delivery of essential resources to enable
the main on the three sets of issues populations to ensure survival before
identified by El Bushra, although individual stability returns. Currently, conflict over
articles do discuss masculinity in relation to resources in poverty-stricken contexts
the militarisation of society. where rapid economic change is challenging
age-old ways of life, and growing fears of
Accountability and standards recurrent environmental crisis due to
The debate about the role of humanitarian climate change, are adding to the number of
agencies in intervening in emergencies, and such chronic emergencies.
whether or not it is possible to be impartial
or desirable to be neutral, has led, among
other things, to a renewed awareness of the
Gender-sensitive responses
need for agencies to be accountable to the to these dilemmas
populations who are targeted by relief Gender perspectives on the problems raised
activities. In turn this has led to calls - in the previous section are, firstly, to
at least within the English-speaking understand that humanitarian interventions
humanitarian community (Macrae 1999) - will always have some impact on gender
for internationally-agreed standards for and other social relations, and, secondly,
humanitarian work. Deborah Clifton and to understand humanitarian response in
Fiona Gell discuss the rationale for a long-term perspective, gaining an
standards in their article, focusing in understanding of how life is connected
particular on the development of the Sphere before, during, and after crisis.
initiative in the late 1990s.1 They emphasise Current debates in development and
the importance of ensuring that standards humanitarian agencies include the
importance of understanding social the specific context in which an emergency
relations and the ways in which institutions occurs. This involves drawing on people's
discriminate against marginalised groups. local, rooted knowledge of prevailing social
These debates have implications for how dynamics and power relations, and
agencies should respond to changing challenges to these, as processes. This leads
dynamics between different social groups to a rejection of older ideas of emergencies
which come about as a result of crisis, and as isolated, sudden events. A focus on
how they can ensure that change is positive women's lives, or on the lives of other
for women. While some argue that women, marginalised groups within a society,
men, and children all have the same basic highlights the same underlying power
needs in a crisis, and that challenging social dynamics which lead to unequal outcomes
inequalities is outside the remit of for women and men. In poor communities
humanitarian response, evidence from in peace and in conflict, or prior to a natural
countless different contexts bears witness to disaster and during the period afterwards,
two facts. Firstly, women's needs are male or female social identity gives
distinct from those of men. This means that individuals very different opportunities
humanitarian agencies must give attention and methods for obtaining resources
not only to sectors such as reproductive crucial to survival. In the majority of
health or protection from violence against societies throughout the world - and not
women, but also to the need to integrate a only in 'developing countries' - women's
gender perspective throughout all of their identity as wives, mothers, and daughters
work. This occurs through understanding places them in a position of having to gain
women's unequal power to control and access resources through their relationships with
resources, and to participate in decision- men. Another constant for women in crisis
making at household or community level and stability is the issue of unequal gender
(Moser and Clark 2000). It follows that it is power relations in conjunction with norms
actually impossible to remain detached of female and male sexuality.
from power dynamics within a community Understandings of women's differential
in an emergency response. In the absence access to resources and control over their
of gender analysis and appropriate action bodies are common to crisis and stability;
to ensure that women's interests are the key is to understand how emergency
addressed on an equal basis with those situations affect social relationships
of men, interventions are likely to be between women and men to worsen the
detrimental to women's interests and outlook for women. In a conflict, or
therefore to be of lower quality and following a natural disaster, the men on
efficiency. All interventions, regardless of whom women and children depend may be
their aim, inevitably challenge, alter, or lost, dead, or absent. Women's access to
entrench power relations between different resources may be threatened, and there
social groups. In their article, Deborah Clifton may be a profound threat to women's
and Fiona Gell rehearse the arguments human rights to bodily integrity, and to
around this issue, arguing that in order to physical and mental health. This is because
be impartial, a gender-sensitive approach the physical locations in which women
has to be taken in humanitarian work. feel safe are no longer refuges but places
The second dilemma concerning the to be escaped; normal restraints on
relationship between development and male behaviour may have broken down;
humanitarian response is debated by and, in situations of conflict, women's
feminists as follows. Gender-sensitive reproductive and sexual capacity is abused
responses in emergencies depend on as a weapon of war to degrade and destroy
developing a long-term understanding of not only women themselves, but their men
Editorial
and their society. The role of humanitarian organisations) may become much more
agencies in ensuring that women are visible, and also increase significantly. This
protected on a day-to-day basis is equalled brings new opportunities for leadership.
by their role in challenging 'official failure How can humanitarian response ensure
to condemn or punish rape [which] gives it that women's need to ensure family and
an overt political sanction' (Vickers 1993,21). community survival is supported, that their
To relate this insight to the debates potential for leadership is realised, and that
about distinctions between humanitarian wherever possible women are supported in
aid and development, it is clear that the challenging gender stereotypes to ensure a
duty to ensure that women have access to sustained change in gender relations?
resources and protection against attack In their article, Hisham Khogali and
exists both in times of stability, when Parmjit Takhar provide an example of
governments and international agencies humanitarian work which sets out
may talk of development, and in times of simultaneously to provide greater benefits
crisis, when they talk of humanitarian aid. to households and communities through
Yet, for many reasons, stemming from the channelling aid through women, and to
male-dominated institutional culture of challenge gender stereotypes surrounding
those organisations involved in delivering women, work, and money. Their discussion
humanitarian aid, women's gender interests focuses on the impact on communities,
are currently vastly more likely to be households, and individual women and
addressed in a 'development' intervention men of channelling resources to households
than in a humanitarian operation. In her in the form of money rather than food, and
article, Suzanne Williams discusses these via women rather than men. In their article
issues and the wider relationship between they consider the strategies of targeting
development and humanitarian work in women as potential workers on cash-for-
relation to Oxfam GB's work in different work programmes in the wake of emergencies.
contexts, including Afghanistan and Kosovo. They ask whether or not, in the medium-
term, women's enhanced contribution to
household livelihoods has an impact on
Harnessing the gendered patterns of decision-making
opportunities offered by power within the household.
crisis An additional useful insight from this
kind of study is that it highlights the
Crises offer opportunities for marginalised synergy which can be built up between
groups within society to adopt new roles efficiency-based rationales for working
and challenge stereotypes. Prior to a crisis, through women, and equity and empower-
women's contribution to income-generation ment-based rationales for focusing on
may be enormously important, but unequal gender relations. However, caution
unacknowledged, and women may be is needed. Targeting women only and not
distanced from decision-making at all levels giving full attention to the social dynamics
of society. The role of wife and mother is between women and men leads to ignoring
often the only one which receives wide an obvious point that will impact on both
recognition, and this work may simul- sets of aims. Workers implementing this
taneously be praised while the skills and type of programme must consider the entire
energy that it requires are underrated. workload of the family - including both
In crises, women's roles in contributing to productive and reproductive work, work
household livelihoods and in other roles within the home and work outside it -
outside the domestic sphere (including when determining whether or not this
decision-making in community bodies and provides immediate practical assistance for
women, or simply over-burdens them. In reveals that violence against women
the absence of male willingness to shoulder increased in the reconstruction period, with
some of the domestic burden, coercing approximately half of the respondents to
women to undertake cash-for-work the audit identifying problems with recon-
activities will reduce the effectiveness of the struction projects and between couples,
project from a practical point of view and including increased domestic violence.
can lead to conflict within the household as Bradshaw suggests that, 'Getting recon-
men feel marginalised and women become struction wrong may impact not just on
targets for their anger. people's material well-being, but may also
How do we ensure that aid fosters affect their health, safety, and emotional
peace and stability within households, well-being.'
communities, and wider society, rather than One article in this collection discusses
unwittingly becoming a tool to be used to the ways in which displaced people,
promote conflict and instability? To an powerless in the highly bureaucratic
extent, of course, all development and context of a temporary settlement, are
humanitarian interventions will promote vulnerable to inappropriate and even
social conflict since, as discussed above, abusive interventions. Esther Hertzog
they all - albeit sometimes unwittingly - analyses the treatment of women and men
pose a challenge to the economic and social from Ethiopia in Israeli 'absorption centres'
status quo. In the case of cash-for-work, a of the 1980s and 1990s. Ethiopian women
full knowledge of gender relations within a immigrants were labelled backward in
particular context, and strategies for terms of their skills in traditional female
supporting both women and men within tasks, and obliged to learn how to perform
households, are critical before embarking these roles in the manner of the wider
on interventions that seek to challenge the Israeli community, while being prevented
gender division of labour. from seeking paid work outside the camp.
In confirmation of this, in her article While Hertzog's article is not concerned
focusing on the impact of Hurricane Mitch with humanitarian relief as such, the power
on communities in Nicaragua, and agency of state bureaucrats over each and every
responses, Sarah Bradshaw discusses the aspect of inmates' lives can be taken as a
findings of a social audit carried out by the cautionary tale of the vulnerability of the
Civil Co-ordinator for Emergency and displaced in relation to those who are in
Reconstruction, a coalition of 350 non- charge of refugee camps or resettlement
governmental organisations (NGOs) and initiatives.
other community- based organisations. In
the audit, women's experience of Moving from palliative aid
participating in reconstruction projects is
considered. Audits of this nature are
to peace-building
essential if humanitarian work is to As stated at the beginning of this introduction,
improve in relation to gender issues. The some of the articles in this collection
picture that emerges is complex and discuss the gender issues within peace-
sometimes contradictory. Critically, Bradshaw building, reconciliation, and reconstruction.
highlights the tension between short-term In their contribution, Caroline Moser
survival goals and longer-term goals of and Fiona Clark discuss the outcomes of a
women's empowerment, as well as high- conference on 'Latin American Experiences
lighting the dangers of targeting women as of Gender, Conflict, and Building
efficient conduits of relief to their families, Sustainable Peace', held in Colombia in
which may only serve to entrench May 2000, and attended by representatives
inequality within the household. The audit of civil society, governments, and inter-
Editorial
recovering from, and mitigating community backlash from men. Women must be fully
disasters. By building on this analysis, involved in determining the pace of
gender-fair humanitarian aid puts women's change, as they are the best judges of
immediate and longer term interests at the resistance and how to overcome it.
heart of the assessment and planning If gender equity goals are considered at
process, thus ensuring that their chances of all, they are typically equated with post-
survival are increased, their coping emergency rehabilitation or development
strategies strengthened, and their status in work, where it is more straightforward to
the community raised with consequent address gender inequities than in relief
improvements for the well-being of the work. However, the role of relief in laying
whole community. It requires inclusive, the foundations for rebuilding the social,
participatory, democratic models of economic, and physical infrastructure
response that involve women not only as of communities is now well recognised.
victims but also as resourceful community The long-term course of a humanitarian
actors. In practice, however, women's response can be set by programme
representation is still often lacking in decisions made within the first few days of
disaster response teams, emergency relief work. Hence, getting the relief
programme management, and the formal response right for women as well as men
and informal participation needed to from day one is of paramount importance.
rebuild communities.
Gender-fair emergency management
also seeks to challenge the longer-term Why gender equity and
structural barriers to women's vulnerability women's empowerment
to disasters. Since disaster mitigation are vital to saving and
seeks to address the underlying causes of protecting lives
vulnerability, in addition to physical
measures such as raising land or building
dikes it must also address longer-term The aims of humanitarian intervention
strategic factors such as unequal land Gender analysis in any programme needs
ownership, wealth distribution, and gender to take as its starting point the following
inequality. Communities are safer and questions. Are the overall goals sensitive to
more resilient to crisis when they are more the interests of both women and men? If so,
egalitarian, and when all social groups are how can these aspirations to achieve
empowered in a way that enables them to gender equity be made explicit and
contribute their respective opinions and developed into actionable plans?
resources. The aim of humanitarian response is to
When external agencies provide save and protect lives quickly and
resources without considering gender effectively in the event of an emergency, in
issues they can seriously jeopardise the order to ensure that fewer people die, fall
position of women. With already fewer sick, or suffer deprivation.2 Underlying
opportunities for education, employment, these aims are two fundamental principles
and leadership than men, women are likely recognised by the humanitarian community:
to be further disadvantaged by interventions that those affected by disaster have a right
that reinforce traditional roles and relation- to life with dignity and therefore a right to
ships. If too many resources are targeted to assistance; and that all possible steps
women without adequate analysis of the should be taken to alleviate human
risks involved and without adequate suffering arising out of conflict and
participation of women, their security and calamity (Sphere Project 2000). This includes
position may be further jeopardised by the right to an adequate standard of living,
10
and to freedom from cruel, inhuman, or Communities and agencies also need to
degrading treatment or punishment. support women to hold on to gains in
Two further principles with significant gender relations made during the crisis.
implications for gender equality are A series of structural barriers work
laid out by the Red Cross Code of Conduct against women's active participation and
for NGOs in Disaster Relief. Firstly, empowerment in disaster response,
'proportionality' - humanitarian aid should including their reproductive burden, lower
be provided in measures proportional to levels of education, lower access to and
the degree of suffering it seeks to address. control over resources, lower status, and
Secondly, 'impartiality' - the provision of limited mobility. Humanitarian agencies
aid must be made on the basis of need need to recognise and challenge these
'regardless of race, creed, or nationality of
barriers, and at the very least ensure that
the recipients and without adverse
their interventions do not exacerbate them.
distinction of any kind'. This principle
They need to address the practical and
implies that the aims of saving and
protecting lives must apply equally to protection needs of both women and men
women and men, and that we must strive in the immediate crisis, recognise and build
for equity, or fairness, of outcome. The on the roles and resources that men and
Code of Conduct also states that inter- women bring to coping with the crisis,
ventions should support and not diminish and address the longer-term needs and
the role of women in disaster-affected interests of women and men. If these
populations. needs are appropriately addressed, the
coping capacity of communities for future
This section sets out why a gender-fair
disasters will be strengthened. Steps must
approach is essential to fulfilling the
principles and aims set out above. The be taken to include a fairer distribution
rest of the article discusses how to of power between women and men, and
achieve this. this may imply an extension of the typical
sectoral scope of humanitarian response
The efficiency rationale which precludes attention to several critical
It is widely recognised that women's gender issues. Strengthening women's
empowerment 3 and greater equality leadership role will involve finding ways
between women and men are a necessary to share their reproductive burdens,
pre-requisite for social justice, sustainable and strengthening men's role in household
development, and for peace (United work.
Nations 1995). This applies equally to the
The focus of the approach needs to be
humanitarian context. Empowered women
will be able to make a much greater on analysing the situation of both women
contribution to preparing for and coping and men, and working with both to achieve
with disaster. In addition, the experience gender-equitable outcomes. However, the
of participating on an equal footing with fact that women start from a relative
men in disaster management can be a very position of greater suffering, poverty, and
empowering one for women. Communities disempowerment means that, if the aims
and agencies therefore need to seize any of proportionality and impartiality are to
opportunities resulting from the crisis for be achieved, special attention must be paid
improvements in the relative condition and to the situation of women, and resources
status of women. Such opportunities are must be allocated accordingly. Only then
often created by shifts in demographic can progress be made in restoring a balance
patterns, when women and men may in gender relations.
assume new roles and responsibilities.
Saving and protecting lives by empowering women 11
Such a gender-fair approach has the rights. The right to life with dignity, to
potential to increase humanitarian impact exercise one's human rights, and the right
in the following ways: to self-determination are significantly
dependent on gender. A rights-based
• Lives can be saved and protected (i.e. approach to humanitarian aid involves the
mortality, morbidity, and malnutrition equal protection of the human rights of
reduced) by the most effective and efficient
women and men, special attention to the
means when gender-specific needs are violation of human rights of women, and
met appropriately and gender-specific the equal and active representation of
capacities and resources fully utilised. women and men at all levels of decision-
Improvements in the condition and making.
status of women will have overall
The Sphere Humanitarian Charter and
benefit for the survival and well-being
Minimum Standards represent a rights-
of the whole family.
based approach to humanitarian
• Lives can be saved and protected with a intervention. The principles of impartiality,
greater degree of proportionality and proportionality, and a right to life with
impartiality because achievements in dignity are concerned with achieving equal
'fewer people dying, falling sick, or rights for all social groups regardless of
suffering deprivation' will benefit gender, ethnicity, religion, disability, age,
women and men in better proportion to or any other form of social identity. Equal
their relative suffering. However, it is rights for women and men are fundamental
important to note that in order to to this approach. This is reflected in the fact
achieve an outcome (lives saves and that among the wide range of human rights
protected) which is impartial to gender, instruments that underpin the
the process needs to focus on the Humanitarian Charter is the Convention on
interests of women in order to restore the Elimination of All Forms of
balance to an unequal situation. Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).
• The chances of a life with dignity being CEDAW legally obliges the states that are
enjoyed by women and men equally party to the convention to take measures to
will be significantly increased with prevent violence against women, and to
women having greater control over their eliminate discrimination in issues such as
situation during the crisis and hopefully access to health care, ownership of
in the longer-term. property, and participation in public life.
The Beijing Platform for Action, which
• The overall capacity of communities to resulted from the Fourth World Conference
prepare for and cope with future on Women in 1995, is another key rights-
disasters will be enhanced through based agreement. It sets out the most
harnessing the resources and active radical global agenda yet for the
participation of both men and women in empowerment of women. Most of the
more productive ways twelve Critical Areas of Concern in the
Platform for Action relate in some way to the
The rights-based rationale humanitarian context, but the most critical
Because gender-based discrimination is a strategic objectives are those set for
critical inhibitor to poverty alleviation, violence against women, women and
sustainable development, and good armed conflict, and the human rights of
governance, gender advocates argue for an women. While not legally binding, this
approach that recognises and confronts agreement is signed by 189 states, and
gender inequities and the denial of represents an important lever for change. It
women's social, economic, and political provides a set of benchmarks towards
12
which international actors can strive in community is at its most vulnerable and
humanitarian as well as development has little power to challenge humanitarian
practice. agencies on which it depends. Yet, how
A rights-based approach aims to enable often is this concern cited by crisis-affected
all poor and marginalised people, women women? Striving for gender equity is part
and men, to exercise their rights. It must of a universal human rights agenda. It is, of
therefore address the many ways in which course, imperative that local communities
women and men can be marginalised as a regulate the pace of change and shape its
result of other aspects of their social course to ensure their own protection from
identity such as ethnicity, class, caste, cultural backlash. Hence the need to strive
disability, and age. for full and active participation of women
The rights-based rationale for a gender- in programmes.
fair approach to humanitarian aid supports There is an understandable but misguided
the efficiency rationale. Acknowledging concern that a gender-equity approach to
women's rights as human rights is essential humanitarian aid is actually a development
if gender awareness and analysis are to agenda, fed by the fact that empowerment
help determine the most appropriate work with women has traditionally
response. But this will only happen if there been done during rehabilitation work
is an understanding of why upholding which often, but not always, leads into a
women's rights is essential in both development phase. It is important to be
efficiency and human rights terms, and clear that the approach is primarily about
a commitment to seek opportunities to delivering relief and rehabilitation
make this happen from all actors within the equitably, and that this needs to be
humanitarian operation. If agencies fail to accompanied, where possible, with an
follow these principles, they risk becoming attempt to tackle the longer-term barriers to
complicit in further discriminating against women's development. It is not about in-
women and worsening their position in depth, time-consuming social research that
society. will see months of inaction before any
suffering is alleviated. Nor is it simply
Understanding and about setting up women's projects, though
these may be needed as part of a strategy to
challenging resistance engage and strengthen the capacity of
There remains a baffling level of resistance women to participate. It is about working
in the humanitarian community toward an with men as well as women to ensure the
approach that seeks gender equality. This equitable delivery of aid.
seems to stem from lack of understanding, There is an underlying resistance to
skills, and commitment to identify and the perceived threat of the feminist or
challenge gender discrimination. More 'politically correct' agenda to the humani-
fundamentally, it reflects an inherent male tarian imperative, a suspicion that gender
bias in humanitarian institutions, and the advocates attempt to use humanitarian
fact that the personal relations of many programmes to further the aims of the
staff may also be based on inequitable unrelated agenda of gender equity. The
gender relations. Here we cite and respond case of Oxfam GB's shift from delivery of
to some of the arguments raised against winter relief to advocacy on women's
striving for .gender equity during rights following the Taliban take-over in
emergencies. Afghanistan in 1996 and the banning of
There is a concern that attempting to women's rights to education, employment,
empower women during disasters is to and freedom of movement has been cited
unfairly manipulate local culture when a in this regard (Williams 2001). For some
Saving and protecting lives by empowering women 13
time, the principles of the humanitarian While there has been a great deal of
imperative and gender equity were rhetoric about gender mainstreaming over
unhelpfully juxtaposed as competing the past decade, there are few examples of
agendas that polarised the debate and where it has been achieved. This is partly
masked the fact that with no access to owing to confusion about what it means,
women, Oxfam GB did not believe it could the promulgation of myths about
deliver humanitarian aid with impartiality the dangers of including equity as a
and proportionality, and without further humanitarian goal, and, no doubt, partly
undermining the position of women. owing to organis-ational reluctance once its
However, the Afghan situation was, and implications are thoroughly understood.
still is, unusually complex. In most cases Mainstreaming is a process undertaken
the upholding of women's rights clearly to achieve gender equality, not a goal in
strengthens humanitarian impact. itself. It requires gender-specific measures
Others argue that addressing gender for advancing equality throughout
equity costs more in terms of time, human, organisational mandates, within a coherent
and financial resources. Yet the need for policy approach focused on the empower-
extra gender specialists would be minimal ment of women. To propose or adopt
if gender-fairness became a perspective, a mainstreaming, as many organisations have
lens through which all humanitarian done, without substantial accompanying
workers viewed the work in their respective changes in the policies, mandates, and
sector. It may well involve targeting more doctrines that govern organisational action,
resources specifically at women, but this is meaningless. While there has clearly
should increase the equity and efficiency of been increased will on the part of inter-
the overall response as we have seen above. national organisations to address gender
Achieving gender-fair outcomes depends issues, this commitment has not been
largely on changing humanitarian culture backed up by the systematic changes
and attitudes. Part of this work will be to necessary to translate it into reality.
demonstrate and communicate that a The first step in successfully main-
gender-fair approach does not threaten but streaming gender equity goals in any
enhances humanitarian aims. This requires institution is high-level commitment
long-term research to gather baseline data to establishing a cohesive framework,
on gender relations, track change over including a rationale for why gender equity
the course of crises and humanitarian is important, a clear strategy, with specific
interventions, and measure its impact. goals and standards for achieving equity,
We need to collect and document case sufficient gender expertise, and adequate
studies where comprehensive gender resources, mechanisms, and regular
analysis has led to good practice, and reporting to hold staff accountable.
communicate this in dynamic ways across The ways in which gender is integrated,
the humanitarian community.4 particularly in humanitarian emergencies,
also need to be situation-specific, seizing
Gender mainstreaming opportunities as they arise. It requires
attention to how change happens at both a
strategies technical and political level. At the
Several humanitarian organisations technical level, gender mainstreaming
attempting to improve their performance requires solid data, sound theory, and
on achieving equity have developed skilled people who recognise opportunities
strategies for mainstreaming gender 5 and can act as credible advocates for
within their work and organisations. gender equality. At the political level it
14
if they are to be effective, and, as the Sphere organisations, and in the programmes they
Project has found, setting standards on seek to implement (Women's Eyes on the
gender can be particularly controversial. World Bank 1997).
Most importantly, standards are only a Mainstreaming gender also means
first step in a process of changing attitudes building the capacity of women and
and practice toward increasing equity. Like women's organisations to advocate for
rules, they do not lead to meaningful or their legal rights and priorities on their
long-term change in isolation. They can own behalf. A commitment to main-
simply set a process in motion. Once streaming does not preclude a focus on
implemented, the focus must be on women. Rather, supporting strong groups
examining actual outcomes and impact on and networks of activist women to acquire
the lives of women and men. And they know-how, and to identify opportunities to
must be accompanied by a much wider intervene in mainstream development and
process of institutional change and humanitarian processes, is a core part of
transformation to achieve real impact. strategy, enabling women collectively to
'Practice only changes when practitioners assess their situation, express their
themselves acknowledge that change is priorities and concerns, strengthen their
essential, and accept that the "old way of public voice, advocate and lobby for policy
doing things is over". To be successful reform, and develop approaches to
practice standards must be owned equally influence decision-making. It is the only
by the agency and its personnel.' (Lancaster way to ensure that ongoing work for
2000) gender equality and development at the
Until organisations, donors, and national level is sustainable after the
governments are trained to measure outside involvement has ended (UNICEF,
'results' on gender beyond countable undated).
outputs, and to looking at competence and
performance in achieving sustainable long- Institutional
term impacts on gender relations, there will
be a temptation to subscribe to gender transformation
standards as a superficial measure of A recent development in the discussion of
gender sensitivity. achieving equity in emergency aid work is
In addition to implementing practice the growing recognition that humanitarian
standards, agencies seeking to integrate a agencies, like many other institutions, are
gender perspective fully into their themselves inherently resistant to gender
humanitarian work must take action on a equality. Organisational and feminist
number of other levels. The use of gender theory suggests that organisations, like
analysis, and the collection of gender- society, have unconscious or submerged
disaggregated data, need to become a values in their culture, and a history that
systematic and mandatory part of influences their ways of working. When
intervention, as do procedures for ensuring organisations themselves are historically
the active engagement of women. Plans to deeply gender biased, trying to 'add
increase gender expertise in staffing, to gender' into their structure through policy
conduct gender training at all levels, and to and program initiatives is unlikely to bring
implement gender policies, need to be about significant change (Goetz 1997; Rao et
time-bound, with management and staff al. 1999). Helping humanitarian agencies to
held accountable for their achievement. learn to operate in equitable ways and
Most importantly, rigorous evaluation achieve equitable results requires examining
criteria need to be developed to measure all aspects of the organisation through a
success in closing gender gaps, both within gender lens. It means understanding and
16
have little positive impact on gender Changing the way that states negotiate
equity. The challenge for humanitarian conflict and humanitarian agencies deliver
agencies is to recognise and expose the aid will require fundamental institutional
masculinisation of their environment by transformation. It will require bringing
listening to and validating the experiences feminist goals of social transformation
of their women staff, to provide appropriate together with espoused organisational
support and training, and to find ways to values to effect a major cultural shift. It will
moderate the values and culture of their mean changing the way we think and make
internal working environment so that decisions, and recognising that these new
women feel able to contribute on more ways of working will not only contribute to
equitable terms with men. greater gender equity but will also save
As this article goes to press, the world and protect more lives. In the process of
faces the threat of international conflict evolving, organisations will need to
following terrorist attacks on the USA. The articulate and take action to establish the
debate over the balance to be struck direct connection between women's
between retaliatory action and efforts empowerment, gender transformation, and
toward peace is strikingly gendered. The the explicit values and aims of humanitarian
voices of women in the debate have almost intervention.
been silenced. Virtually all the central actors
in the crisis are men: men perpetrated the Deborah Clifton is a researcher and writer
violence, men are organising the response, on gender and social justice issues, and
and providing the public and media former Emergency Support Staff (Gender and
analysis. Women are depicted as passive Representation) with Oxfam GB. R.R.I Site
victims of the crisis. The peace protests, 18C29, Gabriola Island, B.C., Canada VOR1X0.
organised principally by women's organi- E-mail: debclifton@hotmail.com
sations, are receiving little media coverage. Fiona Gell works as a Gender Adviser in Oxfam
The protagonists of military retaliation are GB's Policy Department, and previously worked
mainly men, while women are becoming as a Gender Adviser in Oxfam GB's Humanitarian
the sceptics of a war devised, controlled, Department. Oxfam GB, 274 Banbury Road,
and reported by men. This bears out the old Oxford 0X2 7DZ, UK.
gender stereotype of women's tendency to E-mail: fgell@oxfam.org.uk
nurture life rather than destroy it. Women
are less assured than men that a war on
terrorism will make the world safer. 'Men Notes
are socialised to intellectualise the world, 1 There is a large literature on institutional
analyse and objectify it, in a bid to discrimination against women in
emotionally distance themselves and development situations (Goetz 1997;
control it. Women, brought up to Rao et al. 1999) but very little that
empathise, have few distancing techniques.' addresses this issue in the humanitarian
(Bunting 2001) While men's 'outrage context specifically.
translated instantly into concrete demands', 2 This is the Oxfam GB definition of its
for women, 'the extent of the horror was in humanitarian objectives.
itself a bar to certainty... it demanded that 3 Women's empowerment can be under-
we ask questions rather than furnish stood as a process whereby women,
answers.' (Miles 2001) The domination of individually and collectively, become
men in the crisis has exposed the prevailing aware of how power relations operate in
power structure and marginalised women their lives, and gain the self-confidence
in a way that would have seemed barely and strength to challenge gender
possible before the crisis began. inequalities.
18
Contested terrain:
Oxfam, gender, and the aftermath of war
Suzanne Williams
In this paper I explore the terrain of the international NGO (INGO) - in this case Oxfam GB -
and some of its difficulties in integrating gender equity goals in the institutional structures and
policies which govern its activities in conflict and its aftermath. I look at terrain that is divided into
areas that are treated very differently. These are, on one hand, the field of humanitarian interventions
in the throes of an emergency, and on the other, the 'non-conflict' field of reconstruction and
development. Historically, these two fields of activity have been governed by very different ways of
thinking and acting, often in conflict with each other. Gender analysis and gender-sensitive
programming are central to these differences, and essential tools in the attempts to overcome them.
In Oxfam GB at present, the differences in approaches to gender equity in these two territories are
acknowledged, if not routinely addressed; but the importance of addressing gender equity in order to
overcome some of these differences, is more complicated and controversial.
T
he aftermath of war itself unfolds in with the emotional, psychological, and
unstable and dangerous terrain, physical injuries inflicted during the war,
contested at all levels. Social and with loss and bereavement, with
political groups begin to re-organise, uncertainty and fear. Feelings of hatred and
jockeying for position and power, mis- the desire for revenge may still run high,
trustful of old alliances while seeking to and reprisal attacks increase in the absence
form new ones. Community-based networks, of effective judicial institutions and in the
patterns of social interaction, and other context of impunity for human rights
forms of social organisation will have been violations during the war. The use of
affected to different degrees depending on violence as a means to resolve problems
the nature of the conflict and the networks and disputes, backed up by increased
and organisations pre-war. Displacement, circulation of weapons, and nurtured by
flight, and experience of refugee camps the militarism which governs the conduct
have dramatic impacts on individuals, of armed conflict, bleeds on in the post-war
social relationships, and social roles and context. This commonly translates into high
responsibilities. levels of criminal violence and increased
Women and men struggle to re- violence within households and families.
establish their livelihoods. Patterns of land The end of war rarely brings peace. The
ownership and land use, disrupted by the post-war terrain can be particularly
conflict, take new forms. Amongst victors dangerous for women.
20
'Oxfam and its partners have observed that which are gender-based, are rarely built
from the townships of Natal to the shanty towns into the analysis of violent conflict or the
of El Salvador, the result of many years of planning of interventions to address its
armed conflict is that violence has become the consequences. Failure to do this can be
socially accepted means of resolving conflict and attributed to lack of expertise in gender
achieving change which infiltrates all aspects of analysis, but also to a profound resistance
society, including family life.' to incorporating it, for a number of reasons
(Oxfam 1998a) that will be examined later in this paper.
Allegiances and identities come into question To address gender relations in the context
during conflict and in its aftermath, usually of conflict entails entering highly contested
identified and described in political and /or terrain, not only within the war-torn society,
in ethnic or religious terms. The struggle but within all the institutions intervening in
may be about control of territory, assets, the situation, including the INGOs.
resources, political status and power, and In this paper I look at some of the
opposing groups mobilised around class, 'institutional imperatives' which govern
ethnic, religious, or regional identity, or Oxfam's work during conflict and its
combinations of any of these. But there is aftermath, and discuss problems inherent
another fundamental form of identity that in some key conceptual and programmatic
is commonly ignored or regarded as
divides which make programme imple-
secondary to the ethnic and nationalist
mentation in this area complicated and
divides. Gender identities are central to
war-making, as they are to peace-making. difficult. Thinking and action can polarise
War is gendered. Male and female identities in relation to relief and development
are manipulated in the preparation for war, responses, conflict and post-conflict
its conduct, and its aftermath. This may be contexts, technical and social interventions.
through the dissemination of militaristic Interwoven with these are different
ideology, which promotes male aggression, perceptions of the division between the
dominance, and the capacity for violence, public and private domains, and what
and praises female passivity, family constitutes peace. Violence against women
nurturing, and support to fighting males. in wartime, such as strategic rape, is located
Individual men and women are affected in the public domain. 'Domestic' violence,
differently by these gendered stereotypical is commonly regarded as a private affair,
constructs.
within the household and family. The
While it is now widely recognised essential feminist insight that the
amongst INGOs that armed conflict public/private divide must be broken
presents women with opportunities as well down to understand gender relations and
as threats, and the chance to re-negotiate
the organisation of power has only recently
gender roles following de facto assumption
of male responsibilities in the absence of begun to inform Oxfam's thinking.
men, understanding of how war constructs Taking examples from Oxfam's
gender has been more elusive. Gender is programme I look at some of Oxfam's
not identified by INGOs as a key defining experience in adressing gender equity in
factor of identity in relation to how war the aftermath of war. In conclusion, I
begins, what it is about, how groups are consider some of the current changes
mobilised to fight, and how ceasefires and within Oxfam GB, and point to some of
peace agreements are reached. The power the areas needing strengthening to
relations which define gender identity, the underpin the positive changes which are
allegiances, the beliefs and behaviours taking place.
Contested terrain: Oxfam, gender, and the aftermath of war 21
dependencies, and paying little attention to relationships with partners, many of whom
the long-term consequences of the relief aid were women's organisations, and a strong
itself. local team. The focus was on long-term
Add gender equity to the mix and the development initiatives aimed at the social
environment may become explosive. It is and political empowerment of women,
common to find strong resistance to through capacity building with women
building gender equity goals into activists. With the intensification of the
emergency response on the grounds that conflict in 1998, Oxfam's work focus shifted
(a) lives have to be saved quickly, to the needs of displaced women and
information is not available, and there is no children. Women's Centres were funded in
time for social surveys; (b) there is Viti, Pristina, Obiliq, and Gjilan as relief
immense pressure from donors and the distribution points as well as meeting
media to show that measures are in place places for psychosocial support. The
rapidly and having an immediate impact, programme also included substantial work
while the gender dynamics in the society on water and sanitation and public health.
are of less concern, and certainly less In March 1999 with the onset of the
visible; (c) while we know distribution NATO campaign, Oxfam evacuated with
is more effective through women, often other INGOs, setting up an office in Skopje
there is no time to organise it that way; with several of its staff from Pristina. The
(d) an emergency is not the right time to existing Albania programme was rapidly
challenge gender power relationships; and expanded to cope with the refugees
(e) why should special attention be paid to flooding into Albania. During the period of
women when everyone is suffering? exile and displacement, Oxfam GB
While this may sound exaggerated, continued to work in Macedonia with its
I have heard all these arguments in the highly committed ex-Pristina staff, and
field. They are familiar arguments which some of its Kosovar partners, principally in
frustrate practitioners on both sides of the the refugee camps. With the continuity
debate, all of whom are trying to get the job provided by the ex-Pristina staff, and
done as best they can. There are complex programme experience from several years
issues which are not easily resolved in the in Kosovo, the chances of a well-integrated
clash between speed of response and the programme building the relief response
social, cultural, and political composition of within longer-term strategies for recovery
groups which will determine the quality of and return, with gender equity goals at its
that response. core, seemed to be high, if not optimal.
However, this integration did not happen,
Oxfam GB in Kosovo for a number of reasons. A large-scale
Oxfam GB's response to the Kosovo crisis humanitarian relief programme was
brought these issues out quite clearly, and mounted, with an enormous budget raised
managers of the programmes made real by emergency appeals in the UK, and in the
efforts to work across the relief-development, limelight of the high media interest in the
technical-social, and conflict-post-conflict crisis. The pressure was on Oxfam GB to
divides. The process was fraught with spend the money, and spend it fast. A large
difficulties. And yet, it seemed to have had number of expatriate staff, mostly water
a good start. technicians and engineers, flew into
Oxfam GB had been in Kosovo since Macedonia to set up Oxfam GB's water
1995, working closely with women's programme in the camps. Money flowed
groups and associations in several regions freely for the emergency response. But the
in the country. Oxfam-Pristina had strong dynamic between the social and technical
24
My report recommendations included the Kosovo crisis the result was the running
the following: of parallel programmes in Macedonia,
'For further development ofOxfam's response, which was carried forward into the
its three elements need to be built into a post-conflict work of reconstruction and
single integrated programme, with the three recovery after the refugees returned.
aspects based on a clear analysis of the needs The nature of the funding environment
and rights of women, men and children. during a crisis and in its aftermath has
Data collection and appraisal methods important implications for longer-term
sensitive to gender and age are needed to work. 'Red' money is tied to specific donor-
provide the information Oxfam needs for defined goals; 'green' money comes from
planning of all parts of the programme. Oxfam GB general programming budgets,
Oxfam will then be well placed to make a offering more flexibility. The 'red' appeal
significant contribution not only to the money that sustained the Kosovo humani-
current crisis but to the future in Kosovo.' tarian programme ran out in due course.
(Williams 1999) The Oxfam GB programme had to fund
its development and gender work under
Nonetheless, and in spite of not managing the Kosovo Women's Initiative (KWI),
to achieve the desired programme managed by UNHCR, but which came
integration, Oxfam GB's programme in from an emergency budget-line in the
Macedonia was respected for both its US State Department. Although the KWI
technical and social achievements, and project set long-term empowerment
some of the key issues were addressed. goals, the spending for this Fund, totalling
Specific needs related to gender and US$ 10 million, was short-term. This created
disability were taken into account by the considerable pressure on Kosovar NGOs as
technical team in, for example, the design well as on the international NGOs, such as
of washing facilities in the camps. The Oxfam GB, acting as brokers or 'umbrellas'
work of the social development and gender for this fund, to get new projects up and
team in providing separate tents for social running and spending money, often
spaces for women and men set the context beyond the organisational capacity of the
for beginning to address the gender-related partner groups. The KWI is in itself an
violence experienced by women and girls, example of the tension between short-term
and Oxfam GB lobbied UNHCR to provide emergency funding demanding quick and
better protection measures for women and visible returns, and developmental goals
girls in the camps. whose benefits are only measurable in the
One of the real difficulties, common to longer term. When the emergency money
all humanitarian response, was the tension moves on to the next crisis, the gap left can
between the pace and style of work of be devastating to organisations which were
quick-impact emergency relief, and longer- mobilised, or created, in the plentiful
term social processes, and the substantial funding climate, who subsequently find
differences in scale and funding levels of themselves without support, and often
these programmes. Staffing patterns in collapse, amidst their dashed expectations.
humanitarian relief are based on rapid Gender assessments were carried out
scaling-up of numbers, high turnover, and during the Kosovo crisis in both Macedonia
short-term contracts. Induction processes and Albania. The consolidated recommend-
for these staff members are usually sketchy, ations drawn up by gender advisers for the
and the culture of 'hitting the ground response in both countries hold for Oxfam
running' is not favourable to training in GB programming in general. They include
social and gender awareness in the field. In the following:
26
(development, relief, and advocacy) and Suzanne Williams is Policy Adviser on Gender
generate strategies to address causes as and Conflict in Oxfam GB's Policy Department.
well as effects of gender inequities in the Oxfam GB, 274 Banbury Road, Oxford 0X2 7DZ,
context of conflict. UK. E-mail: swilliams@oxfam.org.uk
• A clearer analysis of militarisation and
war and its impact on male and female This article is based on a paper delivered to an
identities and behaviours is required. Expert Seminar at the Humanist University in
This would deepen Oxfam GB's under- Utrecht in October 2000, convened by Professor
standing of the social and political Cynthia Cockburn and Dubravka Zarkov, on
processes underlying conflict, and gender relations in the aftermath of war. The
generate strategies to address conflict original paper will be published as Williams, S.
prevention, as well as indicating ways of (2002 forthcoming) 'Conflicts of interest:
engaging with the military in the context gender in Oxfam's emergency response', in
of emergencies. C. Cockburn and D. Zarkov (eds) The Post-
War Moment: Militaries, Masculinities and
• Programming in post-conflict must International Peacekeeping - Bosnia and
move away from a perception of women the Netherlands, London: Lawrence and
as a 'vulnerable group', and should Wishart.
work to build strategic alliances
amongst women's organisations, and
between women's and mixed-gender Notes
organisations. Women's organisations
1 This situation is discussed in an internal
and individual women must be part of
Oxfam GB programme report on
national political structures and policy
Afghanistan (1999). See also the article
making for reconstruction and peace-
by Deborah Clifton and Fiona Gell in
building. this publication, for a further discussion
• Systematic integration of gender equity of the decision-making surrounding
goals within all aspects of emergency Oxfam's work in Afghanistan in 1996
response programming during conflict (Clifton and Gell 2001).
is essential. This would help to establish 2 Many writers have emphasised this.
greater coherence between immediate Oxfam's Regional Representative for
emergency relief and longer-term the Great Lakes region from 1991-4,
recovery work, and begin to overcome Anne Mackintosh, writes, 'Even agencies
some of the divides outlined in this who recognise the inappropriateness of
paper. regarding "relief" and "development" as
• A clearer analysis of the dynamics separate phenomena perpetuate this
between violence and conflict and the false dichotomy, through resourcing
maintenance of gender identities, long-term and emergency programmes
interests, and power, and of the in different ways and having them
different stakes women and men have managed by different departments and
in war and peace is needed. Gendered staff. This often leads to unhelpful
violence and armed conflict are tensions and rivalry.' (Mackintosh 1997)
fundamently linked, and a clearer
understanding of this would help
Oxfam GB overcome the divide between References
the private and the public spheres and Anderson, Mary B. (1996) Do No Harm:
direct its programmes towards peace Supporting Local Capacities for Peace
and human security at all levels - from through Aid, Cambridge MA: Local
the household to the nation. Capacities for Peace Project
28
Bryer, D. and E. Cairns (eds) (1997) 'For Oxfam GB (1998b) 'The Links: Lessons
better? For worse? Humanitarian aid in from the Gender Mapping Project',
conflict', Development in Practice 7(4): Oxford: Oxfam GB
363-74 Sorensen, B. (1998) 'Women and Post
Clifton, D. and F. Gell (2001) 'Saving and Conflict Reconstruction', War-Torn
protecting lives by empowering women', Societies Project Occasional Paper 3,
Gender and Development 9(3): 9-19 Geneva: United Nations
Clifton, D. and S. Williams (1999) 'Gender Sphere Project (2000) Humanitarian Charter
Assessment of Oxfam's Emergency and Minimum Standards in Disaster
Response to the Kosovo Refugee Crisis Response, Oxford: Oxfam GB
in Albania and Macedonia', Oxford: Stewart, F. (2000) 'Conflict Prevention:
Oxfam GB Tackling Horizontal Inequalities',
Committee on Women's Rights and Equal WIDER Policy Brief 2, Helsinki: WIDER
Opportunities (2000) 'Draft Report on Thompson, M. (1999) 'Gender in times of
Women's Involvement in Peaceful war (El Salvador)', in F. Porter, I. Smyth,
Conflict Resolution', Brussels: European and C. Sweetman, Gender Works, Oxford:
Parliament Oxfam GB
Enloe, C. (1993) The Morning after: Sexual Vetten, L. (1998) 'War and the making of
Politics at the End of the Cold War, men and women', Sunday Independent,
Berkeley: University of California Press South Africa, 16 August
Mackintosh, A. (1997) 'Rwanda: beyond Williams, S. (1999) 'Gender and Human
"ethnic conflict'", Development in Practice Rights in the Macedonian Refugee
7(4): 464-74 Camps', internal document, Oxford:
Oxfam GB (1998a), 'Learning from Oxfam's Oxfam GB
Experience About How to Help Prevent
or Resolve Conflicts', internal document,
Oxford: Oxfam GB
29
H
umanitarian aid is only one stage
in the process of post conflict peace-building. However, in countries such
reconstruction, as war gives way to as Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and
peace and development. Just as the Peru, recent experiences of post-conflict
gendered causes, costs, and consequences reconstruction have failed to incorporate a
of violence and conflict are frequently gender perspective into preparations for
marginalised in international and national sustainable peace.
debates, so too are the gendered nature of While Colombia is still in the midst of a
conflict resolution and the associated bloody civil war, serious attempts to
humanitarian aid and develop-ment. In all negotiate peace have already begun. As this
cases, the diversity of experiences that process gets underway it is important to
women and men have in conflict and consider what lessons Colombian women
peace-building are largely ignored, and can learn from their counterparts in other
their multiple identities obscured by countries in the region in order for them -
simplistic representations in conflict and and indeed those in other parts of the
peace. These deny men and women their world struggling to make peace - not to
agency as both victims and actors of armed repeat the same mistakes but to include a
conflict and building sustainable peace gender perspective to place women's needs
(Moser and Clark 2001a). and demands firmly on the negotiating
As one of the most violent regions in the table.
world today, Latin America has witnessed To explore this question, a global
both civil wars and political unrest in conference was held in Washington DC
recent decades (Ayres 1998). Consequently, in 1999, followed by a regional follow-
it is also an important region in terms of up workshop entitled 'Latin American
30
Experiences of Gender, Conflict, and The need to recognise conflict and building
Building Sustainable Peace' in Bogota, sustainable peace as gendered, with
Colombia, in May 2000.1 The workshop, on implications for both women and men,
which this article is based, took a practical became evident early on in the work
and operational approach and was programme. By introducing the importance
attended by some 170 representatives of of a gender analysis into conflict and
civil society, government, and international humanitarian emergencies, and breaking
organis-ations. It brought together men and down oversimplified understandings
women from El Salvador, Guatemala, portraying men as the actors and women as
Nicaragua, and Peru to discuss their the victims, the Bogota workshop
experiences of gender in conflict and emphasised the need for a holistic approach
building sustainable peace, and to identify to conflict and peace.
lessons for Colombia (Moser and Clark
2001b). A holistic approach to conflict and peace
A full understanding of the causes, costs,
and consequences of violence and conflict,
The objectives of the and their implications for peace and
Bogota workshop development, requires a holistic approach
The purpose of the Bogota workshop was encompassing several issues.
to carry forward key global themes identified • Different types of violence - political,
at the Washington conference (see Moser economic, and social - coexist and
and Clark 2001a) at a regional level, with overlap, and can be identified at four
increased practical and operational focus. different levels - the individual, inter-
More specifically, its objectives were to personal, institutional, and structural
increase understanding of the gendered (see Table 1). Violence and conflict erode
nature of conflict and post-conflict levels of physical, human, natural, and
reconstruction for peace in Latin America; social capital with differing effects on
and to identify practical initiatives at the men and women (Moser 2001).
policy, programme, and project levels to
build peace during and after conflict. The • The historical, social, cultural, and
conference was structured around six main economic antecedents to conflict must be
themes, considered key to a holistic and taken into account as the contextual
integrated understanding of conflict and background within which conflict
peace in Colombia and elsewhere.2 develops.
• A broad conceptualisation of human
1. The gendered nature of conflict and security takes into account macro and
building sustainable peace micro levels, the public and the private,
the material and the psycho-emotional,
'It is true that men and women share a set of
and shifts responsibility for human
circumstances during armed conflict that
security beyond being solely that of
exposes them to particularly adverse
the State, to include individual and
conditions and to the abuse of their human
collective responsibility.
rights. However there are certain gender-
based risks, dangers and disadvantages, • A gender perspective recognises that
which particularly and disproportionately men's and women's experiences and
affect women.' actions during conflict are determined
(Giulia Tamayo 2000) by gender roles and identities assigned
by society.
Gender, conflict, and building sustainable peace 31
Recognition of the multiple relations between 2. Diverse voices of conflict and peace
women and men, violence and peace. 'Despite human rights being universal, each
It is important to recognise the multifaceted proposal and intervention has to be adjusted
relationship between men, women, violence, to the specificities of age, culture, ethnicity,
gender and geography of the context to avoid
and peace. Since these have been seen
standardised solutions.'
predominantly as male domains, women -
(Maria Eugenia Vasquez Perdomo 2000a)
and gender issues - have generally been
excluded from discussions and interventions People's experiences and capabilities in
armed conflict can be influenced by their
for conflict and peace. Recently, women
age, ethnicity, and geographical location as
have become more visible as refugees and well as by their socio-economic and
internally displaced people, as victims of political status. A myriad of identities were
sexual violence and abuse in conflict zones, represented in the meeting - young and
and as war widows. old, rural and urban, indigenous and
Afro-Colombian. All people have multiple
Vulnerability and agency identities, which interact, overlap,
Recognising men's and women's reinforce, and contradict one another
vulnerability in conflict situations is key if in daily life. This precludes standardised
they are to be actors in their own survival 'all fits one' policies and interventions for
and rehabilitation. To portray women assistance to conflict-affected populations
solely as victims denies them their agency, and countries.
and fails to identify the opportunities that Indigenous communities affected by conflict
conflict may create up for them. Similarly, Particular attention needs to be paid to
men are not always the perpetrators of indigenous populations, who often live in
violence, but are also victims of violence very independent and self-contained
and conflict. communities with specific values and
mechanisms for interaction among
themselves as well as with surrounding
Political The commission of violent acts motivated Guerrilla conflict; paramilitary conflict;
by a desire, conscious or unconscious, to political assassinations; armed conflict
obtain or maintain political power. between political parties; rape and
sexual abuse as a political act, forced
pregnancy/sterilisation
Economic The commission of violent acts motivated Street crime; carjacking; robbery/theft;
by a desire, conscious or unconscious, drug trafficking; kidnapping; assaults,
for economic gain or to obtain or including rape occurring during economic
maintain economic power. crimes
Social The commission of violent acts motivated Interpersonal violence such as spouse
by a desire, conscious or unconscious, and child abuse; sexual assault of
for social gain or to obtain or maintain women and children; arguments that get
social power. out of control
Box 1: Challenges for the women's movement in a gender perspective for peace
To build a plan for the country with the active participation of women, taking Into account their
differences and diversity, as political and cultural actors In the search for their social, economic, and
cultural Inclusion
1. The lack of voice of afro-Colombian and In response to these priorities, and the
indigenous women in the peace process; widespread interest in issues raised at the
2. The important role that ex-combatant conference, a seed corn fund, supported by
Sida 7 w a s
women can play in providing a support- ' established. Its objective is to
structure for other female ex-combatants provide modest resources to women's
as they experience reinsertion back into organisations in Colombia to strengthen
their
civil society; and capacity to participate in peace
„ _. . processes. Eleven projects have been
3. The need for a greater common voice and , , , . _.., ,. . ,. . .
° funded in 2001, reflecting a diversity of
unity among women s organisations in , . L. ,
, , women s organisations and groups
rparticular, and in the women's move- . , , . .-,. J A <• ^> • i •
including indigenous and Afro-Colombian
ment as a whole, in Colombia. , . ,, ,
women, a female youth group, and a
1. A
Box 2:holistic approach to violence
Recommendations reduction, conflict
for interventions resolution,
for gender, andand
conflict, building sustainable
building peace peace
sustainable must
incorporate a gender perspective, and must take account of different, interrelated types and levels of
violence, the historical, cultural, social, political, and economic antecedents in the conflict, and a wider
understanding of the concept of human security.
2. We need to acknowledge and support women's and men's multiple roles as victims and perpetrators
in conflict and peace.
3. Women's and men's vulnerability and agency require recognition, especially in policies relating to
displaced people, where interventions need to move from a focus on people as victims of war to
people as actors in their own development.
4. There exists an urgent need for comprehensive, concrete, and reliable information on the situation of
women during conflict, relating to numbers involved in armed groups, types, and levels of violence
affecting women, and the survival strategies they may employ.
5. We must identify the diversity of experiences of conflict, displacement, reintegration, and the transition
to peace based on gender, age, ethnicity, and geography, and avoid standardised, blueprint policies.
6. We need to develop psycho-emotional and social support interventions for conflict victims and
combatants to restore destroyed human and social capital.
7. We must recognise and value the 'memory' of all experiencing conflict to assist reconciliation across
the country, and in processing the pain and anxiety relating to these traumatic events.
8. We must provide opportunities for ex-combatant women to address the stigma attached to their past,
to initiate dialogue with their families, communities, and civil society organisations, and to establish
their space in the construction of peace.
9. We need to include a gender perspective in demobilisation processes for armed groups to guarantee
women combatants the same rights and access to reintegration programmes and fair political
representation.
10.We must ensure women's participation throughout the peace process through the promotion of a
gender perspective from the outset. We must protect and promote women leaders at all levels, and
remove barriers to women's political participation.
11. We need to build on the richness of women's diverse identities to find a common agenda for peace.
12. We must develop a new culture of peace, based on a new social contract that replaces violence,
retribution, and punishment with values of dialogue and non-violence in the peaceful resolution of
conflicts at family, community, and national level.
38
Empowering women
through cash relief in
humanitarian contexts
Hisham Khogali and Parmjit Takhar
This paper discusses the rationale behind cash transfer strategies as an alternative means of
channelling resources to women and men in humanitarian contexts. It highlights key gender-related
considerations that contribute to the success of the strategy. Food aid remains the largest part of
United Nations appeals, but it is often delayed, inadequate in quantity and quality, and donated as a
means of disposing of surpluses from developed countries.1 Despite these criticisms, little
consideration has been given to alternatives - more specifically, to cash - as a means of ensuring
entitlements. This paper highlights the factors that should be considered in determining the
appropriateness of cash interventions, and explores the potential of cash interventions directed to
women for improving household food security and women's status in the household and community.
T
he use of food aid has been criticised
for some time in disaster situations example of recent Oxfam GB cash transfer
for the reasons given above (Clay and experience. The article highlights a case
Stokke 2000). Conversely, cash transfer study of flood rehabilitation in Bangladesh,
strategies are not used often. However, to highlight some of the key differences in
when they are used, they have proven to be the use of cash between male and female
effective. A review of Oxfam GB's response recipients, and the impact on gender
in Kenya and Ethiopia, undertaken in 2000, relations of targeting cash to women.
recommended the use of cash interventions
as an alternative to food aid (internal
Oxfam document). This recommendation The rationale for cash
was made on the basis of conclusions interventions
regarding the inadequacy of food aid in
emergency responses in general, and the Entitlement theory
success of a cash-for-work recovery The rationale for cash interventions is
programme implemented in Wajir, Kenya. implicitly based on entitlement theory,
This article gives an overview of Oxfam which fundamentally changed our
GB's and other organisations' experience of understanding of famine dynamics.
cash interventions. Oxfam's cash Entitlement theory is based on the premise
interventions have usually occurred in that famines seldom result from a
response to a loss of employment straightforward lack of food in a region;
opportunity (Naik and Brown 2000). Until rather, famines result when people lose
recently, they have predominantly occurred their entitlements - that is, the means of
in Asia, reflecting the dominance of waged acquiring food (Sen 1981). Two forms of
labour in the region as the primary means entitlement failure are described by
of ensuring entitlements amongst the most Amartya Sen (1986). A 'pull' failure occurs
Empowering women through cash relief in humanitarian contexts 41
• Bangladesh 1988, • Ethiopia 1980s • Wajir, Kenya 1998 • Bangladesh 1998 • Kitgum,
1998 • Rajasthan/Gujarat, • Orissa, India 1999 Uganda 2001
India 2000 • West Bengal,
• Hazarajat, India 2000
Afghanistan 1998 • Bangladesh 2000
Empowering women through cash relief in humanitarian contexts 43
The most recent programme was approach predicts that the identity of the
implemented in 2001 in west Bangladesh in recipient will affect how the transfer is
response to flooding, and is discussed used, and who benefits.
further in the case study later in this article, This approach recognises that women
which traces the links between women's tend to use resources differently from men,
involvement in cash-for-work, and as they tend to spend more on their
changing gender relations in the household children. Empirical studies have shown
and community. that the percentage of income that a
household spends on children and its
allocations of food and medical care vary,
Cash transfer, household based on the proportions of income earned
welfare, and women's by women and men (Visvanathan et al. 1997).
empowerment Studies have shown that where women
What are the links between cash transfer retain control over income, there is a
strategies and the twin aims of increasing greater positive effect on food expenditures
the efficiency and equity of humanitarian and child well-being, compared to men
work and empowering women? retaining control (Hoddinott and Haddad
1995). Similarly, the control of resources by
Empowering women to allocate men as opposed to women is also associated
resources within the household with low rates of schooling for girls, lower
The way in which resource allocation takes status of women, earlier marriage, and high
place within households plays an rates of malnutrition (Ramalingaswami et
important role in determining what kind of al. 1996). These findings suggest that it is
humanitarian intervention is appropriate critical to target women with cash inter-
for a particular context. ventions, if the objective of the project is to
Gender analysis challenges conventional improve child nutritional status or food
theories on intra-household resource security. If it is impossible to target women
allocation that suggest that households act in cash interventions, it may be better to
as a single or unitary decision-making body distribute food rather than cash, since
(Haddad et al. 1997). Other theorists women are the main contributors to food
understand the household as a collective preparation. In contexts where women
entity, in which the (sometimes conflicting) cannot participate in cash for work prog-
preferences of individuals within the rammes for some reason, men can be paid
household are combined in various ways to in food rather than cash to increase the
reach a final outcome (Visvanathan et al. likelihood that the benefits of the
1997). This understanding of the household programme will reach women and
means that programmes targeting particular children.
individuals within households will have
different outcomes depending on the Increasing women's status and decision-
identity of the person targeted. This making power
identity, and the relative amount of Ensuring that women have some control
bargaining power that the person over the distribution of resources within
commands in the household, will affect
the household involves challenging
how benefits from the programme are
prejudice about what women are capable of
used. To sum up, the unitary approach
in their households and the wider
to understanding the household predicts
community, and increasing their status and
that the success rate of a programme will
self-esteem.
be the same regardless of who in the
household is targeted, while the collective
44
1. Challenging prejudice about 'women's work' due to their wage-earning capacity, which
There is evidence arising from Oxfam GB's was either equivalent to, or greater than,
experience of cash-for-work of its role in the wages earned by men through other
challenging the gender division of labour, employment.
and prejudices about women's capabilities, Overall, women beneficiaries of the cash
at both community and household level. transfer strategies reported that they felt
In 1999-2000, a cash-for-work programme empowered by receiving cash. However,
was developed by Oxfam in response to women were undecided how permanent
devastation caused by a cyclone in Orissa, this change of status would be, with some
India. This demonstrated that women suggesting that when men were able to
could contribute to work that was usually return to normal wage-earning opportunities,
associated with men. The programme the benefits of the cash-for-work
specifically targeted women to receive programme would not have the same effect
cash, and women were hence engaged in (Clifton 1999).
all aspects of the work. Free food relief was
provided for vulnerable groups who could 3. Increasing women's self-esteem
not participate in the work schemes. An increase in women's self-esteem due to
Involvement in the programme allowed being given cash grants in a humanitarian
women to demand equal wages for equal response is reported by ActionAid Ghana,
work after the intervention, as a result of which provided cash grants to approximately
equal wages being paid to men and women 1000 beneficiaries in response to a drought
during the programme (Naik and Brown affecting Bawku West District. The cash
2000). The evaluation of Oxfam's Orissa grants were provided to tarims, a social
Cyclone suggested that the status of women group that includes vulnerable sub-groups
such as disabled people, widows, elderly
improved as a result of the cash-for-work
people, members of women-headed
programme. However the review also
households, and people who lack poultry
stated that because of the programme's
or livestock assets. As a result of being able
temporary nature, it was unlikely that this
to participate in market and other economic
would have a lasting impact on women's
activities due to cash-for-work, the tarims'
status (Taher et al. 2000). In the case of social status improved. Targeting the tarims
Kitgum, Uganda, men stated that they also resulted in a reduction of pressure on
were impressed by women's ability to those households that would have been
contribute to work, which in some cases obligated to support the tarims through the
they said was better than that of men. drought. The grants were spent predomi-
nantly for the purchase of food. However,
2. Increasing women's status with others
some tarims were able to invest in livestock.
Evidence from Oxfam GB's humanitarian
An evaluation of the programme states
interventions during floods in Bangladesh
that, 'One of the least expected positive
in 1998 suggests that the ability of women
impacts of the cash grants was the
to contribute a greater share of household
increased confidence and self-esteem
income is linked to their increased
exhibited by the tarims.' (Buchanan-Smith et al.
status within communities and increased
1995, 36) The reasons for this increased self-
decision-making authority within house-
esteem were given as follows:
holds. Women reported that they were
involved in decision-making at household • Ability to contribute to household food
level, and were accorded respect for security;
participating in the work. They also • Ability to control a significant amount of
reported a greater acceptance and respect money and make decisions about its
accorded them by community members, use;
Empowering women through cash relief in humanitarian contexts 45
draw lessons from the implementation of gave for this was that there might be a need
the programme. A number of issues were for unforeseen expenditure in the future
discussed with beneficiaries, including and that the money should be kept for
problems faced as a result of flood, the these contingencies. Men reported that they
question of how the cash was used, often kept the money earned but gave
workload, household dynamics, and money to women for specific purchases.
people's preferences for food or cash. Men reported that they did not have a
propensity to save, sometimes spending
Problems caused by the flood money on cigarette purchase. Women
Those involved in the discussions said that appeared to be thinking more than men of
the majority of households faced similar the future, investing in productive asset
problems. The predominant response was creation, maintaining savings, and paying
that shelter and food were the two off loans - often loans provided by NGOs.
immediate problems faced as a result of the Paying off their loans meant that they were
flooding. In some instances, the term then eligible to take out a larger subsequent
'shelter' was used to include latrines, with loan to tide them over the crisis and invest
privacy being emphasised as an important in the future.
factor by both men and women. Women
identified the problem of needing to have Workload
privacy when relieving themselves, while When asked whether the extra workload
men found it difficult to provide for this was causing difficulties at home, most
privacy. women reported that it wasn't. Men could
It was reported that during the floods not find employment, and often the wage
the price of rice had risen from 12 taka/kg earned by the women was the only income
to 18 taka /kg. This was as a result of many for the household.
markets being closed, due to a lack of Most women reported that they were
supply as a direct effect of the flood on managing the additional workload created
access to markets, and damage to by involvement with the programme. Only
infrastructure. This finding suggests that, one group suggested that a reduction of
at this early stage of flooding, the injection programme working time of one hour
of cash to workers on the Oxfam would be helpful. Women would rise
programme may have resulted in earlier in the mornings to prepare food and
increasing food prices further as a result of carry out other household duties. Some
diminished supply of food on the market. women reported that in some instances
men were participating in household
How the cash was used activities such as cooking and child care as
Women reported using cash to purchase a direct response to the participation of
food, pay loans, buy books for their women in the programme. Men undertook
children's schooling, pay school fees, household work because they were unable
purchase clothes, purchase fertiliser, and to to secure work outside the household. In
save to buy animals/livestock. Men some cases women also reported that
reported using the case to repay debt, children undertook household activities.
purchase food, purchase clothes, and buy
books for school. Intra-household dynamics
Women reported that they often made No women reported that they had been
joint decisions on how to spend the money persuaded not to participate in the
that they earned with their husbands. programme. When asked about others,
However, women also withheld some of they also said that although some women
the cash from men. The reason women had doubts about participating, they
Empowering women through cash relief in humanitarian contexts 47
eventually did so. The most likely reason Although some men felt that the work
for this was that the programme was one of should go to men, the majority thought that
the few employment opportunities the women had worked well, and were
available at the time in the affected area. impressed by women's ability to carry out
Those women who had experienced work previously associated with men.
persuasion not to join the programme
reported that this persuasion was often not Food versus cash
on the part of their husband, but primarily Both men and women said they preferred
came from mothers in law, extended family to receive cash wages rather than food.
members, and religious leaders. While They considered that the receipt of cash
some husbands were sceptical of women gave them the choice to prioritise their
working on the programme, women needs. They also thought that receipt of
reported that they became less so once the food instead of cash would result in losses
women began to earn income. Where as a result of transport costs.
difficulties arose regarding women joining
the programme, committee members Evaluation conclusion
would act to mitigate between husband Overall, the cash-for-work programme in
and wife, or disputes would be resolved Bangladesh seemed to be an appropriate
within the household. As mentioned above, strategy. The use of cash at an earlier stage
when it came to decision-making on in the crisis may have proved inappropriate,
spending women's income, women reported particularly because markets were reported
that decisions were often made by men and to have been closed by the flooding for
women together. three weeks. Although initially it was felt
Of course, the fact that women reported that achieving a 50 per cent enrolment of
joint decision-making does not account for women would prove difficult, it appears
the possible use of domestic violence that in fact a much higher rate was
during decision-making. An attempt to achieved. Beneficiaries often thought this to
determine whether there were any cases of be the most useful programme available,
such violence suggested that there was especially in the face of prolonged
none. However, the researchers recognised unemployment resulting from the floods.
the difficulties in reporting such cases Different groups also appreciated the social
by women. Women reported that the benefits of the works carried out as part of
programme resulted in little dispute over the programme, through raising land,
decision-making, since the households feeder road construction, and burial site
targeted were vulnerable and their needs raising.
were basic essentials. Women suggested
that were the situation different and their Conclusion
needs no longer merely for basic
commodities, there may have been more This article has discussed Oxfam GB's
problems. experience of targeting cash to women in
Many women suggested that their humanitarian work, tracing the links
status in the community was improved, between delivering an efficient and timely
because they were seen to earn a wage. programme, men's and women's different
However, they suggested that this patterns of resource allocation and their
empowerment was short-lived, because the impact on the household, and the aim of
employment opportunity was only for one empowering women to take a greater part
month. Women reported that despite the in decision-making. It has suggested that
additional workload, the improved social channelling cash to women is likely to have
standing was worth the additional work. a beneficial impact on overall household
48
food security, since women's decisions on 6 The minimum wage stipulated by the
expenditure focus less on personal Government of Bangladesh is 50 taka per day;
spending, and more on food and other however, daily wage rates for landless
essentials for the household. In particular, labourers are normally 25-30 taka.
involving women in cash-for-work also
challenges long-held assumptions about
the gender division of labour and women's
Acknowledgements
capabilities, assisting women to improve The authors would like to acknowledge
their status in the community and house- the support of the Oxfam GB Bangladesh
hold, and increase their self-esteem. team, in particular Anamul Haque and
However, such programmes need to be Provash Mondal. The authors have also
aware of the danger that women will received valuable support from Elsa Gill,
increase their workload without support Sue Chowdhury, Caroline Sweetman, and
from men in performing more work within Jean McCluskey.
the home. In addition, programmes may
not challenge inequitable food distribution
patterns within the home, which stem from References
either ideological or practical considerations Buchanan-Smith, M., S. Jones, and
regarding men's role in earning outside the B. Abimbilla (1995) 'Review of the
home. Bawku Emergency Programme', Ghana:
ActionAid
Hisham Khogali is a Food and Nutrition Adviser Corbett, J. (1988) 'Famine and household
for Oxfam GB, 274 Banbury Road, Oxford, coping strategies', World Development
0X2 7DZ, UK. 16(9): 1099-112
E-mail: hkhogali@oxfam.org.uk Clay, E. and O. Stokke (2000) Food Aid and
Human Security, London: Frank Cass
Parmjit Takhar is a Humanitarian Programme Clifton, D. (1999) 'Gender and
Assistant working with Oxfam GB. Development: A Brief Review for Oxfam
E-mail: ptakhar@oxfam.org.uk Bangladesh', Oxford: Oxfam GB
Darcy, J. (1991) 'A Review of Oxfam's
Cross Border Work in Eritrea-Tigray
Notes 1975-1989', Oxford: Oxfam GB
1 Disposing of surpluses results in the De Waal, A. (1997) Famine Crimes: Politics
distribution of inappropriate commodities, and the Disaster Relief Industry in Africa,
and sustains an arguably less Oxford: James Currey
competitive agricultural sector in Dreze, J. and A. Sen (1989) Hunger and
developed countries. Public Action, Oxford: Clarendon Press
2 The public distribution system of India Haddad, L., J. Hoddinot, and H. Alderman
provides subsidised food commodities (1997) Intra-Household Resource Allocation
to the most vulnerable in the population. in Developing Countries: Models, Methods
It operates to varying degrees of and Policies, Food Policy Statement 24,
efficiency in different states. Washington DC: IFPRI
3 'Cash grant' refers to the distribution of Harriss, B. (1995) 'The intrafamily
cash for free. distribution of hunger in South Asia', in
4 'Cash-for-work' refers to the distribution J. Dreze, A. Sen, and A. Hussain (eds)
of cash in remuneration for work done The Political Economy of Hunger, Oxford:
5 Vouchers can either be denominated in Clarendon Press
money terms or in physical quantities of Hoddinott, J. and L. Haddad (1995) 'Does
specific commodities. female income share influence
Empowering women through cash relief in humanitarian contexts 49
household expenditures? Evidence from Sen, A. (1981) Poverty and Famines: An Essay
Cote d'lvoire', Oxford Bulletin of on Entitlement and Deprivation, Oxford:
Economics and Statistics 57(1): 77-96 Clarendon Press
Naik, P. and R. Brown (2000) 'Oxfam Orissa Sen, A. (1986) 'Food, economics and
Livelihoods and Employment entitlements', Lloyds Bank Review 160:1-20
Restoration Programme (OOLERP)', Taher, M., K. Alam, P. Pathi, and V. Patnaik
Bhubaneswar, India: Oxfam GB (2000) 'Evaluation of Relief and
Oxfam GB (1999) 'Oxfam Bangladesh Flood Rehabilitation Programme for Cyclone
Programme, September 1998 to March Affected Coastal Orissa August 2000',
1999: Final Report to DEC April 1999', Bhubaneswar, India: Oxfam GB
Oxford: Oxfam GB Visvanathan, N., L. Duggan, and L. Nisonoff
Peppiatt, D., J. Mitchell, and P. Holzmann (1997) The Women, Gender and
(2001) 'Cash Transfers in Emergencies: Development Reader, London: Zed Books
Evaluating Benefits and Assessing Wilson, K.B. (1992) 'Enhancing refugees'
Risks', Humanitarian Practice Network own food acquistion strategies', Journal
Paper, London: ODI of Refugee Studies 5(3/4)
Ramalingaswami, V., U. Jonsson, and
J. Rodhe (1996), The Asian Enigma:
The Progress of Nations, New York: UNICEF
50
T
he need to support survivors of
gender-related violence is increasingly models addressing psychology, rather than
being perceived as important in relief on social development models which
and development programmes. This address suffering (Summerfield 1996).
situation has transpired partly as a result of In contrast, Las Dignas, a women's
increased awareness of gender-related organisation in El Salvador, utilises a
violence amongst development practitioners, gender-specific approach to heal the
and partly because of changes in thinking traumatic impacts of gender-related
about development over the last two violence suffered by women members of
decades. Such changes have emphasised the opposition movement during the
the emancipation of women as the key to 12-year-long civil war. Las Dignas'
sustainable development, and, as a approach recognises the differing impacts
corollary, the importance of formulating of gender-related violence on men and
practical strategies to address the barriers women, and employs feminist theory to
that impede women's participation in the enable women to reconstruct their sense
development process. of themselves as women, and as strong and
Despite such understandings, and capable citizens.
despite the importance currently being I learnt of Las Dignas' work when
accorded to mental health in humanitarian working for a justice and development
work (Costa e Silva 1998), there remains a NGO in New Zealand. I subsequently
dearth of information within the gender undertook fieldwork with the organisation
and development literature on practical from June 1997 to February 1998, to learn
strategies for dealing with the impacts more about its approach and to fulfil the
of gender-related violence. The strategies requirements for my PhD research in
which are put forward do not generally development studies. My background is in
focus on gender relations, and tend to rely mental health nursing, and I had viewed
Healing the psychological wounds of gender-related violence in Latin America 51
the study of development as a significant actions began to impact more and more on
departure from my previous experience. the power of the authoritarian State,
However, I believe that the model of however, women involved in social change
healing I developed during my time with movements were detained and tortured
Las Dignas not only integrates mental along with various other opposition
health issues into gender and development groups. In the case of El Salvador, 'After
debates, but also offers a constructive tool women established the street as their
that can be applied to gender and territory through participation in marches,
development practice in the many countries sit-ins, hunger strikes and public meetings,
that have experienced political conflict. the members of El Salvador's security
Before discussing the model in more forces began to view all women in public
detail, it is necessary to gain an under- spaces with suspicion and treated them
accordingly.' (Stephens 1995, 812)
standing of the forms of gender-related
violence enacted against women in Latin Latin American women paid dearly for
America in the era of authoritarian rule, disrupting dominant cultural constructions
and the intense psychological trauma that of femininity by participating in social
this has caused. While women's experiences movements for change. As well as
of gender-related violence do vary, it can be becoming specific targets of military and
argued that there are similarities to be paramilitary repression, they faced
found in the nature and context of these growing misogynistic attitudes. Escalating
experiences. The following section thus assassination, torture, and disappearances
generalises Latin American women's of women were accompanied by a legiti-
experiences where appropriate, and offers mation of violence against women in society
specific examples where possible. more generally, causing an increase in
violence and rape in the domestic arena
(Hollander 1996).
Gender-related violence in State-sponsored gender-related violence
Latin America embodies the power imbalances that exist
in patriarchal societies (El-Bushra and Piza
From the early 1960s, Latin American Lopez 1993). Gender-related violence in
women's participation in social movements political conflict, particularly sexual
has been a response to the rise of military violence, is often consciously designed to
dictatorships and the concomitant closing violate women's dignity and identity
of channels of popular participation (Jelin (Bunster-Burotto 1994). Gender-related
1990). These movements have enabled violence acts to disempower women by
groups of women in Latin America to terrorizing them into submission and by
politicise social spaces, and to struggle instilling in them the impossibility of
for recognition and identity as citizens. struggling for social change.
As members of mothers' movements, Torture was one form of gender-related
feminist organisations, peasant unions, and violence employed by the military against
guerrilla armies, Latin American women women in many Latin American countries.
have pushed back the boundaries of their Gang rape, body slashing (especially of
traditional gender identities, empowering nipples and breasts), various forms of bearing,
themselves and their communities. rape by trained dogs, the penetration and
Initially, because women in Latin decimation of women's genitalia by electric
America have been understood by military rods, and the introduction of live rodents,
regimes as apolitical social actors, their were some of the forms of gendered
actions for social change were largely violence employed in order to debase
ignored by the State (Safa 1995). As these women (Bunster-Burotto 1994).
52
betray their families and their political held responsible and blamed for the
beliefs to escape physical pain (Agger and violence perpetrated against them (Byrne
Jenson 1996). 1996; El-Bushra and Piza Lopez 1994).
The trauma resulting from gender-
related violence thus extends beyond the Recognising and defining post-traumatic
individual (Herman 1997). As Martin-Baro stress disorder
(1988) stresses, the nature of repression that From the early 1980s, psychiatrists have
took place in the political conflicts of Latin often identified the types of psychological
America (silencing of opposition, rape, effects of gender-related violence discussed
torture, disappearance, massacres, above as post-traumatic stress disorder
displace-ment, isolation, economic (PTSD) (MacDonald 1996). PTSD refers to:
pauperisation) was also responsible for the
'A response, sometimes delayed, to an
traumatisation of families and of society in
overwhelming event or events which takes
general. It is then a 'psychosocial' trauma,
the form of repeated, intrusive hallucinations,
or, the 'traumatic crystallisation in persons
dreams, thoughts or behaviours stemming
and groups of inhuman social relations'
from the event, along with numbing that
(Martin-Baro 1988,138).
may have been begun during or after the
Judith Zur (1993) in her study of the experience, and possibly also increased
psychosocial effects of 'La Violencia' (a arousal to (and avoidance of) stimuli
period of government-sponsored terrorism recalling the event.'
[1980-83] directed against the civilian Caruth 1995, 4
population during the 30 year civil war) on
widows of El Quiche, Guatemala, attests However, defining the psychological
further to the wider implications of gender- trauma of gender-related violence in such a
related violence for society. She states that universal way is problematic. Experts in
La Violencia led to a loss of identity for the fields of psychology, psychiatry, and
women whose roles as carers and partners social sciences have argued that the effects
were destroyed through their inability to of violence, its manifestation, and recovery
protect those they loved from torture and from its psychological impacts, are largely
death. This in turn led these women to determined by factors that are context-
experience feelings of anxiety and specific (Bracken and Petty 1998). It is not
powerlessness (Bunster-Burotto 1994). always appropriate then, to view the
The physical consequences of gender- psychological impacts of conflict in
related violence impact, in addition, on medicalised terms, when, as Kleinman
women's psychological states. Through (1995,185) states,
rape and other forms of gender-related
'[They are] more than and different from a
violence, women are exposed to HIV and
disease condition even though [they have]
other sexually transmitted diseases. They
physiological effects .... The experience itself
are also exposed to unwanted and often
is characteristically cultural, elaborated in
highly traumatic pregnancies and as a
result may attempt dangerous abortions ways that differ from its development in
(Byrne 1996). It is hard to imagine that such other societies.'
women experiencing these forms of Viewing the impacts of gender-related
violence could escape psychological violence as a 'disease' or 'disorder' also acts
traumatisation. Even for those women who to remove the political, social, and
are successful in dissociating themselves economic forces from which trauma has
from their experiences, widespread arisen. Women who experience psycho-
normative understandings of violence logical trauma in conflict situations are the
against women can result in them being victims of a political project intended to
54
harm them. Hence, while women victims of the needs of women who are suffering the
gender-related violence do often suffer impacts of gender-related violence must
traumatic symptoms as a result of this still be addressed (Paltiel 1987).
systematic harming, it would be
dangerously remiss to say that they are Joining social movements
suffering from a disease condition. As conflict results in the shattering of the
There are, therefore, many issues social fabric of society, interventions that
related to the labelling and subsequent attempt to reconstitute a sense of community,
treatment of victims who are suffering the rather than the treatment of a 'mentally ill'
psychological effects of gender-related individual, would be more helpful in this
violence. Knowledge of these issues should regard (Summerfield 1996, 87; Desjarlais,
not detract, however, from the fact that Eisenberg, Good, and Kleinman et al. 1995,
these effects are a major health concern. 131). Socially-based interventions also
acknowledge the ethos of fear and violence
Given this, the healing of the psychological
that persists in post-conflict societies. This
effects of gender-related violence should be
acknowledgment ensures that the social
a priority for gender and development
harm of political conflict, 'from the
practice, or development practice that
demoralisation of society to the dislocation
promotes a change in inequitable gender
of entire communities,' is not delegitimised
relations (Rathgeber 1990), in those
or neglected (Desjarlais, Eisenberg, Good,
countries that have experienced conflict. and Kleinman et al. 1995,134).
Here, therefore, the formation of social
An approach to healing movements becomes a way of both
The development literature gives us some reconstructing the militarised authoritarian
pointers on how healing can be achieved. State into an institution that is responsive
Summerfield (1996, 87) states, for example, to the needs of civil society, and of
that it is crucial for development workers collectivising the shared experiences of
to reflect on their own assumptions about women to gain the identity needed to
the personal impact of conflict. Western initiate social change actions. Hence,
notions of the universality of trauma, and participation in social movements, even
the need for psychological treatment of this though it has the potential to place women
trauma, may not be appropriate in all at risk of further violence, can also form
settings, as, 'Every culture has its own part of healing.
constructions of traumatic events and Being part of a social movement also
recipes for recovery.' (Ibid.) Conflict enables women to elaborate more readily
obviously causes suffering and distress, but on their traumatic experiences, as, through
only a small minority of victims of conflict participation, they gain a sense of the
develop 'mental illness' requiring importance of links beyond the family
psychological treatment. (Hollander 1996). A woman may
experience healing through participation in
That is not to say, however, that
a social movement:
women's mental health should be
disregarded as a luxury concern for only 'Her loss is no longer individualised,
the wealthiest countries (Paltiel 1993). detachedfromits historical context and from
While a global review of women and the collective process, but is now part of the
mental health has concluded that women political struggle which produced it and can
are excellent copers despite their now potentate its reparation .... It is this
subordination, economic deprivation, and transcendence of isolation and this
lack of control over their life circumstances, commitment to act as historical agents that
Healing the psychological wounds of gender-related violence in Latin America 55
Figure 1: The Las Dignas model: a gender-sensitive approach to healing in post-conflict contexts
Trauma
Dlsempowerment
Gender-specific strategies
for healing In women
Empowerment
Personal Social/Political
(in relation to self) (in relation to family/society)
self-esteem access to resources
courage ability to make decisions in
strength family/community settings
happiness sense of control in relationships with
solidarity/spirituality others
sense of control fulfilling friendships
confidence critical consciousness of subordination in
ability to make plans/decisions family/society
energy participation in grassroots organisations
hope/vision for the future interest in political processes
Healing the psychological wounds of gender-related violence in Latin America 57
In-depth interview and extensive parti- self-esteem and happiness have associated
cipant observation with women participants effects in the realms of the social and
of the mental health programme enabled political. Women who have a sense of
me to conceptualise the impacts of personal potency, are, for example, more
gender-related violence and to summarise likely to participate in development
the empowerment outcomes for women initiatives aimed at promoting structural
participants. The model was developed after change in society, while women who feel in
I had worked with Las Dignas and the control of their own lives are more likely to
women survivors of the El Salvador civil develop a critical consciousness of their
war. subordination within their families and
The model of healing identifies the society at large.
connections between the disempowering The model thus offers a practical tool
impacts of gender-related violence during that can be used in gender and develop-
conflict, and the empowering outcomes of ment practice in post-conflict environments.
gender-specific approaches to healing. Despite its potentially important contri-
These approaches recognise the importance bution to humanitarian aid, however, it is
of healing political trauma through necessary to be honest and realistic in
conscientisation, or reflection, and the regards to expectations when applying the
reconstruction of shattered gendered model in practice. Achievement of the kind
identities. Such gender-specific approaches of fundamental societal transformations
enable women survivors to heal themselves for which the empowerment approach
and their communities in ways that will aims is time-consuming and fraught with
contribute to the breaking down of the very conflict and difficulties. Indeed given the
same patriarchal structures (militarisation, enormous impact of the disempowerment
authoritarianism, machismo) from which of women in Latin America over the last
their disempowerment has arisen. three decades, it may be difficult to find
As empowerment is not a linear process evidence of social and political empower-
whereby a disempowered individual ment for some time following the establish-
necessarily experiences empowerment ment of an empowerment programme for
through gender-specific healing strategies, women. Social and political empowerment
a dashed line has been used in the model to may also be impeded by the absence of
show the relationship between the impacts effective development programmes for
of gender-related violence and empower- men in post-conflict contexts.
ment. This highlights the fact that By placing the empowerment process in
empowering outcomes often contribute to the context of gender-related violence, the
the further perpetuation of gender-related model of healing presented has attempted
violence against women because of the to confront some of the problems
conflict engendered by those empowered associated with gender and development
women who challenge the status quo. practice. Not only does the model clearly
Consonant with the impacts of gender- show the inter-relatedness of personal and
related violence, the levels of empower- social /political empowerment factors, but
ment shown in the model are also fluid and it also acknowledges the need for constant
interrelated. For sake of clarity, empower- reflection on the disempowering outcomes
ment has been divided into personal and of the empowerment process. This is
social / political levels. The reality for many reflected in the model through a reciprocal
women throughout the world, however, relation-ship between empowerment and
is that changes relating to the self are the physical, environmental, social, and
simultaneously social and political. psychological impacts of gender-related
Personal empowerment outcomes such as violence. Hence while the model has not
58
solved all the problems associated with the change activities on both an individual and
empowerment approach, it has provided a a collective basis. Given this focus and the
framework which could assist development well-established significance of women's
practitioners in developing circumspect participation in development processes, the
views on the empowerment process. model of healing presented in this article
The model has been disseminated to not only provides a novel way of
women's organisations working in peace- imagining mental health provision in
building in the post-conflict nations of the humanitarian aid, but also, a tool to assist
Pacific, and could be of benefit to women's organisations working towards the goal of
organisations working to heal the trauma women's empowerment.
of war in other nations. Future work with
the model could reflect the outcomes of Helen Leslie works as a lecturer in the Faculty
mental health programmes, and importantly, of Nursing and Health, Griffith University,
of research that considers the perspectives Nathan Campus, Queensland, 4111 Australia.
of men and the challenges and trans- E-mail: h.leslie@mailbox.gu.edu.au
formations that conflict brings to gender
relations in varying cultural contexts. References
Agger, I. (1994) Trauma and Testimony
Conclusion Among Refugee Women: A Psycho-Social
This article, through its discussion of the Exploration, London and New Jersey:
scope and impacts of gender-related Zed Books
violence perpetrated against women in Agger, I. and S. Jensen (1996) Trauma and
Latin America, has established the Healing under State Terrorism, London
importance of mental health programmes and New Jersey: Zed Books
for women in post-conflict contexts. Rather Allodi, F. and S. Stiansny (1990) 'Women as
than placing this trauma and its torture victims', Canadian Journal of
subsequent strategies for healing in the Psychiatry 35(2): 144-8
context of western disease models, this Bracken, P. and C. Petty (eds) (1998)
article has shown that the trauma of Rethinking Trauma of War, London: Free
gender-related violence in Latin America is Association Press
primarily social rather than medical in Bunster-Burotto, X. (1994) 'Surviving
nature. Thus, an approach to healing for beyond fear: women and torture in Latin
women should be rooted in the notion of America', in M. Davies (ed.) Women and
empowerment, enabling women survivors Violence, London: Zed Books
of gender-related violence to pursue Byrne, B. (1996) 'Towards a gendered
individual and collective strategies for understanding of conflict', IDS Bulletin
social change in ways that are appropriate 27(3): 31-40
to the political and cultural nature of the Caruth, C. (1995) 'Trauma and experience',
trauma. in C. Caruth (ed.) Trauma: Explorations in
A model of healing was presented as a Memory, Baltimore: John Hopkins
way of conceptualising and addressing the University Press
psychological impacts of gender-related Costa e Silva, J. (1998) 'World health
violence for women in post-conflict organisation perspectives and prevention
contexts. The model was formulated after of mental illness and mental health
extensive research with women survivors of promotion in primary care', in R. Jenkins
gender-related violence in El Salvador, and and T. Ustun (eds) Preventing Mental
draws on the empowerment approach to Illness: Mental Health Promotion in
enable women to participate in social Primary Care, New York: John Wiley
Healing the psychological wounds of gender-related violence in Latin America 59
S
ome 50,000 immigrants from Ethiopia
were brought to Israel between 1982-99, emigrate to Israel.
and were sent to absorption centres2
owned by the Jewish Agency.3 In 1999, the Emphasising "cultural'
Ethiopian community in Israel numbered
74,000 people, including those who were differences
born in Israel (Central Bureau of Statistics Most of the vast research on absorption of
2000). Between one and three thousand immigrants published in Israel since the
immigrants from Ethiopia who continue to 1950s has emphasised 'cultural' differences
arrive in Israel every year are also sent to on the part of immigrants, to explain
absorption centres. Literature analysing the integration processes (e.g. Eisenstadt 1954;
immigration of Jews from Ethiopia to Israel Patai 1970; Shokeid and Deshen 1977).
considers that the principal reason for their These studies, which focus on immigrants
migration was a Zionist motivation, and the from Islamic countries in particular, imply
dream of returning to Jerusalem. However, that, collectively, immigrants are inferior
a few studies (e.g. Kahana 1977) list and 'backward'. This perspective also
additional reasons for their collective suggests that the family structure of the
migration, including discrimination against immigrants and the gender power division
the Jews within Ethiopia, particularly within it are derived from a patriarchal
concerning the right to own land, and the culture brought by immigrants from their
danger of assimilation due to the heavy countries of origin.
pressures put on Ethiopian Jews by Christian Most of the studies of migrants from
missionaries. In addition, economic issues Ethiopia to Israel continue to focus on
including food insecurity have probably such explanations (Messing 1982; Rozen 1985;
Gender and power relations in a bureaucratic context 61
the labour market and their motivation to gration, and prevent the 'destruction of the
work outside the centre. Only men were family'. When resources are allocated to
sent by them to vocational training, which them for activities and training, this is for
was offered for the purpose of attaining the purpose of empowerment for the sake
better employment opportunities. Men of their children. The centre director went
were considered responsible for providing on to add:
a living for the other members of the
'The immigrants are going through such a
family. When women who were mothers severe crisis, and harsh dissolution of all
went out to work, they were reproached by frameworks and values, that's why we must
the officials for 'neglecting' their children. preserve one fraction linked with reality.
The following quotation from the Someone has to pay the price of the tough
absorption centre director illustrates this: cultural crisis they are going through. The
'On the one hand, we want to advance the women have to be empowered as mothers and
women [and] give them some tools, so that wives. They don't know what is cleanliness,
we can advance them to the level of women cooking and child-care. All they know is
in Israel. We tell them that it is impossible to extended family.'
make a living with only one salary. We have
to help them to a stage where they can begin
An Absorption Ministry supervisor told
to work. On the other hand if they go to
how vocational training for women had
work, the children will be neglected. They do
been attempted and then stopped when it
not have the same responsibility that men
became clear that children were not
and women of the twentieth century have.
receiving care:
They do not know that if they go out to work 'I have stopped women's vocational training.
the house has to be in order and the children We had the experience in Pardes Ghana,
looked after. They do their day's work and where the women had started to work and
they come home and lie on the bed. The then they have ignored any responsibility.
children wander about outside all day. I have They were leaving the children alone all day
experience in this area. It is a disaster to at home or thrown outside. Then I said that
push these women into work. A disaster. My it is impossible to do this and we must think
social worker in my previous work-place, how much damage it will cause the Israeli
said that the children were neglected, ran society in the future. The changes are so
about in the streets and were filth-dirty. drastic anyway because the men did almost
They had no proper food. The immigrants nothing in Ethiopia. There they used to work
began to fight with each other. This three months a year in agriculture doing
destroyed the family. She got them to return nothing afterwards, all the work was on the
home and started to invest in improving women, the water, grinding the coffee, and
their self-image as housewives. It was not the men were near the fire and did not even
only the kids who were destroyed, but also always nurture it. Now we want them to
the wife and the home. It caused fights. The co-operate and help at home, as the woman
woman runs off and he murders her.' goes out to work.'
In such discourses, immigrant women The officials' actions and perceptions
appear to exist only as mothers to their derived from the gendered economic and
children and wives to their husbands. They social reality in Israel, where 'homesphere'
are perceived as primitive and irresponsible activities are most commonly dominated by
people whose primary raison d'etre is to women, and the public sphere is primarily
enable their children's integration into the dominated by men. The labour market is
host country. They are expected to weather characterised by a limited range of poorly
the impact of the 'cultural crisis' of immi- paid 'female occupations', and a large
Gender and power relations in a bureaucratic context 63
range of better paid occupations, occupied hours of the mothers. It should not be
mainly by males. Organising vocational difficult to lengthen the opening hours of
training for male immigrants as family- our kindergarten, if it won't work by the
heads, rather than for women, stems from women's self-organised babysitting in the
Israeli ideas of 'normal' roles for women caravans. But this must be done quickly,
and men. However, discrimination against because otherwise the factory managers
Ethiopian women with regard to vocational will turn to other centres.'
training was rationalised by the Absorption While the absorption centre workers
Ministry in terms of the immigrants' channelled women into taking care of
'traditional' cultural background, rather children and other dependants, ultimately
than with reference to the pre-existing bureaucratic control and policies could not
gender division of labour within Israel. For prevent Ethiopian women from working
example, a bureaucratic working paper outside the home and centre. Economic
stated that: needs, no less than personal aspirations,
'The integration process of the Ethiopian induced women to work outside the home.
women is slow and complicated in comparison Single incomes, especially those of low-
to the men's because they not only have to paid workers, and immigrants' special
overcome the cultural gap, they also have to need for greater resources in order to get
adapt themselves to a sex role that will result settled, made an additional income essential
in readiness to go out to work. In addition, in many cases. Therefore, women who
the women must, like women in the modern managed to find a substitute to look after
world, fill a variety of roles, as woman, wife, their children went out to work. Typically,
working woman, and achieve some balance they would go to work in distant places,
between them. Considering this process as a in seasonal, poorly paid, and physically
slow one, which will not take months or taxing jobs.
years, but rather generations, will help to see The findings of the survey mentioned
the changes in a realistic perspective and earlier in this article (Benita and Noam
with realistic expectations for change.' 1995) lend support to the claim that the
(Eran et al. 1989, 221) absorption policy has had significant
negative effects on women's prospects
However, the officials' antagonistic attitude in the labour market. It appears that
towards women's work outside their discrimination against women in
homes and beyond the centre was capable vocational training leads to discrimination
of change when this was in the interests of against them in the wider labour market
the centre's bureaucracy. When the director later on. While only 26 per cent of
became interested in sending the women to untrained women immigrants were
work outside of the centre, he changed the employed, 60 per cent of those who had
rules. For the sake of organisational some vocational training were employed.
networking, and in order to present himself
as efficient in supplying workers, the Reinforcing women's role within the
director used the immigrant women as a home
resource in his interactions with external In the absorption centres, female welfare
contacts. For example, when the manager aides - somchot (singular: somechet) -
of a factory for medical gloves asked the instructed the immigrant women. Somchot
centre's director to send women to work in are 'grassroots' workers with a relatively
the factory as a matter of urgency, the limited education, supervised by social
director had instructed the staff in these workers. They were introduced into the
words: 'There is the problem with children. welfare services in Israel some 25 years
It is needed to be arranged for the working ago, with the aim of instructing women,
64
usually in 'families with disabilities in coffee with your friends, commenting that I
social functioning', in housework and child do the same. She said, 'We too have this
care (Etgar 1977). The welfare department problem in our neighbourhood, but I'm not
in the Jewish Agency describes them as like that. With me, the house has to be
'guide[s] for implementing trained skills ... clean before I do anything else.' Then she
a tutor, an educator and an orientator for turned to the woman, saying, 'Enough
the Ethiopian family... for implementing coffee,' and pushed her towards the door.
learned skills needed for integration in the Criticising women over their personal
Israeli society' (Jewish Agency 1984, 9). affairs and behaviour was a key way
There were six somchot in the absorption of exerting social control over them.
centre. Each of them was attached to some Immigrant women were vulnerable to
ten families. The unique role of the somechet humiliation by officials. Pushing the
was to embody a first hand role model woman was a physical expression of the
for women as mothers and housewives, unequal relations that developed between
according to Israeli 'standards', thus trans- the somchot and the immigrants. Somchot
mitting the social structure outside the would enter immigrants' caravans without
centre. The bureaucratic control in the knocking on the door, criticising the
absorption centre enabled organised inter- women whose homes they entered about
ference in the most intimate details of dirt, cooking, child care, and so on, on an
immigrants' lives in general, and women's everyday basis.
lives in particular. Being confined to their
homes in the centre made it easier for the Intrusion into the privacy of immigrants
somchot and other officials to approach the Blaming women for failing to clean their
women. The women-immigrants became homes resulted in the confinement of
captive residents in the hands of the women to the home and care of children, and
officials who needed them to reaffirm the a profound stigmatisation. By criticising the
importance and necessity of their positions. women's cleanliness, the somchot created a
The hierarchical structure of the social distance between themselves and the
absorption centre introduced formalised immigrants, asserting their authoritative
inequality into the relationships between position. An Ethiopian friend of mine in the
the somchot and the immigrant women. centre told me, 'My somechet is not good.
These bureaucraticaUy constructed encounters All the time she says, "Why don't you clean
forced the immigrants to comply with the up?" I tell her that I am pregnant, my back
intensive scrutiny of their lives, and with hurts, and I can't stand, but nothing
constant criticism of their behaviour as changes her attitude.' The somchot seemed
housewives and mothers. While I was chatting to take it for granted that cleaning was
in the office one day with a somechet and an exclusively female task. While my friend
another worker, an immigrant woman complained about the unkind and incon-
came in. The somechet turned to her and siderate attitude of her somechet regarding
told her aggressively, 'Enough with the special circumstances, such as being
coffee. You sit for two hours with one pregnant or having guests, she did not,
woman, then she sits for two hours at your however, reject the interference in her
place.' Then she turned to us and added, private life. Neither did she complain about
'Instead of drinking coffee all day long, she the somechet's treatment of her as responsible
should wash her child's head. What do I for cleanliness while ignoring her husband's
do? Every day I comb my daughter's head share in this responsibility.
and check it. The child herself says, "Ma, One day I was invited by one of the
look and see if I have lice".' I asked the somchot to accompany her in visiting one of
somechet what was wrong with drinking 'her' women. I followed her into the
Gender and power relations in a bureaucratic context 65
woman's caravan, which she entered seemed to be able to do was to ignore the
without knocking on the door. The woman offence by continuing her existing task.
who lived there was washing the floor. The following case reveals how far a
It was flooded with water. The radio was somechet could go in interfering in 'her'
loud. With no hesitation, the somechet went women's lives. A short time after a one-
straight to the bedroom and came back year-old baby died, the mother's somechet
with a baby on her arms. She was excited told me, 'I am going to take out her
and full of pride, saying, 'I am crazy about diaphragm, I have fixed her an appointment
this baby.' I asked her cautiously if the with the doctor for tomorrow.' The somechet
baby was not asleep. She answered, 'This is meant well, believing that taking the
not what I care about.' She came closer to diaphragm out would be for the woman's
me and showed me how sweet the baby own good because it would help her to
was, boasting about how much money she become pregnant and overcome her agony.
could get from allowing the American Needless to say, she did not think it was a
visitors5 to take pictures of this baby. She much too intimate matter for her to
said, 'This is the prettiest baby in the interfere with.
centre.' All that time, the mother continued The issue of women's sexuality played a
to wash the floor. The radio went on playing, significant role in daily power relations
and the somechet seemed very triumphant between somchot and immigrant women.
over every smile of the baby, who was Women were firmly encouraged by the
trying to close his eyes. Then the somechet matron and the somchot to use diaphragms
has turned to the woman, reproaching her to prevent pregnancy. They did not
loudly, 'All you need is that the maintenance recommend the contraceptive pill, because
worker sees you washing the floor like the immigrants were considered as too
that.' When I asked her what was wrong forgetful and irresponsible to stick to the
about the way she was washing the floor, daily routine of taking it. Thus, the
the somechet explained, 'This is a PVC floor, bureaucratic construction of gender identity
and flooding it with water spoils it. It must of Ethiopian women involved both pushing
be washed only with a rag.' Later on, I them to adapt to 'modern' Israeli concepts
asked her if she was instructing the of birth control, and an ethnocentric
woman. She replied, 'What for? She does attitude toward the 'primitive' Ethiopian
not need to be taught any more. She knows women. In extending their power over the
everything. I come only to see how things immigrant women into affairs such as the
are... if everything is OK.' use of devices for birth control, the somchot
Feeling free to enter without knocking presented themselves as experts on 'female'
on the door, to step inside the caravan issues.
when it is being washed, to take the A case involving the question of breast-
baby without his mother's permission, feeding illustrates further the interference
disregarding the fact that he is asleep, of the somchot in women's most intimate
reproaching the woman like a little girl in affairs. A young immigrant woman had
front of me, all reflect the structured control difficulties in breast-feeding her premature
of the somchot over the immigrant women, baby. I witnessed an encounter in which a
in 'women's affairs'. The immigrant woman woman's somechet asked the matron for
seemed to behave in a passive helpless infant formula powder to provide for the
way, as having no choice. It seems that she baby. The matron told her that she must try
did not perceive it as possible to reject the to convince 'her' woman to continue trying
intrusion into her private life or to object to to breastfeed the baby. The somechet said
the somechet's treatment of her baby. All she she had tried persuasion already, and the
66
mother 'did not want to hear about it'. The This goes some way to explain the
matron said, 'You have to tell her she must obsessive intrusion, and the pretence of the
breastfeed the baby. She is so lazy. She is so work being vitally necessary. In fact, the
apathetic. She must try. You give her actual work performed of instructing the
[formula] only if there is no choice. Tell her women in housework was marginal or
that if she does not breastfeed the baby, even non-existent and the somchot had to
he will die.' convince their superiors constantly of their
Withholding the infant formula was a exclusive and unquestioned 'expertise' in
means of ensuring the mother's continuous women's affairs, in child care, and home
dependency on the somechet and her making. In contrast, the centre's secretary
superiors, and diminishing her choices. offered me an explanation of how she
The matron expressed a total disrespect for chose somchot: 'I didn't know a thing about
the mother, disregarding her difficulties, what a somechet is and what is expected
and treating her as being so stupid that she from her, so I asked each of them if she
could even be told that her baby would die had children.'
if she did not breastfeed it. This belittling of In conclusion, the officials in the centre
the immigrant women as rational human - especially the somchot - needed to promote
beings, as well as reasonable mothers, was the idea of the 'the family', with a strict
inherent in many encounters between gender labour division, in order to justify
immigrant women and the somchot. the need for their work. The main 'expertise'
'Taming' the women immigrants also of the somchot was to provide a role model
included positive gestures, encouragement, of a mother and housewife, exercising
and compliments, when they conformed to extensive social control over the female
Israeli stereotypes of the 'ideal woman'. For immigrants in the centre. Through the
example, one day the centre's director somchot, the bureaucratic social environ-
attended a cooking workshop. The centre's ment influenced the women's compliance
secretary and I accompanied him. In the with gender norms and roles derived from
room where the workshop was taking the wider social and economic context in
place, 20 women were sitting around the Israel. The supervision and control exercised
table. The cultural co-ordinator was there, by the officials - again, especially the
tasting the baked cookies. He complimented somchot - over the Ethiopian women
the women on their work. A somechet was increased the latter's dependence and
standing at the head of the table, kneading vulnerability.
cookies and cutting slices for baking. She
talked very loudly, almost shouting at the Conclusion
women. The director tasted the cookies and
commented that he wished the women I have discussed the bureaucratic treatment
would learn to cook so well that they of women from Ethiopia, in terms of power
relations, focusing on how and why they
would be able to invite him to taste cakes at
their homes. Then he patted the somechet's were patronised and socialised into
back in a fatherly way. 'Israeli female' identity and status by the
officials. The case of Ethiopian female
Motivations of somchot in a slack immigrants in an absorption centre has
female labour market been used to illustrate the role of state
It should be stressed that dependency in agencies - and more widely, the role of
the relations between somchot and immigrant agencies in charge of the welfare of
women was not one-sided. The somchot immigrant populations - in constructing
depended on the women for their jobs, in gender inequality and the notion of the
what was a slack female labour market. 'family unit'.
Gender and power relations in a bureaucratic context 67
Gendering ethnicity in
Kyrgyzstan:
forgotten elements in promoting peace
and democracy
L.M. Handrahan
Women's potential positive role in preventing and arresting ethnic conflict, and their obvious absence
in conflict resolution initiatives, has been largely ignored and negated from community level to the
level of international donors. Traditionally, ethnicity has been treated as a gender-neutral identity,
when, in fact, academics and development professionals have tended to examine ethnic issues from a
male perspective. The following article shows how ethnicity is a gendered concept by drawing on
research conducted in Kyrgyzstan in 1999. This research demonstrates that women, more often
than men, reject an ethnic identity in favour of a gender identity. This favouring of a gender identity
over an ethnic identity allows women to be more open than men to working with ethnically 'different'
women across contested ethnic lines. This gendered aspect of ethnicity provides a powerful device for
preventing ethnic violence that has, to date, been overlooked by those involved in promoting peace and
democracy through development assistance.
E
thnicity is defined as the means by nationalism and ethnic conflict. What is
which community leaders maintain strikingly constant in conflict situations is
boundaries between social groups, the 'link between citizenship and the
through markers of ethnic or group identity division between women and men that
such as religion, language, lifestyle, kinship, war, and the preparations for war, enforces'
homeland, visible characteristics, and (Benton 1998, 27). It is only through
gender roles and relations. These markers separation from the household, i.e., women
do not have a permanent order of priority, and children, that the creation of a male
and ethnic groups do not always assume all community, a fraternity, becomes possible
these boundary markers. Rather, ethnic (Charles and Hintjens 1998, 17). Thus, if
boundaries allow a community, largely fraternity can only be maintained
regulated by its male leaders, to establish, outside the home, the 'selfless, communal
understand, and define their internal and experience of brotherhood, which is the
external identity. Features chosen during model of civic virtue' is unsustainable
the process of identity marking are not without war (Benton 1998, 43). Therein,
necessarily objective elements of reality but male conflict becomes a necessary component
have meaning for that community, of citizenship, civil virtue, ethnic identity,
representing expressions of group ideas, and communal belonging and value. 'It is
values, and history (Mach 1993). this fraternity that makes it possible, over
Gendering ethnicity in Kyrgyzstan 71
the past two centuries, for so many millions Agency for International Development
of people, not so much to kill, as willingly to (USAID), have failed to include substantial
die for such limited imaginings.' (Anderson consideration of ethnicity within their
1991, 7) The relatively unexamined gendered programmes.
constructs of identity are important in these This article attempts to address these
situations because gender divisions assist in analytical gaps through considering both
understanding the 'fraternal' and violent gender and ethnicity as variables in
aspects of ethnic conflict (Allen 1998, 59).1 research into United States (US) democracy
assistance, administered by USAID, to
Kyrgyzstan, a formerly Soviet country in
Civil society, gender, and Central Asia. The former Soviet Union
democracy promotion (FSU) is an excellent location to examine
The promotion of democracy within the gender and ethnicity within the framework
practice of development assistance has been of democracy, because these countries,
popular, in western development circles, emerging from communist rule, have been
throughout the 1990s. Within democracy the context for pilot programmes testing
development, support for civil society has western democratic theory and assistance.
been, and remains, a favourite programme Kyrgyzstan was selected by USAID as a
'tool', as it is widely accepted that an 'laboratory' for democracy assistance
active civil society will necessarily programming, and consequently received
encourage, if not secure, democracy in so- the largest per capita amount of USAID
called 'transition' countries. democracy assistance allocated to Central
Promoting civil society is a goal so Asia during the 1990s (USAID 2000).
popular that it rarely provokes critical
thought. Those few who have begun to
think critically about the issue, such as
Kyrgyzstan, the context
Carothers and Ottaway (2000), often fail to On August 31, 1991, the Soviet Kyrgyz
consider it from a gender perspective - Republic became the independent secular
although the gender distinctions between state of Kyrgyzstan. This was not the result
civil societies, largely comprised of women, of an independence movement. Instead, the
and global political and foreign assistance Soviet Union removed itself from Central
structures, largely comprised of men, seem Asia, resulting in 'an abrupt and unexpected
apparent.2 Thus, uncritical promotion of end to membership in what most residents
civil society is compounded by ignoring a regarded as a legitimate political community'
key variable, gender. (Huskey 1999, 3).
In addition to an absence of rigorous Original western euphoria over
gender analysis, the influence of ethnicity Kyrgyzstan's commitment to democracy
within democratic transitions is often and economic reform, embodied in President
overlooked. Since democracy aid is meant Akaev, has significantly diminished since
to assist countries in overcoming barriers 1991 due to increasing government
that might block democratic consolidation, repression and corruption. The first serious
and ethnic conflict represents a potentially retardation of democratic development
formidable deterrent, programming around began in 1994, when President Akaev
issues of ethnicity should be a priority launched a number of authoritarian
within democracy assistance design. Yet, offensives. 1996 brought Akaev's February
despite the relevance of ethnicity to the referendum, which violated both the
success of democracy assistance, many Constitution and the Law on Referendums,
donor agencies, including the United States and greatly extended presidential powers
72
(US Department of State 1995; 2000). Akaev tensions and patronage. Important govern-
has also taken serious measures (mainly via mental institutions, such as the akims
the courts) to silence and subjugate the (regional governors), internal police, the
media (Pannier 1997, 94). These controls White House, and law enforcement organs
were evident in the February/March 2000 such as the courts and the police, blatantly
parliamentary elections, when Akaev function as ethnic Kyrgyz preserves. The
attempted to control both the process and system of rewards, favours, bribes, perks,
the outcome of the elections through the and punishment in Kyrgyzstan today is
courts and the media. clearly ethnically Kyrgyz and male
(Anderson 1999, 23-62). This ethnically
based corruption interferes with the
The relevance of ethnicity government's ability to provide citizens
Ethnicity in Kyrgyzstan lies at the centre of with the most basic social and economic
a complex web of economic, social, and rights, creating increased public frustration.
political relations with origins in the 1920s The disgruntled population includes the
Soviet forced population movement of new ethnic minorities, the Russians,
minorities and the arbitrary redesignation Muslim insurgents in southern Kyrgyzstan,
of districts containing Central Asia's ethnic and alienated Kyrgyz male youth who
groups. When creating the republics of represent a serious threat to public order
Soviet Central Asia the Soviets hoped to and provide a potentially strong support
'modernise' Central Asia and prevent any for extremist politics.
unified anti-Soviet force. This was
accomplished through a divide-and-rule
tactic of creating five distinct national The relevance of gender
entities, each with sufficient ethnic An overview of Kyrgyz history since
diversity that no one 'minority' held a independence (1991-2000) demonstrates the
majority. constant pressure on women to conform to
There were also two major immigrant various aspects of new identities that are
streams during Soviet rule that further in competition for dominant socio-political
complicated ethnic relations. First, power. Within the framework of Kyrgyzstan's
there was a massive influx of Russians, 'democratic' transition, Muslim ideas of
Ukrainians, Jews, Tatars, Armenians, and female identity vie for attention alongside
other Europeans between 1926-59.3 Second, 'western' or democratic concepts of a
Stalin's deportation policies brought 'woman', and both notions are attempting
Koreans, Crimeans, Germans, and Turks to to replace the established norm of the
Central Asia as punishment for collective Soviet model. These conflicting male
disloyalty during World War II. Under the definitions of ethnicities and their gendered
USSR, ethnic Russians accounted for 22-59 identities are resulting in extremely high
per cent of the population and were levels of violence against women.4 The
concentrated in the capital cities of Central increased reports of female slavery (sharoo),
Asia. Ethnic Central Asians were largely prostitution, trafficking in women, rapes,
excluded from the best education and gang rapes, murders, bride kidnapping,
employment opportunities, as well as sexual and domestic violence, and extreme
health services that were primarily created poverty are indicative of a society in
and set aside for Russians and concentrated turmoil with conflicts of gender (as defined
in the capital cities. by each competing socio-political identity)
Currently, the entire political culture in and, hence, women, situated at the centre of
Kyrgyzstan exists under a shadow of ethnic the crisis.
Gendering ethnicity in Kyrgyzstan 73
Yet events and trends in Kyrgyzstan are officials, and non-governmental organisation
often paradoxical, and gender roles are no (NGO) leaders. Interviewees were asked to
exception. While violence against women is define their understanding of the concepts
reaching emergency levels, women's of ethnicity, democracy, gender, and
participation as leaders of civil society is citizenship, and to describe their own
also extremely high. Bride kidnapping may 'primary identity'. The second survey set
be on the increase yet so are the numbers of targeted foreigners who worked for USAID
women graduating from post-secondary as 'partner' organisations delivering aid for
education. As the Asian Development Bank democracy to Kyrgyzstan. This group was
reports, 'While women are among those asked to give their views on local concepts
groups most seriously affected by the of democracy, ethnicity, citizenship, civil
overall decline in social indicators, they society, and gender. The findings of both
have also become a major driving force in survey sets were compared for similarities
the political and economic reform.' and differences in international and local
(Kuehnast et al. 1997, 2) understanding. Unfortunately, only two
people agreed to interviews for the second
survey set. This high no-response rate is
The research not surprising when compared to USAID's
As a human rights specialist, I was working own staggering no-response rate for a
on a United Nations democracy project in 'stocktaking' survey USAID conducted of
Kyrgyzstan from 1996-7. Frustrated by the its own staff and partner NGOs in the late
way democracy assistance was, or rather 1990s.
was not, functioning, I set out to examine
more fully the weakness of democracy
promotion in Kyrgyzstan - in particular in Research results
relation to gender and ethnicity - in the The results of my research demonstrate
context of academic study. This article is that understanding gendered aspects of
based on my doctoral research at the ethnicity may prove vital to the develop-
Gender Institute of the London School of ment of civil society within the framework
Economics and Political Science (LSE). The of democracy assistance. Analysing
field research was conducted in Kyrgyzstan democracy assistance in Kyrgyzstan by
during August to November 1999 and was gender and ethnicity demonstrates, first,
funded by a US Department of State grant. that women are more fully involved in civil
It focused on a random sample of clusters society than men; and, secondly, that
of the adult population, chosen by entering women's sense of identity is bound up
local markets in the capital cities of each more with their gender than with their
region, known in Kyrgyzstan as oblasts. ethnicity, and that when they do identify
Research methods included self-report with their ethnicity, they understand this
techniques mixed with interviews consisting differently from men; and finally, that there
of closed-end quantitative questions and is a greater male identification with
informal, open-ended qualitative questions. ethnicity and with official identities such as
Finally, an informal observational component citizenship and political representation.
proved critical in overcoming tainted
survey results, building trust in the Gender and 'primary identity'
target population, and contributing to the The responses to questions relating to
qualitative research. primary identity provided overwhelming
Two survey sets were used. The first evidence that for women, gender is more of
survey set targeted Kyrgyz citizens a primary identity than ethnicity, and that
including adults, children, government men view ethnicity more as a primary
74
identity than gender. A typical view was, bridging ethnic communities is not
'Anyone can be a man but I am a Kyrgyz surprising. Correspondingly, if men,
man!' This close identification by men with particularly young men, hold a higher
their ethnicity was particularly true for affinity for ethnic identity, then it is not
younger men in the south of Kyrgyzstan. surprising that a man who feels his ethnic
When questioned about how the identity is threatened may resort to
opposite sex perceived their own self- defensive tactics, including violence.
identity, vis-a-vis gender or ethnicity as the
primary identity, both men and women Who passes on ideas about ethnic
responded that gender was more important identity?
for women, and ethnicity was more important The majority of respondents stated that
for men. The women interviewed also notions of ethnic identity were transmitted
appeared to understand their ethnicity in a by men. Most respondents said their
less antagonistic way than men, with children's identity was defined by the
women less likely to define their ethnicity father's family. Kyrgyzstan is a highly
with adjectives and events that presumed a patriarchal society, and the survey results
conflict with 'the other'. Women associated indicate that women have little control over
ethnicity with cultural artefacts such as the content and means of passing on
jewellery, food, and clothing while men information regarding ethnic identity to
made more active, and sometimes violent, their children. This differed in the southern
associations between ethnic identity and region where more women than in any
practices including sheep polo, national other region responded that it was mothers
games, and female subjugation such as who determined ethnic identity and
bride kidnapping. These results provided educated children about these issues. This
evidence of the association of male violence response came predominantly from
with ethnic identity. younger, non-Kyrgyz women.
In response to questions about what Most adults claimed that they had
human qualities people associated with learned about ethnicity in school, yet only a
their ethnicity, more than half of the men small percentage indicated that their
responded with negative adjectives, children learned about ethnicity at school.
denoting dissatisfaction and negative self- Despite these differences, schools still
images, while more than half of the women emerged as the main source of education
responded with positive adjectives. More on ethnic identity. This is important for
women and men in the southern region future donors seeking to promote
gave negative answers, and younger education about tolerance of ethnic
people were more likely to give negative difference.
answers than older people. The negative
impressions of self on the part of male Gendered views of citizenship and
youth from the southern region is a concern political participation
that should be factored into development The second important finding of the
programmes dealing with southern poverty research was that, while NGO work was
and identity issues. perceived as appropriate for women,
Overall, these results provided greater citizenship and political participation were
insight into the apparent willingness of considered to be male concerns. The NGOs,
women to cross ethnic boundaries and akims, and USAID partners interviewed
work together in situations of ethnic all thought that gender was highly
conflict. If, indeed, gender is more important significant in concepts of citizenship, with
than ethnicity for women, the fact that citizens perceived and expected to be men.
women are willing to co-operate in One USAID partner stated, 'Women are
Gendering ethnicity in Kyrgyzstan 75
submissive and it is the culture for them to women were not free to participate actively
be in the background. The majority accepts in formal political structures due to
this role. The few that don't are, quite patriarchal behaviour and systematic
literally, outcasts.' institutional and societal restrictions. A
Paradoxically, all those interviewed female NGO worker commented that, 'Men
shared the perception that women were don't want women in parliament, they
overwhelmingly prominent in the associ- [men] do everything to push them behind.'
ations of civil society. However, unlike While akims encouraged women to
western understandings of the close link manage the NGOs, when asked if women
between civil society and democracy, the should be involved in politics all akims
Kyrgyz recognition of women's role in civil responded that women's place was not in
society was not taken as evidence of their politics but 'in the home'. Men, akims
centrality to processes of democratisation. claimed, belonged in politics because men
On the contrary, the strong association are more responsible than women. A
between women and civil society was typical view was expressed by one akim,
understood as a marker of the lesser who said, 'Kyrgyz [women] should stay at
importance of NGOs in comparison with home and look after children/ as opposed
elected and appointed political positions. to entering politics. Another said, 'Men
Men welcomed women's involvement in better understand the concepts of citizen-
the 'less important' sphere of civil society, ship because they feel a responsibility for
seeing it as work appropriate for women, their family and the republic.' However,
while politics was viewed as 'men's work'. the akims demonstrated a distinct lack of
All akims thought that all or most NGOs understanding that government officials
were led by women, should be led by were representatives of the population
women, and are part of democracy. and/or public servants, by responding that
NGO leaders claimed that women were 'government' was understood to mean
dominant in NGO work because it is the President Akaev.
'dirty, unwanted' work of society with A different analysis of women's
which the (male) government does not presence in NGOs came from within the
want to be bothered. Women dominate organisations themselves. Predictably, an
civil society, according to NGO leaders, overwhelming majority of the NGOs
'because women always get the most surveyed thought that NGOs were beneficial
difficult tasks to deal with,' and, 'because for society. Among NGOs surveyed on
it's available and it's not paid'. Therefore, issues relating to democracy and
the NGOs reported, women are allowed, governance issues, progressive democratic
even encouraged, to manage the NGO elements of society were seen to originate
sector. Akims confirmed this notion with from civil society, citizens, and the
one akim stating, 'We need them [NGOs] population. Conversely, regression in
for our society... they do the difficult work.' democratic advancement was blamed on
NGO leaders also suggested that government action.
women participate in civil society because There was some indication that USAID
this is a more accessible route to public partner NGOs were aware of the complex
service than participation in government. gendered nature of participation in
One NGO leader described NGOs as, 'the government and civil society, with USAID
only way for women to manifest them- partners claiming that women were treated
selves'. While government positions were 'as second-class citizens'. USAID partners,
deemed both important and desirable to like NGOs and government officials,
women, NGO leaders, male government thought NGOs were beneficial for society
officials, and USAID partners all stated that and that they exist within the domain of
76
I
n October 1998, Central America
suffered one of the worst disasters in civil society organisations. The CCER from
over 200 years. Hurricane Mitch affected the outset sought to combine practical,
almost 3.5 million people in the region, research, and advocacy roles, to use
leaving 18,000 dead or disappeared - the information gathered on the emergency
majority in Honduras and Nicaragua. and reconstruction process to lobby
In Nicaragua, the hurricane brought national and international policy makers,
inequalities and vulnerabilities into sharp and thus to improve response to the needs
focus. However, there were hopes that the of the people.
destruction would create links between In order to understand the situation
civil society, national and local govern- better, a social audit was conducted by the
ments, and the international community, in CCER. Two phases of this large-scale social
order to construct strategies for sustainable survey are now complete and the third is
human development that would focus on close to completion. The first stage, carried
people, and poor and marginalised people out in February 1999, surveyed some 10,500
in particular. households in 61 of the worst-affected
Mitch did act as a catalyst for the municipalities on their opinions about the
organisation of civil society and the develop- relief operations and the damages they
ment of plans for the transformation of the suffered. The second stage, in September of
region through processes of reconstruction. the same year, focused on reconstruction
One outcome in Nicaragua was the efforts and involved 6,000 households in
formation of the Civil Co-ordinator for 48 of the municipalities affected.1
Emergency and Reconstruction (CCER), a
80
and caring for the sick, they were seen by Reconstruction responses and their
men as 'doing nothing'. consequences
The majority of men recognised the In the longer term, Mitch has had a number
work of women, however, when this work of consequences for the roles that men and.
was outside the traditional: women typically perform. However, these
'As the river started to rise more quickly we changes are not necessarily in line with
started to organise and we helped those that those suggested by the literature on the
had more things to lose, to rescue youngsters, theme around coping responses. For
belongings, to evacuate them, the women example rather than women entering into
helping, rescuing other women...all the productive work or diversifying their
people struggled....' productive activities, as predicted by the
While recognising women's contribution literature, the proportion of women in
on one level, women's activities were often productive activities has in fact declined
presented as 'helping' men in their post-Mitch, both in absolute numbers and
activities. There was a noticeable division relative to men's employment in income-
between men and women, who performed generating activities.5 What this means is
different activities, and who organised into that a larger proportion of households now
separate all female or all male work groups. rely on a single, male income earner. This
One man noted of his wife's activities: typically decreases women's access to and
'She went with the women looking how to control over household resources.
repair the road.... The men in front and
they [the women] coming behind with However, differences are apparent
rocks....' between women in different types of
After the initial passing of the households. More women in male-headed
hurricane, even for those men who households than female heads of household
recognised women's 'help' with more ceased to perform productive activities
traditionally male activities, sharper post-Mitch. Thus, while female heads who
divisions between men's and women's could not continue with their pre-Mitch
activities became clear, 'The women on activities sought alternative income-
their own account have not done anything generating work, women in male-headed
more than to organise to do a census,' and households appear not to have done so to
women's important activities once again the same extent. Women in male-headed
became undervalued. households who lost their income-generating
Women mentioned activities such as activity appear to have returned to the
mending roads, walking many miles in home rather than seeking alternative
search of food and other types of help, and activities. This suggests one impact of
making makeshift shelters during the
Mitch to be a reinforcing of 'traditional'
immediate crisis. In their opinion at least,
women's roles rather than a transformation
their work during this time was of equal
value to that of the men. Many women and diversification of gender roles. Other
noted, however, that men had a different trends suggest that the situation is not
opinion about either the value of their quite so clear cut. During the social audit,
contribution, 'The men say that women women were asked about their ideas
work less - "You don't work equally to me, of who made (pre-Mitch) and makes
women can't work, they don't know how (post-Mitch) the most important contribution
to",' or about whether they contributed at to the household.
all. 'Men recognised our contribution at the
time. Some have now forgotten.'
82
be taken as a positive intervention, given one women's organisation notes, 'We have
female heads' 'vulnerable' position in found that training [conscious-raising
society (itself a contested idea), its impacts activities] is not the women's priority now,
need to be considered closely. For example, their priority is survival... looking for a
while similar proportions of female heads penny in order to live.'
as male heads received help in order to sow Yet even on this level, the data suggests
crops after Mitch, fewer actually did so. a lack of 'success' if the aim is to provide
Similarly, while higher proportions of material benefit for women. While over
female than male headed households half the women interviewed thought that
received help for housing, fewer felt that women were participating most in
their opinion had been taken into account reconstruction (compared with men) only a
in the construction process. quarter stated that women were benefiting
Providing material resources to women the most from reconstruction. The majority
then is not itself sufficient to ensure that they saw benefits as being for the family. If the
benefit. Giving seeds to a woman who no aim of the programmes is to target women
longer has land on which to sow them, or simply as better deliverers of services and
has no money to pay labourers to prepare resources, then the indirect outcome may
the land, will be ineffective. Access to be to reinforce traditional gender roles and
resources is necessary, but is not sufficient, if relations rather than to transform them.
the capacity to use those resources is lacking. In terms of more strategic or trans-
We must also ask how and to what extent forming roles of reconstruction, the
female heads are really benefiting from this research shows no real evidence of success,
targeting in terms of their longer-term more at least at this time. Taking a concrete
'strategic' needs. example, no positive relation between
To explore the impact of reconstruction participation and increased perceptions of
on strategic needs demands a closer analysis contribution exists. Women who are
of how women are being incorporated into participating in reconstruction projects do
reconstruction. It demands a shift from an not show improved perceptions of the
analysis of material gains to an analysis of importance of their contribution to the
the other benefits that 'participation' is household, nor is it the case that more
assumed to bring. women who are participating recognise
their own contribution compared to those
Women's participation in reconstruction women who are not participating.
projects Moreover, even if 'positive' changes
Participation rates of women in community- occur, such as the noted increased recognition
based projects and programmes have of women's own contribution in male-
increased post-Mitch, rising from under a headed households, their impact may be
quarter to over half the women limited since power relations in households
interviewed in the four communities are based on more than productive/
studied. However, simply ensuring reproductive divisions, or who brings in
women's inclusion in the reconstruction the resources, as the following illustrates:
process does not necessarily bring benefits Interviewer: 'If only you were working in
for women. It is important to note that the the household, your husband was here
majority of women participating in without work, who would be the head?'
reconstruction are doing so, perhaps not
surprisingly, for practical ends. Women's Respondent: 'It would be me because there
perceptions of projects as fulfilling practical would be no one else besides me. But really it
needs may be contrary to the ideas of those would be him... because if a woman is
instigating them. As a representative from working it is because he gave his consent.'
Women's participation in reconstruction in post-Mitch Nicaragua 85
planning and implementation of emergency and ethnic cleansing. All cases are subjected
relief programmes, and record the experience to in-depth feminist analysis and the result
of women in situations of crisis. Demons- is a book which integrates women's
trating how action in emergencies holds the differing experiences of war and violence
potential both to deepen existing inequalities into a wider framework which seeks to
or to act as a positive force for change, it uncover the consequences of identifying
argues that relief and development need to women as simultaneously sexual objects,
be seen as parts of the same whole. It is transmitters of culture, and symbols of the
aimed at development policy makers and nation.
practitioners and is written in accessible
language. Weaving Gender in Disaster and Refugee
Assistance (1998), InterAction, 1717
Gender and Natural Disasters (2000), Elaine Massachusetts Ave. NW, Suite 701,
Enarson, InFocus Programme Crisis Washington, DC 20036, USA. Available
Response and Reconstruction Working on-line at:
Paper 1. Available on-line at: http: / / www.interaction.org / caw/ gender /
http:/ /www.ilo.org/public/english/ This comprehensive report comprises
employment / recon / crisis / publ / wp 1 .htm 'lessons learned' from two 1998 InterAction
This report augments the gender perspective Forum seminars, co-sponsored by Inter-
of the ILO's InFocus Programme on Crisis Action's Commission on the Advancement
Response and Reconstruction by focusing of Women, the Committee on Migration
on natural disasters. Based on agency reports and Refugee Affairs, and Disaster Response
and field worker accounts, it identifies the and Resources. It includes an array of
complex ways in which gender relations perspectives from the InterAction community,
shape human experiences before, during, NGOs, donors, and refugees, and presents
and after natural disasters. Written for a specific strategies for enabling both women
general audience, the report has four main and men to be full participants and
themes: the social construction of vulner- beneficiaries in humanitarian and refugee
ability to 'natural' disasters, particularly on assistance. A booklet that accompanies the
the basis of gender relations; the specific report is a useful tool for field staff and
impacts of disasters on women's paid and others who are attempting to integrate
unpaid work; six core action issues arising gender into disaster relief and refugee
from these patterns; and policy and programs.
research implications for using knowledge
about gender, work, and employment in Responding to Emergencies and Fostering
natural disasters. Development, the Dilemmas of Humanitarian
Aid (1999), Claire Pirotte, Bernard Husson,
Gender and Catastrophe (1997), Ronit Lentin and Francois Grunewald, Zed Books.
(ed.), Zed Books, 7 Cynthia Street, London This multi-authored book is the result of a
Nl 9JF, UK. dialogue between practitioners from
Brings together a wide variety of feminists, leading emergency relief and development
academics, and activists to explore Nthe agencies about how to respond to the
gendered effects of violence against women difficulties thrown up by different humani-
in war and other disasters. The contributors tarian crises. The collection has a global
explore the ways in which women are reach and includes a good chapter on social
targeted as ethnic subjects in extreme differentiation between men and women in
situations such as major wars, genocides, humanitarian interventions in the third
famines, slavery, the holocaust, mass rape, section.
90
Improving Social and Gender Planning in The Sphere Project, Humanitarian Charter and
Emergency Programmes (1995), Eftihia Minimum Standards in Disaster Response
Voutira, Refugees Studies Programme, (2000), The Sphere Project, PO Box 372,
Queen Elizabeth House, University of 17 Chemin des Crets, CH-1211, Geneva 19,
Oxford, Oxford, UK. Switzerland. Also distributed by Oxfam.
Commissioned by the World Food Available on-line at:
Programme, this report reviews models of http://www.sphereproject.org/
food distribution in their current policies The Sphere Project charter and minimum
and practices and seeks to improve standards set out what people affected by
equity in food distribution. It focuses on disasters have a right to expect from
reconsidering the role of women in food humanitarian agencies. The cornerstone of
distribution practices; ensuring their access this book is the humanitarian charter,
to food; increasing their participation in which is based on the principles and
decision-making generally, and in particular, provisions of international humanitarian,
concerning participation in food distri- human rights, and refugee law asserting
bution in emergency operations. Examining the rights of populations to protection and
the impact of humanitarian work on assistance. The charter is followed by
communities it argues that the integration minimum standards in five core sectors:
of gender into planning and implementation water supply and sanitation, nutrition,
of emergency programmes requires food aid, shelter and site planning, and
community participation. health services. It makes a start with
identifying minimum standards for gender
Gender Aware Approaches to Relief and equity in humanitarian response and with
Rehabilitation (1996), E. Kasmann and the aim of helping agencies focus on gender
M. Korner, Deutsche Gesellschaft fur concerns from the start of an emergency.
Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH,
Dag-Hammarskjold-Weg 1-5, 65760 The Oxfam Handbook of Development and
Eschborn, Germany. Relief (1995), Deborah Eade and Suzanne
Aimed primarily at GTZ staff and local Williams, with contributions from Oxfam
partners, this book puts forward guidelines staff and others, Oxfam GB.
for the treatment of gender concerns within This major reference book is the product of
the context of African relief and rehabili- the experience of Oxfam GB in its work in
tation programmes. It first reviews the over 70 countries around the world. The
conditions of average women at household handbook analyses thinking, policy, and
level in post-crisis situations, in terms of practice in fields as diverse as health,
major variables such as nutrition, health, human rights, emergency relief, capacity
sexual violence, shelter, and education. It building, and agricultural production, and
further assesses their societal roles, with is the only book of its kind to incorporate a
brief case studies of Mozambique, Eritrea, gender analysis throughout. Chapter two,
and Somalia. An exploration of practical focusing on people, includes a section
approaches to the integration of these explicitly on gender concerns complete with
considerations into project organisation and a general checklist of questions on gender-
procedures follows. Further chapters sensitive programme development. Chapter
examine the prospects for greater incor- six deals with emergencies and development
poration of gender-aware perspectives by and includes brief sections on consulting
aid agencies, and provide recommendations women during emergency assessments, and
and references towards this end. the needs of specific social groups, as well
as gender consideration in food distribution.
Resources 91
The Space Between Us: Negotiating GenderThe final chapters outline the supportive
and National Identities in Conflict (1998), framework offered by international law
Cynthia Cockburn, Zed Books. and how agencies can make use of these
This book is the outcome of participatory developments.
action research examining the processes
sustaining conflict in countries where there Common Grounds, Violence against Women in
is war. Through close involvement with War and Armed Conflict Situations (1998),
three women's projects, the Women Support Indai Lourdes Sajor (ed.), Asian Centre for
Network, Belfast, the Medica project in Human Rights, ASCENT, Suite MJB
Zenica, Bosnia and the Israeli-Palestinian Building, 220 Tomas Morato Avenue,
Bat Shalom project in Northern Israel, the Quezon City, Philippines.
author seeks to understand how they work
This book contains a collection of papers
across ethnic divides in situations of
conflict and how they create democracy out presented in the International Conference
of difference. Written in accessible on Violence against Women in War and
language. Armed Conflict Situations in Tokyo, 1997.
Written by academics, scientists, and
States of Conflict: Gender Violence and Resistance activists, the papers aim to: identify various
(2000), Susie Jacobs, Ruth Jacobson, forms of violence against women in war
Jennifer Marchbank (eds), Zed Books. and conflict situations; present statistics to
This book examines gendered violence at establish a pattern of violations; concretise
various social and political levels and the role and the capacity of women human
explores the complex links from a feminist rights groups in advocating issues in
perspective. Can national and international armed conflict situations; and explore legal
regimes actually offer women security? strategies in national and international
What is the meaning of women's recruit- courts in defence of women victims.
ment to the military and the importance of
social cleavages other than gender in Arms to Fight, Arms to Protect: Women Speak
women's and men's experience of violent out about Conflict (1995), Olivia Bennett,
conflict? Aimed at students and academics Jo Bexley, Kitty Warnock (eds), Panos,
of women's studies, international relations, 9 White Lion Street, London Nl 9PD, UK.
and political theory.
A collection of testimonies from women
from El Salvador, Nicaragua, Ethiopia,
War's Offensive on Women: The Humanitarian
Challenge in Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan
Uganda, Somaliland, Liberia, Bosnia, and
(2000), Julie A. Mertus, Kumarian Press Croatia revealing their views and experiences
Inc., 1294 Blue Hills Avenue, Bloomsfield, as fighters, participants, refugees, victims
CT 06002 USA. caught between warring factions, organisers
of peace and rehabilitation, carers, mothers,
Argues that attempts by humanitarian relatives, and partners of the dead and the
groups to provide assistance and protection
disappeared. They talk about their efforts
will fall short unless women are enlisted as
to rebuild their lives and those of their
major actors in such efforts. Chapter 1
provides analytical tools for approaching families and communities, of taking on
gender and suggests the ways in which new roles and extra responsibilities, and of
women experience war differently from finding a way to break the cycle of war and
men. Chapter 2 reviews recent experiences revenge. Chapters are organised by country.
of tackling gender issues in humanitarian
organisations and in situations for conflict.
Resources 93
Women and Conflict (1993), Helen O'Connell change is highlighted, and the UN's
(ed.), Oxfam GB. response described. The concluding section
This short book for policy makers and examines how the issue may be advanced
practitioners concentrates on gender issues in the next century. Useful for policy makers.
in situations of military and civil strife.
Themes explored are gender-related What Women do in Wartime: Gender and Conflict
violence, the effects of armed conflict on in Africa (1998) Meredith Turshen and
women's lives, including the psychological Clotilde Twagiramariya (eds), Zed Books.
and social impacts, and the situations in Describes and analyses the experience of
which many women refugee women and women in African civil wars. A mixture of
displaced find themselves. Articles show reportage, testimony, and scholarship, it
that women are not passive victims but are includes contributions from women in
at the forefront of work for change, peace, Chad, Liberia, Mozambique, Namibia,
security, and equitable relations. Rwanda, South Africa, and Sudan. The
book profiles women's responses to war,
Women and War (1993), Jeanne Vickers, as combatants as well as victims, and
Zed Books. describes the groups women organise in
This book is an investigation of the impact the aftermath.
on women of war in general and in recent
conflicts, such as the Gulf War, and a survey Development in Conflict: The Gender Dimension
of the various ways in which women have (1993), Judy El Bushra and Eugenia Piza-
worked and can contribute towards peaceful Lopez, Oxfam Discussion Paper 3, Oxfam.
settlement of confrontations between This report arose out of a workshop held
nations and communities. Aimed at by Oxfam's Action for Gender Relations in
students, activists, and policy makers. South East Asia. The report analyses the
impact of conflict on women and gender
Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict: United relations, and the implications for the work
Nations Response (1998), UNDAW, Two of NGOs, assesses the appropriate research
United Nations Plaza, DC2-1226, 100017 and planning tools, gender-sensitive imple-
New York, USA. Available on-line at: mentation of programmes and training
http: / / www .un.org/ womenwatch / da w / p needs of staff and partners. Also includes
ublic/cover.htm case studies from Cambodia, Somalia,
This report considers the failure of the Uganda, Sri Lanka, Burma, Philippines,
international community to address the and Lebanon.
issue of sexual violence during wartime in
the early years of the UN. Developments The Gender Dimensions of Internal
are traced to the early 1990s when the Displacement: Concept Paper and Annotated
international community finally recognised Bibliography (1998), Judy A. Benjamin
that human rights violations committed and Khadiji Fancy, Office of Emergency
against women during armed conflict, Programmes Working Paper Series, UNICEF,
including sexual violence, violate funda- New York, USA. Available on-line at:
mental principles of international human http:/ / www.unicef.org/emerg/IDPgen.pdf
rights and humanitarian law. In the second Identifying the main issues concerning the
part of this issue, the manner in which rights of displaced women and girls, this
sexual violence during armed conflict concept paper aims to raise awareness of
emerged as an item of serious concern the gender dimensions of internal displace-
within the UN is examined. The role of ment. It reviews and critiques the current
women's NGOs in exerting pressure for role of the UN and other agencies and
94
suggests ways to promote an action plan the many different ways in which women
for international agencies to respond more make a contribution to the rebuilding of
effectively to the rights of internally countries emerging from armed conflicts.
displaced women and girls by using a Special attention is given to women's
gender perspective. priority concerns, to their resources and
capacities, and to structural and situational
Women at the Peace Table, 2000: Making afactors that may reduce their participation
Difference (2000), Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, in reconstruction processes. A second aim is
UNIFEM, 304 East 45th Street, 15th Floor, to shed light on how post-war reconstruction
New York, NY 10017, USA. Available processes influence the reconfiguration of
on-line at: gender roles and positions in the wake of
http://www.reliefweb.int/library/documents war, and how women's actions shape the
/ peacebk.pdf construction of post-war social structures.
Argues for the full inclusion of women in Should be of interest to both practitioners
peace processes and asserts that the absence and scholars.
of women from peace negotiations results
in setbacks to the development of society at Refugee Women (1995), Susan Forbes Martin,
large and undermines democracy. Drawing Zed Books.
on interviews with prominent women Examines the discrimination and violence
peace leaders in different parts of the faced by refugee women and the steps
world, it highlights the strategies that needed to protect them. Stressing the
women have employed to make a positive importance of refugee women's
impact on peace negotiations. Published participation, it surveys the current
by UNIFEM to promote cross-regional international commitment to refugees and
learning in its leadership and peace- offers practical recommendations for their
building programme for women, empowerment. Written for researchers and
academics as well as relief organisations.
Aftermath: Gender Issues in Post-conflict
Societies (2001), CD-DIS, Development Refugee Survey Quarterly: Special Issue on
Experience Clearinghouse, USAID, 1611 N Refugee Women, Vol. 14 (1995) Centre for
Kent St., Suite 200, Arlington, VA 22209- Documentation on Refugees, UNHCR/CDR,
2111, USA. C.P. 2500,1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland.
A series of concise reports evaluating Brings together reports, documents, and
gender issues in post-conflict societies. bibliographic references that relate specifically
Country studies include Cambodia, Bosnia, to the challenges confronting refugee and
and Herzegovina, Rwanda, Georgia, and displaced women. The special focus of this
Guatemala. issue is the Select Biography on Refugee
Women. It contains a section of country
Women and Post-Conflict Reconstruction: reports addressing the situation of refugee
Issues and Sources (1998), B. Sorensen, women in China, Pakistan, and Russia, and
UNRISD, Palais des Nations, 1211 Geneva a section of documents that trace policy
10, Switzerland. Available on-line at steps taken on refugee women and sexual
http:/ /www.unrisd.org/wsp/op3/toc.htm violence against women during the session
Reviews literature dealing with political, of the Executive Committee of the High
economic, and social reconstruction from a Commissioner's Programme.
gender perspective. One of its objectives
is to go beyond conventional images of
women as victims of war, and to document
Resources 95
The Blue Room: Trauma and Testimony Among escape poverty and destitution. Some are
Refugee Women. A Psychosocial Exploration forced to adapt to roles which they would
(1994), Inger Agger, Zed Books. have rejected at home, while others achieve
This book provides an interdisciplinary an economic and social mobility they
model for the therapeutic understanding would have otherwise been denied.
and treatment of traumatised women for
psychologists and those working with
survivors of trauma. It focuses on the sexual
abuse of women and examines how this is The International Committee of the Red Cross
related to surrounding gender and political (ICRC), International Committee of the Red
power structures. Drawing on interviews Cross, Public Information Centre, 19 Avenue
with refugee women from the Middle East de la Paix, CH 1202 Geneva, Switzerland.
and Latin America, the innovative Tel: + 41 22 734 6001; fax: + 41 22 733 2057
narrative is structured around a metaphor ICRC general; + 41 22 730 2082 Public
of rooms and borders that represent Information Centre
women's life experiences. http: / / www.icrc.org /
The International Committee of the Red
South Asian Women: Facing Disasters, Cross (ICRC) is an impartial, neutral, and
Securing Life (1997), Priyanthi and Vijitha independent organisation whose exclusively
Fernando, Duryog Nivaran Publications humanitarian mission is to protect the lives
(ed.), 5 Lionel Edirisinghe Mawatha, and dignity of victims of war and internal
Colombo 5, Sri Lanka. violence and to provide them with
This collection of articles and case studies assistance. It directs and co-ordinates the
explores the interaction of gender and international relief activities conducted in
politics in the management of disasters in situations of conflict. It also endeavours to
South Asian societies from an 'alternative' prevent suffering by promoting and
perspective of disaster and development. strengthening humanitarian law and
It emphasises that for effective long-term universal humanitarian principles.
disaster mitigation, the relations and Established in 1863, the ICRC is at the
institutional structures that make people - origin of the International Red Cross and
and especially women - vulnerable to Red Crescent Movement.
disasters must be changed. Aimed at
development and relief agencies and policy The International Federation of Red Cross and
makers. Red Crescent Societies, PO Box 372,
CH-1211, Geneva 19, Switzerland.
Migrant Women, Crossing Boundaries and Tel: +41 22 730 4222; fax: +41 22 733 0395
Changing Identities (1993), Gina Buijs (ed.), http: / / www.ifrc.org /
Berg Publishers, 150 Cowley Road, Oxford The International Federation of Red Cross
OX41JJ, UK. and Red Crescent Societies is the world's
The papers in this book are concerned with largest humanitarian organisation. The
the dynamic of change in gender relations Federation carries out relief operations to
brought about by migrancy. Several assist victims of disasters, and combines
chapters have been written by women this with development work to strengthen
social scientists who are themselves the capacities of its member National
migrants. The different chapters examine Societies. The Federation's work focuses on
the varied and complex responses of four core areas: promoting humanitarian
women to migration; whether forced by values, disaster response, disaster prepared-
political circumstances or by the need to ness, and health and community care. The
96