The Moral World of James - James Riley Strange

The Moral
World of James
Studies in Biblical Literature
Hemchand Gossai
General Editor
Vol. 136
PETER LANG
New York • Washington, D.C./Baltimore • Bern
Frankfurt • Berlin • Brussels • Vienna • Oxford
James Riley Strange
The Moral
World of James
Setting the Epistle in its

Greco-Roman and Judaic
Environments
PETER LANG
New York • Washington, D.C./Baltimore • Bern
Frankfurt • Berlin • Brussels • Vienna • Oxford
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Strange, James Riley.

The moral world of James: setting the epistle in its
Greco-Roman and Judaic environments / James R. Strange,
p. cm. — (Studies in biblical literature; v. 136)
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
1. Bible. N T . James V, 13-20—Criticism, interpretation, etc.
2. Ethics in the Bible. 3. Ethics, Ancient. I. Title.
BS2785.6.E8S76 2 2 7 \ 9 1 0 6 - d c 2 2 2010032712
ISBN 9 7 8 4 4 3 3 1 - 0 8 8 1 - 5
ISSN 1089-0645
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F o r Laura
Contents
Editor's Preface xi
Acknowledgments xiii
Abreviations xv
Part One: Morals, Religion, and James's Community Vision

C h a p t e r O n e . Introduction:
T h e Epistle o f James as C o m m u n i t y Instruction 1
T h e U n i t y o f James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 3
T h e Religious Practices o f 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 5
W h a t D o " M o r a l " and "Religious" Mean? 6
C o m p a r i n g the Epistle o f J a m e s with O t h e r T e x t s 10
Diagnostic Categories for C o m p a r i s o n 13
Notes 16
C h a p t e r T w o . J a m e s ' s C o m m u n i t y V i s i o n : Life, Death, a n d Restoration 21

M a k i n g C o m m u n i t y : Giving Life 22
T h r e a t s to the C o m m u n i t y : C a u s i n g D e a t h 23
C o m m u n i t y Preservation: Restoring Life 27
T h e C o m m u n i t y at Prayer 27
T h e Elders' Prayer for Healing 31
Confessing S i n s to O n e A n o t h e r 36
Returning a Wandering M e m b e r 37
S u m m a r y : Morality and Religion in J a m e s ' s C o m m u n i t i e s 39
Notes 42
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
Part Two: Morals and Religion in the Greco-Roman World

C h a p t e r T h r e e . W a y s N o t T a k e n by James:
G r e c o R o m a n V i s i o n s o f C o r p o r a t e Life 49
Prayer in T w o Treatises o f the Platonic T r a d i t i o n 50
Piety and the M o r a l State: Plato's Laws 50
T h e Immorality o f Foreign Religions: Plutarch's On Superstition 58
C o r r e c t i o n in T w o Moralists 63
Telling the T r u t h : Plutarch, How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend 64
T h e M o r a l C o m m e n t a t o r : Epictetus, " O n the Calling o f a C y n i c " ... 7 1
Notes 77
C h a p t e r Four. W a y s N o t T a k e n by James:
T h e Everyday Practice o f G r e c o - R o m a n Relgion 87
Divine Healing T h r o u g h Magic and S h r i n e s 87
T a m i n g Divine Powers in the G r e e k Magical Papyri 89
T h e G o d Powerful and B e n e v o l e n t at Epidauros 95
T h e G o d W h o Directs Destinies: Asklepios and Aelius Aristides ... 1 0 0
Confession o f S i n s in Asia M i n o r 107
T h e Confession Inscriptions 108
Conclusion:
Morality and Religion in James and Select G r e c o - R o m a n T e x t s 112
Notes 117
Part Three: Morals and Religion in the Judaic World

C h a p t e r Five. W a y s N o t T a k e n by James:
Judaic V i s i o n s o f C o r p o r a t e Life 125
Prayer 125
T h e People o f Israel Before G o d : m. Berakhot 125
T h e Exceptional Individual Before G o d : m. Ta'anit 132
Healing 134
Healing T h r o u g h Prayer and the Physician's Hands: Sirach 135
Restoring the H o u s e h o l d T h r o u g h Healing and Exorcism:
T h e Story o f T o b i t 141
Correction 146
T h e G o o d M a n in The Testament of Benjamin 146
Notes 153
• CONTENTS • ix
C h a p t e r Five. T h e W a y T a k e n by James?
T h e Deeds o f the C o m m u n i t y in 1 Q S 163
T h e C o m m u n i t y at Prayer 163
Confessing the S i n s o f the C h i l d r e n o f Israel 170
C o r r e c t i o n : Reproof, Isolation, and Exile 173
C o n c l u s i o n : Morality and Religion in J a m e s and Select Judaic T e x t s .... 177
Notes 184
C h a p t e r S i x . C o n c l u s i o n : T h e M o r a l W o r l d o f James 191
Notes 194
Bibliography o f A n c i e n t Sources 195

Bibliography o f M o d e r n A u t h o r s 197
Index o f A n c i e n t Texts 213
G e n e r a l Index 231
Editors Preface
M o r e than ever the horizons in biblical literature are being expanded beyond
that which is immediately imagined; i m p o r t a n t new methodological, theologi
cal, a n d hermeneutical directions are being explored, often resulting in signifi
cant c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the world o f biblical scholarship. It is an exciting time
for the academy as engagement in biblical studies c o n t i n u e s to be heightened.
T h i s series seeks to make available to scholars and institutions, schol
arship o f a high order, and which will make a significant c o n t r i b u t i o n to the
ongoing biblical discourse. T h i s series includes established and innovative di
rections, covering general and particular areas in biblical study. F o r every vol
ume considered for this series, we explore the question as to w h e t h e r the study
will push the horizons o f biblical scholarship. T h e answer must b e yes for in
clusion.
In this volume J a m e s Riley Strange examines the m o r a l compass in
the b o o k o f J a m e s focusing particularly o n J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 . In asking the prin
cipal question o f the study, "how does making morals construct c o m m u n i t y in
early Christianity", the a u t h o r carefully and extensively examines this text. H e
notes that the religious elements within the text, namely: prayer, healing, con
fession and correction are the modes o f proper c o n d u c t for the basis o f the
moral foundation o f the c o m m u n i t y . H e argues that the moral foundation o f
early Christianity is n o t founded o n morals a n d religion o f the G r e c o - R o m a n
world o r o f the Judaic world, b u t o n the basis o f the J a c o b e a n qualities. T h i s is
a well d o c u m e n t e d and persuasive argument a n d o n e w h i c h I believe will sure
ly be e m b r a c e d by many scholars. T h i s study is an i m p o r t a n t a n d wide-ranging
addition to the already well established body o f scholarly work o n this idea,
and it is o n e that I believe will surely expand the discourse o n this t h e m e in
significant ways.
T h e horizon has b e e n expanded.
H e m c h a n d Gossai
Series Editor
Acknowledgments
T h i s b o o k is a revision o f my P h . D . dissertation, which I c o m p l e t e d in the

Graduate Division o f Religion o f the Laney Graduate S c h o o l (then the Grad
uate S c h o o l o f Arts and Sciences) at E m o r y University in 2 0 0 7 . T h e most sig
nificant changes were made to C h a p t e r 1, which I reduced quite a bit,
C h a p t e r 2, which I substantially rewrote, C h a p t e r 5, from w h i c h I removed a
section o n Joseph and Aseneth, and the C o n c l u s i o n , w h i c h I completely rewrote.
T h e entire manuscript was greatly reduced in length a n d made m o r e readable.
M a n y people have made the c o m p l e t i o n o f this project possible, a n d it is a
pleasure to t h a n k t h e m here. C h i e f a m o n g these is my dissertation advisor at
Emory, Luke T i m o t h y J o h n s o n , w h o during the initial dissertation work read
chapters closely and responded quickly between Atlanta and T a m p a . H e often
called to give detailed feedback within days o f receiving chapters exceeding
1 2 0 pages. H e also read an early revised manuscript and gave additional feed
back. His clear criticisms, enthusiastic e n c o u r a g e m e n t , and ways o f thinking
a b o u t texts were simply invaluable to this project. G a i l R . O ' D a y , then an As
sociate D e a n at C a n d l e r S c h o o l o f Theology, who chaired the G D R ' s New
T e s t a m e n t d e p a r t m e n t when I arrived and was my faculty advisor for s o m e
years, deserves special thanks for her guidance during my time as a student, for
her close reading o f original chapters, and for her clear feedback. W a l t e r T .
W i l s o n also gave substantial direction to the revisions I made, for which I am
grateful.
I c a n n o t acknowledge those w h o have helped m e without thanking J a c o b
N e u s n e r o f B a r d College for teaching m e how to read religious texts, a n d to
write about t h e m clearly, while 1 studied u n d e r him at the University o f S o u t h
Florida. Because o f the gift o f his scholarly oeuvre, I d o n ' t suppose we in the
academy will ever stop learning from him.
I u n d e r t o o k the revisions at S a m f o r d University, where I n o w teach as an
Assistant Professor in the Howard College o f Arts and Sciences. I work
a m o n g good colleagues and with eager students, all o f w h o m m a k e me a better
scholar and teacher. T h e chair o f the religion department, K e n n e t h B . E .
Roxburgh, encouraged m e to seek publication o f the manuscript. David
xiv JAMES RILEY STRANGE
C h a p m a n , D e a n o f Howard College, generously underwrote a substantial part

o f the cost o f publication. M s . C a r m e l i t a C r e n s h a w c o m b e d through foot
notes and bibliography. M y wife, Laura, carefully p r o o f read every page o f
text. T h a n k s to all o f these. All errors that remain are m i n e .
M a n y thanks are also due D r . Heidi B u r n s , S e n i o r Editor at Peter Lang
Publishing, w h o edited the manuscript and w h o was generous with publica
tion deadlines and words o f encouragement. N i c o l e Grazioso, Production
C o o r d i n a t o r at Peter Lang, helped with thorny formatting issues.
Finally, I wish to t h a n k m e m b e r s o f my family for all o f their encourage
m e n t over the past few years. M o s t o f all, I owe a great debt o f gratitude to my
beloved Laura and S a r a h for their support and love. Y o u are G o d ' s good a n d
perfect gifts to m e .
Abbreviations
AB Anchor Bible
ABD Anchor Bible Dictionary. Edited by D. N. Freedman. 6 vols. New York, 1992
AMS Asia Minor Studien
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spie
gel der neueren Forschung. Edited by H. Temporini and W . Haase. Berlin,
1972-
Bib Biblica
BJS Brown Judaic Studies
BN Biblische Notizen
BNTC Black's New Testament Commentaries
BR Biblical Research
BSac Bibliotheca sacra
BT The Bible Translator
BTB Biblical Theology Bulletin
BWK Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens. Edited by Georg Petzl. Bonn, 1994
BZNW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CJAS Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinamm
CTR Criswell Theological Review
CurBS Currents in Research: Biblical Studies
DSD Dead Sea Discoveries
EvQ Evangelical Quarterly
HTR Harvard Theological Review
ICC International Critical Commentary
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JPT Journal of Pentecostal Studies
JR Journal of Religion
JSNTSup Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series
JSOTSup Journal for the Study of the Old Testament: Supplement Series
LCL Loeb Classical Library
xvi • JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
LNT Library of New Testament Studies

MdB Le Monde de la Bible
NovT Novum Testamentum
NovTSup Novum Testamentum Supplements
NTOA.SA Novum Testamentum et Orbis Antiquus, Series Archaeologica
NTS New Testament Studies
NTTS New Testament Tools and Studies
OTK Okumenischer Taschenbuch-Kommentar
OTL Old Testament Library
OTP Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Edited by J. H. Charlesworth. 2 vols. New
York, 1983
PGM Papyri graecae magicae: Die griechischen Zauberpapyri. Edited by K. Preisen-
danz. Berlin, 1928
RB Revue bibliaue
ResQ Restoration Quarterly
RevExp Review and Expositor
RevQ Revue de Qumran
RevScRel Revue des sciences religieuses
RTK Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne
SBLAB Society of Biblical Literature, Academia Biblica
SBLDS Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series
SBLRBS Society of Biblical Literature Resources for Biblical Studies
SBLSP Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers
SCHNT Studia ad corpus hellenisticum Novi Testamenti
SCL Studies in Classical Literature
SCO Studi classici e orientali
Sem Semitica
SFSHJ South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism
SJLA Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity
SO Symbolae osloenses
SP Sacra Pagina
STDJ Studies on the Texts of the Desert ofjudah
SUNT Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testaments
SVTG Septuaginta, Vetus Testamentum Graecum
SVTP Studia in Veteris Testamenti pseudepigraphica
THKNT Theologischer Handkommentar zum Neuen Testament
TSK Theologische Studien und Kritiken
WBC W o r d Biblical Commentary
WUZNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament
ZNW Festschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der alterem
Kirche
• C H A P T E R O N E *
Introduction:
The Epistle of James as
Community Instruction
I magine a place where the beliefs that people profess and the things that
they do form a seamless fabric. Because they claim that G o d is singular, a
generous giver o f good things, a n d n o respecter o f h u m a n distinctions, b u t
a merciful and just judge w h o soon will render a verdict o n all o f humanity,
they t o o take up single-minded action, maintaining undiluted devotion to
G o d , caring for those w h o have n o e c o n o m i c recourse, seating the p o o r in
their assemblies beside the wealthy, slandering n o o n e , praying for all. Con
ceive o f a c o m m u n i t y in which all members—sown with divine wisdom—shun
the warring factiousness that is the inevitable offspring o f earthly wisdom, and
instead cultivate peacemaking in the assembly as their c o m m o n aim, maintain
ing purity by spurning the values o f the world and submitting their own wills
to G o d ' s . Imagine a people w h o e n d u r e hardship with unwearied hope, w h o
patiently await the salvation o f the Lord. Envision a place where the rich put
their trust in G o d ' s providence just as the destitute do, where the sick find
healing, where sins are openly confessed and forgiven, and where those w h o
stray are sought o u t and returned to the fold.
S u c h is the vision set forth by the author o f the Epistle o f J a m e s . It is a vi
sion b o t h o f and distinct from the Hellenistic Mediterranean world. T h e au
thor, after all, wrote a m o n g peoples w h o thought that h u m a n behavior
mattered. F o r centuries, philosophers, legislators, and pious citizens o f this
region prized right actions, and they developed rational, legal, a n d religious
systems to preserve the values and structures o f b o t h large societies and small
associations. Y e t the vision is also distinctive. T h e a u t h o r o f James, a m e m b e r
o f a sect linked to Jesus as well as the world o f T o r a h , also t o o k up the task o f
morals-making in the m e d i u m o f writing, but sought to regulate actions by ap
peals to a particular Christian perspective. T o him, it was self-evident that,
a m o n g all o t h e r groups within the Empire, those w h o kept the faith o f the
Lord Jesus C h r i s t lived as G o d intended.
2 • JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
Clearly, the author o f J a m e s was c o n c e r n e d with how people interacted

with o n e a n o t h e r o n many levels, and broadly speaking, his work is c o n c e r n e d
with morals, a word that will n e e d careful defining presently. In the Mediter
ranean world o f the last four centuries B . C . E . a n d the first four C . E . , the topic
o f morality appears in many arenas, including ethics, politics, e c o n o m i c s , law,
and religion. A u t h o r s find warrant for their claims in carefully constructed
arguments, reasoning by analogy, appeals to myth, and theological assertions
about the divine will. T h e writings o f the N e w T e s t a m e n t make use o f all
these forms o f persuasion in their discussions o f proper c o n d u c t a m o n g Chris
tians.
T h e study o f morality within formative Christianity e n c o u n t e r s three
problems. T h e primary question asked in this study is, how does making
morals construct c o m m u n i t y in early Christianity? Moralists typically direct
their exhortations to a particular people, rather than to all persons everywhere.
Aristotle envisioned an ideal G r e e k polis distinguished by its virtuous rule,
1
class hierarchy, and resulting prosperity. Plutarch blithely disparaged barbaric
(i.e. foreign) religious practices as grotesque caricatures o f G r e e c e ' s rational
2
and temperate pious traditions. T h e Community Rule o f the Dead S e a Scrolls
3
relegated to "the pit" all w h o did n o t abide by its statutes. Moreover, by the
early s e c o n d century, Pliny the Y o u n g e r could h o l d up the "Christians" o f Bi-
thynia and Pontus to E m p e r o r Hadrian as distinctive a m o n g o t h e r R o m a n s o n
4
the basis o f their b e h a v i o r . B u t what sort o f c o m m u n i t y does early C h r i s t i a n
moral discourse envision? D o e s it follow the path o f Plato, Aristotle, and the
M i s h n a h ' s Sages (or later the surahs o f the Q u r ' a n ) by setting forth rules for
entire societies or even empires? O r d o early Christian moralists follow a
m o d e l like the o n e set forth by the Essenes, imagining congregations o f G o d ' s
people separating themselves o f f from society by their counter-cultural prac
tices and beliefs?
Moreover, h o w do we distinguish between Christian and non-Christian
morality? Aside from appeals to the earthly or risen Jesus, often it is difficult
to tell what is distinctively Christian in C h r i s t i a n texts. T h e New T e s t a m e n t
epistolary literature is fiill o f disparaging remarks that accuse pagans o f vile
5
perversions. A t the same time, s o m e early Christian vice and virtue lists
could easily have c o m e from the pens o f first-century pagan philosophers and
6
moralists. Similarly, when they wished to polemicize against Jews, C h r i s t i a n
apologists found their work begun for t h e m in the anti-Jewish discourses
7
found in the gospels, Acts, and Paul. B u t their harangues against wickedness
also borrowed the language o f the Israelite prophets, and earliest Christianity
has b e e n c o u n t e d a m o n g the many Judaisms o f the first century G r e c o - R o m a n
• T H E E P I S T L E O F JAMES AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 3
8
world. I f C h r i s t i a n morality so resembles the morality o f its neighbors, how
do we distinguish it from its environment?
Finally, what links are there between morals and religious practices in ear-
ly Christian texts? Christian writers regularly base codes for correct c o n d u c t in
religious transformation, submitting the will to G o d , a n d hope for reward a n d
escape from p u n i s h m e n t at the final j u d g m e n t . S u c h c o n c e r n s are linked to
religious acts o f the community—rites o f initiation, sacred meals, corporate
worship, reading o f scripture, r e m e m b e r i n g the words o f the founder, and
others—all d o n e rightly. S i n c e Christian writers do n o t clearly distinguish be
tween the moral behavior o f individuals and the religious practices o f c o m
9
munities, how were Christian practices also moral activities, a n d how were
10
moral acts regarded as religious?
T h e careful study o f a single case, namely the c o m m u n i t y instruction
found in J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , provides a way o f answering these questions. Schol
ars have long n o t e d the epistle's focus o n morality within c o m m u n i t i e s and its
c o n n e c t i o n to religious profession a n d practice. M a n y have characterized the
work as an example o f either G r e c o - R o m a n o r Jewish hortatory literature that
11
freely appropriates and passes o n Jesus traditions without ascription. The
letter is a comparatively c o m p a c t example o f Christian morals-making, com
posed early in the life o f the new religious m o v e m e n t , a n d working with the
teachings o f its founder. J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 is a good case study because in these
verses the a u t h o r prescribes a constellation o f religious practices in a particu
larly c o n c e n t r a t e d m a n n e r and to a particular collection o f groups. T h e horta
tory language o f the passage, however, suggests that this is n o m e r e t a x o n o m y
o f rites, b u t a prescription o f religious practices that are in effect moral re
sponses to crises within those groups. T h e a u t h o r prescribes prayer, healing,
confession, and correction as modes o f proper c o n d u c t within c o m m u n i t i e s ,
in contrast to m o d e s o f improper c o n d u c t that he has earlier c o n d e m n e d .
A preliminary reading o f J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 introduces the passage's provoca
tive c o m b i n a t i o n o f elements, and prepares the way for a consideration o f how
best to approach the questions it raises.
The Unity of James 5:13-20
James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 makes up the final section o f the letter a n d can b e read as a

12
coherent pericope. Earlier in the letter the a u t h o r intermingles prohibitions,
warnings and exhortations, whereas religious practices appear only below the
13
surface a n d usually within o t h e r c o n t e x t s . B u t at verse 13 he begins to ad
dress religious practices as responses to crises within the assembly, namely
4 •JAMES RILEY STRANGE
sickness a n d sin. T h e s e eight verses c o n t a i n n o prohibitions, only positive in

structions for right behavior in c o m m u n i t y life. T h e a u t h o r does n o t shift
from this topic, b u t c o n t i n u e s his focus to the e n d o f the letter: he configures
intra-community m o r a l deeds as religious practices. T h e r e is also t h e m a t i c a n d
structural unity: the language o f sin, forgiveness, and salvation springs from
the e x h o r t a t i o n in 13 and c o n t i n u e s to verse 2 0 . T h e syntax in verses 13 a n d
14
19 form an inclusio a r o u n d the t o p i c A similar c o n s t r u c t i o n is found else
15
where only in the true c o n d i t i o n a l statement o f 1 : 5 .
V e r s e 13 consists o f two couplets: "Is a n y o n e a m o n g you suffering [KCC-
KOTTCXBET]? Let h i m pray [TTpoaEUX£o8co]. Is anyone happy [EUBUUE'I]? Let h i m
16
sing tyaAAETCo]." V e r s e 1 4 opens with a third couplet in the same form, al
though what should be the apodosis o f a true c o n d i t i o n a l (TrpooKaAEoaoSco) is
extended by an o b j e c t and a n o t h e r third-person imperative (TTpoa£u£ao9coaav,
this time plural) along with its modifiers: "Is anyone a m o n g you sick? Let h i m
s u m m o n the elders o f the c h u r c h and let t h e m pray over h i m after a n o i n t i n g
h i m with oil in the n a m e o f the Lord." T h e structure o f the first two verses o f
the pericope, therefore, is A B A B A B C , in w h i c h each A section constitutes a
situation in the life o f believers, and B , a religious practice in response to that
17
situation. T h e addition o f the C section in 1 4 suggests that whereas general
suffering a n d happiness n e e d only the individual's response, the case o f o n e
w h o is ill requires the elders to act. T h e elders' response is itself expanded by
an exposition (v. 1 5 ) , w h i c h b e c o m e s the basis for a general e x h o r t a t i o n to the
entire c o m m u n i t y (v. 16a) to engage in the practices o f confession o f sins a n d
intercessory prayer for healing.
At this p o i n t the a u t h o r o f J a m e s provides a p r o o f for his claim that "the
effective prayer o f a righteous person is very powerful" ( 1 6 b ) . W h e r e a s the
biblical a c c o u n t attributes a drought to G o d ' s initiative (1 Kings 1 7 : 1 ; 1 8 : 1 ) ,
J a m e s 5 : 1 7 - 1 8 gives credit to the power o f Elijah's petition. A c c o r d i n g to the
author, even t h o u g h he "was a m a n like us in every way," Elijah was able to
c o n t r o l the rain through prayer. Following this example from scripture, in his
final two verses (again taking up the A B pattern o f the o p e n i n g couplets, this
time in a true third-class c o n d i t i o n a l ) , the a u t h o r addresses the p r o b l e m o f
turning straying believers from sin, and by implication b a c k to the " c h u r c h "
whose practices they have forsaken: " I f any a m o n g you strays [TrAavr)6fj] from
the truth and s o m e o n e turns him b a c k [£TnaTpEv|/r)], he should k n o w that
whoever turns b a c k a s i n n e r from the error o f his way will save his soul from
death a n d will cover a multitude o f sins."
Verses 13 through 2 0 o f chapter 5 c o h e r e as a set o f instructions a b o u t
particular acts o f piety within the C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y , focused o n sickness
and sin, crises that remove m e m b e r s from c o m m u n i t y life.
• T H E EPISTLE O F J A M E S AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 5
The Religious Practices of 5:13-20
We can identify four distinct b u t interrelated religious practices in J a m e s

5 : 1 3 - 2 0 : prayer ( 1 3 , 14, and 1 6 ) , healing ( 1 4 , 1 6 ) , confession ( 1 6 ) , and correc
1 8
tion ( 1 9 - 2 0 ) .
It is striking that when setting forth religious practices, the author uses
many o f the same rhetorical devices that he has deployed to talk a b o u t moral
19
actions earlier in the t e x t : J a m e s c o n t i n u e s to use the imperative (the "domi
20
n a n t m o o d " in the epistle ) in 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 ; he implies an argument through the
21
use o f ouv in 5 : 1 6 ; he mingles his own language with that o f scripture in
2 2
5:17-18, 20; he signals the c o h e r e n c e o f this passage through linked catch
23 24 25
words; the passage contains examples o f a l l i t e r a t i o n and h o m o i o t e l e u t o n ;
26 27
the use o f m e t a p h o r matches earlier uses o f figurative s p e e c h . Several de
vices typical o f the G r e c o - R o m a n diatribe appear earlier in the letter a n d in
28
5 : 1 3 - 2 0 as well: the short question with a n s w e r , direct address implied by
2 9 30
T I S £V U J J I V , and a c o m p a r i s o n with natural p h e n o m e n a . Finally, the use o f
Elijah as an exemplary figure in 5 : 1 7 - 1 8 is consistent with his previous use o f
A b r a h a m ( 2 : 2 3 ) , Hagar ( 2 : 2 5 ) , the prophets ( 5 : 1 0 ) , a n d J o b ( 5 : 1 1 ) . T h e s e ex
amples d e m o n s t r a t e that when the author shifts from c o n d e m n i n g immorality
to encouraging religious practices, he does n o t employ a separate set o f rhe
torical devices. T h e implication is that in the Epistle o f James, religious prac
tices within the c o m m u n i t y are understood as moral goods.
T h e language o f c o m m u n i t y m a i n t e n a n c e persists in the final section o f
the letter. T h i s issue will receive greater attention in the next chapter. Here it
suffices to n o t e that the author does n o t address inhabitants o f the R o m a n
E m p i r e everywhere, b u t people o f a particular religious association. Earlier the
author refers to these people as " m e m b e r s " o f groups ( 3 : 6 ; 4 : 1 ; cf. 2 : 4 ) , set o f f
from the rest o f the society through their status as G o d ' s children ( 1 : 1 8 ) living
as aliens in the Empire ( 1 : 1 ) . T h e y further distinguish themselves by conven
ing in synagogues (2:2), by appointing teachers for instruction in their particu
lar way o f life ( 3 : 1 ) , by preserving their union through persevering in
difficulties ( 1 : 2 - 4 , 12; 2 : 6 ; 5 : 7 - 1 1 ) , leveling o f social strata ( 2 : 1 - 1 3 ) , praying
for o n e a n o t h e r ( 4 : 3 ; 5 : 1 4 - 1 6 ) , peacemaking ( 3 : 1 7 - 1 8 ; 4 : 1 1 - 1 2 ) , and by ven
erating Jesus as the Lord and Messiah w h o is a b o u t to judge the world ( 1 : 1 , 12;
2 : 1 , 12; 4 : 1 2 ; 5 : 1 - 6 , 7 - 1 1 ) . A t the e n d o f the epistle, s o m e m o r e distinctive
community information emerges: a group o f these people constitutes a
" c h u r c h " whose m e m b e r s appoint elders as well as teachers; they are to confess
sins to o n e a n o t h e r and to pray for o n e another's healing; a n d they should
correct o t h e r m e m b e r s w h o stray from the truth, keeping t h e m within the fold
rather than excluding t h e m .
6 • JAMES RILEY STRANGE*
A first reading o f J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 sharpens the questions asked at the out

set. T h e religious practices o f the c o m m u n i t y are cast as moral acts and the
focus is o n a particular collection o f groups with distinctive attributes. I will
argue that in the c o m m u n i t i e s that the a u t h o r o f J a m e s envisions, the religious
practices o f healing, confession, and correction play a role in r e d e m p t i o n for
sins. Just as sins are cast as i m m o r a l deeds that alienate m e m b e r s and threaten
the survival o f c o m m u n i t i e s , so redemption restores sinners to their groups
and ensures the c o n t i n u e d existence o f the c o m m u n i t i e s in their foreign a n d
hostile settings. T h a t thesis will b e worked o u t in the n e x t chapter. Before
moving o n , it is necessary to clarify terms that appear throughout this b o o k .
What Do "Moral" and "Religious" Mean?
In the preceding section I have used the terms "moral" and "religious" to
m e a n different things, a distinction that requires clarification. Throughout
this study, by "moral discourse," I refer to language that is intended to shape
the way a group behaves. T h e discourse largely appeals to right t h o u g h t and is
grounded in the authority o f the author. M o r a l discourse is directed toward
m e m b e r s o f a particular group, conceived either broadly (as in a society) o r
narrowly (as in a local c o m m u n i t y o r congregation). " M o r a l " is an adjective
describing acts, a n d "morals" and "morality" refer to the c o n d u c t itself in
terms o f Tightness a n d wrongness rather than, say, in terms o f legality or reli
gious propriety. F o r purposes o f clarity I use the terms "moral," "morals," and
"morality" rather than "ethical" and "ethics." In this investigation, ethical a n d
ethics identify second-order reflection o n right behavior, while m o r a l and mo
rality refer to first-order instruction in what is right and wrong. Ethics has to
d o with rules for right behavior derived by rational argumentation, while mo
31
rality finds its warrant in authority. In the texts to b e examined, m o r a l dis
course is characterized by its attempts to persuade readers to a d o p t certain
mindsets and ways o f behaving, by its attention to virtues and vices, a n d by a
c o n c e r n for the group c o h e s i o n created by virtues o r corruption b r o u g h t o n by
vices.
"Religious discourse" casts a particular act as an obligation to a deity. Cer
tain expectations must be m e t in order for it to b e legitimate: such c o n d i t i o n s
include the particular day o r time o f day o f its performance, the adherence to
a set order, prescribed body postures o r gestures, whether it should b e accom
panied by a particular liturgy, a required mindset o f the suppliant, a n d so o n .
In religious discourse, the c o n c e r n is with the validity o f the practice: D i d it
m e e t the religious obligation o r fail to m e e t it? W a s it received by the god, o r
• T H E EPISTLE O F JAMES AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 7
was it addressed to the wrong one? W i l l it have the desired result, o r will er
rors in its execution void its effect? Religious discourse reveals a c o n c e r n with
the boundary between the holy and the m u n d a n e : acts performed according to
prescription have the power to transform ordinary m o m e n t s and locations in
to sacred times a n d spaces, whereas those performed incorrectly remain within
32
the realm o f the p r o f a n e .
A "religious practice" o r "act" is quite simply a response to a deity. T h i s
33
broad definition includes b o t h ritualistic a n d spontaneous behaviors, and
the c o n d u c t o f b o t h c o m m u n i t i e s a n d individuals as "religious." A text may
characterize a religious practice with either primarily religious discourse (con
cerned with h o w the act meets a religious obligation) o r with m o r a l discourse
(casting it as a virtuous deed). W h a t these many a n d varied acts share in
c o m m o n is the premise that they are directed toward a divine b e i n g o r beings.
It is also i m p o r t a n t to n o t e that the terms "religious" a n d " m o r a l " need n o t
coalesce. A text may indeed present religious practices within a m o r a l frame
work, b u t as J a m e s 4 : 3 demonstrates, it might be possible to perform a reli
gious practice in an i m m o r a l way, o r as Kierkegaard reminds us, o n e can
34
c o m m i t an act that suspends morality for the sake o f a religious d e m a n d .
B o t h m o r a l a n d religious discourses play a part in the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f
c o m m u n i t i e s . T h i s observation draws o n a p o i n t made by W a y n e Meeks: the
m e c h a n i s m s for the formation o f c o m m u n i t i e s c a n n o t b e separated from the
process o f moral formation. A l t h o u g h Meeks restricts his observations to the
C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t i e s that were founded in the m o v e m e n t ' s first decades, it
is possible to apply his remarks to religious, social, a n d political groups o f
35
many sorts, and indeed to entire s o c i e t i e s . Religious discourse plays a similar
role. W h e t h e r it does so explicitly o r implicitly, the performance o f religious
36
rituals serves to define o n e group over against a n o t h e r . T h i s is a fundamen
tal task o f religions in general a n d o f new religions in particular: to define the
social order in terms o f the people w h o hold a particular worldview and w h o
37
take up a particular way o f life that e m b o d i e s that view. H e n c e , the prescrip
tion o f inter-communal o r inter-societal acts defines outsiders as well as insid
ers, for those w h o do n o t behave in the approved way, o r w h o worship
according to a different form, fall outside the group, either because the group
excludes t h e m o r because they reject the group's self-imposed m o r e s .
M o r a l and religious discourse also maintain c o m m u n i t i e s by laying o u t
means o f c o r r e c t i o n , restoration, a n d exclusion, as well as by establishing me
chanisms that provide for the well-being o f group m e m b e r s . T h e Mishnaic
regulations o f heave offering to be c o n s u m e d by priests a n d their families can
be understood as religious discourse devoted t o the m a i n t e n a n c e o f holy Is
38
rael's way o f life (a society). Similarly, the election o f "table servers" in Acts
8 JAMES RILEY STRANGE
can be seen as m o r a l discourse aimed at sustaining local congregations (com

39
munities within a society). Because o f their focus o n morality o r religious
acts, the texts e x a m i n e d for this project have s o m e t h i n g to say about the pres
ervation o f a social order. O n e task o f the chapters that follow is to define
that social vision, whether it is o f small and scattered congregations within a
"foreign" matrix, a city-state distinguished from o t h e r such states, a nation
conceived whole with m i n i m a l references to non-citizens, or s o m e o t h e r vi
sion.
W h e r e a s the distinction between m o r a l and religious practice may blur, as
in James, it will b e evident in the texts e n c o u n t e r e d here, with a few excep
tions, that the distinction between moral and religious discourse holds, for texts
that deploy o n e type o f discourse typically have o n e o f three reactions to the
o t h e r type: [1] texts o f o n e type cast c o n c e r n s o f the "other" type as invalid (see
in particular Plutarch's harsh assessment o f foreign religion in C h a p t e r 3 ) , [2]
c o n c e r n s o f the o t h e r type appear only as m i n o r categories (generating n o fur
ther dispute or discussion), o r [3] c o n c e r n s o f any o t h e r type are ignored.
T h e language o f "practice" is as slippery as that o f "morality." T o clarify
what I m e a n when I speak o f the practices o f the c o m m u n i t y in the Epistle o f
James, I here provide a preliminary discussion o f prayer, healing, confession,
and correction. A l l the texts studied here express a belief in the existence o f
divine beings, and all assume that the divine and h u m a n s exist in s o m e sort o f
reciprocal relationship with o n e another. T h e texts present that relationship
in personal terms: the individual enters into a relationship with the deity that
is characterized by devotion and goodwill. W i t h i n this relationship, prayer, in
its broadest understanding, is c o m m u n i c a t i o n with a deity, and its perform
ance rests u p o n the assumption that it has the power to elicit a response from
40
him or her. Prayer can b e accomplished by individuals in isolation from o n e
another, individuals within an assembly, a congregation as a whole (by reciting
o r reading prayers in u n i s o n ) o r antiphonally (followed by a congregational
response). Q u i t e often prayer is a c c o m p a n i e d by or accompanies a n o t h e r
41
practice, such as sacrifice o r fasting. T h e s e practices exist in a c o m p l e x rela
tionship with o n e another, b u t at a basic level e a c h adds to the efficacy o f the
other, assuring a favorable response from the deity, fulfilling a particular reli
42
gious o b l i g a t i o n , serving to define a group's distinctive way o f life, or s o m e
c o m b i n a t i o n o f these.
Prayer is multifaceted in its practice and analysis o f it must take this fact
43
into a c c o u n t , yet this b o o k deals almost exclusively with precatory prayers,
which either ask the god for some good or seek protection from s o m e evil.
Prayers o f this type fall into two subtypes: here, the term petition is limited to
asking for s o m e t h i n g o n o n e ' s own behalf, whereas an intercession asks the
44
god to help s o m e o n e e l s e . Benediction—asking the god's blessing for h u m a n
beings—is an example o f this s e c o n d sul>type. W e shall see that a blessing—in
particular, a blessing directed toward God—may function as a precatory prayer.
S p o k e n prayers bring people into c o m m u n i c a t i o n with a deity, and they
are b o u n d by the time o f their performance. W h e n people stop speaking a
prayer, it is finished. Inscribed prayers, o n the o t h e r hand, are ongoing. Pray
ers affixed to doorposts and gates transform the m u n d a n e activities o f entering
and leaving i n t o acts o f sacred significance, and m o n u m e n t s b e a r c o n t i n u a l
witness to the deity's gracious deeds for future generations, b u t they also may
45
ensure the god's c o n t i n u e d care in the future.
Healing as a religious practice refers to the curing o f various maladies by
invoking the power o f a god. In this way it is distinguished from the a n c i e n t
practice o f m e d i c i n e and its various techniques (the application o f poultices,
the taking o f medicines, bathing, letting o f b l o o d , and o t h e r prescriptions by
healing professionals). Divine healing may require smearing with o i n t m e n t s
or bathing, b u t it clearly requires the power o f a god in order to b e effective.
In many instances, a god prescribes an act that the sick person has already at
tempted to n o avail, and it now works because the god c o m m a n d s it. In cases
such as these, the act takes o n the c o m p l e x significance o f a symbol, demon
strating the faith o f the o n e healed, o r h o n o r i n g the healing god.
As a heuristic category, divine healing may also b e distinguished from
magic. W h a t differentiates o n e from the o t h e r is that magic lacks the e l e m e n t
o f mutual devotion between h u m a n s and deity. T h r o u g h the ritual the daimon
is b r o u g h t under o n e ' s c o n t r o l for a time, a n d is dismissed w h e n n o longer
needed. T h e transaction does n o t require a system o f favor or charis, n o r does
46
it necessitate that the person b e pious o r particularly m o r a l .
Hypothetically, as a religious practice, confession o f sins may o c c u r in two
forms: acknowledging o n e ' s sins directly to G o d , o r confessing to a n o t h e r per
son. T h e s e c o n d type may also entail confessing to the person w h o m o n e has
wronged.
In the texts considered here, c o r r e c t i o n is a means for enforcing rules for
behavior in a group. T h e s e rules can pertain to the informal association o f
friendship, a particular c o m m u n i t y o r collection o f them, the polis, o r to entire
empires. In the case o f smaller associations, correction enforces the c o m m u
nity's boundaries by keeping "in" the insiders and by expelling to the outside
those w h o refuse to c o n f o r m . W i t h i n these kinds o f groups correction has a
forensic function, enforcing group rules by threat o f sanction. W i t h i n a cul
ture, correction works separately from the legal system, relying u p o n social
pressures and confrontation between peers to enforce social n o r m s .
10 JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
Comparing the Epistle of James with Other Texts
T h e questions raised at the outset o f this chapter (how does morals making
define c o m m u n i t y in C h r i s t i a n texts? how do we distinguish between Chris
tian and non-Christian morality?) require a c o m p a r i s o n between the Epistle o f
James and o t h e r texts. M o r a l and religious discourse, and particular moral
and religious practices, form the details for the c o m p a r i s o n . T h e procedure
for that c o m p a r i s o n n o w must b e set forth.
T h e purpose o f comparative work is to cause the individuality o f each text
47
to stand o u t clearly when it is viewed alongside another, similar t e x t . It is
worth heeding J o n a t h a n Z. S m i t h ' s cautions a b o u t the n o t i o n o f what is
" u n i q u e " in the c o m p a r i s o n o f Christianity with o t h e r religions. In this b o o k ,
" u n i q u e " c o n n o t e s , as S m i t h puts it, "a reciprocal n o t i o n which confers n o
special status, n o r does it deny—indeed, it demands—enterprises o f classifica
tion and interpretation. A is u n i q u e with respect to B , in this sense, requires
4 8
the assertion that B is, likewise, u n i q u e with respect to A . " Certainly the im
49
plication that the Epistle o f J a m e s bears "incomparable v a l u e " in relation to
o t h e r texts must b e avoided. Rather, throughout, "unique" and "distinctive"
are applied as S m i t h ' s hypothetical t a x o n o m i s t does, spelling out "the u n i q u e
50
differentium that allows the classification o f this o r that...species." In this
case, texts may b e c o m p a r e d because they belong to the same species—or ge
nre—broadly conceived. T h a t species comprises texts that link the health o f a
group to the practice o f morality a n d / o r religion.
It is also worth n o t i n g Luke J o h n s o n ' s critique o f S m i t h ' s work. Smith
produced a labor o f analysis, dismantling the work o f o t h e r scholars to unveil
the anti-Catholic bias that guided their assumptions and c o n c l u s i o n s . In his
(quite successful) efforts to p o i n t o u t the problem o f regarding early Christian
ity as sui generis—and h e n c e incomparable and incomprehensible—Smith of
fered n o alternative m e t h o d for establishing the "discourse o f difference" for
w h i c h he h i m s e l f called. Instead, he suggested a way o f understanding early
Christianity as a m e m b e r o f a class ( G r e c o - R o m a n religions) without being
able to distinguish it from o t h e r m e m b e r s o f the same class. V a r i o u s types o f
early Christianity reflected either a "locative" o r "utopian" world-view m o r e or
less like o t h e r G r e c o - R o m a n religions o f late antiquity, with the result that
51
Christianity simply faded i n t o its b a c k g r o u n d .
As a corrective to S m i t h ' s lacuna, in this project, the broader class to
which texts belong forms t h e starting point. It is the similarities between
things, after all, that allows those things to be c o m p a r e d in the first place, and
similarities allow for a generic application o f the term "unique." T o borrow
an example from an English cliche, it is possible to compare apples with or-
• T H E EPISTLE O F JAMES AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 11
anges because o f the n u m b e r o f categories that they share in c o m m o n , whereas

to c o m p a r e apples with Australia simply because b o t h begin with "a" yields n o
useful data at all. T h e first step in c o m p a r i s o n , therefore, is to establish which
categories m a k e possible fruitful c o m p a r i s o n o f things. T h e work o f this pro
ject proceeds o n the following assumption: s o m e texts that, like the Epistle o f
James, seek to instruct their readers in religious practices a n d / o r moral deeds
(which o n e s should be d o n e , how they should be d o n e , and why) are suffi
ciently like the epistle to sustain c o m p a r i s o n with it, for analysis will also yield
structures o f t h o u g h t and the arrangement o f those structures into logical sys
tems. T h i s m e t h o d will require careful and detailed explanation presently.
Here I n o t e that many different genres o f writing can "instruct," including the
philosophical dialogue, the diatribe, g n o m i c literature, narrative, drama, the
recipe for a magical spell, a n d inscriptions describing a person's e n c o u n t e r
with the divine. W h a t makes texts suitable for c o m p a r i s o n , however, is
whether the structures o f t h o u g h t that lie b e h i n d them, o r that they explicitly
state, sustain c o m p a r i s o n , yielding insight into systems.
Paradoxically, similarity between texts allows their differences to c o m e to
light. T h a t fact forms the goal o f this project: to understand, in the Epistle o f
James, the construal o f religious practices a n d morality within particular
groups o f people in c o m p a r i s o n (and contrast) to o t h e r construals o f t h e m .
C o m p a r i s o n must penetrate b e n e a t h masses o f details t o reveal the systems
that underlie and animate those details. T o borrow an example from the
comparison o f world religions, it is n o t e n o u g h to point o u t that s o m e Jewish
groups in antiquity and A m e r i c a n Evangelical Protestants practice ablution
through full immersion, a similarity o f detail. T h e s e resemblances also reveal
deep differences that get at the very hearts o f the respective religious systems.
For s o m e Jewish groups, immersion was a primary c o m p o n e n t o f a system o f
sanctification for G o d ' s holy people, and it was repeated as often as ritual pu
rity was necessary in a G r e c o - R o m a n city; for Evangelicals, the practice initi
ates a person into full participation in "the body o f C h r i s t " a n d visually
represents new life. T w o superficially similar practices, b o t h linked to the
identity a n d sustenance o f a group, c o u l d n o t b e m o r e different, for they re
veal what is at the heart o f two distinct religious systems.
T o give an example o f what I m e a n to d o through the c o m p a r i s o n o f texts,
consider the c o m p a r i s o n o f Judaism a n d Islam c o n d u c t e d by J a c o b N e u s n e r
and T a m a r a S o n n , from whom this m e t h o d o f systemic c o m p a r i s o n is
adapted. N e u s n e r and S o n n speak o f c o m p a r i n g the two religious systems
52
based o n what they call "category f o r m a t i o n . " As N e u s n e r and S o n n define
the term, "category" refers to types o f activity that c o m e together in the expres
sion o f religion, a n d especially to groupings o f religious activities judged to be
12 • JAMES RILEY STRANGE
central in religious life. T a k i n g examples from the kinds o f activities within

mainstream religions in A m e r i c a , in many congregations we can find gather
ings o f various types: [1] for the purpose o f c o m m u n a l prayer a n d / o r worship,
[2] for study o f i m p o r t a n t texts, [3] for fellowship and meals, and [4] for con
ducting the business o f the congregation. In m o s t religious groups the first
two types o f congregating would constitute classes o f "significant religious ex
53
pression," the third would less often be considered such, and the last, al
though it is crucial for the daily life and long-term survival o f the congregation,
might n o t c o u n t as a form o f religious expression at all.
It is i m p o r t a n t to n o t e that N e u s n e r and S o n n speak o f "activity," w h i c h
implies that "category" a n d "religious practice" are closely linked, i f n o t syn
onymous. B u t in the body o f their work it b e c o m e s clear that categories can
be o f many different types. F o r example, types o f writing and kinds o f think
ing can also comprise categories. T h e idea o f sacred text—normative, authori
tative teachings that G o d gives directly to h u m a n beings ("scripture")—is a
category for N e u s n e r and S o n n , and the type o f reasoning that o n e uses in or
der to apply the statements in scripture to daily h u m a n affairs is another.
D o c t r i n e can also comprise a category—both the teaching itself and the man
ner in which it is derived—as can structures o f t h o u g h t and expression that are
present b u t n o t n a m e d (except by scholars o f religion), such as "eschatology."
T h e religious systems o f Judaism and Islam share the category o f eschatol
ogy, and they even share many details o f their specific eschatological visions,
but in c o m p a r i s o n to o n e another, similar categories reveal sharp differences
in the two religious systems. N e u s n e r a n d S o n n go o n to draw o u t some im
plications o f this contrast: differences highlighted by these u n i q u e categories
reveal the very heart o f two different religious systems: the Judaic system o f the
sanctification o f Holy Israel through T o r a h observance, and the Islamic system
o f individual submission to G o d and the ultimate creation o f a worldwide
c o m m u n i t y o f believers. W h a t is i m p o r t a n t a b o u t this work o f c o m p a r i s o n is
n o t its revelation o f things never before k n o w n a b o u t Judaism and Islam, for
N e u s n e r and S o n n take for granted the vast corpus o f learning o n Judaism
and Islam, using as their data the texts, traditions, doctrines, and structures o f
thought that previous work has established. R a t h e r , comparison allows t h e m
to show b o t h religious systems in sharp detail. N o t every aspect o f b o t h relig
ions, b u t certain aspects, a n d the systems as a whole, b e c o m e clearer through
comparison and contrast with o n e a n o t h e r .
In m u c h the same way, this project aims to discover what is distinctive
about c o m m u n i t y formation and survival in the Epistle o f J a m e s by comparing
54
it with o t h e r t e x t s . A t stake is m o r e than simply taking n o t e o f when two
texts say m u c h the same thing (avoid these behaviors; take up those), or when
T H E EPISTLE O F JAMES AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 13
o n e text says o n e thing and a n o t h e r says something else. A t stake is under

55
standing James's religious and moral system as distinct from o t h e r systems.
Diagnostic Categories for Comparison
T h e task in this project differs in important ways from Neusner's and S o n n ' s ,
and so the procedure must also diverge from theirs at s o m e points. T o begin
with, whereas N e u s n e r and S o n n speak o f categories that comprise entire reli
gious systems, here, "category" consistently refers to ways o f constructing a
practice. Categories provide answers to the questions, W h o performs the
practice? For whose benefit? T o what end? G i v e n the assumptions about the
ways that b o t h religion and morality construct c o m m u n i t y , certain answers are
o f particular interest: a group performs the practice o r an individual does, and
perhaps a particular kind o f individual; the practice is d o n e for the benefit o f
either the individual or the group (or because the god benefits from it); the
" c o m m u n i t y " constitutes a discreet congregation (a small-scale c o m m u n i t y ) , or
the polis, or a particular understanding o f culture (large-scale c o m m u n i t i e s ) ;
the practice is a moral act or has n o moral capacity; the practice has conse
q u e n c e s for the individual o r for the c o m m u n i t y in the here and now, or its
effects are fulfilled in the age to c o m e ; and so o n .
S e c o n d , rather than deciding a priori w h i c h categories o f the epistle form
the basis o f comparison, here the procedure will b e to derive categories
through a careful reading o f J a m e s . T h i s shift in procedure requires a corre
sponding adjustment in terms: here, the structures o f thought and social con
structs uncovered by analysis comprise "diagnostic categories," because
through t h e m will be better understood, n o t simply what the author says
about religious practices and morality, b u t what is at stake in his instruction.
T h e s e categories will aid in the diagnosis o f the moral vision expressed in the
letter: how it derives from the author's understanding o f G o d , h u m a n s , and
their relationship, and how it reveals a telos: the formation o f the c o m m u n i t y ,
the goal o f religious faithfulness, and the e n d that is c o m i n g . Furthermore,
due to the nature o f the investigation, the religious system o f the epistle forms
the central piece. O t h e r texts will help to illuminate that system and will
themselves be illuminated, b u t there simply is n o t space to give t h e m the same
attention that the Epistle o f James receives.
In C h a p t e r 2, close analysis o f J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 in the c o n t e x t o f the whole
letter yields diagnostic categories that comprise the epistle's presentation o f
prayer, healing, confession, and correction. T h e s e categories will answer such
questions as w h o performs a specific practice (an individual, a c o m m u n i t y , a
14 •JAMES RILEY STRANGE*
person o f special rank, etc.), what type o f practice is prescribed (petitionary v.

intercessory prayer, c o r r e c t i o n v. e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n , e t c ) , how practice con
structs c o m m u n i t y and what kind o f c o m m u n i t y , whether the practices are
presented as moral deeds o r as religious obligations, and so o n . In this way,
diagnostic categories and their analysis establish the thesis stated earlier: in
James, religious practices provide a remedy for sin a m o n g c o m m u n i t y mem
bers, a n d they are aimed at rescuing b o t h the s i n n e r from alienation and the
c o m m u n i t y from destruction.
In C h a p t e r s 3 - 6 , the process is repeated by reading texts from t h e G r e c o -
56
R o m a n world and various J u d a i c systems. T h e categories derived from those
readings will form c o m p o n e n t s o f their own systems, or they will n o t , so that
the e n d o f each chapter will provide the opportunity to c o m p a r e diagnostic
categories from the epistle with counterpart categories from o t h e r texts: cate
gory with category a n d system with system, where systems exist. T h i s type o f
c o m p a r i s o n should yield three different results: categories can correspond to
o n e a n o t h e r as counterparts, revealing that two texts say m u c h the same
thing—or very different things—about the same subject; they can be dispropor
tionate to o n e a n o t h e r , indicating that a primary category in o n e text is treated
as a peripheral matter in a n o t h e r text, n o t participating in the system in any
significant way; and a category may b e u n i q u e , comprising a central category in
o n e text while n o t appearing at all in a n o t h e r . W h e n c o m p a r i s o n yields pri
marily o r only the latter result (apples a n d Australia), we k n o w that the labor
has b e e n pointless, for we d o n o t understand o n e text m o r e clearly in relation
57
to another, except in the m o s t superficial t e r m s .
T h e c o n c l u s i o n s reached in each chapter prepare the way for drawing o u t
implications in the C o n c l u s i o n o f the study. Primarily the focus will rest o n
what we can say a b o u t the construction o f a new religion in the first century,
using the Epistle o f J a m e s as test case. W h e n we understand s o m e t h i n g a b o u t
the distinctiveness o f this writing in c o m p a r i s o n to o t h e r texts, we can under
stand s o m e t h i n g a b o u t h o w a new religious m o v e m e n t is situated within the
world in w h i c h it is born—both understandable within the various cultures o f
the G r e c o - R o m a n Mediterranean, a n d a distinctive c o m p o n e n t within those
cultures.
A statement a b o u t J a m e s ' s authorship a n d date is n o t necessary for a
comparative enterprise such as this o n e , a n d so these issues are bracketed until
C h a p t e r 7, where they receive only b r i e f treatment. F o r the r e m a i n d e r o f the
work, b o t h the a u t h o r and the epistle itself are "James."
T h e n e x t chapter c o n t a i n s the first step in c o n d u c t i n g a c o m p a r i s o n o f
James with o t h e r texts a n d argues the thesis stated earlier. Ideas a b o u t reli
gious practices provide a way into the texts. W e move n o w to a fuller reading
• T H E E P I S T L E O F J A M E S AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 15
o f J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 within the c o n t e x t o f the entire letter, drawing o u t diagnos

tic categories for understanding how J a m e s presents religious practices as mor
al responses to crises within Christian c o m m u n i t i e s .
16 •JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
Notes
1. Aristotle, Politics; see esp. 7 . 4 - 1 2 .

2. Plutarch, On Superstition 4; see the discussion in Chapter 3.
3. 1QS X . 19; cf. I L 7 - 9 ; I V . 9 - 1 4 . See the discussion in Chapter 6.
4. Epistulae 10.96.7.
5. See Rom 1:29-31; 1 C o r 6 : 9 - 1 0 ; Gal 5 : 1 9 - 2 1 ; Eph 4 : 1 7 - 1 9 ; 5 : 3 - 1 3 ; Col 3:5; 1 Tim
1:9-10; (cf. 6:4); 2 Tim 3 : 2 - 5 ; Titus 3:3; Jas 3:15; 1 Pet 3:3. Cf. Mark 7 : 2 1 - 2 2 ; Matt
6:7-8.
6. Abraham Malherbe says it this way: "Celsus could, not without cause, throw it up to the
Christians that their system of morals was shared by the philosophers, and that there was
nothing especially impressive or new about it, a charge with which Christians could not
completely disagree." Abraham J. Malherbe, "Hellenistic Moralists and the New Testa
ment," A N R W 11.26.1, ed. Wolfgang Haase and Hildegard Temporini (Berlin and New
York: Welter de Gruyter, 1992), 2 6 7 - 3 3 3 . Cf. Wayne A. Meeks, The Origins of Christian
Morality (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993), 15, 66; and Sophie
Laws, "The Doctrinal Basis for the Ethics of James," in Studia Evangelica 7: Papers pre
sented to the Fifth International Congress on Biblical Studies held at Oxford, 1973, ed. Elizabeth
A. Livingstone (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1982), 2 9 9 . The formative work on virtue and
vice lists in the New Testament was conducted by Anton von Vogtle, Die Tugend- und Las-
terkataloge im Neuen Tetament (Mi'inster: Aschendorf, 1936). See John Fitzgerald's article,
" V I R T U E / V I C E LISTS," ABD 6 (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 8 5 7 - 5 9 .
7. See Matt 23 par.; 2 6 : 1 4 - 1 5 par.; 27:9, 25; Acts 2:23; 36; 4:10, 19; 5:28, 39; 7 : 5 1 - 5 3 ;
12:1-3; 13:46; Rom 2 : 1 7 - 2 9 ; Gal 3:10, 2 3 - 2 5 ; 4 : 2 1 - 5 : 1 ; Phil 3 : l b - 9 . Cf. Heb 4 : 1 4 -
5:10; 7 : 2 6 - 2 8 ; 8 : 1 - 1 0 : 1 8 . See Luke Timothy Johnson, "The New Testament's Anti-
Jewish Slander and the Conventions of Ancient Polemic," JBL 108 no. 3 (1989): 4 1 9 -
41.
8. See the collected articles in Bruce Chilton and Jacob Neusner, eds., The Brother of Jesus:
James the Just and His Mission (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001), especially
Neusner's "Introduction: W h a t Is a Judaism?" (pp. 1-7) and Craig A. Evans' "Compar
ing Judaisms: Qumranic, Rabbinic, and Jacobean Judaisms Compared" (pp. 1 6 1 - 1 8 3 ) .
Cf. E. P. Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism: A Comparison of Patterns of Religion (Phila
delphia: Fortress Press, 1977), and Jesus and Judaism (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985).
9. In some writings the experience of baptism is expected to yield visible results in the daily
life of the believer (1 C o r 6 : 9 - 1 1 ; Eph 4 : 2 1 - 3 2 ; Col 3 : 1 - 1 7 ; Titus 3 : 3 - 5 ; Jas 1:21; 1 Pet
1:23; 2:1; Didache 5: Iff; Barnabas 20: Iff; Justin, 1 Apol 6 1 . 1 - 3 ; 1 4 - 1 7 ) . In Matthew,
how one engages in fasting and prayer carries moral connotations: it demonstrates either
self-aggrandizement or true (i.e. "secret" or "humble") piety (Matt 6:5-6). In Paul's first
letter to the Corinthians, sharing the Eucharist is expected to level social strata (1 C o r
1 1 : 1 7 - 2 2 ) . T o engage in pagan worship is an affront to God and finds its way onto vice
lists along with sexual perversions (1 C o r 6 : 9 - 1 0 ; Gal 5 : 1 9 - 2 1 ; 1 Pet 3:3).
10. The connection also is not distinctively Christian. Among numerous examples, see Por
phyry, Abst. 2; Xenophon, Anab. 5.7.32.
11. For recent studies, see John S. Kloppengborg, "The Emulation of the Jesus Tradition in
the Letter of James," in Reading James with New Eyes: Methodological Reassessments of the
Letter of James, ed. Robert L. Webb and John S. Koppenborg (London and New York:
T & T Clark, 2 0 0 7 ) , 1 2 1 - 1 5 0 ; Patrick J. Hartin, James and the Q Sayings of Jesus, JSNTSup
47 (Sheffield, U.K.: JSOT Press, 1991), 4 2 - 4 3 ; T. Y. Mullins, "Jewish Wisdom Literature
in the New Testament," JBL 6 8 (1949): 3 3 9 . Among the noted commentaries on James
that pursue this topic, see James Hardy Ropes, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the
Epistle of St. James, I C C (New York: Charles Scribner & Sons, 1916), 1 6 - 1 8 ; Martin Di-
belius, James: A Commentary on the Epistle of James, rev. Heinrich Greeven, trans. Michael
A. Williams, Hermaneia (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1976), 1 - 1 1 , 2 6 - 3 4 ; Sophie Laws,
The Epistle of James, B N T C (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1993), 6 - 2 6 ; Ralph P. Martin,
James, W B C 4 8 (Waco: W o r d Books, 1988), lxxxii-xcviii; Wiard Popkes, Der Brief des Ja-
kobus, T H N T (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2001), 5 9 - 6 9 ; Luke Timothy John
son, The Letter of James: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, A B 3 7 A
(New York: Doubleday, 1995), 1 6 - 2 5 , 2 6 - 4 6 . See also Joseph B. Mayor, The Epistle of
James, 3rd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1913); repr. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Kregel Publica
tions, 1990, 1 2 8 - 4 5 ( 4 3 8 - 5 5 ) .
12. 5:12, however, is also directed to the community as a whole and forbids a certain type of
religious practice (oath-taking), and must be kept in conversation with this passage. The
whole issue of units and transitions in James is problematic. In Letter of James, 3 2 5 - 2 6 ,
Johnson argues that verse 12 should be included as a transition to the final section; cf.
also Laws, Epistle of James, 2 1 9 , and Mayor {James), who in his contents (10) and notes
( 5 4 0 - 4 1 ) treats 5 : 1 2 - 2 0 as a unit, but without explanation. Martin (James, 199) follows
the divisions of the NA27 and brackets verses 1 9 - 2 0 as the epistle's conclusion. In Der
Jakobusbrief, HTKNT, 1 3 / 1 (Freiberg, Basel, and Vienna: Herder, 1964), Franz Mufiner
breaks the epistle down into much smaller independent units ( 5 : 1 3 - 1 5 , 1 6 - 1 8 , 1 9 - 2 0 ) .
Contrast Popkes, Brief des Jokobus, 3 1 4 , who reads all of 5 : 7 - 2 0 as a unit constructed
around the instructions concerning patience and prayer. This construal of James's or
ganization appears to follow that of Ropes, St. James, 293, who characterizes 5 : 7 - 2 0 as
"Counsels for the Christian Conduct of Life" that stand in contrast to "the censure of
Worldliness" in 4:1-5:6. Todd C. Penner (The Epistle of James and Eschatology: Re-reading
an Ancient Christian Utter, JSNTS 121 [Sheffield, U.K.: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996],
1 4 9 - 5 1 ) argues for linking verse 12 with what has come before and beginning the episto
lary conclusion at 13.
13. See the mention of care for widows and orphans in 1:27, looking after the destitute in
2 : 1 5 - 1 6 , and repentance in 4 : 7 - 1 0 . James also alludes to the practices of prayer in 1:5-
6, possibly baptism in 1:18 and 2 1 , communal worship in 2 : 2 - 3 , and religious instruc
tion in 3:1.
14. The construction is a main clause or series of clauses with the verb in the third person
imperative following an introductory clause with Tis ev upiv as the subject. Martin
(James, 2 0 6 ) calls this a "quasi-conditional," or "a question-imperative pattern."
15. Note that in 1:5 James also instructs members of the community to pray. See also the
question and response at 3:13. In the introductory clause of 3:13, however, the inter
rogative Tis appears.
16. The only missing phrase in the second couplet is E V upTv (cf. 1:5; 9; 2:2; 3:13; 4:1; 11),
which is unnecessary to repeat. Note that the text of the NA27 does not interpret the
opening clauses of these couplets as questions. The NA27's punctuation yields, "Some
one among you is suffering...," "Someone among you is happy...," and so on. The simi
larity of these opening sentences to conditionals (see esp. the third class conditional of
verses 19 and 20), however, suggests that James here discusses these situations as possi
bilities. For this reason I understand the opening clauses KaKOTraSeT T I S E V U U T V , EU0UUET
T I S , acrfteve? T I S ev uuTv as questions. Cf. Mayor, James, 4 7 8 .

17. Cf. Mufiner, Jakobusbrief, 2 1 6 .
18. The singing of praises in v. 13 may constitute a fifth practice, but I choose not to treat it
separately for two reasons. First, James gives singing no further exposition. Second,
singing is a mode of prayer. The word vpaXXco plays on the idea of "touching" or "pluck
ing" a bow string, hence playing a stringed instrument, but is used in LXX translations of
some Psalms to refer to singing to musical accompaniment. In Romans, Paul uses
vpaXXco in his translation of Ps 17:50 ("I shall sing praise to your name") and in 1 C o r
Paul's usage of the term parallel to rrpooeux^ suggests that vpaXXco is also directed to
God. See vpaXXto, LiddellScott 2018; cf. vpaXXco, BAGD 8 9 1 , and G. Delling, vpaXXco,
TDNT 8:490-91.
19. Many commentators have noted the rhetorical tools that James uses in his epistle; see
Martin, James, 2 6 7 - 7 2 ; Ropes, St. James, 1 2 - 1 4 , 18; Dibelius, Epistle of James, 34-38;
Muftner, Jakobusbrief, 2 9 - 3 0 ; Popkes, Brief des Jakobus, 4 7 - 4 9 ; cf. Wesley Hiram Wachob,
The Voice of Jesus in the Social Rhetoric of James (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University
Press, 2000), 12. In this section I rely most heavily on Johnson, Letter of James, 7 - 1 1 , 1 6 -
26.
20. Johnson, Letter of James, 8.
21. See 4:4, 4:7, 5:7. The participle in 5:16b may be an example of using a participle as a
warrant in an implied argument. See ibid.
22. See 1:11; 5:4; 5:5. The language KccXuvpei rrXfjSos auapTicov probably reworks the He
brew of Prov 10:12 ( ™ » nqDin c ^ c ? " ^ bs] "but love covers all transgressions") rather
t
than the L X X (rravTas 5E TOUS ur) 4>iXovEiKouvTas KOXUTTTEI <J>iAia, "but love covers all
who shun strife" [cf. 1 Pet 4:8]). Compare these allusions with the references in 2:8; 11;
23; 4:6. I do not take 4:5 to be a scripture citation.
23. TTpooEuxEoSco, rrpooEu£aa0coaav, EUXH, EUXEOGE, rrpooEuxri rrpooEuâTo, TTpooEu£aTO (cf.
5Er]ois, 16b); OCOOEI, OCOOEI; auapTias, auapxcoXov, auapTicov; EmoTpEvpn, ETTioTpEv|;as;
rrXavnOfj, rrXavns.
24. See the repetition of np- in 13 and 14; K- in 15; 6- in 16; rr- in 17 and 18.
25. - E T and -co repeat in 13 and 14a.
26. Note the sky and earth depicted as beings in 18; the sinner as lost sheep in 19 and 20.
27. See especially the discourse on speech in 3 : 1 - 1 2 .
28. 5:13 and 14; cf. 3:13; 4:14.
29. 5:13, 14, 19. Cf. 3:13.
30. 5:18. Cf. 1:6; 1:10-11; 2:26; 3 : 5 - 6 ; 3:11; 3:12, 4:14; 5:2, 3.
31. In making this distinction I follow the example of Meeks, Chrisitan Morality, 3 - 5 . Cf. the
discussion in Ian H. McDonald, The Crucible of Christian Morality (London and New
York: Routledge, 1998), 5 - 6 .
THE E P I S T L E O F J A M E S AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N • 19
32. See G. Van der Leeuw, Religion in Essence and Manifestation, trans. J. E. Turner (London:
Allen & Unwin, Ltd: 1938; repr. New York and Evanston, In.: Harper & Row, 1963),
3 8 4 - 8 7 , 3 9 3 - 4 0 2 ; Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, trans. Rosemary Sheed
(New York: New American Library, 1958), 1-4.
33. In this book, "ritual" does not require a definition more precise than an act that occurs
at fixed points of the calendar and times of day, and according to a prescribed order,
with requisite instruments, etc.
34. Kierkegaard famously tackles this problem in Fear and Trembling, published originally in
1843 under the pseudonym, Johannes de Silentio, and presently available in many trans
lations and editions.
35. Meeks himself makes this implication in Christian Morality, 7 - 8 .
36. Sulochana R. Asirvatham, Corinne Ondine Pache, and John Watrous, eds., Between
Magic and Religion: Interdisciplinary Studies in Ancient Mediterranean Religion and Society,
Greek Studies: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield,
2001), xiii; Hans-Josef Klauk, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, trans. Brian
McNeil, ed. John Barclay, Joel Marcus, and John Riches, Studies of the New Testament
and Its World (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 2000), 2 1 7 .
37. See Jacob Neusner and Tamara Sonn, Comparing Religions Through Law: Judaism and Islam
(London: Routledge, 1999), 2, 7.
38. M. Terumot.
39. Acts 6 : 1 - 6 .
40. Cf. the Glossary of Terms in Simon Pulleyn, Prayer in Greek Religion (Oxford, U.K.: Clar
endon Press, 1997), xiv.
41. Ibid., 8 - 1 5 .
42. See the discussion of x ^ P ' S in ibid., 2 - 3 8 .
43. See the description of the typical parts of Roman prayer (invocation, pars epica, preces) in
Michael J. Brown, The Lord's Prayer Through North African Eyes: A Window into Early Chris
tianity (New York and London: T & T Clark International, 2004), 6 2 - 6 5 . The "basic
pattern for a Greek prayer," according to Pulleyn, is an invocation followed by a request:
Pulleyn, Prayer, 7.
44. None of the texts examined here has a specific vocabulary to distinguish between peti
tion and intercession. In Greek, for example, apaoucu ("pray that") implies asking some
thing of a god, but of itself does not specify who the recipient should be: oneself or
someone else. Quite often in the literature, we find terms that on their own do not nec
essarily connote religious acts, but can express a wish or asking for something: E U X O U C U
and its derivatives EUXETaouai, rrpooEuxouai, rrpooEuxr); bby (Hithp.: intercede on behalf
of, pray), n'psn (supplication), ;:n (show favor; Hithp.: implore favor), r»:nr\/y.:un (supplica
tion), nni? (Qal and Hithp.: pray, supplicate), etc. Often, particularly in prayer texts
themselves, we find simply verbs of asking or begging, or pleas that the god "hear,"
"grant," or "answer": C C I T E C O , O K O U C O , E I O C X K O U C O , E T T I P A E T T C O , 5 ( 5 C O U I , etc.; bxv, i;;, 0159, r;:p,
etc.
45. F. T. van Stratten, "Gifts for the Gods," in Faith, Hope, and Worship: Aspects of Religious
Mentality in the Ancient World, ed. H. S. Versnel, Studies in Greek and Roman Religion
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981), 103; Cf. Jason Moralee, For Salvations Sake: Provincial Loyalty,
Personal Religion, and Epigraphic Production in the Roman and Late Antique Near East, Studies
in Classics (New York and London: Routledge, 2004).
46. See the discussion in Chapter 4.
47. In the method that follows I rely heavily on the work of Jacob Neusner and Tamara
Sonn, Judaism and Islam. Neusner and Sonn lay out a method for the systemic compari
son of religions (specifically the comparison of Judaism and Islam through their legal sys
tems) that is useful for this project, especially since their medium for comparison is texts,
as it is here.
48. Jonathan Z. Smith, Drudgery Divine: On the Comparison of Early Christianities and the Relig
ions of Late Antiquity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 37.
49. Smith, Drudgery Divine, 36.
50. Ibid., 3 6 - 3 7 .
51. Luke Timothy Johnson, Religious Experience in Earliest Christianity: A Missing Dimension in
New Testament Studies (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1998), 3 1 .
52. Neusner and Sonn, Comparing Religions, 12.
53. Ibid.
54. In this book, "distinct" and "distinctive" connote the usage of "unique" laid out on pp.
18-19.
55. Note Malherbe's critique of J. N. Sevenster's comparison of Paul and Seneca. Malherbe
wishes for a broader comparison between Paul and Stoicism, but the point is well taken
when Sevenster concludes that superficial similarities between the two authors reveal
their underlying differences. Malherbe, "Hellenistic Moralists," 2 7 7 - 7 8 .
56. For the purposes of this study, "Greco-Roman" refers to those texts, written between
around the fourth century B C E and the fourth C E in Greek (no Latin texts appear in
this study), whose authors base their religious discourse on the Greek and Roman pan
theons. In this study, "Judaic" refers to those texts of the Greco-Roman world between
about the second century B C E and the third C E , written in Greek and Hebrew (no
Aramaic texts appear in this study), whose authors understand Torah to be God's revela
tion to Moses at Sinai, and that call the people who keep Torah in the way that God
wishes Torah to be kept "Israel." The discussion of magical spells from Egypt is set in
the context of Greco-Roman texts.
57. Neusner and Sonn, Comparing Religions, 1 4 - 1 7 .
• C H A P T E R T W O *
James's Community Vision: Life,

Death, and Restoration
R eligious practices have a social function. W e are familiar with the part
that s o m e rituals play in admitting c a t e c h u m e n s into a religious group,
and how o t h e r rituals demonstrate o r bring about cohesiveness.
particular, many authors have trained students o f the New T e s t a m e n t to t h i n k
1
In
a b o u t Paul's talk o f baptism and the Lord's S u p p e r in this way, a n d to extrapo

late from Paul's epistles to create a picture o f earliest Christianity a m o n g the
2
cities o f the R o m a n E m p i r e . R a t h e r than construct the social setting o f the
3
Epistle o f J a m e s , the aim o f this chapter is to use the religious practices that
J a m e s prescribes as a window into his social vision. W h a t does J a m e s t h i n k
that religious acts accomplish in the c o m m u n i t i e s he addresses? W h a t effect
does he wish for the practice o f religion to have o n t h e formation and mainte
4
nance o f communities?
James is particularly c o n c e r n e d about group solidarity and preservation,
and that c o n c e r n is evident in the way he presents sin, its c o n s e q u e n c e s , and
salvation. H e speaks o f the effect that sin has o n c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s and
the c o m m u n i t y as a whole, and h e presents the solution to sin as a reversal o f
those effects. In J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , prayers for healing, mutual confession o f sins,
and mutual correction share s o m e attributes: all are c o m m u n i t a r i a n (done by
o n e o r m o r e m e m b e r s o f the c o m m u n i t y o n b e h a l f o f o n e o r m o r e o t h e r
members), all deal with sin's effects, a n d all bring a b o u t reconciliation o f s o m e
sort. T h i s chapter sets forth the argument that J a m e s prescribes the religious
practices o f healing, confession, and correction as m e a n s o f r e d e m p t i o n for
sins that alienate c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s from the group a n d that threaten
group survival.
T h e c o m m u n i t a r i a n nature o f the practices, the language o f sin, and the
language o f restoration tie the religious acts to earlier sections o f the letter.
J a m e s is fond o f metaphors, and he weaves t h e m with s o m e skill to describe
how sin can unravel a group. H e is worried about offenders' alienation from
the c o m m u n i t y , and ultimately a b o u t the strain o f conflict tearing apart the
c o m m u n i t y . C o n s e q u e n t l y , J a m e s ' s solution to sin in the c o m m u n i t y is to re-
store the sinner to fellowship. T h e s e c o n c e r n s are evident in James's under

standing o f the making o f the c o m m u n i t y , what threatens the c o m m u n i t y , and
c o m m u n i t y restoration.
Making Community: Giving Life
Following his salutation to "the twelve tribes o f the Diaspora," J a m e s indicates

that he envisions his addressees as a group b o u n d together as siblings: com
munity m e m b e r s are J a m e s ' s "brothers" (frequently, "beloved brothers"). T h e
m e c h a n i s m for j o i n i n g this fictive kinship group is n o t clear, b u t the m e t a p h o r
for j o i n i n g is: to unite with the c o m m u n i t y is to be given life.
T w o references in the letter imply that the c o m m u n i t y practices the initia
5
tory rite o f baptism, and they deploy different images o f the giving o f life. In
the first J a m e s claims, "As an act o f the will, G o d gave birth to us through a
word o f truth so that we might b e c o m e a k i n d o f first fruits o f his creation"
(1:18). T h e author is reworking G e n e s i s 1 : 1 - 2 : 4 by c o m b i n i n g feminine im
agery with otherwise masculine references: the formation o f the c o m m u n i t y
through m e m b e r initiation is understood as being birthed by G o d , "the Father
o f lights" ( 1 : 1 7 ) , and so in some way it recapitulates the original act o f crea
tion, which in the first a c c o u n t o f G e n e s i s begins with the making o f light a n d
6
reaches c u l m i n a t i o n in the creation o f h u m a n i t y . A c c o r d i n g to James's un
derstanding o f the social order, group m e m b e r s are siblings, children o f the
7
same father G o d w h o gives t h e m birth.
T h e s e c o n d reference uses the c o m p l e x imagery o f divesting o n e s e l f " o f all
sordidness and rank growth o f wickedness" before, in humility, receiving "the
8
implanted word that has the power to save your soul" ( 1 : 2 1 ) . N o t e the depic
tion o f G o d as life-giver in this illustration as well. M o s t transparently, the id
iom, "to save your soul" (ocooai TCCS VJAJX^S upcov) bears the plain meaning o f
rescuing s o m e o n e from death. M o r e subtly, the idea o f the implanted logos
also reconfigures biblical creation stories by c o m b i n i n g the images o f G o d cre
ating h u m a n k i n d through the divine word in G e n e s i s 1:26 and planting a
garden in 2 : 8 - 9 .
It is important n o t to miss the eschatological tropes that run through
these images, since an expectation o f the world to c o m e is closely tied to the
idea o f life renewed. Earlier in J a m e s 1, end-times discourse appears in verses
9 - 1 1 , where we find reversal o f fortunes followed by a reconfiguration o f the
parched grass imagery from Isaiah 4 0 : 6 - 8 . T h e promise o f the crown o f life to
those w h o endure trials ( 1 : 1 2 ) expresses eschatological expectations as well. In
light o f these two passages, the claim in 1:21 that the implanted word has the
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION 23
potential to save—but by implication has n o t yet d o n e so—is m o s t naturally

read as an eschatological promise: rebirth and recreation are now, but the ful
fillment o f salvation is (soon) to c o m e .
9
T h e images o f G o d giving birth and G o d sowing and growing the w o r d
depict the formation o f the c o m m u n i t y as God-given new life, with its fulfill
m e n t near c o m p l e t i o n (cf. 5 : 9 b ) . Indeed, J a m e s presents o n g o i n g c o m m u n i t y
m e m b e r s h i p with the same idiom: i f o n e remains in the community—if o n e
perseveres despite various trials and does n o t apostatize—the Lord will grant
"the crown o f life [TOV ojifycxvov TT\S Ccofjs] promised to those w h o love h i m "
(1:12). T h e crown or wreath, w h i c h often symbolizes an athletic or military
victory, marks the c u l m i n a t i o n o f that divinely given life and its eschatological
fulfillment.
By implication, to remain outside the group, to leave it, o r to disband the
group is to remain apart from G o d , to a b a n d o n G o d , or to dissolve G o d ' s
family. It is to experience death.
Threats to the Community: Causing Death
J a m e s addresses threats to the group in just this way. H e reserves some o f his
harshest accusations for people whose bitter envy a n d selfish a m b i t i o n place
c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s at odds with o n e a n o t h e r and threaten c o m m u n i t y soli
darity. J a m e s describes this state as warfare, and he accuses such members o f
murder. H e arrives at such a c o n d e m n a t i o n through his n o t i o n o f sin.
For James, sin is an offense that o n e c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r c o m m i t s against
a n o t h e r . T h o s e w h o d i s h o n o r the p o o r in their assemblies, and those w h o re
fuse to c l o t h e and feed the c o m m u n i t y ' s destitute m e m b e r s c o m m i t sin ( 2 : 9 ,
a u a p m ' a v epyaÊoSE; cf. 2 : 1 5 - 1 6 ) . J a m e s warns against undisciplined and de
structive speech in the c o m m u n i t y ( 3 : 1 - 1 2 ) . He also blames strife a m o n g
c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s o n their failure (or refusal) to c o n t r o l their desire ( 4 : 1 -
2). Indeed, unfettered desire is the primary source o f destructive behavior in
the c o m m u n i t y , according to J a m e s .
T h e terms "sin" and "sinner" apply to c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s , as is evident
in the passages just covered, with further support in chapters 4 and 5 . As
James's typical modes o f address indicate, he directs nearly all o f his discourse
to insiders, to "beloved brothers" o r those "among you [pl.J." Even the harsh
accusation, "Adulteresses!," o f 4 : 4 are directed toward c o m m u n i t y members.
In 4 : 7 - 1 0 , J a m e s calls o n these people to submit to their " G o d " and "Lord,"
indicating their insider status. By contrast, the rhetoric at 5 : 1 - 6 is apocalyptic:
the wealthy landowners are c o n d e m n e d to suffer their "coming miseries," and
so are marked as outsiders with n o h o p e o f repentance and deliverance. T h e

contrast between 5 : 6 and 7 makes the distinction between insiders and outsid
ers clear. Moreover, despite some implications that J a m e s addresses the same
10
group in these passages, J a m e s indicates that those w h o expect to make a
profit in foreign cities also should k n o w that it is the Lord who is the source o f
good things (cf. 1:17), h e n c e they should s u b m i t to what the L o r d wills (cf.
4:7; 1 0 ) . T h i s appeal to insider status contrasts sharply with the address to
"You [pl.J who are [Should we insert "already"?] wealthy [oi TTAOUOIOI]" in 5 : 1 ,
which echoes the questions o f 2 : 6 b - 7 : "Is it n o t the wealthy [oi TTXOUOIOI] who
abuse you and do they n o t drag you into court? Is it n o t they w h o b l a s p h e m e
11
the excellent n a m e that has b e e n invoked over y o u " ? N o t e that in the two
warnings o f 4 : 1 3 - 5 : 6 , J a m e s reserves a p a p T i a ( 4 : 1 7 ) for the insiders' failure to
12
rely u p o n G o d for their wellbeing. W e will hear that censure e c h o e d in 4 : 3
directly.
Just as sin is a wrong d o n e within the c o m m u n i t y , so sin's effects are disas
trous for that c o m m u n i t y . As j o i n i n g and sustaining the c o m m u n i t y bring
life, so J a m e s repeatedly speaks o f the c o n s e q u e n c e o f sin as death. T h e idea
first appears explicitly in the claim that G o d , the giver o f life (the "Father o f
lights"), plays n o role in temptation. Rather, in a distortion o f the work o f
God, w h o births the c o m m u n i t y as a deliberate act, people are tempted by
their own desire, which lures and traps them; "and o n c e it has b e e n conceived,
desire gives birth to sin, a n d when sin c o m e s to term, it gives b i r t h to death
[6avaTov]" ( 1 : 1 4 - 1 5 ) .
W h a t is this death? T h e catchword "tempt" (TTEipa£ouai) that appears
throughout 1 : 1 3 - 1 4 links b a c k to the n o u n "temptation" "trial" ( T T E i p a o u o s )
o f 1:12 (cf. 1:2), where the c o n t e x t suggests that the person enduring trials is
tempted to a b a n d o n his o r her faith and h e n c e the c o m m u n i t y o f the faithful
as well. As we have seen, an illustration o f such trials appears in 2 : 6 - 7 , where
James indicates that wealthy outsiders are dragging c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s into
court and blaspheming against G o d , while 5 : 1 - 6 deploys apocalyptic tropes to
c o n d e m n powerful landowners who cheat their workers, who by implication
are also m e m b e r s o f James's c o m m u n i t i e s . Surely persons enduring this k i n d
o f treatment would find attractive the prospect o f relief that apostasy would
13
bring.
W h e n J a m e s says that "faith by itself, i f it has n o works, is dead" ( 2 : 1 7 ) , h e
is talking about refusing to clothe and feed s o m e o n e w h o lacks e n o u g h suste
n a n c e to survive o n e day. Here the possibility o f sin giving birth to death is
quite literal, b u t consider as well the statement immediately before this o n e :
" W h a t good is it, my brothers, i f you say you have faith b u t do n o t have works?
Y o u r faith c a n n o t save [ a c o o a i ] you, can it" (2:14)? S u c h a question is m o s t
naturally read in light o f 1:21, where to j o i n the c o m m u n i t y is to receive the

word that can "save" [ocooai] the soul, o r rescue it from death. In 2 : 1 4 , to b e
in the community—to be saved from death—is to take up its way o f life: to b o t h
hear the word and do it ( 1 : 2 2 - 2 5 ) , to care for destitute widows and orphans
( 1 : 2 7 ) , to h o n o r the poor in their assemblies ( 2 : l - 6 a ) , to keep all o f the royal
T o r a h w i t h o u t failing in o n e p o i n t ( 2 : 1 0 ) . H e n c e , to claim to have faith and
to d o n o works runs contrary to the c o m m u n i t y ' s ethos. It is to behave as an
outsider—in J a m e s ' s construal o f matters, to be an outsider—and thus n o t to be
"saved." By implication, it is to be dead.
In the n e x t chapter J a m e s takes up the issue o f speech in the assembly
(3:1-12). T h e metonymy and synecdoche are c o m p l e x but clear: the unbri
dled tongue stands for the destructive speech itself, b u t it also represents the
person w h o refuses to c o n t r o l his o r her speech. J a m e s makes that c o n n e c t i o n
by calling the tongue a small " m e m b e r " (ueAos in 3 : 5 : also it "is placed a m o n g
our m e m b e r s " in 3 : 6 ) that nevertheless can c o n t r o l the entire "body" (ocopa,
3:2), o r stain the entire body ( 3 : 6 ) . B o t h " m e m b e r " a n d "body" refer to hu
mans and their parts and to groups o f h u m a n s and their individual constitu
14
ents equally well in English a n d G r e e k , as we k n o w from P a u l . Calling the
tongue "a world o f iniquity" that "stains the whole body" recalls J a m e s ' s earlier
call in 1 : 2 6 - 2 7 for "pure and undefiled religion" that b o t h "cares for widows
and orphans in their distress" (deeds that m a r k people as m e m b e r s o f J a m e s ' s
c o m m u n i t i e s ) and "keeps o n e s e l f unstained by the world" (maintaining s o m e
sort o f separation from outsiders). T o fail to c o n t r o l o n e ' s speech is to take up
the way o f outsiders, to tinge the body o f believers with behavior a n d attitudes
o f the "world" to which J a m e s ' s c o m m u n i t i e s stand opposed.
As for the particular speech problems that James addresses, h e m e n t i o n s
boasting o f great exploits ( 3 : 5 ; cf. 4 : 1 6 ) and cursing o n e ' s fellow ( 3 : 9 ) . Boast
ing uses speech to increase o n e ' s h o n o r , and h e n c e power, in the c o m m u n i t y ;
cursing c o n d e m n s one's fellow to destruction. In a later passage J a m e s warns
against judging a fellow m e m b e r ("neighbor"), since to d o so is to usurp the
place o f the " o n e lawgiver and judge w h o is able to save and destroy": that is,
to give life o r to take it away ( 4 : 1 2 ) . In the present context, J a m e s talks a b o u t
the problem o f double talk ( " W i t h [the tongue] we bless the L o r d and Father,
and with it we curse those w h o are made in the likeness o f G o d " ; 3 : 9 ) . Also
n o t e a n o t h e r reference to creation in G e n e s i s : to curse a fellow c o m m u n i t y
m e m b e r is to wish death o n s o m e o n e to w h o m G o d has given life, b o t h as
creator o f all that is, and as creator o f the c o m m u n i t y through new life at bap
tism. O n c e again, sin in the community—here the sin o f boasting and curs
ing—leads to death. J a m e s makes the link clear by calling the tongue b o t h a
raging fire that b u r n s down an entire forest ( 3 : 5 b ) and "a restless evil, full o f
deadly poison" ( 3 : 8 ) .
T h i s "death" is m o s t naturally u n d e r s t o o d in three ways, n o n e o f w h i c h
excludes the others. [1] A person wishes death o n a fellow. [ 2 ] B o a s t i n g a n d
cursing alienates the doer from the rest o f the c o m m u n i t y because this person
a b a n d o n s the c o m m u n i t y ' s way o f life and takes up the ethos o f "the world."
[ 3 ] S u c h bad b e h a v i o r quickly grows o u t o f c o n t r o l and threatens the very sur
vival o f the c o m m u n i t y , o r succeeds in destroying it.
All three possibilities are present when J a m e s accuses people o f murder in
4 : 2 . T h i s accusation is part o f James's portrayal o f inter-community conflict as
warfare ( 4 : 1 ) , a n d as is the case in 1 : 1 4 - 1 5 , these acts o f killing result from de
sire. T h e N R S V ' s translation here is misleading, for it includes n o t h i n g to
show that "you" renders a second-person plural. T h e N R S V at 4 : 1 a is fine:
" T h o s e conflicts and disputes among you, where d o they c o m e from" conveys
the sense o f EV U J J I V ; b u t 4 : l b misses the point: " D o they n o t c o m e from your
15
cravings that are at war within you!" T h i s rendering gives the impression o f
an individual suffering psychological stress, o f a person at war with his or h e r
inner cravings. B u t the N R S V ' s prepositional phrase "within you" translates
EV xoTs U E A E O I V uucov: " a m o n g your m e m b e r s . " T h i s is a problem a m o n g the
constituents o f a group, n o t within a person's psyche. Furthermore, James's
imagery o f violent death in 4 : 1 - 2 suggests that translators ought to avoid sof
tening the m e t a p h o r s o f warfare here, as the N R S V does. A c c o r d i n g to J a m e s ,
persons within t h e c o m m u n i t i e s are engaging in "battles and skirmishes"
(TTOAEUOI Kai...uaxaO, and their cravings (r)5ovai) are "at war" (oTpa-
TEUOUEVCU) a m o n g their m e m b e r s . T h e result is that m e m b e r s "murder" (<J>o-
VEUCO, an issue that J a m e s has b r o u g h t up earlier in his discussion o f keeping
the whole law; 2 : 1 1 ) and l a u n c h m o r e "skirmishes and battles" ([laxtOTfe Ken
TTOAEUETTE) at o n e a n o t h e r .
In this instance, J a m e s is warning against the demise o f the c o m m u n i t y .
As J a m e s presents matters, surely n o group can survive the virulence o f this
conflict: m e m b e r s blithely attack o n e a n o t h e r because o f their cravings, their
covetousness, and their evil prayers, in w h i c h they ask only for those things
that they can spend o n their own pleasures. Apparently, people c h o o s e sides
in disputes between individuals, b r o a d e n i n g the conflict to create warring fac
tions. A s with t h e sin o f b a d speech in the c o m m u n i t y , here the s i n n e r seeks
b o t h personal gain and to damage o t h e r m e m b e r s o f the assembly.
As J a m e s c o n t i n u e s , he also speaks o f m e m b e r s ' alienation from the c o m
munity. In 4 : 4 J a m e s lashes o u t at those w h o are at war because o f their de
sires: "Adulteresses! D o you n o t k n o w that friendship with t h e world is
e n m i t y with G o d ? T h e r e f o r e , whoever wishes to b e a friend o f the world be-
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION • 27
c o m e s an e n e m y o f G o d ! " J a m e s again accuses group m e m b e r s o f taking up

the ways o f outsiders, o f befriending "the world" from which they are sup
posed to keep themselves "unstained" ( 1 : 2 7 ) . T h e slur, "adulteresses" ( U C M X ~
aX(5es), deploys the prophetic m e t a p h o r o f infidelity to G o d , frequently
16
construed as pagan, h e n c e foreign worship, the religion o f o u t s i d e r s .
Community Preservation: Restoring Life
James's moral e x h o r t a t i o n reveals n o t only the author's vision o f a distinctive

way o f life, b u t what is at stake in his instruction. J a m e s discloses a vision o f a
c o m m u n i t y formed as a family o f brothers a n d sisters birthed by G o d in an
event that recapitulates the first acts o f creation. G o d gives birth to a c o m m u
17
nity that stands opposed to the world, whose way o f life it shuns as i m p u r e .
It follows that to take up the way o f the world is to dissolve the c o m m u n i t y ,
for there is n o t h i n g to distinguish between the group a n d the world to w h i c h
it is opposed. U s i n g the Israelite idiom, J a m e s calls this re-crossing o f bounda
ries—importing worldly behavior i n t o the community—sin. Sins are c o m m i t t e d
within the c o m m u n i t y : they wrong a n o t h e r b r o t h e r or sister to w h o m G o d has
given birth and w h o m G o d has fashioned after his own image. T h e result is
inevitable, according to James: individuals will be lost to "death" and the
c o m m u n i t y will n o t survive. G i v e n this understanding o f matters, how does
J a m e s understand c o m m u n i t y preservation?
W e find an answer in J a m e s ' s presentation o f religious practices in 5 : 1 3 -
2 0 . W h e n J a m e s offers his solution to sin, he prescribes acts to b e carried o u t
within the c o m m u n i t y , that bring life in contrast to death, and that present a
means o f reconciliation a n d restoration.
T h e C o m m u n i t y at P r a y e r
T h i s is the only passage in J a m e s in which we find t h e specific language o f

18
prayer, and it permeates the passage, which is preceded by the well-known
19 20
prohibition o f oath-taking, using b o t h the verb ouvuco and the n o u n opKOV,
21
b o t h o f which c o n n o t e the invocation o f a god in G r e c o - R o m a n c o n t e x t s .
In contrast to verse 1 2 , which c o n t a i n s a prohibition o f a particular type
o f prayer, w . 1 3 - 1 8 are instructions a b o u t what circumstances require certain
o t h e r types o f prayer: petition, hymns o f praise, and intercession for divine
healing. I leave aside the a d m o n i t i o n in 5 : 1 3 that the suffering person should
pray (TrpooEUX£O0co), except to n o t e that J a m e s does n o t present this prayer as
22
a request for the suffering to e n d . T h e prayer in verse 13 is best interpreted
23
as a petition for patience or e n d u r a n c e , a reading that returns to the t h e m e
o f enduring temptations and the rewards o f doing so in 1 : 2 - 4 and 12. I simi
larly pass over the a d m o n i t i o n to the cheerful person to sing praises in 5 : 1 3 ,
only pointing out that the singular T I S EV u|itv o f verses 13 and 14 suggest that
James envisions prayer and song offered by individuals, possibly in the c o m
24
pany o f fellow believers. As he does with the prayer for e n d u r a n c e , J a m e s
says n o t h i n g further o n the matter.
T h e case o f the sick person, o n the o t h e r hand, requires s o m e exposition
by J a m e s and serves as a premise from which J a m e s draws a c o n c l u s i o n . T h i s
is the first example in J a m e s o f a prayer performed by a group o n an individ
ual's behalf. W h e r e a s the c o n d i t i o n s o f suffering and cheerfulness require the
response o f the individual, a sick person is a d m o n i s h e d to s u m m o n the elders
o f the c h u r c h , w h o are to a n o i n t the afflicted o n e in olive oil "in the n a m e o f
25
the Lord," then to pray (Trpoaeu£aa0coocxv) over h i m or h e r .
J a m e s claims that the "prayer o f faith" (r) Euxr) Trjs TTIOTECOS) is effective in
bringing a b o u t healing, a claim that leads o n e to ask again what "faith" m e a n s .
T h e association o f prayer and faith brings to m i n d the familiar a d m o n i t i o n to
26
"ask" for wisdom "in f a i t h . " In that earlier passage, those w h o make their
request to G o d "in faith" are those w h o remain unshaken in their fidelity to a
generous G o d . T h e people undergoing perfection through endurance—the
27
faithful—are those whose petitions G o d will answer. T h e divided, or faith
less, do n o t receive what they request, n o t because they d o n o t believe, b u t be
cause their very nature stands in direct contrast to G o d ' s undivided, aTrXcos
nature. Later it will b e c o m e clear that what divides a person is loyalty to his o r
her own selfish desires, which leads to asking only for the things that fulfill
those desires.
In J a m e s 1, James's exhortation makes equal use o f censure a n d encour
agement: yes, G o d responds to h u m a n faithfulness, b u t h u m a n s also can find
strength to e n d u r e because o f G o d ' s ongoing fidelity. A l t h o u g h t h e text in w .
6 - 8 implies a chain o f cause and effect, in this section there is also the sugges
tion that h u m a n s are to m o d e l their actions o n G o d ' s own faithfulness. In
deed, they are already familiar with this aspect o f G o d . J a m e s reminds those
w h o are carrying o n in the face o f trials o f what they "know" (yiveooKco), a n d
v. 12 m e n t i o n s G o d ' s promised reward.
T h i s understanding o f faithful prayer in 5 : 1 5 is strengthened by the asser
28
tion that "a righteous person's prayer [Senois SIKCUOU] is quite powerful."
Just as the elders' prayers o f faith assure the sick person's recovery, so m e m b e r s
o f the assembly may b e assured that their prayers for o n e another's healing will
be answered. T o this claim the a u t h o r adduces the example o f Elijah, w h o
prayed for b o t h drought and rain (TTpooEUxfi TrpoonuâTO, TTQXIV npo-
onu^cxTo), a n d even though he "was a man like us in every way," b o t h prayers

were answered ( 5 : 1 7 , 1 8 ) . T h e implication o f this exemplum is that any mem
ber o f the C h r i s t i a n assembly (or the assembly itself) may be so righteous as
Elijah, and h e n c e any m e m b e r (or the assembly) may pray a prayer with effects
so powerful as his.
T h e understanding o f the divine-human relationship in 5 : 1 3 - 1 8 resonates
strongly with J a m e s ' s c o n f i d e n c e that wisdom from G o d may b e o b t a i n e d by
T ,
"any" ( s ) m e m b e r o f the assembly w h o asks for it "in faith" ( 1 : 5 - 6 ) . This
e x h o r t a t i o n recalls as well the accusation o f evil prayers in 4 : 2 ("You have
n o t h i n g because you d o n ' t ask for anything"). T h e force o f this statement is
that i f they merely asked, any o f the accused would receive from G o d what
they requested. T h e "faith" o f 5 : 1 5 , then, apparently recapitulates the faith o f
1:5: the "prayer o f faith" is o n e made by people (in this case, elders) w h o are
wholeheartedly and unflaggingly devoted to G o d , and w h o stave o f f satisfying
personal desires in order to act o u t G o d ' s will.
A l t h o u g h the preceding analysis has s o m e w h a t artificially removed prayer
from a c o n t e x t in which it is closely associated with o t h e r practices, it is possi
ble to begin deriving diagnostic categories for c o m p a r i s o n . First, prayer in
J a m e s 5 : 1 4 - 1 5 is intercessory, performed by the elders o f the c h u r c h o n b e h a l f
o f the sick, and by m e m b e r s for o t h e r m e m b e r s . T h i s is the first time that we
have seen prayer for a n o t h e r ' s benefit (in this case for healing), and it is the
primary category o f prayer in this section. H e n c e , prayer is a c o m m u n a l act,
performed by a group. Here we find prayer advocated for groups o f people in
C h r i s t i a n churches, also for the first time. S e c o n d , prayer is likewise c o m m u
nitarian: aimed at the benefit o f o t h e r m e m b e r s o f the c o m m u n i t y and o f the
c o m m u n i t y as a whole. O n o n e h a n d , the prayer for healing o f the sick per
son is the special duty o f the assembled elders o f the c h u r c h . O n the o t h e r
hand, all m e m b e r s o f the assembly are also to pray for o n e a n o t h e r ' s healing.
In the following section, we will ask if J a m e s is m a k i n g a distinction between
types o r severity o f illnesses. Here we merely n o t e that in this final passage,
J a m e s envisions groups o f believers whose m e m b e r s pray for o n e a n o t h e r ' s
physical health and well-being.
In C h a p t e r 1, it b e c a m e clear that J a m e s uses the same types o f rhetorical
devices in this passage as he does in all earlier sections o f the letter. T h i s con
tinuity implies that, third, J a m e s sets forth the religious practices o f 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 as
moral acts, for there is n o discernible change in his use o f language when he
shifts from c o n d e m n i n g certain attitudes a n d deeds to c o m m e n d i n g these.
W e can now add to this inference that J a m e s shows a n o t a b l e absence o f con
cern for the form o f the act. A l t h o u g h 5 : 1 4 c o n t a i n s the only instruction that
might be called the order o f a rite, the use o f the aorist participle aXEivj/avTEs
does n o t warrant reading "let t h e m pray over h i m after a n o i n t i n g h i m with

oil" as the prescription for a service with a fixed order. Indeed, J a m e s shows a
marked disinclination to deal in the details o f religious c e r e m o n y anywhere in
his letter. Here we n o t e that when J a m e s m e n t i o n s the prayers o f the assem
bly, he is c o n c e r n e d with the health o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s m e m b e r s , and using
moral discourse, he presents the act o f praying for it as a m o r a l good.
F o u r t h , the egalitarian structure that J a m e s envisions for C h r i s t i a n assem
blies is clear in this passage, since all m e m b e r s are to intercede o n b e h a l f o f all
others. Similarly, the prophet's a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s are n o t to be seen as works
o f power a n d w o n d e r b e y o n d the reach o f c o m m o n folks. J a m e s "levels" the
figure o f Elijah—everywhere else an extraordinary thaumaturge—to t h e status o f
any righteous m e m b e r o f the assembly, o r the assembly itself praying in con
cert. W h e n the elders pray, there is n o indication that they function as priests
o r intermediaries; this is clear from the fact that the sick o r weak person sum
m o n s t h e m to his o r her bedside. In J a m e s , it is the weak w h o receive special
status.
Fifth, J a m e s ' s instructions presuppose distinct h u m a n and divine roles.
Faithfulness a n d righteousness make up the h u m a n side o f the transaction.
A l t h o u g h J a m e s uses r o u n d a b o u t language t o describe G o d ' s activity (the
prayer o f faith saves the sick o n e , and the heavens give their rain), nevertheless
29
it is clear that G o d is the o n e at w o r k . In verse 1 5 , after all, it is the Lord
w h o "will raise up" the sick person, and the passive "[his sins] will b e forgiven
for h i m " indicates that the L o r d does the forgiving.
S i x t h , we find eschatological references in 5 : 1 3 - 1 8 , b u t they are hedged by
double meanings. T h i s matter will receive m o r e attention in the following sec
tion; here I n o t e a few items o f interest. J a m e s makes the ambiguous claim
that "the Lord will raise up" (EyEpE?) the sick o n e . T h e use o f oco£co in verse
15 is similarly difficult to nail down, as its repetition at 2 0 demonstrates. Fi
nally, n o t e the language o f "turning b a c k " an erring b r o t h e r (ETTiOTpEvpn a n d
EinaTpEv|;as in 1 9 and 2 0 ) that follows immediately u p o n the evocation o f Eli
j a h in verses 17 and 1 8 . T h e effect o f these verses is to place in proximity to
o n e a n o t h e r language and images that are associated in many J u d a i c writings
30
o f the G r e c o - R o m a n period and earlier: Elijah, r e p e n t a n c e , salvation, a n d
resurrection. T h e e n d o f the present age is an ancillary association n o t men
tioned outright by J a m e s b u t evoked by the tropes he deploys.
In c o n c l u s i o n , intercessory prayer in J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 1 8 is a moral deed. It is
effective because G o d responds to "prayers o f faith," and to "petitions o f righ
teous people." Prayer, therefore, makes use o f an advantage that c o m m u n i t i e s
have gained by m e a n s o f their unflagging devotion to G o d , an advantage over
those whose fealty to G o d wavers in the face o f temptation and suffering, a n d
over those, by implication, w h o have n o loyalty to G o d at all. G o d ' s p o w e r -

even the divine authority to hold b a c k and unleash the rains—works at the be
hest o f those groups who claim that G o d is o n e , that Jesus is the Messiah, and
who b a c k those claims by fulfilling G o d ' s whole law through submission to his
divine will.
In most o f the epistle, prayer stands alone, n o t tied to any o t h e r practice.
W h e r e it is linked with o t h e r religious acts, as it is in the final pericope, o n e
act does n o t strengthen the efficacy to the o t h e r . Also, earlier in the epistle,
James addresses prayer made by individuals, b u t even in the particular case o f
prayer for wisdom, J a m e s seeks to strengthen the completeness a n d maturity o f
the assembly. J a m e s b o t h c o n d e m n s selfish prayers a n d prohibits oath-taking,
two forms o f invoking G o d that endanger c o m m u n i t y solidarity: selfish pray
ers because their aim is to elevate a person above his o r her fellows, oaths be
cause, contrary to their purpose, they u n d e r m i n e clear speech within the
31
assembly by eroding rather than shoring up a person's trustworthiness.
T h i r d , when J a m e s gives prayer m o r e than a passing m e n t i o n , h e talks a b o u t
petition and intercession for divine gifts (for good o r ill). S u c h prayer takes
advantage o f G o d ' s unchanging nature as a giver o f g o o d gifts w h o stands
poised to grant more, a n d effective prayer requires "friendship with G o d , "
which J a m e s characterizes with the language o f submission, devotion, a n d en
durance (faith). Finally, the language o f salvation links b a c k to G o d ' s creation
o f the c o m m u n i t y , and the n o t i o n o f sins b e i n g confessed and forgiven, cou
pled with the image o f the sick person being "raised" by the Lord, intimate the
restoration o f a c o m m u n i t y damaged by sin. T h i s c o n n e c t i o n will b e c o m e
m o r e explicit presently.
T h e Elders' Prayer for Healing
W e have n o t e d that verse 14 c o n t a i n s J a m e s ' s first instance o f a group at

prayer. Here it is necessary to expand that observation: J a m e s 5 : 1 4 - 1 6 is the
32
first explicit example o f c o m m u n a l religious practice in J a m e s , a n d the only
explicit instance in the entire New T e s t a m e n t o f successful healing performed
33
by a g r o u p . It is perhaps this fact, c o m b i n e d with the clarity o f James's in
structions that explains in part why c h u r c h officials a n d theologians have b e e n
drawn to these verses over the centuries. T h e i r distinctiveness invites c o m
m e n t here as well.
T h e first question arising from the text regards the nature o f the illness
and just what sort o f healing J a m e s intends. T h e language is ambiguous, a n d
perhaps deliberately so: does J a m e s envision a person w h o is physically ill, w h o
is cured by G o d through prayer, and w h o is able to rise and rejoin the ranks o f
the c o m m u n i t y ' s m e m b e r s , o r does he speak o n a figurative level, enjoining

the salvation o f those m e m b e r s w h o are spiritually weak, promising forgiveness
o f their sin and resurrection at the c o m i n g judgment? Besides, should we ex
pect that J a m e s would make such a distinction?
O n o n e h a n d , aoSeveco, i a o u a i , and aco£co emerge from the c o m m o n
pool o f terms for healing in the a n c i e n t G r e c o - R o m a n world, and in m u c h o f
34
the N e w T e s t a m e n t they are used in exactly this way. AOSEVECO ( 5 : 1 4 ) in the
35
gospels and Acts usually indicates physical illness. Similarly, i a o u a i ( 5 : 1 6 ) is
used overwhelmingly in N e w T e s t a m e n t writings to denote the physical heal
36
ing o f sick individuals. In the vast majority o f instances, pleas for o c o T n p i a
in G r e e k inscriptions o f the eastern E m p i r e (salus in Latin) are for c o n c r e t e
resolutions "to specific m o m e n t s o f anxiety, sickness, disorder, and disloca
37
tion." Mirroring this usage, when oco£co appears in the accounts o f Jesus'
and the apostles' healing ministries, especially in association with faith, it usu
38
ally refers to the curing o f a disease. Moreover, the association o f sickness
with sin and healing with forgiveness c o m e s straight from the m o u t h o f Jesus
39
in the gospel a c c o u n t s , and in healing stories Jesus frequently "raises" the
40
cured to their f e e t . T h e s e readings are strengthened by James's use o f km
with TrpooEUXOuai in verse 1 4 : the elders are literally to pray "over" the sick
one, a usage attested in n e i t h e r the Septuagint n o r elsewhere in the New Tes
41
tament. W e may n o t e that this language implies a person lying prone, un
able to rise from b e d to travel for medical care. I f this is the case, then verse
1 4 suggests a seriously ill individual, an inference bolstered by the necessity o f
healing this individual by c o m m u n a l prayer rather t h a n through prescribed
42
medications o r the rite o f i n c u b a t i o n . I f J a m e s were intending to outline
how m e m b e r s o f C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t i e s nestled in Greek-speaking cities
t h r o u g h o u t the R o m a n E m p i r e ought to go a b o u t curing their sick, we should
expect h i m to use exactly this language.
O n the o t h e r h a n d , this same language forms part o f the argot o f terms in
43
the N e w T e s t a m e n t ' s developing language o f religious c o n v e r s i o n . Within
the Epistle o f J a m e s itself, it can b e read in light o f o t h e r eschatologically laden
exhortations to remain faithful to G o d in the face o f trials, and to turn b a c k
erring fellow m e m b e r s . AO0EVECO, after all, literally m e a n s "to b e weak," as it
does m o s t often in the Pauline epistles, frequently designating "the weak in
44 45
faith." Similarly, Kauvco, deriving from the meaning "to l a b o r , " typically
46 47
denotes growing weary, and does so in its only o t h e r New T e s t a m e n t u s e .
For its part, i a o u a i can signify spiritual restoration and repentance, as in a few
48
New T e s t a m e n t passages, m o s t o f which cite I s a i a h . S u c h a reading ("There
fore, confess your sins to o n e a n o t h e r and pray for each o t h e r so that you
might be restored [i.e. to the community]") brings verse 1 6 in line with the for-
giveness o f sins in verse 15 and die c o r r e c t i o n o f a " b r o t h e r " in verses 19 and

20. Readers also probably d o n o t n e e d to b e r e m i n d e d that o n e o f the pri
mary meanings o f oco£co and its derivatives in the N e w T e s t a m e n t is the trans
formation that brings a b o u t an individual's o r a group's righteousness before
4 9
God, and elsewhere in his letter J a m e s uses the verb in this way ( 1 : 2 1 ; 2 : 1 4 ;
4:12 [5:20?]). Finally, the reference to the " L o r d " (KUpios) "raising up"
(eyEipco) the saved o n e bears striking linguistic similarities to m e n t i o n s o f the
resurrection o f the dead in o t h e r early N e w T e s t a m e n t epistles, particularly
50
those o f P a u l . I f J a m e s were intending to advocate for the restoration and
reward o f those m e m b e r s w h o , because o f ongoing temptations, had b e c o m e
spiritually weak, growing weary in their devotion to G o d and straying from the
teachings o f the c o m m u n i t y , we should expect h i m to speak o f faithfulness,
salvation, forgiveness o f sins, and the resurrection.
M o s t c o m m e n t a t o r s o n this passage attempt to clarify the language in o n e
direction, interpreting these eschatologically loaded terms with mundane
51
meanings: J a m e s here describes the curing o f a physical illness. S u c h read
ings strip the language o f its multifaceted a n d metaphorical power. Thank
fully, s o m e r e c e n t c o m m e n t a t o r s have b e e n willing to allow the inherent
ambiguity in J a m e s ' s language to stand, accepting that it may simultaneously
52
carry multiple m e a n i n g s . Certainly, attempts to extract a limited range o f
meanings from J a m e s ' s word c h o i c e force apart c o n c e p t s that were already
linked in the gospel traditions a n d that likely drew o n c o n c e p t s expressed in
53
(OT) scriptures in which wickedness has this-worldly c o n s e q u e n c e s . We
have n o t e d that in the gospels s o m e t i m e s Jesus heals by forgiving sins, a n d sal
vation by faith s o m e t i m e s c o n n o t e s curing an illness while at others it pro
54
nounces absolution (and perhaps is doing b o t h in a few instances). In light
o f the mingling o f these ideas in t h e gospel traditions a n d Septuagint, J a m e s is
best read as holding together in a single c o n c e p t u a l framework b o t h physical
and spiritual malaise, salvation o f the whole person, b o t h rising from o n e ' s
sickbed and being raised by the Lord Jesus at the e s c h a t o n , and b o t h recupera
tion and restoration to the c o m m u n i t y . In J a m e s , as in the Jesus tradition,
body and soul are n o t treated independently from o n e a n o t h e r .
Before c o n t i n u i n g , it should b e p o i n t e d o u t that the exact c o n n e c t i o n be
tween sickness and sin, a n d therefore between healing and forgiveness, is diffi
55
cult to d e t e r m i n e in this passage. T h e question turns o n the use o f the
particle KCXV in verse 15: to what does it link the phrase, "[eav] a u a p T i ' a s f\ TTE-
TroirjKcos a<J>E0f)OETai a u T c o " ? S h o u l d the promise o f the remission o f sins b e

taken with the phrase that it immediately follows: "and the Lord will raise h i m
up"? O r is the clause to b e u n d e r s t o o d in c o n j u n c t i o n with the earlier state
m e n t , "the prayer o f faith will save the sick o n e , " as the chain o f clauses linked
by KGCI suggests that it should? I f the latter is the case, the language suggests
that, like salvation/healing and rising/resurrection, forgiveness o f the sick per
son's sins should b e understood as a result o f the elders' faithful action. T h i s
interpretation o f James's language—making healing, rising, and forgiveness
c o n t i n g e n t upon the faith o f the elders rather t h a n upon the faith o f the sick
56
person—again finds its m a t c h in the gospel t r a d i t i o n . Linking illness to sin is
also in line with J a m e s ' s earlier statement that sin gives b i r t h to death (1:15),
as well as his display o f how this destructive progression plays itself o u t in the
c o m m u n i t y (4:1-3).
A n o t h e r question c o n c e r n s how the a n o i n t i n g with oil functions in the
passage. Scholars have called attention to apparently parallel passages docu
m e n t i n g the medicinal application o f various types o f oil in the a n c i e n t
57
world. Nevertheless, the citation o f parallels does n o t explain how J a m e s en
visions the use o f oil here: is it a medicinal application o r is some o t h e r use
indicated?
T h e r e are several reasons to c o n c l u d e that J a m e s does n o t see the oil pri
58
marily as a healing s u b s t a n c e , the m o s t convincing o f w h i c h c o m e s directly
from context: J a m e s is clear that it is the prayer o f faith that "saves" the sick
o n e . By contrast, he has n o t h i n g to say about the function o f the oil itself. A
similar case in M a r k 6:13 reports that the Twelve "anointed with olive oil
many w h o were sick and cured t h e m " (emphasis added)—language that also
implies that the oil has n o particular curative effect. T h e r e is, in fact, a single
clear example o f the medicinal use o f oil in e a c h T e s t a m e n t (Isa 1:6 a n d Luke
59
10:34), b o t h o f which indicate that the application (neither uses any verb
m e a n i n g "anoint") is for treating skin abrasions rather than for curing dis
eases: in the first, oil is used to "soften" ("p")) sores; in the second, the Samari
tan "pours" (BTTIXECO) a salve o f oil and wine o n t o the beaten m a n ' s open
60
wounds before bandaging t h e m . J a m e s gives n o indication that oil is to b e
used as a salve for an injury; as noted, his language refers to illness.
61
J a m e s uses aAEl(|>co, a verb meaning "to a n o i n t " or "smear." T h e vast
majority o f the instances o f u n c t i o n in the Bible fulfill the purpose o f sanctifi-
62
cation. In m o s t cases, a n o i n t i n g with oil is used to consecrate either objects
o r people, setting t h e m aside for special service to G o d ; noteworthy is the ex
ample from Isa 61:1 (cited by Jesus in Luke 4:18), in which ncfa/e'xpioEV bears
63
a figurative m e a n i n g . In the Psalms especially we find anointing interpreted
as a symbol o f G o d ' s special favor expressed through providential care. Ps
23:5 c o n t a i n s the m o s t m e m o r a b l e example, b u t later in the Psalter (45:8 =
L X X 45:7), in language that invites comparison with J a m e s , the psalmist says
t o a bridegroom, " Y o u love righteousness [pis] and hate wickedness [tfEh];
therefore the Lord your G o d has a n o i n t e d you hjnttp] with the oil o f gladness
• JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION • 35
64
jifefc] m o r e than your c o m p a n i o n s . In addition, oil is associated with
a t o n e m e n t via a sin offering for o n e afflicted with scale-disease in Lev 1 4 : 1 8 ,
29. Scripture, therefore, provides J a m e s with a cluster o f religious significa
tions from which to draw when prescribing anointing with oil for the sick.
N o t e also that J a m e s instructs the elders to a n o i n t "in the n a m e o f the
Lord" (EV TCO o v o u c m T O U Kup(ou). In light o f 5 : 1 0 , where the phrase EV TCO
65
OVOUCXTI Kupi'ou is used o f the prophets w h o spoke u n d e r G o d ' s authority,
the language o f 5 : 1 4 implies that through u n c t i o n the elders o f the c h u r c h al
so act u n d e r the authority and o n b e h a l f o f the risen Jesus. W i t h i n the broad
er c o n t e x t o f N e w T e s t a m e n t writings, the phrase also resonates with o t h e r
religious acts d o n e "in the n a m e o f Jesus"—primarily baptisms a n d healings,
b u t also proclamation and gathering together—in the b o o k o f A c t s and the
66
Pauline literature.
G i v e n this information, although we c a n n o t rule o u t that it is intended as
a healing salve as well, the use o f oil in J a m e s is best understood as an e l e m e n t
o f a religious practice, read within the c o n t e x t o f the many such uses o f oil in
scripture (even i f its precise significance c a n n o t b e determined), invoking the
power o f the risen Lord, and fitting "comfortably within [the language] used in
67
the earliest Christian m o v e m e n t . "
A final question arises c o n c e r n i n g the use o f Elijah as an exemplum in
verses 17 and 1 8 . James's recollection o f Elijah jars, for J a m e s has b e e n talking
about prayers for salvation/healing, b o t h the elders' prayer for the sick person
and all m e m b e r s ' prayers for o n e a n o t h e r . Elijah's prayer, by contrast, is nei
68
ther intercessory n o r for h e a l i n g . However, Elijah is also r e m e m b e r e d for
just this kind o f prayer, namely the resuscitation o f the widow's son in 1 Kings
6 9
17:17-24. M o r e impressive, however, is the affinity between J a m e s ' s descrip
tion o f healing and the language with which the author o f The Lives of the
Prophets recalls Elijah's deed o f wonder: " W h e n he prayed [E\J£C(|JEVOU], G o d
raised [rjyEipEv] from the dead [the widow's] son w h o had died." Nevertheless,
James does n o t make this c o n n e c t i o n , a n d any attempt to answer why can only
be speculative. Perhaps J a m e s r e m e m b e r s Elijah through t h e lens o f the gospel
tradition (preserved in Luke 4 : 2 5 - 2 6 ) , which records Jesus m e n t i o n i n g the wi
dow o f Zeraphah, b u t only in c o n j u n c t i o n with the drought, making n o men
70
tion o f the miraculous resuscitation o f her s o n .
W h a t diagnostic categories arise from the previous analysis? First, like
prayer, healing is a c o m m u n i t a r i a n act. A t every level the pathology o f sick
ness and the prescription for healing are understood within the workings o f
the c o m m u n i t y . T h e sins that result (somehow) in illness are crimes against
fellow c o m m u n i t y members; healing is performed by c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s
through intercessory prayer; the sick person is restored to health and to the
c o m m u n i t y ; a n d the assured success o f the elders' prayer leads J a m e s to e n j o i n

all m e m b e r s o f the C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y to engage in mutual confession o f
sins and to pray for the health o f all o t h e r m e m b e r s .
S e c o n d , healing in J a m e s reflects the egalitarian structure o f the c o m m u
nity. In the case o f s o m e o n e w h o is t o o ill to seek care o n his o r her own, the
elders gather o n this person's behalf, engaging in a special service o f a n o i n t i n g
and prayer. S u c h a practice reverses the expected lines o f authority as J a m e s
has d o n e earlier with teachers: just as he warns teachers to expect stricter
judgment, rather than c o m m e n d i n g t h e m for their greater wisdom or author
ity b o r n o f expertise, so he instructs elders to d o the bidding o f o n e w h o is ill.
Moreover, all m e m b e r s are to pray for all o t h e r m e m b e r s .
T h i r d , healing must be understood as a m o r a l good that responds to the
moral degradation o f sin within the c o m m u n i t y , and that, as a result, main
tains the c o m m u n i t y during its time o f testing and preserves it for the arrival
o f the judge w h o is at the gates. J a m e s casts healing in language that also car
ries eschatological meanings, and given J a m e s ' s pervasive eschatology, healing
should be interpreted as having a bearing o n the fate o f believers at the com
ing j u d g m e n t .
It is clear that healing results in forgiveness, b u t this still leaves o p e n the
question o f how m e m b e r s o f the c o m m u n i t y ought to deal with sin in their
midst.
Confessing Sins to O n e A n o t h e r
Sin has its cost, for left u n c h e c k e d , it produces dire, this-worldly c o n s e q u e n c e s

for the c o m m u n i t y . J a m e s uses the strongest possible imagery for sin's de
structive effects: it gives birth to death; it is a c o n s u m i n g fire, a lethal toxin.
As for the individual, sin is linked to serious illness that can be cured only by
G o d through c o m m u n a l prayer.
However, the Lord is also the judge w h o is standing at the very gates ( 5 : 9 ) ,
and J a m e s relegates the final reckoning for the u n r e p e n t a n t to the time o f his
c o m i n g . I f it is sin that endures rather than faithful devotion to G o d , terrible
c o n s e q u e n c e s await at the eschaton, for the u n r e p e n t a n t sinner, behaving as
an outsider, suffers the outsider's fate. J a m e s underlines the gruesome price to
be paid by juxtaposing two images drawn from an agricultural e c o n o m y . W i t h
a flair for irony he forewarns outsiders—abusive landowners who have padded
their profits by withholding their workers' wages—that their "treasure" awaits
7 1
them, for their luxurious wealth will rot away and b u r n their flesh ( 5 : 1 - 6 ) .
By contrast, c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s wait for the c o m i n g o f the L o r d as the far
mer waits for the precious c r o p that he has planted and seen watered by G o d ' s
gracious rains. B o t h images surely play o n an idea expressed in many biblical

aphorisms, m o s t memorably in Paul's statement, " W h a t e v e r o n e sows, o n e
72
reaps" (Gal 6 : 7 ) .
T h e mutual confession in 5 : 1 6 can be read in light o f J a m e s ' s broader un
73
derstanding o f sin and its effects. S i n c e in J a m e s a sin is a wrong d o n e to a
fellow c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r , and because sin's immediate c o n s e q u e n c e s devas
tate the c o m m u n i t y , in 5 : 1 6 it is n o surprise that J a m e s instructs m e m b e r s to
confess to o n e another. T h e phrase, " C o n f e s s , therefore, sins to o n e a n o t h e r , "
probably entails informing o t h e r m e m b e r s o f the assembly o f wrongdoings
74
that o n e has c o m m i t t e d against a fellow m e m b e r , and that degrade the
c o m m u n i t y by shutting down mutual compassion a n d care-giving, instigating
spiteful quarrels instead. J a m e s ' s s t a t e m e n t is t o o terse to reveal whether he
wishes for confession to happen in an o p e n forum o f the assembly (the
EKKArpicx) o r privately between the parties w h o are at odds. In either case, the
implication is that m e m b e r s admit their wrongs directly to the persons w h o m
they have harmed, w h e t h e r through vice, speech, o r deed.
I f this is the case, then the multifaceted usage o f i a o u a i is evident. Fol
lowing upon the instruction for healing in verse 1 4 , praying for o n e a n o t h e r
"OTTCOS iaSfJTE" carries c o n n o t a t i o n s o f physical recovery, b u t in the immediate
c o n t e x t it also signifies restoration: o f believers to o n e a n o t h e r , o f the struc
tural integrity o f the c o m m u n i t y , a n d o f sinners to G o d . M u t u a l confession,
then, has b o t h immediate and eschatological c o n s e q u e n c e s , just as sin that is
n o t repented does. A d m i t t i n g o n e ' s wrongdoing n o t only reverses the natural
progression that leads from temptation to death (perhaps the death o f the
c o m m u n i t y , perhaps death from a serious illness), it also can be seen as a
m e a n s o f enduring temptation to the end, a n d h e n c e as an assurance o f receiv
ing "the crown o f life that [GodJ has promised to those who love him."
James's word c h o i c e makes it nearly impossible to separate o u t confession
from c o r r e c t i o n in 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 : J a m e s ' s instructions o n c o r r e c t i o n also evoke his
previous statements a b o u t sin, they also c o n c e r n the c o m m u n i t y , and, like
confession, they require face-to-face c o n f r o n t a t i o n (whether public or private)
between fellow m e m b e r s . F o r this reason I delay laying out the diagnostic cat
egories for confession in J a m e s until we have dealt with c o r r e c t i o n .
Returning a W a n d e r i n g M e m b e r
J a m e s ' s use o f "death" in 5 : 2 0 has three implications. First, the pairing o f

"will save" (OCOOEI) and "from death" (EK BavaTOu) in 5 : 2 0 relate to the similar
7 5
pairing o f "to save" (ocooai) and "to destroy" (aTToXsoai) o f 4 : 1 2 : to turn
b a c k a s i n n e r saves him o r her from suffering the apocalyptic c o n d e m n a t i o n
spelled o u t in 5 : 1 - 6 . S e c o n d , it has already b e e n n o t e d that w h e n J a m e s

speaks o f sin leading to death, he apparently is talking a b o u t the inevitable
c o n s e q u e n c e s o f h u m a n behavior in direct c o n t r a d i c t i o n to G o d ' s deliberate
actions: w h e n h u m a n s give in to their desires, they kill (cf. 4 : 1 - 3 ) ; G o d , by
contrast, gives the crown o f life, every good and perfect gift, birth, a n d the im
planted word. I f we read 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 in conversation with this passage, t h e n
turning b a c k a s i n n e r and "saving his soul from death" b e c o m e s t h e proper
alternative to slandering erring brothers and sisters, for doing so aligns o n e ' s
activities with G o d ' s merciful deeds, itself the proper alternative to wrongly
assuming the m a n t l e o f divine judgeship. Finally, to slander a c o m m u n i t y
m e m b e r is to set o n e s e l f up as that person's judge, and h e n c e as a judge o f the
law itself. J a m e s does n o t specify what links passing j u d g m e n t o n h u m a n s to
passing j u d g m e n t o n the law, b u t it is clear that these acts preclude carrying
o u t the law. T h o s e w h o slander erring m e m b e r s are like those w h o hear b u t
d o n o t keep the word, o r w h o keep the law o n l y in part, and so n o t at all.
T h o s e w h o turn sinners back, o n the o t h e r h a n d , b o t h hear and d o the word—
they have b o t h faith a n d works. I f these passages d o indeed w o r k within
James's systematic understanding o f s i n / d e a d works a n d t u r n i n g / f a i t h co
operating with works, then 5 : 2 0 answers the rhetorical question o f 2 : 1 4 ("[if
h e does n o t have works] c a n his faith save him?"): turning b a c k a s i n n e r is a
work (spyov) that demonstrates faithfulness ( T T I O T I S ) , a n d so it does in fact
save.
B u t this act o f faith has inter-community rather t h a n personal repercus
sions, since it saves the erring b r o t h e r o r sister. Based o n the i m m e d i a t e con
v m
text, the auTOU following v|;uxr) ° s t clearly refers to ccuccpTpcoAov rather t h a n
76
to 6 ETTiOTpEvpas. In 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 J a m e s consistently locates the capacity for ef
fecting change in those w h o perform religious acts: the elders' faith rather
than the sick person's own faith is instrumental in healing, and there is a
strong implication that this same act o f faith yields forgiveness o f the sick
o n e ' s sins; also, whereas in the epistle's only o t h e r use o f auapxcoAos ( 4 : 8 ) ,
J a m e s has called for sinners themselves to manifest repentance, in 5 : 1 9 a n d
2 0 , o n e o f the standard words for r e p e n t a n c e in the N e w Testament—
77
E7TiOTpE(t>co —is transitive in b o t h instances rather than intransitive, d e m o n
78
strating that o n e "turns" a n o t h e r . N o t e as well the power o f Elijah (who in
righteousness is c o m p a r a b l e to any m e m b e r o f t h e assembly) b o t h to e n d and
to bring the rain. In the same way, the final clause o f the letter, "and he will
79
cover a multitude o f s i n s " (the s e c o n d result o f turning a sinner), implies that
the capacity to c h a n g e the erring o n e lies with the person performing the cor
rection, rather t h a n with the erring person him- o r herself.
It stands to reason that J a m e s sets forth c o m m u n i t y repercussions for the

act o f correction. T h e very deed assumes the existence o f the c o m m u n i t y , a n d
it rests o n the premise that the health and survival o f the c o m m u n i t y is para
mount. W h a t is unusual in J a m e s is locating the power t o m r n within a per
son o t h e r than the individual w h o must turn. Just how unusual this is
remains to be seen.
In light o f the discussion o f the previous two sections, it is clear that con
fession o f sins and correction in J a m e s share a set o f categories. First, b o t h
acts are presented as c o m m u n i t a r i a n practices aimed at shoring up the congre
gation and protecting its boundaries. S e c o n d , b o t h are also religious practices
spelled o u t in primarily moral terms. B o t h , for example, respond to sin, yet
neither presents a means o f a t o n e m e n t o r expiation. R a t h e r , in J a m e s , sin and
its remedy are cast chiefly in terms o f h u m a n interaction: sin is a damaging
vice, and subsequently, virtuous acts within the c o m m u n i t y are required to set
things right again.
T h i r d , b o t h practices are set forth in eschatological terms. W h e n read in
close association with James's assurances a b o u t the sinner's soul in verse 2 0 ,
i a o u a i in verse 16 takes o n salvific c o n n o t a t i o n s : restoration to health in
cludes restoration to fellowship with the c o m m u n i t y , and h e n c e t o divine de
liverance. T h e sequence o f exhortations beginning in verse 16 also reveals
aspects o f James's eschatology: the practices o f confession and correction
bracket the exemplum o f Elijah, a figure w h o in many J u d a i c writings is nearly
ubiquitous with the e n d o f the present age, judgment, and repentance.
James's vocabulary for confession a n d c o r r e c t i o n picks up o n this associa
80
tion, and the imagery o f new life in verse 18 reinforces it.
Notably, J a m e s makes n o provision for e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n . H e is as sure
that mutual confession and correction are able to restore m e m b e r s to o n e an
o t h e r as he is c o n v i n c e d o f the power o f prayer to heal. M o r e importantly, the
lack o f expulsion again highlights J a m e s ' s c o n c e r n for the c o m m u n i t y ' s preser
vation, in this case through the retention and restoration o f m e m b e r s . That
fact suggests that J a m e s writes to c o m m u n i t i e s that are quite small, and in a
situation in w h i c h apostasy is prevalent.
Summary: Morality and Religion in James's Communities
T h i s detailed e x a m i n a t i o n o f James's c o m m u n i t y instruction in 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 has

focused the vision that o p e n e d C h a p t e r 1. T h e ubiquitous c o n c e r n over sin in
this pericope, and James's construal o f it as a m o r a l crisis within the assembly,
40 •JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
have c o m e sharply i n t o the foreground; so it s h o u l d c o m e as n o surprise that

remission o f sins in J a m e s requires inter-community moral acts.
A primary e l e m e n t o f sin, as J a m e s portrays it, is found in its stark contrast
to G o d ' s own activities o n b e h a l f o f the c o m m u n i t y . S i n in the c o n t e x t o f the
c o m m u n i t y leads to calamitous acts within that fellowship, yet J a m e s attributes
n o n e o f t h e m to G o d , w h o m he has characterized very early in the epistle as a
giver o f g o o d gifts, a n d w h o m he has removed from any role in the deteriorat
ing progression from h u m a n temptation to desire, t h e n c e to sin, a n d finally to
death. R a t h e r , t h e Lord is compassionate and merciful ( 5 : 1 1 ) , granting wis
d o m to all w h o ask ( 1 : 5 ; 3 : 1 7 ) , rewarding e n d u r a n c e ( 1 : 1 2 ; 5 : 7 - 1 1 ) , ignoring
class distinctions a m o n g h u m a n beings ( 2 : 1 - 7 ) , befriending the faithful ( 2 : 2 3 ;
4 : 4 ) , drawing near to those w h o submit ( 4 : 7 - 8 ) , receiving b a c k those w h o re
pent ( 4 : 1 0 ; 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 ) , hearing the cries o f the oppressed ( 5 : 4 ) , and bringing
j u d g m e n t only in the world to c o m e . S e c o n d , G o d ' s "act o f the will" o f 1:18
contrasts with the inevitable progression from temptation, t h r o u g h sin, to
death. Morality is the opposite o f this progression a n d forms the counterpart
to G o d ' s deliberate action: it t o o is an act o f the will, b u t in submission to
G o d ' s will ( 4 : 7 , 1 0 ) .
I f h u m a n sin is a vice, a n d i f sin is in direct opposition to G o d ' s m o d e o f
behavior in the here and now, then by implication, virtuous deeds find their
81
m a t c h in G o d ' s merciful a c t s . T h e m o r a l works o f chapters 1-5 a n d the reli
gious practices o f 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 may b e seen as the h u m a n equivalent o f G o d ' s
deeds o f compassion and redemption, an understanding that helps explain the
emphasis o n the efficacy o f h u m a n action in this pericope. Similarly, as J a m e s
describes G o d as a giver o f gifts and n o t a receiver o f t h e m , so morality in
J a m e s is characterized primarily, although n o t exclusively, by action taken o n
another's behalf. T h i s is particularly the case in prayers for healing and cor
rection, b u t is also true o f the care o f widows a n d orphans, the w e l c o m e a n d
care o f the destitute within the congregation, the c o n t r o l o f speech in the as
sembly, a n d the d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f wisdom t h r o u g h peacefulness, gentleness,
willingness to yield, a n d mercy. M o s t importantly, the c o n n e c t i o n between
morality and G o d ' s work b e c o m e s explicit w h e n 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 is read in light o f the
dualistic vision that J a m e s spells out so clearly in 1 : 1 2 - 1 8 : G o d ' s granting o f
life (giving "the crown o f life" in 1:12; "giving b i r t h " to the c o m m u n i t y in
1:18) bracket the o u t c o m e o f h u m a n sin in 1:15: death. T h e actions o f com
munity m e m b e r s quite clearly place t h e m o n the side o f G o d ' s life-giving deeds
a n d G o d ' s eschatological rewards, as the discourse o f the final pericope dem
onstrates: physical recovery/resurrection, forgiveness of sins, and heal
8 2
ing/salvation (note especially salvation from death in 5 : 2 0 ) .
• JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION 41
T h i s close association between religious practices and the acts o f G o d ap

parently holds together the different practices, and to that problem we finally
return. W h a t we have treated separately, J a m e s presents as natural compan
ions: he does n o t merely prescribe healing, b u t healing through intercessory
prayer, and he ties his instruction o n mutual confession o f sins to this c o m
bined act. T h e thematic c o n n e c t i o n s between confession and correction also
allow these acts to be understood as closely associated practices. In the Epistle
o f J a m e s , intercessory prayer for healing, mutual confession o f sins, and cor
rection o f sinning brothers and sisters together constitute a way o f taking up
G o d ' s compassionate and merciful e c o n o m y .
T h e primary category that emerges is that o f the c o m m u n i t y , w h i c h J a m e s
understands as a distinct entity within society. In J a m e s ' s moral vision, the
83
c o m m u n i t y o f believers is located within the c i t y , and m e m b e r s participate in
an urban c o m m e r c e and legal system, b o t h readily and against their will.
However, by virtue o f their m e m b e r s h i p in these small-scale c o m m u n i t i e s , and
because s o m e o f t h e m are poor, they are subject to abuse in the law courts a n d
at work. T h e y also shun "the world's" polluting influence, understanding the
pursuit o f personal desires as befriending the world and so making G o d their
enemy. J a m e s ' s c o m m u n i t i e s take up a distinctive way o f life; in J a m e s ' s vision
the way o f T o r a h and Jesus lay along the same path. T h e practice o f religion
works o u t G o d ' s merciful care by assuring the survival o f the c o m m u n i t y to
which G o d has given birth. T h e greatest threat to that survival is sin, and the
practices that J a m e s prescribes in his final words reverse sin's effects.
Diagnostic categories for the religious practices in J a m e s provide a grid for
b o t h selecting a n d reading o t h e r a n c i e n t texts with w h i c h to c o m p a r e J a m e s .
T h e way is paved for locating counterpart categories to J a m e s ' s (in which dif
ferent texts say similar things about similar topics, o r quite different things
about t h e m ) , disproportionate categories (in which central or c o n s e q u e n t i a l
categories in o n e text are peripheral o r insignificant in a n o t h e r ) , a n d catego
ries that have little i f any overlap. T o that task we n o w turn, b e g i n n i n g with
texts influenced by the thought o f Plato.
Notes
1. See, for example, Evangelion Kyriakidis, "Archaeologies of Ritual" in The Archaeology of

Ritual, ed. Evangelion Kyriakidis, Cotsen Advanced Seminar 3 (Los Angeles: University
of California at Los Angeles, 2007), 2 8 9 - 3 0 8 .
2. For what has become the classic of such studies, see Wayne A. Meeks, The First Urban
n d
Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul, 2 ed. (New Haven and London: Yale
University Press, 2003). See also Russell C D . Arnold, The Social role of Liturgy in the Re
ligion of the Qumran Community (Leiden and Boston: Brill: 2006).
3. Two well-known studies are Robert W . Wall's commentary, Community of the Wise: The
Letter of James (Valley Forge, Penn.: Trinity Press International, 1997) and David Hut
chinson Edgar's monograph, Has God Not Chosen the Poor? The Social Setting of the Epistle
of James (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001).
4. The question I ask is similar to, although methodologically distinct from, the one pur
sued by Vernon K. Robbins in his article, "Making Christian Culture in the Epistle of
James," Scriptura 5 9 (1996): 341-51. Robbins examines rhetorical "textures" in order to
understand the culture that James's language creates.
5. In 2:7 a third reference ("the excellent name that was invoked over you") might also al
lude to the baptismal rite.
6. Cf. Eph 4:24.
7. This communitarian reading of James's gendered soteriological language contrasts with
Baker's individualistic reading; William R. Baker, "Who's Your Daddy? Gendered Birth
Images in the Soteriology of the Epistle of James," EvQ 79.3 (2007): 195-207.
8. See the imagery of taking off and putting on in the baptismal reference of Gal 3:27; cf.
Col 3 : 9 - 1 0 ; Eph 4 : 2 2 - 2 4 . In the last two passages note as well the allusions to creation.
9. Cf. the parable of the sower.
10. The shared syntax in 4:13 and 5:1 ("Come now, those who do/are such and such"), as
well as the similarity in topic (wealth).
11. Emphasis original in the Greek; "you" is plural throughout.
12. The ouv in 4:17 implies that in verse 17 James reaches a conclusion based on the instruc
tion in verse 15.
13. Cf. Heb 3:12; 6 : 4 - 8 .
14. Rom 6 : 1 2 - 1 4 , 19; 7:5, 23; 12:4-5; 1 C o r 6:15; 1 2 : 1 2 - 2 7 .
15. Emphasis added.
16. See e.g. Isa 5 7 : 3 - 1 3 ; Hos; cf. Matt 12:39 par.
17. See Darian Lockett, "'Unstained by the World': Purity and Pollution as an Indicator of
Cultural interaction in the Letter of James," in Reading James with New Eyes: Methodobgi-
cal Reassessments of the Letter of James, ed. Robert L. Webb and John S. Kloppenborg
(London and New York: T & T Clark International, 2007), 4 9 - 7 4 ; idem., Purity and
Worldview in the Epistle of James (London and New York: T & T Clark International,
2008).
18. T o denote prayer earlier in the letter (1:5, 6; 4:2, 3 ) James has used the verbs "ask" and
"receive" (ociTeco, AapPaveo); f. Matt 7:7-11 (Luke 11:9-13); 21:22; Mark 11:24; John
c
16:24; 1 John 3:22.

19. Cf. Matt 5 : 3 4 - 3 7 .
20. Alsoopvuni.
21. In the passage itself (which is marked by positive instructions about religious practices),
e l o p e d occurs in verse 16, the cognate noun suxrj in verse 15, the noun Ssncus in verse
16, and the verb npooEuxouai is scattered throughout (w. 13, 14, 17, and 18). Note that
the root sux~ can signify a vow made to the deity, as it does frequently in the Septuagint
(e.g. Gen 28:30; 31:13; Lev 27:2, 8; Num 6; 30; Deut 12:11, 17; 1 Mace 15:27), and as
do the only other two occurrences of suxn in the New Testament, both in Acts (18:18;
21:23).
22. Karris's conjecture that James here encourages believers to pray Psalms of individual la
ment is not supported by context (Robert J . Karris, Prayer in the New Testament [New
York: The Crossroads Publishing Company, 2000), 1 7 6 - 7 8 ; idem, "Some New Angles on
James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , " RevExp 9 7 [2000): 2 0 7 - 8 ) . Rather, the unspecified suffering ( K C X -
KOTTCXOECO) of verse 13 links back to 5 : 7 - 1 0 , in which James exhorts his readers to "wait
patiently [MaKpoOuprjoaTE] until the coming of the Lord" (5:7). Members of the assembly
should "consider the example of the suffering [TT]S KCtKOTraSias] and the patience [TFJS
paKpoSupias] of the prophets who spoke in the name of the Lord" (5:11).
23. Hartin, James, 2 6 5 . Cf. Muftner, Jakobusbrief, 217; Martin, James, 205; Johnson, Letter of
James, 3 2 9 ; Popkes, Brief des Jakobus, 3 9 9 .
24. Despite the shift from the singular address of verse 13 to the plurals of verses 14 and 16,
Hartin interprets the admonitions of verse 13 as universal instructions, and thus trans
lates them in the plural. Hartin, James, 2 6 5 .
25. I translate the participle aXsiv|;avTEs temporally ("a/ter anointing him"), but because of
the absence of such concerns elsewhere in James it is not likely that this verse implies an
imposition of a strict liturgical order.
26. In 1:6 the phrase E V T T I O T E I stands in contrast to the verb Siaxpivco, a word that carries
various meanings associated with making judgments (s.v. "SiaKpi'vco," L & S , 3 9 9 ; see also
the discussion of the term in Mayor, Epistle of James, 4 0 - 4 1 [ 3 5 0 - 5 1 ] ) , such as "to re
move" (something from something else), "to distinguish" (one thing from another), and
"to decide" (between options). These meanings lead to both philosophical ("to decom
pose into elemental parts" [Anaxagorus 12]) and religious ("to consecrate" [Pindar, Odes
10{11}.46]) usages. The range of meanings in the passive voice is equally disparate:
"part" (i.e., the hair), "divorce," "be judged." W h a t all of these terms hold in common is
the idea of making distinctions between two or more entities or options. Both the active
and middle-passive of SiOCKpivco can express the idea of division or separation. In the
context of James, the impression is of someone who is torn between divided loyalties.
Cf. Acts 10:20; 11:12; Rom 4:20, where Paul uses Staicpivco in contrast to T T I C T I S with
language similar to James's. Cf. also Matt 21:21; Mark 11:23. For more explicit uses of
Staicpivco to express evaluating or making distinctions, see James 2:4; Matt 16:3; Acts
15:9; 1 C o r 4:7; 6:5; 11:29, 3 1 ; 14:29. The word can also convey the idea of disputation
or taking issue with someone or something, as in Acts 11:2 and Jude 9.
James likens the person who does not ask to a wave being tossed about wherever the
wind blows (1:6), an image expanded by the adjectives 5(v|/uxos ("double-minded" or
44 JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
"two-souled") and a K a T a o r a T O s ("unstable" or "uncontrollable"). T o label someone 5 i -

ciKpivoMEvos suggests that the opposite of faith is not a failure of conviction (or
"doubt"/"doubting," as the word is often translated; NASB, N/V, NRSV; cf. haesitare ["to
hesitate," "be irresolute"] in the Vulgate [the Corbey Latin manuscript in Mayor, Epistle
of James, 3 has dubitare, "to waver in opinion," "doubt"]; with the exception of Ropes,
every commentator with whom I am in conversation for this book translates SiaKpivopai
"to doubt": Dibelius, James, 69; Laws, Epistle of James, 50, 56; Martin, James, 12, 19;
Muftner, Jakobusbrief, 67, 69; Johnson, Letter of James, 176, 180; Popkes, Brief des Jakobus,
74, 89; cf. Hartin, James, 5 6 , 60; William F. Brosund, James & Jude, New Cambridge Bi
ble Commentary [Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2004], 33; because of
its opposition to TTIOTIS in this passage, 5iaKp(vo|jai is taken to connote lack of convic
tion that God will grant the request, which in turn limits the meaning of "faith" to "be
lief; in this discussion I work from the other direction, seeking to understand TTIOTIS, a
term that James discusses little in context, by contrasting it with SiaKpivco, which receives
some exposition; see Ropes, St. James, 141), but of steadfastness. This has already been
said in so many words: facing various trials is equivalent to "the testing of your faith" ( T O
SoKipiov upcov Tfjs TTIOTECQS), which produces endurance, and endurance's work is to
produce "complete" (TEXEIOI) and "whole" (oXoKXnpoi) p e o p l e ( 1 : 3 - 4 ) .
Once we read SictKpivopEvos in this way, it becomes clear that the one who wavers stands
in sharp distinction, both to James's vision for Christians who are enduring trials, and to
God. As we have seen, a few verses later James will say that God's nature as a giver of
good gifts never changes; here he asserts that God gives "simply" or "singly" (CXTTXCOS), in
direct contrast to the "double-minded" who do the asking (see the translation and excur
sus in Dibelius, James, 6 9 , 77).
27. Cf. Laws, Epistle of James, 2 9 - 3 2 .

28. Whereas the thrust of this clause is clear, the exact translation of the participle
EVEpyouMEvn is difficult; Johnson, Letter of James, 335-36. I follow Johnson, Hartin
(James, 2 7 0 - 7 1 ) , Muftner (Jakobusbrief, 228), Ropes (St. James, 3 0 9 ) , and Mayor (James,
178) in translating it as a modifier for the verb IOXUEI.
29. Drawing on the language of Ps. 4, Mitchell Dahood has proposed that "the heavens" of
verse 18 be read as a circumlocution for God. Mitchell Dahood, "Note on tob 'Rain,'"
Bib 5 4 ( 1 9 7 3 ) : 7 3 - 8 9 .
30. Elijah's prayer in 1 Kings 1 8 : 3 6 - 3 7 ends with the plea, "that this people may know that
you have turned back [MT n-nn»...nzcri; L X X EOTpEv|/as...6Trioco] their hearts." Among
biblical writings, Mai 3:24 (MT) picks up the language of 1 Kings, stating that "before the
coming of the great and terrible day of the LORD," Elijah "will renirn [rcrn] the heart of
the fathers to their sons and the heart of the sons to their fathers." The LXX (Mai 3:23)
has "He will bring back [aTTOKaTaoTrpEi] the heart of a father to a son and the heart of a
man to his neighbor." Addressing the prophet himself, Sirach 4 8 : 1 0 says that at the ap
pointed time "you are destined...to turn [£TTicTpEv|;ai] the heart of a father to a son, and
to restore [KaTacnrjam] the tribe of Jacob." Regarding Elijah's eschatological mission,
Matt 1 7 : 1 0 - 1 1 follows the L X X of Malachi: "Elijah is coming and will restore
[QTroKaTC(OTr)OEi] all things"; Mark 9 : 1 1 - 1 2 follows the L X X of Malachi less closely, tak
ing on some of the nuance of Sirach: "Elijah is coming; he is restoring [aTTOKaOicrravEi]
all things"; Luke 1:17 is also apparently influenced by the text of Sirach: John the Baptist
will go forth "in the spirit and power of Elijah to turn back [emoTpevâi] the hearts of the
fathers to their children and the disobedient in the insight of the righteous."
31. Cf. Bauckham, James, 101.
32. Implicit examples can be found at James 1:27; 2 : 2 - 3 ; 3:1; 13.
33. But cf. Matt 17:16 (Mark 9:18; Luke 9:40); Acts 5:12.
34. See Louise Wells, The Greek Language of Healing from Homer to the New Testament Times,
BZNW 83 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1998).
35. Matt 10:8; 25:36, 39; Mark 6:56; Luke 4:40; John 4:46; 5:3, 7; 6:2; 1 1 : 1 - 6 ; Acts 9:37;
19:12; cf. Phil 2:26-27; 1 Tim 4:20.
36. Matt 8:8, 13; 15:28; Mark 5:29; Luke 5:17; 6 : 1 8 - 1 9 ; 7:7; 8:47; 9:2, 11, 42; 14:4; 17:15;
22:51; John 4:47; 5:13; Acts 9:34; 10:38; 28:8; Heb 12:13.
37. Moralee, For Salvations Sake, 1.
38. Matt 9 : 2 1 - 2 2 (Mark 5:28, 34; Luke 8:48); 14:36 (Mark 6:56); Mark 3:4 (Luke 6:9); 5:23;
10:52 (Luke 18:42); Luke 8:36; 8:50; 17:19; Acts 4:9; 14:9. Cf. Luke 7:50; Acts 16:31;
Rom 10:9.
39. In a notable story from the triple tradition Jesus heals a paralyzed man by declaring his
sins forgiven: Matt 9 : 2 - 8 (Mark 2 : 1 - 1 2 ; Luke 5 : 1 7 - 2 6 ) ; cf. Luke 7 : 4 7 - 4 8 ; 1 Cor 1 1 : 2 9 -
30.
40. Many accounts are also found in the triple tradition: Matt 8:15 (Mark 1:31; Luke 4:39);
9 : 6 - 7 (Mark 2 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; Luke 5 : 2 4 - 2 5 ) ; 9:25 (Mark 5 : 4 1 - 4 2 ; Luke 8 : 5 4 - 5 5 ) . Cf. Matt
9:27; Luke 7:14; John 5:8. See also Acts 3:7; Mark 3:3; 10:49.
41. In these sources, according to Johnson (Letter of James, 332), we typically find praying "on
behalf of" (urrep) someone, or "concerning" (rrepi) someone.
42. Discussed in Chapter 4.
43. Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 2 .
44. Rom 4:19; 8:3; 14:1-2; 1 Cor 8 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; 2 Cor 11:21, 29; 12:10; 1 3 : 3 - 4 , 9. Cf. Acts
20:35.
45. Wis 15:9.
46. 4 Mac 3:8; 4 Mac 7:13 ("weakened"); Wis 4:16 ("dead").
47. Heb 12:3; cf. Job 10:1; 17:2; Philo, Post 31; Josephus, A. J. 2.290.
48. Matt 13:15 (John 12:40; Acts 28:27; - Isa 4:10); Heb 12:13; 1 Pet 2:24 (= Isa 5 3 : 4 - 5 ) .
49. In the gospels and Acts alone see Matt 1:21; 1 0 : 2 2 / 2 4 : 1 3 (Mark 13:13); 16:25 (Mark
8:35; Luke 9:24); 19:25 (Mark 10:26; Luke 18:26 [cf. 13:23]); 24:22 (Mark 13:20); Mark
16:16 ("long ending"); Luke 1:47, 6 9 , 7 1 , 77; 2:11; 8:12; 9:56 (Western tradition); 19:9,
10 (cf. Matt 18:11); John 3:17; 4:22, 42; 5:34; 10:9; 12:47; Acts 2:1 (= Joel 3:5), 40; 4:12;
5:31; 11:14; 13:23, 26, 47 (= Isa 49:6); 15:1, 11; 16:17, 3 0 - 3 1 .
50. Rom 4 : 2 4 - 2 5 ; 10:9; 1 C o r 6:14; 2 C o r 4:14.
51. Mayor, Epistle of James, 1 7 0 - 7 3 ( 4 8 1 - 8 3 ) ; Ropes (St. James, 3 0 8 ) simply asserts, "syeipeT
cannot refer here either to the awakening of the dead to life or to the resurrection"; Di
belius interprets the healing as an exorcism: Dibelius, James, 252; MufSner, Jakobusbrief,
2 1 8 - 2 2 1 ; Martin, James, 204; Popkes, Brief des Jakobus, 3 4 0 - 4 1 . See also John Wilkin
son, The Bible and Healing: A Medical and Theological Commentary (Edinburgh: The Hansel
Press; Grand Rapids: Eerdman's, 1998), 2 4 4 - 2 4 5 ; John Christopher Thomas, The Devil,
Disease, and Deliverance: Origins of Illness in New Testament Thought (Sheffield, U.K.: Shef
field Academic Press, 1998), 1 5 - 3 7 ; Martin C. Albl, "'Are Any among You Sick?' The
Health Care System in the Letter of James," JBL 1 2 1 / 1 (2002): 125; Daniel R. Hayden,
"Calling the Elders to Pray," Bibliotheca Sacra 138 (1981): 2 5 8 - 2 6 6 ; Frederick J. Wright,
"Healing: An interpretation of James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , " Journal of the Christian Medical Fellowship
37 no. 1 (1991): 2 0 - 2 1 ; J . Keir Howard, Disease and Healing in the New Testament: An
Analysis and Interpretation (Lanham, Md., New York, and Oxford, U.K.: University Press
of America, 2001), 2 5 8 - 2 6 6 .
52. Laws, Epistle of James, 227; Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 2 - 3 5 ; Hartin, James, 2 6 8 - 7 0 ; Bro-
sund, James & Jude, 1 5 3 - 5 7 , 1 6 0 - 6 2 .
53. For a few examples, see Deut 2 8 : 5 8 - 6 3 ; Job 8 : 1 - 2 2 ; 11:6b; 2 2 : 1 - 3 0 ; Prov 3 : 2 7 - 3 5 ;
11:19; 1 3 : 2 1 - 2 3 ; 19:15-17; 2 3 : 1 9 - 2 1 ; Ezek 1 8 : 1 - 2 9 ; Sir 1:12-13; 3 : 2 6 - 2 7 ; 1 1 : 1 4 - 2 0 .
Cf. John 9:2; 1 C o r 11:30.
54. Luke 7:50; cf. Acts 16:31.
55. According to Mayor we should understand James to mean, "'if he has committed sins
which have given rise to this sickness...'"; Mayor, Epistle of James, 174 (484).
56. Matt 9:2 (Mark 2:5; Luke 5:20); cf. Matt 21:28 (Mark 7:29: "for saying that...the demon
has left your daughter"). See the discussion in Chapter 5.
57. Among texts predating and roughly contemporary to James, the most commonly cited
are the use of oil to treat a festering leg wound in Menander, Georg. 60; Pliny's treatment
of various oils in Nat. 2 3 . 3 9 - 5 0 ; Hippocrates, Vict. (=Regimen) II, 65 (DC); Philo's praise
of the benefits of simple olive oil over costlier unguents in Somn. 2.58; Josephus's ac
count of the desperate and apparently extreme prescription that Herod Antipas immerse
himself in an oil bath in A.J. 1 7 . 1 7 2 / B J . 1.657; Celsus's prescription of anointing after
inducing vomiting in De Med. 4 . 2 6 . 4 - 5 ; Galen's praise of oil's ability to cure paralysis in
Med. Temp. 2.10 (DC); the use of salted oil to treat illness in T. Sol. 18.34; the quest for
"the oil of life" to treat the dying Adam in L.A.E. 36.2 (=ApMos 9.3) and 4 0 . 1 - 4 1 . 2
(=ApMos 1 3 . 1 - 2 ) ; and the priestly anointing of the sick with a consecrated mixture of oil
and "the waters" in T. Adam 1.7. See Mayor, Epistle of James 170 (480); Ropes, St. James,
305; MufSner, Jakobusbrief, 220; Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 1 ; Karris, "James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , "
2 1 1 - 1 5 ; idem, Prayer, 1 8 2 - 8 4 .
58. Dibelius, James, 2 5 2 .
59. Cf. Rev. 3:18.
60. This use of oil parallels that prescribed by Menander in Georg. 6 0 .
61. In Greek, the idea of anointing is carried by the verbs aAef<|>co (as here in James) and
Xp»co. In the L X X these verbs typically translate the MT nee. Wilkinson's claim that
aAEi(|>co "is never used in the gospels of anointing for a religious purpose" does not take
into consideration the religious purposes of anointing a body for burial (Mark 16:1), and
it pays attention only to Jesus' chastisement of Simon the Pharisee without explaining
the purpose behind the woman anointing Jesus' feet in Luke 7:38, 4 6 (Wilkinson mis
takenly lists Luke 8:46, and he claims that nine uses of C(AEI<|>CO occur in the NT; there
are eight: Matt 6:17; Mark 6:13; 16:1; Luke 7:38, 4 6 ; John 11:2; 12:3; James 5:14). Wil
kinson, The Bible and Healing, 252; cf. Howard, Disease and Healing, 2 6 3 .
62. Examples of cosmetic anointing appear in Deut 28:40; Ruth 3:3; 2 Sam 12:20; 14:2; 2
Chron 28:15; Ezek 16:9; Dan 10:3; Micah 6:15; Matt 6:17; cf. Psalm 104:15. Exod
30:32 may allude to a similar use, and Josephus may be speaking of the application of oil
as a cosmetic when he mentions the Essenes' aversion in B.J. 2.123. Johnson makes note
of gymnastic applications of oil in the ancient world as well, none of which seems re
flected in the biblical literature: Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 1 .
63. For a general survey of examples, see Gen 28:18; Exod 28:41; 29:7, 36; 3 0 : 2 2 - 3 3 (cf. Lev
8 : 1 0 - 1 2 ) ; 4 0 : 9 - 1 5 ; Lev 2 : 1 - 4 , 1 4 - 1 6 ; 16:32; Judg 9 : 8 - 1 5 ; 1 Sam 9:16; 10:1; 15:1; 16:3,
1 2 - 1 3 ; 2 Sam 2:4; 1 Kings 1:34, 39; 2 Kings 9:6; 2 En. 2 2 . 8 - 9 .
64. Heb 1:9 cites the LXX of this Psalm (44:8), both using XP«co. See also Ps. 92:10; 133:2.
Cf. Luke 7:46.
65. Cf. Deut. 18:19, 22; 1 Kings 22:16; 2 Kings 2:24; 2 Chron 18:15; 33:18; Jer 11:21; 26:9,
16, 20; 44:16; Ezek 5:1; Zech 13:3.
66. Acts 2:38 (baptism "in the name of Jesus Christ"); 3:6 (healing "in the name of Jesus
Christ of Nazareth"; cf. 3:16); 10:48 (baptism "in the name of Jesus Christ"); 16:17 (ex
orcism 'in the name of Jesus Christ"); 19:5 (baptism "in the name of the Lord Jesus").
Incidences of speaking and preaching boldly "in the name of Jesus Christ" (thus mirror
ing the prophetic discourse of James 5:10) occur in Acts 4:18; 5:40; 9:27. In 1 C o r 1:13
Paul asks, "Were you baptized in the name of Paul?"; he answers his own rhetorical ques
tion in 6:11 by asserting, "But you were washed, you were sanctified, you were justified
in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ"; and in 5:4 he speaks of the congregation "gath
ered in the name of our Lord Jesus" (contra NRSV). Cf. Mat 28:19; Col 3:17.
67. Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 1 .
68. It can be argued that the prayer for the rains to return is an intercessory prayer, although
it is not presented as such in 1 Kings 1 8 : 3 6 - 3 7 .
69. Sirach 48:5 says of Elijah, "You who raised [6 eyEi'pas] a corpse from the dead and from
Hades by the word of the Most High."
70. One problem with this conjecture is not only the close verbal agreement between James's
recollection of the drought and that found in The Lives of the Prophets, but also the fact
that both record two prayers—one to stop the rain and one to start it again. No other
ancient source does so.
71. C f . 4 Q 4 1 6 2.3ff.
72. Cf. Job 4:8; Prov 22:8; also 2 Chron 9:6; Hos 10:12; 1 C o r 15:33. Compare this image
with that of the implanted word of 1:21.
73. James's particular word choice for the confession of sins (6£o|JoAoy67o0E...aMapTias) is
uncommon in both the L X X and New Testament; see Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 4 . In
the LXX, the confession of sins is most often conveyed by EâyopEUco (cf. Lev 5:5; 16:21;
26:40; Num 5:7; 3 Kgdms [1 Kgs] 8:31; 2 Esd l l [ N e h 1]:6; Ps 31[32]:5). In the L X X and
New Testament, opoAoyeco most commonly expresses making a vow or profession of
faith in God (cf. Jer 51[44]:25; Job 40:14; 1 Esd 4:59-60; Matt 7:23; 10:32 [Luke 12:8];
14:7; John 1:20; 9:22; 12:42; Acts 7:17; Rom 10:9, 10; 1 Tim 6:12; Titus 1:16; Heb
13:15; 1 John 2:23; 4 : 2 - 3 , 15; 2 John 7; Rev 3:5); it expresses confession of sins only in
Sir 4:26, Pss. Sol 9:6, and 1 John 1:9 (Cf. Add Esth 12:3). The cognate eôAnoAoyeco
bears a similar usage in the Greek Bible, expressing thanksgiving or public profession of
faith most often (cf. Gen 29:35; 2 Sam 22:50; 3 Kgdms [1 Kgsl 8:33, 35; 1 Chron 16:4;
Ps 17:50[18:49] 2 Mace 7:37; Matt 11:25 [Luke 10:211; Rom 14:11 [= Ps 17:50]; Phil
;
2:11), and articulating confession of sins only in Matt 3:6, Mark 1:5, Acts 19:18 (sins are
not explicitly mentioned), and here in James 5:16.
74. By inserting eairrcov after Tots ccpapTi'as, a few miniscule manuscripts attempt to clarify
that a person confesses his or her own sins.
75. Though less clearly, it is also linked to the juxtaposition of the implanted word of 1:21
that has the power to save (give life) and desire that leads to sin and thence to death.
76. Many manuscripts place CXUTOU after SavaTOU; in many more it is missing altogether.
77. Often used in conjunction with peTavoeco: Matt 13:15/Mk 4:12 (= Isa 6:10 LXX); Luke
1:16-17; 17:4; 22:32; Acts 3:19; 9:35; 11:21; 14:15; 15:19; 26:18, 20; 28:27 (= Isa 6:10
LXX); 2 C o r 3:16; 1 Thes 1:9; 1 Pet 2:25.
78. The first, ETTiOTpevpn, is an aorist active subjunctive, and forms, along with rrXavnSfj, the
protasis of a third class conditional; the second, o 6rnaTpe\|/as, is an aorist active partici
ple. The apapTcoXos, therefore, does not "turn"; rather, a fellow believer "uirns" the
sinner.
79. An apparent citation of the Hebrew of Prov 10:12.
80. For example, James's transitive use of eTTlOTp£<()CO matches eschatological claims about
Elijah in Sir 4 8 : 1 0 and Luke 1:17, both of which draw on the language of 1 Kings 18:37.
81. Cf. Wesley H. Wachob, "The Languages of 'Household' and 'Kingdom' in the Letter of
James: A Socio-rhetorical Study," in Reading James with New Eyes: Methodobgical Reassess
ments of the Letter of James, ed. Robert L. Webb and John S. Koppenborg (London and
New York: T & T Clark, 2007), 151-168. Wachob argues that the author seeks to per
suade community members to model their thoughts and actions after Jesus'.
82. Albl, "Are Any among You Sick?"
83. Signs of city life appear now and then in James. The community convenes in a public
structure, the synagogue. Its members are abused in the law courts. James anticipates
that some may travel to other cities to make money. In this context, the reference to
community members who labor in the fields suggests city dwellers who travel outside the
walls to work at their day jobs.
• C H A P T E R T H R E E *
Ways Not Taken by James:

Greco-Roman Visions of
Corporate Life
W h e n tracking religious practices in G r e c o - R o m a n texts, and basing

the inquiry o n those m e n t i o n e d in J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , three challenges
immediately b e c o m e apparent. T h e first is that n o o n e text con
tains the same constellation o f practices found in J a m e s . As a result, we are
forced to consider many writings that make m e n t i o n o f only a single act, o r at
most two. S e c o n d , the length o f t h e epistle made it possible to e x a m i n e the
treatment o f practices within the c o n t e x t o f the entire work, b u t space con
straints do n o t allow equivalent attention to any other text. T h i r d , in contrast
to J a m e s , w h o devotes n o extended discourse to any o f these acts, a few o f the
works considered here allocate entire sections to a single practice (as Plutarch
does in the latter half o f How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend), o r they return
again and again to particular types o f experience (as in Aelius Aristides' Sacred
1
Tales).
In short, the comparison is affected from the start by the problem o f dis
proportion. W h a t J a m e s treats all together, within a relatively c o m p a c t com
position, and in a terse, g n o m i c style, s o m e texts set forth individually, in large
treatises, and at length. Still others devote their entire c o n t e n t to a single
practice. T h e problem is real, reflecting in part the variety o f genres repre
sented by the different texts under consideration, b u t it does n o t fatally im
pede the task o f analysis. O n e should n o t expect to find in J a m e s ' s protreptic
discourse extended treatments o f miraculous healing, confession o f sins, and
mutual correction resembling the scope or form found in the G r e e k magical
texts, the Lydian and Phrygian inscriptions, o r EpictetuV Discourses. As will
b e c o m e clear in the following sections, systemic comparison based o n diagnos
tic categories takes into a c c o u n t the variations posed by many different genres.
A second problem confronts us as well: the G r e c o - R o m a n moralists typi
cally restrict their n o t i o n o f proper religious practice to making sacrifices and
offering prayers, whereas they tend to express skepticism about, or downright

ridicule toward, divine healing. Also, confession o f sins rarely registers in
their discussions o f piety. T o understand healing and confession in the G r e c o -
R o m a n world, o n e is forced to turn to records o f religious experience in that
milieu, what we may broadly call "popular" religion, which the moralists often
use as foils for their n o t i o n s o f proper religious expression. T h e present chap
ter takes up the practices o f prayer and correction in the moralists; analysis o f
healing a n d confession in magical papyri, inscriptions, and the autobiographi
cal accounts o f Aelius Aristides occurs in C h a p t e r 4 . Overall conclusions
about the interplay o f morality and religion in G r e c o - R o m a n texts are at the
e n d o f that chapter.
Prayer in Two Treatises of the Platonic Tradition
A l t h o u g h musings o n correct a n d incorrect ways to pray are c o m m o n in G r e

c o - R o m a n authors, in this chapter the discussion is limited to two texts that
speculate o n how piety benefits the social entity: Plato's political treatise, Laws,
2
and Plutarch's On Superstition.
Piety and the M o r a l State: Plato's Laws
T h e first task o f each section o f this chapter is to explain the logic b e h i n d the
selection o f particular works for analysis and c o m p a r i s o n with James. W e ask,
why these texts a n d n o t s o m e others? It is important to address this question
because a n o t h e r set o f texts might highlight quite different aspects o f James's
construal o f religious practices and moral deeds. T h e primary criterion for the
selection o f a text is w h e t h e r it contains counterpart categories to J a m e s ' s con
strual o f religious practices. I f a particular text talks a b o u t prayer, b u t gives n o
indication o f whether individuals do it o r a group performs it, sets it forth us
ing neither religious n o r m o r a l discourse, says n o t h i n g a b o u t the relationship
between h u m a n s and the Divine that forms the basis o f the practice, a n d m o s t
importantly gives n o indication o f what effect prayer has o n the social entity, a
c o m p a r i s o n with J a m e s can yield only superficial similarities and differences,
b u t will reveal little a b o u t what the texts share at the level o f system, or how
those systems differ.
3
C o n s i d e r M e n a n d e r o f Laodicea's first treatise o n epideictic r h e t o r i c . In
itially two characteristics suggest that what M e n a n d e r R h e t o r has to say a b o u t
prayers and hymns will help illuminate J a m e s by comparison, and likewise
M e n a n d e r in c o m p a r i s o n with James: [1] M e n a n d e r talks a b o u t the right and
GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF CORPORATE LIFE* 51
wrong ways to c o m p o s e hymns (see especially his section o n precatory and de
precatory hymns in 3 4 2 . 2 1 - 3 4 3 . 1 6 ) , and 1 2 ] he deploys t h e language o f virtue
and vice to talk a b o u t good and bad hymn writing. A closer reading shows
that what is at stake for M e n a n d e r R h e t o r is the issue o f form—mixed and
pure types o f hymns and how well a hymn c o n f o r m s to the n o r m s o f its ge
nre—and that c o n c e r n generates his categories a n d the logic o f his discourse.
M e n a n d e r does n o t work the discussion a r o u n d to what role form plays in a
hymn's efficacy (characteristics o f religious discourse), a n d the issues o f virtu
ous o r evil hymn writing (characteristics o f m o r a l discourse) do n o t make an
impact o n his treatise.
S o , for example, when M e n a n d e r uses a c o m m o n term for "virtue" h e is
talking a b o u t matters o f style (apETT) epMnveias; 3 4 0 . 2 4 ; cf. 3 3 9 . 2 9 ) . W h a t is
"excellent" is what is fluent and polished (oTcopuAeos KCU yXac|)upcos; 3 4 1 . 2 2 -
2 3 ) , balanced, simple, and b r i e f (SI'KOCIOS, airAoos, fipaxus; 3 4 2 . 2 1 - 3 4 3 . 1 6 ) ;
what is n o t excellent causes disgust (TrpooKopr)s; 3 4 0 . 2 5 ) , is tiresome ( K O T Q —
KOprjS; 3 4 3 . 4 ) , and puerile (peipaKicoSris; 3 4 0 . 1 0 ) . It is evident that there is
little in this discussion to make a c o m p a r i s o n o f J a m e s a n d M e n a n d e r R h e t o r
worthwhile, for M e n a n d e r is talking a b o u t aesthetics rather than either moral
or religious obligations. T h e discourses o f J a m e s and M e n a n d e r intersect only
at the level o f shared vocabulary b u t diverge at the level o f system: they are
simply talking to different people a b o u t different things.
As we shall see directly, in contrast to the work o f M e n a n d e r R h e t o r , a
reading o f the Laws reveals a set o f diagnostic categories (answering the ques
tions, w h o prays in the Laws, for w h o m , and to what end?) that provides a
suitable matrix for comparison with J a m e s because many o f the categories in
o n e text find counterparts in the other. J a m e s talks a b o u t m e m b e r s o f the as
sembly praying for o n e another, and Plato also has something to say about the
individual and corporate c o n c e r n s o f prayer; J a m e s presents the practice o f
prayer as a moral deed, and Plato t o o has ways o f setting forth piety as a virtue;
and so o n . T h e r e will be s o m e categories that prove to b e disproportionate, o r
that are present in o n e text b u t n o t the other, b u t the d o m i n a n c e o f counter
part categories between the two texts provides the basis for c o m p a r i s o n a n d
contrast. T h i s is the case for all texts read in this and the following chapters.
S o m u c h for Laws' general suitability for comparison with J a m e s . Moving
to the particular, a comparison between J a m e s and Laws provides the oppor
tunity to view J a m e s alongside a political work whose logic and goals are built
upon the philosophical assumptions o f the Platonic s c h o o l (presumably, those
4
o f Plato himself). Laws shows how a philosophical and political system gener
ates the categories o f c o m m u n i t y , religion, and morality with its own logic and
assumptions about what is good. W e begin, then, by d e t e r m i n i n g how the
c o n c e r n s o f Plato's vision for the ideal state engender a discussion o f the value
o f the religious life, and what Plato says about acts o f piety, how they should
be c o n d u c t e d and why, what understanding o f the divine-human relationship
they reveal, and h o w they construct c o m m u n i t y .
The discourse o n piety in Plato's Laws functions as part o f a political vi
sion, b u t the vision is n o t entirely Utopian. R a t h e r , Laws looks like an at
tempt, near the e n d o f Plato's life, to derive a plan for a working society from
the philosophical system that he has developed over the course o f his career;
5
in the work, Plato a b a n d o n s proper dialogic form and organization, and he
begins with the problems e n d e m i c to the governance o f h u m a n beings rather
than with questions generated by an epsitomology. In C h a p t e r 4 o f Laws, the
characters in the work begin to discuss an actual case, and they base their talk
o n a question—asked at the outset o f C h a p t e r 1—whose answer has immediate
implications for their c h o s e n task: H o w should the state fashion laws to ensure
6
the happiness o f its citizens?
7
In Laws 4 . 7 1 6 B - 7 1 8 C , three pilgrims o n their way to the grotto o f D i c t e
8
o n C r e t e consider the formation and preservation o f the ideal city. After the
discussion takes a practical turn toward the founding o f a new c o l o n y o n
9
Crete's M a g n e s i a , the travelers take up, for a b r i e f m o m e n t , the issue o f reli
gious piety (Leg. 4 . 7 1 6 B - 7 1 7 A ) .
S o m e things stand o u t immediately. First, the A t h e n i a n equates self-
c o n t r o l with striving to b e God-like, and, by extension, makes the claim that
the intemperate person is at enmity (5ia<J>opos) with G o d . B o t h claims strike
a familiar note, calling to m i n d b o t h James's construal o f morality as behavior
that aligns a person with G o d ' s activity and his invective against G o d ' s e n e m y
(Ix8pa) in J a m e s 4 : 4 . T h e r e is also a clear disparity between the temperate
person a n d the wicked person (also impious, a v o o ( o s ) in this passage o f Laws,
a n o t h e r p o i n t o f similarity with J a m e s . In J a m e s , those w h o pray in faith can
look forward to having their prayers answered, while those w h o pray evilly
(KCCKCOS) should expect n o t h i n g from G o d ; according to the A t h e n i a n , the
gods accept n o gift from t h e wicked person (KCXKOS), while freely receiving t h e
service o f those w h o are pious (boios).
O n the o t h e r hand, in this passage we e n c o u n t e r a n o t i o n that we have
n o t seen before: acts o f piety as gifts to the Divine. T h e idea is carried by the
G r e e k language o f piety itself, some o f w h i c h the A t h e n i a n uses: TrpooopiAEco,
"to have c o m m u n i o n with" o r "hold intercourse with"; ccva0r)[ja, "offering";
6EpaTT6ia, "service." Also, the gods for their part "receive" the "gifts" that are
offered (5copa SexsoBai). By implication, the gods benefit s o m e h o w when
10
h u m a n s perform cultic a c t s . However, the focus o f the passage is n o t o n
what the gods gain from h u m a n s ; rather, the A t h e n i a n emphasizes what hu-
• G R E C O R O M A N VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE • 53
mans gain in their intercourse with the gods. T h e A t h e n i a n describes the

benefit in this way: c o n t i n u a l worship "is helpful toward the happy life [ o f the
o n e worshipping]," and "[the religious labor] o f the pious is most profitable to
11
[all h u m a n i t y ] . " T h e language o f divine favor granted in response to gifts of
fered the gods suggests a structure in which e a c h party carries o u t assigned
roles, a n d in w h i c h failure to perform (or performing wickedly) causes a
breakdown in that structure.
M a n y scholars discuss the idea o f reciprocity between h u m a n s a n d gods in
12
G r e e k religion. Pulleyn, for example, points o u t the c o m m o n link between
prayer a n d sacrifice, making the case that "the relationship between m e n and
gods was essentially o n e o f give-and-take through sacrifice and prayer," these
13
two practices making up the h u m a n side o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p . A c c o r d i n g to
1 o r
Pulleyn, what is at stake in the system o f reciprocity is X ^ P ^ favor: some
thing pleasing that o n e offers to the god in the expectation that h e o r she will
respond favorably to o n e ' s request, o r in order to ensure favorable responses
14
in the future. I f o n e ' s expectations are n o t met, there are grounds for lodg
15
ing a c o m p l a i n t with the g o d s . S u c h a system o f exchange may b e what Plato
has in m i n d in b o o k 1 0 o f Laws when the A t h e n i a n speaks against illicit trans
actions: he argues against the n o t i o n that the gods can b e bribed o r seduced by
16
prayers a n d sacrifices, especially those o f wicked p e o p l e . However, in Laws,
Plato assumes s o m e sort o f system o f reciprocity, for i f h e criticizes a popular
expectation that proper acts o f worship must b e rewarded, he nevertheless im
plies that gods a n d h u m a n s bear s o m e sort o f duty toward o n e another: when
people correctly perform their obligation o f piety, the gods, in turn, dutifully
17
respond by helping t h e m to attain the happy life.
W h a t is this "happy life" (b EuSaipcov (3(os)? T h e term c o n n o t e s eco
18
n o m i c prosperity, suggesting that the gods impart s o m e o f their blessings
19
through material g o o d s . In an earlier section o f Laws ( 7 1 0 B ) , t h e A t h e n i a n
has referred to the goals o f the state using the superlative o f the term ("the
happiest kind [EuSaiMOVEOTCXTa] o f life"), a usage explained in part a few lines
later by the claim, " [ i f a praiseworthy lawmaker and a virtuous monarch
should meet,] then G o d would have d o n e nearly everything that h e does w h e n
he desires that a state should b e e m i n e n t l y prosperous" ( 7 1 0 D ) . S u c h prosper
ity, however, must n o t b e c o m e a surfeit o f wealth, just as the state, i f it is to b e
virtuous, must also n o t allow citizens to fall i n t o destitution, for b o t h being
"excessively p o o r " and possessing t o o m u c h silver a n d gold yield their own
20
vices: "insolence and injustice...rivalries and j e a l o u s i e s . "
T h a t the A t h e n i a n should place limitations o n t h e good o f monetary
wealth requires further explanation. T h e A t h e n i a n earlier praises the condi
tions o f h u m a n states in the time o f K r o n o s : "how blissful was the life o f m e n
in that age, furnished with everything in a b u n d a n c e , a n d o f spontaneous

21
growth." T h e idea o f prosperity appears to permit an a b u n d a n c e o f goods
a n d necessities, b u t n o t o f what o n e would call money, namely gold and sil
22
ver. In that happy age, K r o n o s also placed d a e m o n s in charge o f h u m a n
government, and it was these beings w h o " t o o k charge o f us and furnished
peace a n d modesty a n d orderliness a n d justice w i t h o u t stint, and thus made
23
the tribes o f m e n free from feud and happy [EuSainova]." T h i s panegyric o n
the golden age o f h u m a n i t y suggests that, according to the A t h e n i a n , the ab
24
sence o f n e e d yields an ordered, peaceful, and just state.
In Laws 4 . 7 1 6 B - 7 1 8 C , the "happy life" results when ruled and ruler alike
attain to virtue, w h i c h includes religious piety. W i t h i n such a state, citizens
maintain a m e a n between poverty and wealth, a n d thus ensure that the state
25
will b e well-ordered. T h e happy life is n o t merely a gift granted by gods to
individuals in exchange for certain favors. R a t h e r , it is an ideal state o f corpo
rate existence to w h i c h h u m a n s and gods alike c o n t r i b u t e , and the contribu
tion o f b o t h parties lies primarily in the fulfillment o f duties.
In B o o k 5 o f Laws, the A t h e n i a n spells out h o w to put into practice the
values derived from the myth o f the golden age, using the example o f a new
colony to b e founded o n Magnesia o f C r e t e . Citizens are to be divided into
four e c o n o m i c classes, depending o n their wealth w h e n they arrive at the col
ony, a n d changing classes as their wealth either increases o r decreases. E a c h
h o u s e h o l d is to possess two plots o f land for food production for itself, and to
create only e n o u g h surplus to help an injured n e i g h b o r i f necessary ( 7 3 7 C - D ;
7 4 5 C - E ) . E c o n o m i c trade a n d usury are forbidden to citizens ( 7 4 3 C - D ) , with
the result that, despite the class divisions, n o o n e h o u s e h o l d can b e c o m e ei
ther overly wealthy o r overly p o o r in c o m p a r i s o n to the others. Furthermore,
wealth that exceeds a particular percentage o f a household's allotment goes to
t h e state ( 7 4 5 A ) . N o o n e is to have silver o r gold except the city; citizens use a
currency that has n o value outside o f the c o l o n y ( 7 4 2 A - B ) . All m e m b e r s o f
26
lot-holding families are citizens ; b o t h male and female citizens are obligated
t o military service a n d can vote at age 2 0 ( 7 5 3 B ; 7 6 4 A ; 8 1 4 C ) ; m e n can begin
serving in office at age 3 0 , w o m e n at 4 0 ; w o m e n c a n n o t own property.
M o d e r a t i o n emerges as a primary virtue o f t h e new colony, and it takes its
27
place alongside the o t h e r three virtues: courage, justice, a n d w i s d o m . We
should n o t e that the very idea o f virtuous behavior presumes h u m a n interac
tion. A city whose laws aim at virtue, therefore, is a city built upon the foun
dation o f right association. Plato carefully constructs a society that attains as
nearly as possible to the ideal o f a c o m m u n i t y o f friends sharing all things in
c o m m o n (including w o m e n , children, a n d property), having u n a n i m o u s opin-
• G R E C O - R O M A N VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE • 55
ions a b o u t what is worthy o f praise a n d b l a m e a n d o f joy a n d grief, a n d h o n o r

28
ing those laws that m o s t unify the s t a t e .
T h e virtue o f m o d e r a t i o n blankets m u c h o f t h e discussion o f religious pi
29
ety in Laws, as it does the b u l k o f the discourse o n the virtuous s t a t e . What I
have called "correct p e r f o r m a n c e " o f religious duty in this passage is governed
by the virtue o f t e m p e r a n c e and the vice o f i n t e m p e r a n c e , together with their
30
a t t e n d a n t virtues and v i c e s . T h e A t h e n i a n links the moderate ( p E T p i o s ) o r
temperate (oco<{>pcov) person with what is " m o s t n o b l e " ( K O A A I O T O V ) a n d "best"
(ap.OTOv), with b e i n g "clean" ( K a 0 a p 6 s ) and "pious" ( o a i o s ) ; in the same way,
the i m m o d e r a t e ( a p s T p o s ) o r intemperate ({ir\ oco<|>pcov) person is "unjust"
(aSiKOs), "wicked" (KCCKOS), " u n c l e a n " ( a K a 0 a p x o s ) , "defiled" ( p i a p o s ) , a n d
"impious" ( a v o o i o s ) . T h e c o n c e r n for t e m p e r a n c e is spelled o u t later in a
c o n c r e t e example: " W h e n parents die, the m o s t m o d e s t [aco<|>poveaTaTr]] fu
neral rites are the best, whereby t h e son n e i t h e r exceeds the a c c u s t o m e d
p o m p , n o r falls s h o r t o f what his forefathers paid to their sires; a n d in like
m a n n e r he s h o u l d duly bestow the yearly attentions, w h i c h ensure h o n o r , o n
31
the rites already c o m p l e t e d . " Modesty, o r t e m p e r a n c e / m o d e r a t i o n , guides
n o t o n l y piety shown the O l y m p i c P a n t h e o n , b u t also h o m a g e given to o n e ' s
32
dead p a r e n t s .
G i v e n a polytheistic religious system in w h i c h b o t h a plethora o f deities
and o n e ' s ancestors ( n o t to m e n t i o n living parents) require pious attention,
does s o m e system govern t h e proper m e t i n g o u t o f religious rites? T h e A t h e
nian provides an answer in a b r i e f s t a t e m e n t laying o u t a hierarchy o f religious
3 3
duty (Leg. 4 . 7 1 7 A - B ) .
A c c o r d i n g to the A t h e n i a n , the goal o f ranking the gods and h e n c e o n e ' s
religious duty is to repay the greatest d e b t first. T h e logic o f the discourse is
34
difficult to f o l l o w : it appears that parents' begetting and rearing o f children
mirrors the relationship o f the O l y m p i a n s to the state, and h e n c e a m o n g peo
ple the h o n o r due to parents is akin to what t h e state owes these greatest o f
gods. In the excursus following this claim (as I have construed it), the A t h e
nian lays o u t how o n e should h o n o r a n d care for parents, b o t h living a n d
dead. F o r o u r purposes, it is i m p o r t a n t to n o t e how the c u r r e n t topic rein
forces c o n c l u s i o n s reached above: piety does n o t merely signify an individual's
virtue, it is part o f a system o f reciprocal duty, in which individuals, in right
relationship with o n e a n o t h e r and with the gods, c o n t r i b u t e to the well-being
o f the state.
As t h e A t h e n i a n states matters in Leg. 4 . 7 1 8 A - B , the e n d o f b o t h morality
(and worship as a type o f m o r a l act) a n d law is the good city. W h e n people
behave piously toward the gods, right dealings with their fellow h u m a n s are
assured. W h e n the latter breaks down, the law either extracts virtue through
35
force, o r teaches it by s a n c t i o n .
O n the issue o f exclusion, o r isolation o f the c o m m u n i t y from surround-
ing influence, Plato and J a m e s c o n c u r : the c o m m u n i t y should avoid pressure
from outside mores. In Laws, the entire c o l o n y o f Magnesia remains cut o f f
from o t h e r cities by its u n i q u e way o f life, o n o n e hand, a n d by an isolationist
policy that excludes untrained outsiders from its citizenry and self-contained
systems o f food production and trade, o n the o t h e r . Despite the city's class
system, we find a partial leveling o f social strata in the availability o f political
office to all citizens, including w o m e n , and an e c o n o m i c structure that aims at
a comfortable level o f living for all as well. In Laws, at least s o m e citizens are
capable o f s o m e knowledge, and h e n c e o f attaining some virtue, including the
virtues o f wisdom and justice, and those w h o d o so may attain to political of
fice. Despite this attenuation o f the idea o f social rank, the strata in society,
although n o t entirely fixed, are clear and fairly rigid.
F o r his part, although J a m e s prescribes n o organizational paradigm for
churches, we find in his tightly defined c o m m u n i t i e s a measure o f egalitarian-
ism that contrasts m o r e strikingly with what we k n o w o f G r e e k a n d R o m a n
society. C h u r c h e s have s o m e offices (we k n o w o f only teachers a n d elders),
b u t n o clear hierarchy o f authority. R a t h e r than lauding those with e c o n o m i c
and political power, J a m e s c o n d e m n s them, and there is a tendency in the
epistle to upset expected lines o f authority: the rich will be "brought low"
while the p o o r are "exalted," teachers are to beware the stricter j u d g m e n t un
der which they fall, and it is the sick person w h o s u m m o n s the elders rather
than the o t h e r way around. M o s t notably, wisdom is available to all for the
asking; it is the exclusive possession o f n e i t h e r the elderly n o r the trained phi
losopher. Perhaps as a result, aside from the elders' healing service, J a m e s sets
forth n o division o f religious labor: all confess sins, all pray for o n e another's
healing, a n d any may correct an erring b r o t h e r o r sister.
T h e r e are clear points o f disagreement and disproportion as well. James's
category o f the c o m m u n i t a r i a n religious act—performed by m e m b e r s o f a
c o m m u n i t y o n b e h a l f o f its o t h e r m e m b e r s , and aimed at the preservation o f
the c o m m u n i t y ' s structure and boundaries—is n o t m a t c h e d by t h e cursory
m e n t i o n o f civic religious rites in Laws, a n d it finds little in c o m m o n with Pla
36
to's proposal for the constitution o f the good c i t y . W e find n o indication
that Plato sees the worshiping body as a cohesive group dedicated to t h e physi
cal and spiritual welfare o f its m e m b e r s and morally segregating itself within
the city. A c c o r d i n g to Plato's plan, what binds together citizens o f the colony
o n Magnesia is their mutual willingness to adhere to its constitution, and to
participate in domestic and political activities that benefit the whole o f the
state rather than any o n e individual o r family. T h e insider-outsider language

in Laws pertains to the entire citizenry, rather than marking boundaries
around a group o f people set apart from the rest o f the city.
By the same token, the systematic working o u t o f Magnesia's constitution,
organization, and e c o n o m y overshadows the few, scattered, and caustic refer
ences to law courts and the e c o n o m i c system in James, as well as the lack o f
any systematic treatment o f the idea o f the state in the epistle. All the allu
sions to such an entity in J a m e s suggest very few details a b o u t a working soci
ety. M o s t importantly, Plato's optimism a b o u t the earthly city contrasts with
James's pessimistic evaluation o f the present life and his c o n d e m n a t i o n o f the
"world." In Plato's ideal state, which he presents as at least partially attainable,
citizens prosper and enjoy security and c o m f o r t ensured by the m e c h a n i s m s o f
a just government. T h i s e l e m e n t o f the "happy life" is o n e gift o f t h e gods, se
cured by proper worship. In James, the this-worldly gifts o f G o d include wis
dom and healing from disease, and h u m a n s may work out G o d ' s justice
(indeed, they must do so), b u t there is n o hope that the trials and evils o f the
present will c o m e to an e n d until the " L o r d " returns.
T h e eschatology in Laws is also quite different from that in James, al
though b o t h authors c o n c u r that the blessed or best existence occurs after the
37
present earthly life. A l t h o u g h Laws does c o n t a i n discussions o f t h e fate o f
citizens in the afterlife, there is n o c o n c e p t o f the e n d o f the age with apoca
lyptic p u n i s h m e n t s and rewards. Divine reward and punishment, rather, cor
respond closely to the virtue that o n e attains or the vice to which o n e descends
(and h e n c e to the well-being to which o n e rises o r the misery into w h i c h o n e
sinks) while alive. Plato does n o t repeat the details o f the transmigration o f
the soul that he describes in Phaedo o r Republic, b u t speaks vaguely o f the soul's
38
"transformation" and transferal to either a better or worse p l a c e . Neverthe
less, there is an intimation that imperfect souls return to earth for rebirth into
bodies, s o m e with the prospect o f increasing in knowledge, virtue, a n d happi
ness.
In the Letter o f James, G o d administers reward and p u n i s h m e n t as well,
but the language suggests that j u d g m e n t occurs for all o f humanity together,
and it hints o f an e n d to this world and the initiation o f a world to c o m e .
T h e r e is n o talk o f the soul separate from the body; instead, the apocalyptic
imagery alludes to bodily torments for the wicked, and the exhortations to en
dure "to the e n d " allude to h u m a n "completeness" and to the restoration o f
G o d ' s creation.
Plato's idea o f compelling adherence to the constitution through either
the threat o r use o f legal sanction conflicts with James's letter, where the law
courts are tools used by the wealthy to exploit c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s , and G o d
is "the o n e lawgiver and judge who can save and destroy" ( 4 : 1 2 ) . In James, the
primary m o d e o f correcting behavior in the here and n o w is through intra-
c o m m u n i t y a d m o n i t i o n that brings a b o u t repentance. However, J a m e s does
use s o m e forensic imagery to encourage right understanding and behavior
when h e speaks o f peering i n t o the perfect law o f liberty ( 1 : 2 5 ) a n d fulfilling
the royal law ( 2 : 1 2 ) .
C o m p a r i s o n o f the Epistle o f J a m e s and Plato's Laws o n the basis o f diag
nostic categories yields, n o t merely details o f c o n c u r r e n c e and divergence, b u t
access to the systems o f thought that animate the discourse o f b o t h authors.
In simple terms, and focusing o n the issue o f how morality and religious acts
form the c o m m u n i t y , we have learned that in Plato's Laws piety is an individ
ual and political act, whereas in J a m e s 5 it is c o m m u n i t a r i a n a n d counter-
societal. In Laws, m e m b e r s o f the state, rightly carrying o u t their civic duty o f
h o n o r i n g the gods through prayer and sacrifice, function within a system that
b o t h forms the polis and preserves it for posterity. In James, pious acts are
performed: a) within the boundaries o f associations tightly defined over
against the prevailing ethos (as James construes it); b ) for the benefit o f their
members; c) so that these groups take up G o d ' s own ongoing and community-
sustaining acts.
T h e Immorality of Foreign Religions: Plutarch's On Supersition
W e turn now to a selection from the G r e e k historian and essayist Plutarch (c.
4 4 - c . 1 2 5 C . E . ) , popularizer o f Platonism, and long-time priest o f A p o l l o at
39 0
Delphi. T h e treatise attributed to him, On Superstition,* treats t h e topic o f
right worship o f the gods, using certain practices o f divination, sorcery, a n d
various types o f a n o i n t i n g a n d baptism as foils for his understanding o f proper
G r e e k religion. In an essay supposedly written by a k n o w n religious celebrant,
it is surprising to find n o references to cases with w h i c h Plutarch is familiar,
either by his own experience o r by hearsay. H e draws from historical figures
and works o f literature, b u t often generalizes, a n d as a result, frequently relies
o n caricature and hyperbole to make his point, which, briefly stated, is: [1] be
cause it stems solely from fear o f the gods, [2] based as it is o n t h e blasphe
mous n o t i o n that the gods regularly h a r m h u m a n s , [3] superstition is a m o s t
pernicious caricature o f true piety, so m u c h so that it is better n o t to believe in
the gods at all i f o n e is inclined to be superstitious.
As Plato's Laws posed a political solution to the problem o f h u m a n hap
piness, On Superstition draws from the Platonic tradition to offer a solution as
well. As Patrick G r a y notes, however, "Plutarch pays very little attention to
41
the political d i m e n s i o n o f superstitio in his construal o f 5 E t O l 5 a t | J O V i a . " In
• GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE • 59
fact, the Platonic worldview and political vision(s) remain in the background
in Plutarch's discourse. W h e n Plutarch talks about the social order, he in
vokes the n o t i o n o f a h o m o g e n e o u s G r e e k culture, a n d to spell o u t what is
right and good for G r e e k s he draws o n the ideas o f the indigenous, solemn,
and "traditional" in contrast to what is foreign, grotesque, and new, and there
42
fore polluting.
In distinction to the political aim in Laws, we can characterize On Supersti
tion as a moral treatise, w h i c h places Plutarch's work in a class m u c h closer to
James's protreptic discourse. T h r o u g h the understanding o f prayer that the
work sets forth—who should pray, h o w they should pray, and for what—On Su
perstition provides an opportunity to c o m p a r e J a m e s with a moral essay situated
in the b r o a d stream o f Platonic ethics. It eschews dialogic argumentation, and
instead asserts the superiority o f G r e e k virtues, making generalizations a b o u t
superstitious practices and the immoderate a n d i m m o d e s t mindsets o f super
stitious peoples. Like J a m e s , Plutarch begins with the problem o f h u m a n liv
ing, given the existence o f the gods a n d their interactions with humanity, a n d
also like James, at times he simply c o n d e m n s what in his view is wrong. Un
like J a m e s , w h o scrolls through several topics in his work, Plutarch devotes his
entire treatise to the single issue o f superstition.
O u r analysis o f prayer in On Superstition begins with a b r i e f summary o f
the argument. Plutarch discusses disbelief in the gods (or atheism [a0EOTr)s])
on o n e hand, and the wrong kind o f belief (superstition [SEioiSaipovia]) o n
the other. A t h e i s m he finds ridiculous b u t relatively harmless, whereas super
stition is a pervasive and dangerous problem in G r e e k society. W h y does he
t h i n k so? In order to answer that question, we turn first to O n Superstition 2
4 3
(Moralia 1 6 5 B - C ) ; two initial observations are possible from a reading o f this
passage. First, it is clear that superstition specifically infects the reasoning
power (Xoyos) o f the individual, a n d that in particular superstition is "an
e m o t i o n a l n o t i o n " (5o£av E[JTra0fj) made acute by fear (c|)6(3os) that debilitates
44 5
reason. T h i s idea is repeated many times in O n Superstition* yet fear o f the
gods is n o t to b e avoided completely, for Plutarch claims that n o t to fear t h e m
at all is impious. By playing o n the etymology o f SEioiSaipovia, Plutarch dis
tinguishes between two types o f fear o f the gods, suggesting that o n e entails
reverence for, o r awe of, divine beings, whereas superstition itself is a debilitat
46
ing terror (SEISCO) o f t h e m . A c c o r d i n g to Plutarch, the gods only help hu
man beings, b u t whereas the atheist is merely blind to this fact (and by
implication draws n o benefit from it), fear causes the superstitious person to
accept the opposite proposition: that the gods are the source o f h u m a n mis
47 48
ery. B o t h positions are associated with a falsification o f r e a s o n .
S e c o n d , by implication, in Plutarch's worldview, h u m a n beings and the

Divinity ("TO 0s7ov) enjoy a relationship in w h i c h divine power may be put to
h u m a n use. Reverence shown the gods—through proper rites, as we shall s e e -
constitutes the h u m a n side o f the equation. T h e gods, for their part, recipro
cate by "helping" (CO<}>EAOGVTOS) pious individuals: the verb CO(|>EAECO means "to
49
benefit" and can carry the particular meaning, "to m a k e o n e r i c h , " a usage
that matches well with Plutarch's understanding o f prayer, to b e e x a m i n e d
presently. H e r e it suffices to n o t e that in the system lying b e h i n d his dis
course, the gods either help a person or do not; h u m a n calamity and misfor
50
tune have s o m e o t h e r s o u r c e .
Given this relationship between h u m a n s a n d their divine benefactors, we
expect to find in Plutarch s o m e m e n t i o n o f prayers o f petition, as well as s o m e
indication o f b o t h a right and a wrong way to go about asking for things. Ex
amples o c c u r in O n Superstition 4 (Mor. 1 6 6 A - B ) , where Plutarch talks a b o u t
the interpretation o f dreams. In Plutarch's j u d g m e n t , the images in dreams
impart n o meaning, yet the superstitious—whom Plutarch characterizes as
adopting foreign religious practices—are c o n v i n c e d that dreams are divine
torments that o n e can only escape by propitiating an angry deity with vulgar
51
and u n c o u t h displays. T h e discussion brings to light two important points.
First, in Plutarch's jingoist understanding, religion that is n o t G r e e k is n o re
ligion at all. H e objects to G r e e k s engaging in "barbarian" religious rites,
which he vilifies as "evil things" (KCXKCO, magical acts (performed by a T T E -
52
pipaKTpicc, " w i t c h " ) a n d the invention o f charlatans ( c c y u p T a o i Kai 5 a -
TTavcoai, "beggars and cheats"). In contrast with such chicanery, it was the
gods themselves w h o bestowed true piety (r) EUOEPEICX) o n the ancestors o f the
Greeks, and the G r e e k s have faithfully preserved and passed o n their rites.
S e c o n d , Plutarch deploys the categories o f m o r a l discourse, caricaturing typical
"religious" c o n c e r n s as histrionic m a c h i n a t i o n s . It is the moral rectitude o f
53
the Greeks that distinguishes their practices as genuine r e l i g i o n . Greeks pray
54
"with the m o u t h straight and right," a phrase that sets up word-plays: in con
trast to pious G r e e k s , the superstitious are obsessed with correctness o f the
outward form o f their rites (ritual cleanliness and "straight" [6p6f)] p l a c e m e n t
o f "tongue" [yAcoTxav] u p o n entrails o n the altar), heedless that they "twist"
55
(5iaoTpE<|)OVTas) and defile their own tongue with foreign phrases. This
transgression in speech is m a t c h e d by bizarre smearings, immersions, and pro
56
strations. In short, a key factor that makes "barbaric" religion a despicable
57
superstition is its excess.
W h a t does it mean to pray, as the G r e e k s do, with a straight (6p0os) and
right (SiKcnos) mouth? O n e c o m m o n l y finds discourse o n the i m p o r t a n c e o f
58
correct speech in b o t h G r e e k and Latin authors o f the p e r i o d . In the present
passage, the exact usage o f the topos is unclear, but the association o f "right-
ness" with tradition and the juxtaposition with bizarre acts a n d "barbarous
phrases" (prmaoi P a p P a p i K o f s ) implies that correct speech is c o n d u c t e d in the
59
G r e e k language, and it c o n f o r m s to customary good m a n n e r s . M o r e impor
tantly, to pray in G r e e k is in continuity with the ways o f the ancestors, to
w h o m the gods gave the traditional rites. In this way, Plutarch's language in
vokes the n o t i o n o f traditional (vopivov) ways, sacred knowledge passed down
60
unchanged from generation to g e n e r a t i o n . Based o n this idea, it follows that
prayer d o n e wrongly is prayer d o n e for the wrong purpose (to escape t o r m e n t ) ,
61
is based on mistaken assumptions (that the gods cause trouble for h u m a n s ) ,
and is c o n d u c t e d in t h e wrong way (substituting obsession over t h e precision
o f t h e r i t e for t h e T i g h t n e s s o f t h e o n e w h o p r a y s , b u t a l s o r e p l a c i n g t r a d i t i o n a l
62
religious practices with those imported from barbarian p e o p l e s ) .
S o m u c h for praying wrongly. D o e s Plutarch talk a b o u t how the pious
should pray? W e find an answer in On Superstition 4 (Mor. 1 6 6 E ) . Here Plu
tarch explicitly discusses prayer as petition (signified by a i T O U | J E 0 a ) , and again
he reiterates his point that because the gods supply only good things, fear o f
t h e m is c o n t e m p t i b l e . M o r e importantly, he gives s o m e indication o f what
people ought to ask for when they pray: b o t h material goods a n d their enjoy
63
ment (riches and an easy living), and certain virtues (peace, c o n c o r d , and
64
success in word and d e e d ) . By implication, the gods have under their do
main the welfare o f the individual, and they are prepared to help the person
w h o asks rightly.
Two further observations are pertinent. O f the five terms m e n t i o n e d
above (riches, easy life, peace, c o n c o r d , and success in word a n d deed), four
carry c o n n o t a t i o n s o f prosperity in general, and three o f material wealth in
65
particular. TTXOUTOS denotes riches, typically in the form o f the accumula
tion o f m o n e y and land. EuTropi'a can b e a virtual synonym for TTXOUTOS, but
its primary usage implies ease or facility in accomplishing a thing, often indi
66
cating ease in making a living. In G r e e k literature, Eiprjvr] primarily has a
negative sense, describing a state o f non-war or a season marking the time be
67
tween wars; by extension, it c o m e s to c o n n o t e the prosperity o f peace t i m e s .
Finally, the term that B a b b i t translates as "success" is 6p0coais, whose r o o t
68
meaning, "making straight," takes o n the derived m e a n i n g o f "prosperity."
T h e language "success in word and deed," therefore, suggests skill in conduct
ing o n e ' s business, whether it be e c o n o m i c o r political, that increases o n e ' s so
cial status. O n e focus o f prayer in this discourse is the good life, measured by
material well-being.
Additionally, we may classify these goods in two categories: the first two
objects o f prayer (riches and an easy living) aid the individual, whereas the
three that follow (peace, c o n c o r d , and success in word and deed) e x t e n d bene-
69
fits to society as a w h o l e . In G r e c o - R o m a n literature, Eiprjvr] rarely applies to
70
the absence o f conflict between individuals. R a t h e r , as noted, m o s t often it
refers to periods w h e n hostilities between warring armies o r nations cease, a n d
a resulting state o f political stability in w h i c h farmers can return to their crops
and officers to the administration o f their city businesses and country estates,
71
while trade may n o w resume o n roads that recently transported t r o o p s . By
contrast, concord—the idea o f h a r m o n y o f t h o u g h t and action between hu
mans—is c o m m o n l y d e n o t e d by b p o v o i c c v , the s e c o n d virtue Plutarch men
72
tions. T h i s is b o t h a popular topos discussed at length by G r e c o - R o m a n
73
moralists (concordia in the Latin a u t h o r s ) and a virtue m e n t i o n e d in many
74
o t h e r types o f t e x t s . B o t h c o n c o r d a n d excellence o f word and deed (also a
15
c o m m o n topos ) imply corporate h u m a n interaction. B e h i n d Plutarch's writ
ing lies the view o f a society that flourishes while at peace with its neighbors,
7 6
and m a d e up o f m e n o f like m i n d w h o prosper in their dealings with o n e
77
another.
D o e s Plutarch's understanding o f prayer resemble James's? Certainly it
does, o n many levels. J a m e s and Plutarch share the ideas that petitionary
prayer constitutes o n e part o f the h u m a n side o f a relationship with the divine
realm, that the primary source o f disorder a n d h a r m is to b e found in h u m a n s
themselves, that G o d or the gods l o o k after h u m a n welfare, and that divine
help can c o m e in the form o f virtuous attributes: J a m e s n a m e s wisdom; Plu
78 79
tarch, peace, c o n c o r d , a n d success in word a n d d e e d . Even here, J a m e s
concurs with Plutarch a b o u t the value o f proper speech a n d acts, a n d the con
fluence o f the two. Clearly, b o t h present the religious act o f prayer in moral
terms, and b o t h are c o n c e r n e d about the corrupting influence o f outsiders:
James talks about being stained by the values o f "the world"; Plutarch, a b o u t
the polluting influence o f foreigners.
T h e s e similarities also bring to light i m p o r t a n t dissimilarities at the level
o f category. Regarding the identity o f the c o m m u n i t y a n d danger posed by
outsiders, James's rejection o f "the world" suggests that h e is writing from a
minority a n d relatively powerless position in society, whereas Plutarch's cate
gory o f the "barbarian" indicates his majority stance. Plutarch holds firm opi
n i o n s a b o u t what is a n c i e n t and proper in G r e e k culture, drawing sharp
distinctions between that c o m p e n d i u m o f ideas a n d what he considers to b e
new and rude. F u r t h e r m o r e , whereas in the epistle o f J a m e s , praying morally
means interceding o n b e h a l f o f the Christian c o m m u n i t y that is a b o u t to un
dergo judgment, in On Superstition, n e i t h e r the category o f intercession n o r
that o f the tightly defined c o m m u n i t y registers. R a t h e r , in On Superstition, o n e
prays for virtuous dealings with others, and o n e maintains G r e e k customs by
s h u n n i n g foreign religious ways. In J a m e s , therefore, prayer binds the Chris

tian c o m m u n i t y to G o d . T h a t c o m m u n i t y is formed by its shared struggle
against the rich w h o love this world, and by its attempt to dismantle in part, or
at least to ignore in part, the surrounding cultural mores until the Lord c o m e s .
Plutarch also expresses n o political aim for h u m a n interactions as we saw in
Plato's Laws, b u t offers a third way o f conceiving o f corporate c o n c e r n s : the
preservation o f G r e e k culture, very broadly conceived, with n o evident con
cerns a b o u t the workings o f the polis and the place o f religion in civic life, a n d
without any n o t i o n o f benefiting h u m a n s beyond the present existence.
J a m e s finds his place in the b r o a d stream o f Platonic moral c o n c e r n s , par
ticularly in his use o f familiar topoi, b u t also through his c o n c e r n that, left to
their own, h u m a n s will take up many mistaken beliefs and will engage in all
sorts o f ignoble practices. Y e t for b o t h Plato a n d Plutarch, there is great opti
mism a b o u t the social entity in the here and now: for Plato, the "second best"
polis can b e realized, while for Plutarch, all that is good and n o b l e a b o u t
G r e e k ways can be maintained, i f the foreign stain can be scrubbed away.
James, o n the o t h e r hand, focuses all h o p e for right behavior o n specific con
gregations, while resistance rather t h a n renewal is the c o m m u n i t y ' s proper re
sponse to society at large. O n l y G o d will establish justice o n earth.
B o t h Plato and Plutarch treat the practice o f divine healing negatively.
Plato's only reference to the practice occurs within his statement that the gods
c a n n o t be bribed by special acts o f appeasement, and Plutarch denigrates at
tempts to appease the gods' wrath and consulting with professional magicians.
Confession o f sins apparently does n o t fall within their treatments o f proper
piety. U n p r e j u d i c e d accounts o f these practices will b e taken up in the n e x t
chapter.
Correction in Two Moralists
W h e n we turn to the practice o f correction, we nevertheless remain in the

world o f the moralists. In G r e e k and R o m a n authors, discussions o f a p a p T i a
and p e T a v o i a often appear in two types o f m o r a l literature: those dealing with
the topos o f friendship ((J)iX(a), and treatises o n the role o f the philosopher.
From the standpoint o f J u d a i c and later C h r i s t i a n writings, in w h i c h these acts
form a core practice in religious liturgy, their infrequency in G r e c o - R o m a n
works dealing with piety is conspicuous. As with Judaic and C h r i s t i a n ideas,
however, in G r e c o - R o m a n works, the ideas o f c o m m i t t i n g wrongs and repent
ing o f t h e m are closely linked to the n o t i o n o f correction. M a n y philosophers
and moralists in particular talk about the role that correction plays a m o n g citi-
zens (by which they almost uniformly m e a n adult males o f the upper classes).
In contrast to the legal system, which enforces sanctions against those who vio
late the formal legal code, within the informal institutions o f friendship and
philosophy, rebukes reinforce b o t h m o r a l n o r m s , which are derived from phi
losophical systems, and social mores, which at times form the milieu in w h i c h
philosophies operate, and at others supply foils for the philosophers' teach
ings.
T h e current section provides an e x a m i n a t i o n o f what Plutarch has to say
about the practice o f correction between friends, then it will take up Epictetus'
advice about the societal role o f C y n i c philosophers.
Telling the T r u t h : Plutarch, How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend
Before considering what Plutarch has to say a b o u t mutual correction a m o n g

80
friends, we should first like to k n o w what he thinks friendship i s . Plutarch
writes within a long tradition o f extended essays o n the nature o f friendship:
81
H o m e r c o m m e n t e d o n its theory and p r a c t i c e , and Aristotle is credited with
82
writing the first systematic treatises o n the s u b j e c t . F o r his part, Aristotle
classifies friendship into three categories: friendship grounded in pleasure, in
83
utility, a n d in virtue (or "character friendship"). Because it is the only purely
altruistic friendship, character friendship is the o n e "true type" o f t h e category,
yet all three have their bases in Aristotle's idea o f "the c o m m u n a l life o f the
84
classical p o l i s , " and so a "larger network o f social obligation" stands b e h i n d
85
his discussion. In contrast with Aristotle's interpretation, Plutarch does n o t
link the relationship o f (JMAICX to the social and political workings o f the state,
although elements o f social obligation and c o m m u n a l urban life within the
86
R o m a n E m p i r e are visible in the treatise On Having Many Friends. H e dwells,
instead, o n the personal aspects o f friendship, focusing o n the mutual activi
87
ties and intercourse in w h i c h friends engage.
Nevertheless, friendship in Plutarch's writings bears the marks o f an in
formal social institution. T h e r e are implicit rules governing w h o may b e c o m e
friends and what being a friend entails: what obligations o n e may properly
place o n friends, and what duties o n e bears towards t h e m . Friendship is, first
o f all, a relationship between people o f like social status. T h i s claim Plutarch
does n o t state outright, b u t in his portrayals o f interactions between friends in
b o t h On Having Many Friends and How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend, Plutarch
88
deals exclusively with friendship between male m e m b e r s o f the upper classes.
89
Friends sing, dance, wrestle, hunt, study, and d r i n k t o g e t h e r ; they attend o n e
90 91 92
a n o t h e r to the c o u r t s , baths, and t h e a t e r s ; they eat at o n e another's din
93 94
ner parties ; they j o i n o n e a n o t h e r o n long j o u r n e y s ; they declaim and lec-
G R E C O R O M A N VISIONS OF CORPORATE LIFE* 65
95 96
ture together before various b o d i e s ; they loan o n e a n o t h e r m o n e y ; they are
97
familiar with o n e a n o t h e r ' s h o m e s ; and they engage in many o t h e r c o m m o n
98
pursuits. T h e s e activities form the arena for friendship, b u t they also m a r k
out s o m e o f its social duties: i f a friend invites you to j o i n h i m in o n e o f these
activities, there is s o m e obligation to accept, for two o f friendship's aims are
99
mutual pleasure and utility.
T o say that friendship occurs between people o f a social class, o n the o t h e r
hand, does n o t m e a n that friendship crosses n o social boundaries, for in Plu
tarch's essays we can detect the subtle calculus that distributes people i n t o a
100
social layer's various s u b d i v i s i o n s . F o r example, the very existence o f those
who engage in flattery (r) KoAaKEia)—a counterfeit friendship—suggests that a
status inequity exists in the upper classes, a n d that o n e way to acquire power
for o n e s e l f is to manipulate m o r e powerful people t h r o u g h o b s e q u i o u s atten
101
tions. Occasionally, Plutarch will speak o f a ruler's friends a n d pseudo-
friends, yet in these cases the inequities in t h e relationship are clear, even
102
though b o t h parties are a r i s t o c r a t s . T h e flatterer (6 KoAa£) negotiates an
e c o n o m i c system in w h i c h status is a limited resource: although flatterers can
n o t erase the line that separates t h e m from persons o f greater influence, they
can reduce the gap through association. Perhaps because the social system
makes such a state o f affairs possible, Plutarch argues that a friendship o u g h t
to develop over a long t i m e , and o n e should e n t e r i n t o it with d i s c e r n m e n t
and following s o m e testing rather t h a n after t h e sharing o f a single drink. Af
103
ter all, it is difficult to extricate o n e s e l f from a b a d friendship.
Concerning friendship's aim, " T r u e friendship," according to Plutarch,
"seeks after three things above all else: virtue [TTJV apeTrjv] as a good thing
[KCXAOV], intimacy [Tr|v ouvr)9Eiav] as a pleasant thing [r)5u], and usefulness [TT)V
104
Xpeiav] as a necessary thing [ a v a y K o i o v ] . " In making this claim, o n w h i c h
he elaborates little, Plutarch apparently collapses Aristotle's three categories o f
friendship i n t o a single o n e . A l l friendships exist to bring pleasure to the par
105 106
ties i n v o l v e d , and people may take advantage o f t h e m for m u t u a l b e n e f i t .
Plutarch expresses n o c o n c e r n that such an understanding rules o u t the possi
bility that a friendship o f pure virtue (Aristotle's "character" friendship) could
exist, since it erases the prospect o f true altruism taking place within the rela
107
tionship. Plutarch is addressing a n o t h e r issue, namely that the necessary as
pects o f all friendships preclude having several true friendships, since having
many friends dilutes the qualities o f virtue, enjoyment, and usefulness rather
1 0 8
than strengthening t h e m .
T h e s e qualities also play a role in the use o f frank speech between friends.
A c c o r d i n g to Plutarch, a critical e l e m e n t in any friendship is t h e ability, in
deed the necessity, for a friend (<J>(Aos) to a d m o n i s h a n o t h e r w h e n he errs,
thus restoring to friendship its requisite virtuous behavior, pleasurable interac

tion, and mutual benefit. T h i s discussion marks o n e o f Plutarch's distinct
109
emphases in the G r e c o - R o m a n topos o f f r i e n d s h i p .
As in the earlier essay, On Superstition, here Plutarch engages in second-
order moral discourse. H e h i m s e l f does n o t construct an ethical s c h e m e , b u t
with the Platonic ethical system and virtues as background, he assumes that
the best society is o n e in which citizens are happiest, that wronging a friend
disrupts the h a r m o n y that ought to exist between individuals (most o f all be
tween friends), and that mutual correction d o n e properly is the means to re
storing concord between close friends and thus to preserving societal
harmony. J a m e s t o o promotes mutual correction a m o n g people o f like status,
and has in m i n d the preservation o f the social order, as he understands it. A n
analysis o f Plutarch's essay thus gives us the opportunity to c o m p a r e the reli
gious, moral, a n d c o m m u n i t a r i a n practice o f correction in J a m e s with a n o t h e r
text that makes a systematic statement a b o u t right h u m a n relationships, a n d
that draws its assumptions a b o u t the good life from the Platonic tradition.
A t the e n d o f his treatise dealing with flattery, Plutarch devotes a substan
tial segment o f the essay to a discussion o f frankness (r) T r a p p n o i a ) between
friends, virtually treating it as a topos o n its own; we begin with the first section
1 1 0
that he devotes in full to the subject (Adul amic. 6 6 E ) . In laying o u t the
practice o f frankness, Plutarch's first task is to differentiate between admoni
tion (vouSsoia) and what he calls "fault-finding" (pE|Jv|/is, "blame"). Altruism
provides the distinction: a d m o n i t i o n is motivated by goodwill ( E l i v o i a ) toward
the o n e being corrected, rather than by anger (opyf)). It must n o t be self-
serving, deriving from the desire to redress a personal slight, but, instead,
should be "friendly" ((JMAIKOV) and " n o b l e " (ospvov). T h r o u g h his use o f "no
ble," Plutarch apparently ties the institution o f friendship to the highest social
strata, the only strata that h e considers. By extension, pseudo-frankness/fault-
finding is "selfish" ((|>{AauTOv) and " m e a n " (piKpoAoyov), h e n c e antithetical to
friendship a n d by implication e n d e m i c to the lower classes.
Plutarch expands u p o n these ideas presently, in Adul. amic. 6 7 B , in w h i c h
he ties altruism to intention: what does o n e mean to do by confronting
friends, repay t h e m in like kind for the wrong d o n e , o r cause t h e m to better
111
themselves t h r o u g h r e p e n t a n c e ? Based o n the assumption that i f a person
confronts merely to redress a personal injury, the a d m o n i t i o n is self-serving,
112
Plutarch gives retribution n o legitimate role in frankness between f r i e n d s . It
also follows that when o n e has b e e n wronged by a friend, o n e o u g h t to con
front h i m because these "lapses" are sure to have affected others in a similar
way. H e n c e , the injured party uses frankness in order to do g o o d to others,
b o t h the friend and o t h e r injured parties. As Dionysius says to Plato, in the
GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF CORPORATE LIFE • 67
realm o f h u m a n interactions, i n t e n t i o n (r) TTpoaipEOis) is as i m p o r t a n t as ac

113
tions ( e p y a ) a r e .
T h e vocabulary o f social error and c o r r e c t i o n in this section also requires
some comment. Plutarch urges his readers not to take into account
a p a p T r m a T C X c o m m i t t e d toward themselves when a d m o n i s h i n g their friends.
In the writings o f the S e p t u a g i n t and N e w T e s t a m e n t , o f course, this term
(and its m u c h m o r e frequently used cognate, a n a p x ( a ) forms part o f a techni
cal argot that writers use to deal with the issue o f sin, r e p e n t a n c e , and atone
ment. Plutarch's usage, however, follows the c o n v e n t i o n in G r e e k texts
written before the New T e s t a m e n t writings began having an influence o n G r e
c o - R o m a n culture. Plutarch locates the p r o b l e m o f a p a p T f ) | j a T a and their re
dress within the c o m p l e x web o f social interactions e n d e m i c to friendship. In
this c o n t e x t , the problem o f sin refers to "lapses" in the protocols that deter
m i n e proper behavior between individuals. Plutarch shows that such is the
114
case when he uses TTAr)|j|jEAEiai ("false notes" ) as a synonym for
115
aM(xp"rf)|JC(Ta, and at the e n d o f the passage when he speaks o f "neglect"
( T t a p o p a c o ) a n d "slight" (OMÂECO).
T h e c o m m o n vocabulary o f sin and a t o n e m e n t in t h e Septuagint a n d N e w

T e s t a m e n t can b e stated in a progression, " s i n " - " c o n f e s s " - " r e p e n t " - " f o r g i v e "
(aMapTi^TrapaiTTcoMa-bMoA
a(J>.nni/aTroAuco). W h e r e a s h u m a n s c o m m i t the first three acts, the final ac
tion in the s e q u e n c e belongs to G o d , w h i c h at the level o f vocabulary a l o n e
suggests that although sin consists o f wrongs c o m m i t t e d by h u m a n s against
their fellows, so that redress involves the same parties, the ultimate conse
q u e n c e s o f sin—death o r salvation—find redress only in G o d . E r r o r a n d cor
rection, therefore, are a religious p r o b l e m and solution. In Plutarch, the
counterpart vocabulary is expressed in the progression, " e r r o r " - " c o r r e c t i o n " -
" r e p e n t a n c e " (aMapTnMa-TTappnoia/vou0Eaia-METavoia/ETTiaTpE<|)co). A s this
language suggests, for Plutarch, the p r o b l e m and solution o f error fall entirely
within the realm o f social interactions; the gods are n o t involved. T h i s fact is
brought to light in particular in an a n e c d o t e about Plato and Dionysius that
116
shares similarities with N a t h a n ' s c o n f r o n t a t i o n with D a v i d , b u t in w h i c h n o
god plays a role: Dionysius slighted a friend A e s c h i n e s , Plato told Dionysius a
parable a b o u t s o m e o n e erring in a similar way, Dionysius asked w h o this per
son might b e , Plato replied that it was he, a n d Dionysius straightway "paid to
117
A e s c h i n e s h o n o r a b l e and distinguished a t t e n t i o n s . "
As a c o m p o n e n t o f friendship, c o r r e c t i o n is c o n c e r n e d with the produc
tion o f virtuous behavior through r e p e n t a n c e . Just as c o r r e c t i o n restores vir
tue, it also employs it. T h i s is true b o t h o f the i n t e n t i o n s o f o n e w h o corrects
and o f his m e t h o d s , as Plutarch states when h e discusses the necessity o f virtu-
ous speech in frankness ( 6 7 E - F ) . In this passage we n o t e Plutarch's use o f vir

tue and vice lists, a c o m m o n rhetorical device in G r e c o - R o m a n moralists.
O n e w h o is a d m o n i s h i n g a friend may b e tempted to h o l d h i m up for ridicule
o r coarse mockery, as t h e vices o f "arrogance" (ii(3pis), "ridicule" (yeAcos),
"scoffing" (oKGDMpa), and "ribaldry" ((icoMoAoxia) indicate. A t the e n d o f the
passage Plutarch c o n d e m n s the use o f " i n s o l e n c e " (SpaauTrjs), "offensiveness"
118
(pSeAupia), a n d " a r r o g a n c e , " and in a later list he decries offensiveness"
(AuTrnpov), "bitterness" (TTiKpov), "ribaldry", "puerility" (TTCCI5ICO5SS), "inconti
119
n e n c e " ( a K p a a i a ) , " m a l i c e " (KaKor)0sia), "arrogance," a n d "enmity" (e'xSpa).
W h e r e a s the virtues o f "tact" ( T O STTISSÎOV) and "urbanity" ( T O a o T e i o v ) , as
forms o f graciousness (xocpis), are appropriate for frankness (although their
overuse may impair it), these vices sour the effect o f frank speech, for they are
likely to b e perceived as abusive rather than corrective, a n d so inspire retribu
tion. W h e n dealing with a person in a position o f power, this is a dangerous
tactic, for, " B y employing it m e n eventually bring a b o u t their own destruc
120
tion...," says P l u t a r c h . A s p r o o f o f this peril, Plutarch reminds his readers
that in response to ill-spoken a d m o n i s h m e n t s , Dionysius put A n t i p h o n to
121
death, and Augustus removed T i m a g e n e s from his circle o f f r i e n d s .
In this passage, the p r e p o n d e r a n c e o f vices stands out, b a l a n c e d as it is on
ly by the virtues o f tact a n d urbanity in the service o f graciousness. Like the
surgeon's motions, frankness should be characterized by "orderliness"
(eupuOpia) and "neatness" (Ka0apiOTr)s), a n d Plutarch likewise provides a
spare a n d succinct description o f virtue. T h e flatterer, o n the o t h e r h a n d , is
like the bad surgeon w h o gesticulates incautiously while operating, a n d Plu
tarch likewise draws o u t an overlong, repetitious catalog o f vices.
S o m u c h for the use o f cautious and gracious frank speech. In Adul. amic.
6 8 F - 6 9 F , Plutarch devotes a b r i e f passage to the c o n d i t i o n s that require m o r e
severity. H e cautions that a d m o n i t i o n is m o r e appropriate and necessary in
good times t h a n in bad, "[f]or there are few persons w h o in good fortune have
still a sober m i n d , " a n d a d m o n i t i o n can be a source o f reason in the face o f
excess pride. In misfortune, o n the o t h e r h a n d , "there is in these calamities
1 2 2
alone a d m o n i t i o n e n o u g h to work r e p e n t a n c e [ p E T a v o i a ] . " By implication,
a person enjoying the successes o f life gives reign to the vices e n u m e r a t e d in
the current passage: "pleasure" (rjSovf]), "anger" (opyf)), "arrogance" (ii(3pis),
"love o f m o n e y " (<|>.Aayupia), a n d "folly" ( a v o r j T O s ) .
In this section, we also finally begin to resolve the unanswered q u e s t i o n ,
what is the aim o f frankness, according to Plutarch? It is to turn t h e corrected
o n e b a c k to m o r a l behavior. Plutarch addresses the issue obliquely when he
m e n t i o n s offhand that misfortune itself brings repentance, and w h e n he re
c o u n t s how Plato was able to "turn" (oTp6<|)co) the heart o f Alcibiades by "con-
victing" h i m (EÊAEYXCO). Likewise, m u c h earlier in Flatterer, before h e has

given his full attention to frankness, Plutarch talks a b o u t o n e w h o "implants
the sting o f r e p e n t a n c e " (Snypov EJJTTOICOV Kai pETCCVOiav) in t h o s e w h o are
123
"making mistakes and blunders" ( a p a p T a v c o o i Kai TrAnpjjEAcoaiv). True
frankness, claims Plutarch, is what a friend applies to "errors b e i n g c o m m i t -
124
ted" ( a n a p T a v o M E V O i s ) ; it smarts a n d cleanses ( K a 0 a p ( £ c o ) like honey; it is
like "a m e d i c i n e w h i c h restores a n d preserves health" (<j>apMaKco...aco£ovxi Kai
125
<J>uAaTTOVTI TO 0EpaTTEu6|JEVOV).
W i t h this last statement, w h i c h appears n e a r the b e g i n n i n g o f Plutarch's
126
essay, we hit u p o n a simile that pervades the w o r k . Plutarch regularly c o m
pares the e r r o r - a d m o n i t i o n - r e p e n t a n c e progression o f social interactions t o
sickness, treatment, and cure. As m e d i c i n e s a n d surgeries are bitter and pain
ful, yet bring restoration ( o c o T n p i a ) a n d healing ( 0 6 p a T T E ( a / i a T p E i a ) from var
ious maladies, so we must treat "frankness...[as] the greatest a n d m o s t p o t e n t
m e d i c i n e [4>ap|jaK0v] in friendship," applying it at t h e proper o c c a s i o n a n d
127
tempering it with m o d e r a t i o n (pETpov). In this way, frank speech will en
courage friends "to repent o f errors" (pETavoETv a i i a p T O V T a ) by impelling
t h e m toward what is " n o b l e " (KOAOS) and away from what is "disgraceful"
2 8
(aloxos).'
Frankness in Plutarch focuses squarely o n the issue o f m o r a l behavior, al
though what precisely such behavior entails is n o t always evident. T h i s is be
cause Plutarch's construal o f right acts and i n t e n t i o n s c o n c e n t r a t e s o n general
modes o f proper c o n d u c t between social peers, rather than o n particular
deeds. F o r Plutarch, m a n n e r s comprises a large part o f morality, a n d they play
a necessary role in a good society. T h i s may b e inferred because Plutarch rele
gates friendship to the highest classes, and because these classes d o m i n a t e the
major social institutions that form t h e b e d r o c k o f civilization.
It is clear that Plutarch a n d J a m e s alike share a c o n c e r n for m o r a l speech
acts: they p r o m o t e ways o f speaking that have a visible, positive effect o n the
behavior o f a person's close associates. In particular, Plutarch endorses t h e use
o f verbal c o n f r o n t a t i o n , a n d indicates that it s h o u l d h a p p e n privately between
two individuals. J a m e s has n o specific instructions for h o w c o r r e c t i o n s h o u l d
take place between assembly m e m b e r s , yet based o n t h e case o f the elders'
prayers for healing, J a m e s may expect a group o f m e m b e r s to speak to straying
brothers o r sisters in their own h o m e s . Plutarch and J a m e s also b o t h present
correction as an altruistic practice that brings benefit to the o n e being cor
rected. F o r Plutarch this benefit takes the form o f behavior reformed o r
"saved"—vice abandoned and virtue resumed—particularly as it c o n c e r n s
friendship between people. J a m e s ' s language o f "saving" the "soul from
death" brings to m i n d b o t h his previous r e m i n d e r o f G o d ' s promised "crown
o f life" to the faithful ( 1 : 1 2 ) , and the apocalyptic warnings that h e aims at the
corrupt rich ( 5 : 1 - 5 ) .
T h u s , o n c e again, agreement reveals differences o f substance that distin
guish, in e a c h text, the systems o f thought animating those details. W e are
again c o n f r o n t e d by the absence o f b o t h eschatological and communitarian
c o n c e r n s in Plutarch, a n d can quickly pass over these characteristics: Plutarch
cares about the effect that correction has o n individuals in the here and now,
whereas J a m e s talks a b o u t the present preservation o f the c o m m u n i t y a n d its
salvation at "the c o m i n g o f the Lord." A n o t h e r systemic difference lies in Plu
tarch's focus o n customs governing the interactions between friends, or man
ners. S u c h rules o f civility and obligatory reciprocity between friends—even
1 2 9
informal rules such as we find in Plutarch—find n o counterpart in J a m e s ,
w h o for his part talks a b o u t sin, sin's c o n s e q u e n c e s , a n d its two opposites: ex
piation or forgiveness, w h i c h results in the r e i n f o r c e m e n t o f c o m m u n i t y cohe-
siveness, and acts o f social justice, such as giving aid to the destitute.
T h e most striking c o n f l u e n c e between the two texts lies in their use o f
similar imagery for the process o f c o r r e c t i o n . In Plutarch we find the se
quence o f error-admonishment-repentance analogous to the process o f sick
ness-treatment-cure. This simile finds particular resonance with the
correlation in J a m e s between s i n - c o n f e s s i o n - t u r n i n g and the sequence o f
sickness-prayer-healing. Plurarch, for his part, compares the problem o f so
cial error to falling ill, a n d the correction o f error to the process o f physical
recovery. T h e analogy is appropriate at m a n y points, according to Plutarch,
for just as the o n e w h o c o m m i t s social missteps corresponds to the patient, so
the o n e w h o corrects epitomizes the physician, since b o t h the physician's pre
scriptions a n d frank speech cause further discomfort before bringing a b o u t
restoration—one o f physical health, the o t h e r o f virtuous behavior. W e may
extend the simile by implication to include the fine distinctions a m o n g indi
viduals o f a particular class, for the informal institution o f friendship gives an
ordinary person rights a n d responsibilities similar to what a physician has
gained t h r o u g h training and experience: b o t h are obligated to "treat" those o f
higher station.
In James, by contrast, the two processes o f correction and healing corre
late, n o t as a simile o r analogy, b u t because they b o t h lead to the forgiveness o f
sins a n d h e n c e to salvation. N o t h i n g m o r e plainly indicates the role o f correc
tion in J a m e s as a religious practice expressed in typically m o r a l discourse.
C o r r e c t i o n , o r "turning" in James, deals with the problem o f sin, w h i c h J a m e s
interprets as a pursuit o f o n e ' s own desire to the d e t r i m e n t o f fellow c o m m u
nity m e m b e r s , a n d in violation o f G o d ' s will. T h i s divine will, in turn, finds
expression in G o d ' s governance o f justice t h r o u g h G o d ' s law. I f it is success-
• GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF CORPORATE LIFE 71
ful, correction results in the resubmission o f the s i n n e r to G o d ' s will, and re
newed efforts at carrying o u t altruistic acts directed toward the good o f the as
sembly and the care o f the needy.
Finally, m o r e than in the previous two writings, J a m e s ' s c o m m u n i t a r i a n
vision stands in stark contrast to Plutarch's corporate c o n c e r n . Plutarch's so
cial vision is even m o r e vaguely spelled o u t here than in O n Superstition, and
rather than the categories o f G r e e k "tradition" and "culture" he apparently
envisions the R o m a n empire, signified by an acceptance o f rigid class hierar
chy, political and social institutions present in every R o m a n city, and an ex
ploitation o f the pax Romana, which enables people to take long journeys in
relative safety. In Plutarch, friends are at the top o f this social world and freely
navigate its advantages. T h i s same empire is implicit in James's Diaspora, law
courts, and "world"; J a m e s ' s beloved brothers and sisters occupy the lower
rungs o f the empire's social ladder, living as exiles, suffering in the courts, and
avoiding the corrupting world.
T h e writings o f o n e o f Plutarch's contemporaries reveals a contrasting un
derstanding o f correction, and yet a n o t h e r opportunity for c o m p a r i s o n with
James's.
T h e M o r a l C o m m e n t a t o r : Epictetus, " O n the Calling of a Cynic"

130 1 3 1
In this t r e a t i s e , the former slave Epictetus (c. 5 0 - 1 2 0 ) advises an ac
q u a i n t a n c e w h o has expressed an interest in taking up the life o f a C y n i c phi
losopher, and w h o wants to k n o w what type o f character such a person should
possess. Epictetus, h i m s e l f a S t o i c w h o thinks highly o f the C y n i c practice,
nevertheless cautions that few possess the moral fortitude necessary for living
in such a way. In the first place, public confrontation o f any and everyone
regardless o f his social standing requires that the C y n i c possess a pure "govern
132
ing principle" (TO rjyEMOViKOv), for, in contrast to o t h e r craftspeople, the
m i n d (r) S i a v o i a ) supplies the only material that the C y n i c can work. F o r this
reason Epictetus's essay is a proper logos protreptikos, although his discourse is
133
largely negative, warning o f the rigors e n d e m i c to the profession he a d m i r e s .
" O n the Calling o f a C y n i c " is a text suitable for c o m p a r i s o n with J a m e s
because it focuses o n a particular way o f life that stands in direct opposition to
b o t h "popular" societal values (the amassing o f wealth, the a t t a i n m e n t o f so
cial status, strong political a m b i t i o n ) and s o m e classical G r e e k virtues and val
ues as well (appropriate speech, moderate prosperity and comfort, personal
134
modesty, cleanliness, and a reserved d i s p o s i t i o n ) . Epictetus' treatise o n the
Cynic's calling provides a vision o f society and the types o f m o r a l problems
that characterize day-to-day living in it, the duty and character o f the C y n i c in
relation to—really in opposition to—those problems, the divine m a n d a t e that

makes the C y n i c life necessary, and the telos o f C y n i c c o r r e c t i o n . A s we know,
James t o o talks a b o u t "the world" a n d its polluting and abusive influence, t h e
moral character o f m e m b e r s o f the Diaspora in relation to that influence, the
divine law that stands b e h i n d their way o f life, and the c o m i n g j u d g m e n t .
M a t c h i n g categories, disproportionate categories, and those that exist in o n e
text b u t n o t the o t h e r will help illuminate distinctive characteristics o f each.
W e begin with Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 2 3 - 2 5 , in w h i c h Epictetus states that the true
C y n i c must u n d e r s t a n d t h a t his calling ultimately is from the gods, a claim
that links Epictetus's understanding o f the divine sphere to his morality: cor
135
rection between h u m a n s is a tool in G o d ' s influence over the social o r d e r .
T h e C y n i c is b o t h messenger ( a y y e A o s ) and scout ( K a T a o K O T t o s ) o f Zeus, con
fronting those w h o "have gone astray" (TrenAavnvTai) in matters o f "good a n d
evil" (ITSpi a y a 0 c o v Kai KOKCOV), a n d warning o f m o r a l pitfalls that lie in t h e
path ahead.
Describing the C y n i c ' s role still leaves o p e n the issue o f the origin o f hu
m a n error. I n t e r m i n g l e d with this divine-messenger imagery are allusions to
aspects o f the h u m a n rational capacity: will, m i n d , and perception. People in
general l o o k for good in all the wrong places: a p r o b l e m o f understanding, o r
mind. C o n s e q u e n t l y , in confronting this m o r a l lapse, the C y n i c ' s task is to
tell "the truth" (TaArjBf]) a b o u t right deeds, a n d a b o u t what actions h o l d po
1 3 6
tential for wrong, a duty that he o r s h e must carry o u t without any influence
from e m o t i o n s o r mistaken perceptions. T h i s is because Cynics themselves
are susceptible to deception o f what Epictetus calls the "external impressions"
(oi ( j ) a v T a o ( o i ) . Cynics m u s t keep themselves o n the c o r r e c t "path," avoiding
the pitfalls that distract ( T t a p a T a p a x ^ ) a n d confuse (ouyxeco) perception,
while simultaneously correcting the understanding o f others.
T h e central h u m a n p r o b l e m is wrong perception o r understanding o f
what is good, an error that proceeds naturally from the h u m a n desire for "se
137
renity and happiness" (TO eiipov K a i TO suSaiMOViKOv). T h e p r o b l e m arises
when people rely u p o n the wrong sorts o f things to obtain these goods. In a
discourse either attributed to o r set forth in the m a n n e r o f Socrates, Epictetus
allows that the great deception to w h i c h h u m a n beings s u c c u m b is to believe
that happiness can b e found in anything having to d o with the material
world—either in matter itself, o r in social stations that, like matter, function as
limited, limited goods: the body (acopa), possessions (K"TT|ais), office (apxr|),
138
and royalty ((iaoiAEia). H e r e Epictetus specifies the external impressions to
which h e earlier alluded: these distract and confuse perception, causing those
w h o see t h e m as sources o f happiness to leave the path (65ov) o f right under
standing. Epictetus uses a perennial illustration (familiar from biblical im-
• GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E L I F E * 73
agery as well): as truth is light, so lack o f understanding is blindness or dark

ness.
,
E p i c t e t u s dualistic division o f reality leads to a question posed in dialogue
form: i f the good is n o t to be found in such things, in what t h e n does it lie,
139
asks a (somewhat skeptical) imagined i n t e r l o c u t o r . T a k i n g the role o f Socra
tes for himself, Epictetus attempts to c o n v i n c e the interlocutor that the answer
lies within an individual. T h e first c o n c e s s i o n that Epictetus wins is that the
good ( T O aya0ov) is equivalent to "serenity, happiness, freedom from re
straint" ( T O Eiipouv, T O euSaipoviKOV, T O aTrapairoSiOTOv). D o such things ex
140
ist in what is a slave (SouXrj), or in what is free (EAEUSEPCX), asks E p i c t e t u s .
T h e answer, naturally, is in what is free. S i n c e the body is subject to infirmity,
and since inanimate objects are also limited, neither can be free in the sense
that n o external force acts upon t h e m .
Epictetus begins to drive h o m e his point in Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 4 2 - 4 4 . Human
beings possess two aspects that m e e t the criteria "unhindered a n d free" from
all external limitations: the ability to c h o o s e to assent to the truth (the will),
and the ability to perceive the truth (reason). B o t h characteristics are suscep
tible to deception, but n e i t h e r can b e coerced, either to a wrong c h o i c e or a
wrong perception. F r e e d o m o f will and reason (together forming the rational
principle) are e n d e m i c to h u m a n s , making it the task o f the C y n i c to correct
c o n c e p t i o n s a n d decisions when they go astray. T h r o u g h b o t h c o n f r o n t a t i o n
and his o r her own m o d e o f living outside o f the n o r m a l societal constraints
(understood as b o t h material goods and the rules governing propriety), the
C y n i c reminds people that serenity is to be had only in maintaining freedom
141
from all external a t t a c h m e n t s .
T h i s lack o f attachments does n o t lead t h e C y n i c to live a life o f complete
isolation, however. T h e C y n i c philosopher, albeit n o t b o u n d by social at
tachments and their accompanying obligations (including involvement in poli
142 143
tics and holding o f f i c e , as well as attaching o n e s e l f to the royal c o u r t ),
neither h e m m e d in by walls n o r tied to any particular place, and bearing n o
weight o f ownership beyond the typical accoutrements o f the C y n i c , neverthe
less fills a critical position in society. Epictetus assembles a constellation o f
images to characterize the Cynic's social roll: overseer, savior, ruler, and kin.
As a truth-teller, the C y n i c is to "supervise [ETTIOTCXTETV] the c o n d u c t o f other
144
men," and in another place, " t o keep society going" (SiaocooEi TT)V K O I V -
145
cov(av), and in yet another, "to censure" (ETnTipav) certain people and "to
punish those w h o do wrong" (KOACCÊIV T O U S a p c c p T a v o v T a s ) . 1 4 6
In making
this last claim, Epictetus is contrasting Cynics with kings and tyrants, w h o
mete o u t p u n i s h m e n t because their weapons and soldiers give t h e m the power
to d o so, and w h o have n o need o f moral rectitude o f their own. In contrast
to these, the C y n i c censures and punishes by "speaking freely" (iTappn—

1 4 7
aia£ea0ai), as i f "to his own b r o t h e r s [ T O U S C C S E X ^ O U S ] , to his c h i l d r e n [ x a
148
TEKva], in a word, to his k i n s m e n [auyYEVEfs]," grounding his authority in
the purity o f his "governing principle" (rpyEpoviKOv) o r " c o n s c i e n c e " ( o u -
149
V E I S O S ) , and possessing b o t h "patient e n d u r a n c e " ( O V E K T I K O V ) and "moral
150
purpose" (TTpoccipEOts). B e y o n d the use o f direct confrontation, C y n i c s also
correct by example, living their ascetic lives o u t in the open, and in so doing
151
they prove the m e r i t o f their claims a b o u t the true path to the happy l i f e .
In b o t h " O n the Calling o f a C y n i c " and the Epistle o f James, the authors
take up the role o f divinely appointed messengers as a hortatory device, a n d
b o t h c o m b i n e this m o d e o f discourse with elements o f the diatribe form. We
have seen that Epictetus understands the C y n i c to work as Zeus' a y y E X o s and
KaTaoKOTTOs (scout), and that, in d e m o n s t r a t i n g how the C y n i c must assume
the role o f Socrates, he addresses h u m a n i t y as i f from a stage, chastising it for
its misapprehension o f the true nature o f good a n d evil, and therefore o f true
happiness. Epictetus also engaged an imaginary interlocutor in o r d e r to argue
that o n e ' s will a n d reason alone c a n rightly perceive t h e good. B y these lay
ered strategies, Epictetus h i m s e l f takes o n t h e function o f the C y n i c , a n d
h e n c e acts as m o u t h p i e c e for G o d , c o n f r o n t i n g and correcting misunderstand
ings o f the nature o f things that result in m o r a l error. F o r his part, J a m e s as
sumes the m a n t l e o f p r o p h e t w h e n at the outset he addresses Christian
152
congregations as "the twelve tribes o f the D i a s p o r a , " and takes for h i m s e l f
the title, "slave o f G o d , " recalling scriptural passages that n a m e t h e prophets
153
God's slaves. E l e m e n t s o f his prophetic discourse appear m o s t clearly in
154
those sections that cite o r e c h o prophetic passages, o r that h o l d up the
155
prophets as e x a m p l e s , b u t also in those that share t h e m e s with the Latter
156
Prophets: warnings against neglect a n d abuse o f the p o o r , condemnations o f
157 158
idolatry a n d its attendant h e d o n i s m , s u m m o n s to r e p e n t a n c e , and exhor
159
tations to patience while awaiting G o d ' s s a l v a t i o n . A t 2:18ff, J a m e s engages
his own interlocutor, w h o protests J a m e s ' s d e n u n c i a t i o n o f dead faith. J a m e s
employs this apostrophe within a section that insists o n consistency between
word a n d deed, a topic t h a t finds r e s o n a n c e with similar O T prophetic de
160
mands.
In addition to their use o f prophetic imagery and discourse, Epictetus a n d
James share a similar vocabulary. T h e two authors deploy typical G r e e k ter
minology for wrongdoing, b o t h using language m e a n i n g "to go astray" (nXa—
v a o 0 a i ) from the "path" (b5os) and "to err" (apccpTETv), yet each does so in a
distinctive way. C h a p t e r 2 o f this study covered James's understanding o f sin,
and we n o t e d that in places J a m e s links wrong actions to corresponding wrong
modes o f t h o u g h t o r misunderstanding ( 1 : 7 , 1 9 , 2 2 , 2 6 ; 4 : 5 ) , in particular lay-
ing o u t the c o n s e q u e n c e s o f "earthly, unspiritual, d e m o n i c " wisdom ( 3 : 1 3 -

18). T h i s general problem manifests itself in many specific deeds, in particular
those that affect the life o f the c o m m u n i t y , as we observed. In Epictetus, by
contrast, a p a p T E i v refers almost exclusively to errors o f thought. Epictetus
m e n t i o n s misunderstanding, misperception, a n d confusion a b o u t the true na
ture o f things, b u t he states only in the most general terms h o w these errors
manifest themselves in behavior (the search for happiness in what is "exter
nal": wealth, position, and the like). As we might expect in a moral treatise
from a S t o i c , Epictetus emphasizes the role o f the rational principle and its ul
timate freedom from constraint, b u t he gives little attention to the vices that
lack o f understanding can produce.
T h e category o f the social entity again emerges as a significant area in
which the discourses do n o t intersect, for although b o t h display a corporate
concern—the very aim o f correction is the b e t t e r m e n t o f a group—the relation
ship between the o n e correcting a n d the group is quite different. B o t h au
thors envision their readers living within cities while advocating withdrawal
from a way o f life that places value in wealth a n d social position; yet in J a m e s
it is the c o m m u n i t y o f brothers and sisters itself that withdraws, while in Epic
tetus' treatise, individual Cynics remove themselves from certain types o f so
cial interaction and c o n n e c t i o n : C y n i c i s m is a solitary way o f life, tied to
society primarily by the task o f c o n f r o n t a t i o n . In C h a p t e r 2 we saw J a m e s ' s
vision for congregations w h o participate in civic life while taking up mores
contrary to those o f "the world," a n d earlier sections o f this c h a p t e r recapitu
late those conclusions. Epictetus t o o notes that Cynics operate within a coun
ter-cultural value system, b u t in a way that contrasts sharply with J a m e s ' s vision
o f interdependent believers. In the first place, the life o f the C y n i c is rigor
ously individualistic yet with an aim to better the society that he o r she shuns:
although they direct all o f their energies to confronting h u m a n errors—hence
impelling people toward virtue—Cynics spurn attachments to o t h e r h u m a n s as
m u c h as to material goods. M o r e importantly, in James, as with the efficacy o f
prayer and the act o f confession, any m e m b e r within t h e c o m m u n i t y may cor
rect the straying m e m b e r , whereas Epictetus's protrepsis treats correction as an
acquired skill in an exclusive guild: few have the governing principle necessary
to engage in the profession, and a m o n g those w h o do, fewer still c h o o s e to
submit to the rigors o f the life. As a result, James's ethic o f mutual, intra-
c o m m u n i t y altruism does n o t register in Epictetus, n o r does Epictetus's vision
o f a large-scale society benefiting from the services o f experts register in J a m e s .
W i t h his advocacy for mutual correction, J a m e s finds a place alongside the
moralists w h o trace their lineage to Plato's G y m n a s i u m . In the m o r a l world o f
the G r e c o - R o m a n Mediterranean, m u c h o f his exhortation finds c o m m o n
c o n c e r n s a n d t h e m e s a m o n g writers w h o sought to shape G r e e k , a n d later

Hellenistic a n d R o m a n society according to their own visions. Y e t at points
James's categories o f t h o u g h t find n o m a t c h a m o n g the moralists, and because
those differences are at the level o f category, they are consequential, making
up c o m p o n e n t s o f a religious a n d moral system that is distinctive to J a m e s .
W e will return to the question o f J a m e s ' s distinctiveness in the G r e c o - R o m a n
world at the summarizing c o n c l u s i o n to C h a p t e r s 3 and 4 .
Notes
1. In many ways it would be most natural to investigate patterns of corporate life found in
Epicureanism and Pythagoreansim, with their strong emphases on relatively small groups
and moral behavior aimed at fellow participants. I do not consider them in this study
for the simple reason that our information about these philosophical schools comes pri
marily (although not exclusively, in the case of Epicurus) from secondary (albeit ancient)
sources. See Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras; Diogenes Laertius, Life of Pythagoras; Epicurus,
Sovereign Maxims 14, 28; Fragments 23, 3 4 , 3 9 , 4 2 . For a recent study that gives some at
tention to comparing Epicurean and Pythagorean ways of being religious with early
Christian piety, see Luke Timothy Johnson, Among the Gentiles: Greco-Roman Religion and
Christianity (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2009).
2. For examples of texts that mention prayer (or piety) and prayer texts themselves, see Apu-
lius, Met. 11.2; [Aristotle], Virt. vit. 1 2 5 0 B - 1 2 5 1 A ; Cato, Agr. 139, 141; Catullus 34,
6 3 . 9 2 - 9 3 , 64.104; Chariton, Chaer. (some 23 prayers; cf. 3 . 8 . 7 . 2 - 3 . 8 . 9 . 6 ) ; Cicero, Div.
1.129 ; C I L 12.4333; Corpus hiermeticum; Demosthenes 18.141; Heraclitus, Frg. 5; He
rodotus 1.31; Hesiod, Op. 3 2 0 - 3 4 0 , 4 6 5 - 4 7 9 ; Theog. 5 3 5 - 5 5 7 ; Horace, Odes 3.6; Isaeus
8 . 1 5 - 1 6 ; Isocrates, Aerop. 7 . 2 9 - 3 0 ; Or. 15.246; Livy, Ab urb. 5.18.22, 2 9 . 2 7 . 2 - 4 ; Maxi-
mus of Tyre, Dissertatio 5; Menander Rhetor, Treatise I; Orphei Hymni 1-86; Pausanias
5 . 1 5 . 3 - 1 2 ; the many magical incantations and hymns in PGM; Pindar, Isthmian, Nemean,
Olympian, and Pythian Odes; Plato, Leg. 1 0 . 8 8 7 D - E ; Pliny the Elder, Nat. 2 8 . 3 - 1 3 ; Plu
tarch, Quaest. gr. 36; P. Oxy. 1070; Pseudo-Isocrates, Demon. 11; Sappho, Frg. 1; Seneca,
Epist. 10.5, 4 1 . 1 ; Stobaeus, Ed. 3.9.23; Theophrastus, Caus. plant. 7.3.3, 9.8.8; Frg. 8.1;
Xenophanes, Frg. 1, 2 3 - 2 6 ; Xenophon, Mem. 1.2.1-4; Lac. 8; Oec. 5 . 1 9 - 2 0 , 11.8; Xeno-
phon of Ephesus, Eph. 4 . 3 . 3 - 4 , 5.4.6, 5.4.10. For many of the Greco-Roman prayer
texts researched for this chapter I found four books in particular to be valuable sources:
Michael Joseph Brown, The Lord's Prayer Through North African Eyes: A Window into Early
Christianity (New York and London: T & T Clark International, 2004); Mark Kiley et al.,
eds., Prayer from Alexander to Constantine: A Critical Anthology (London and New York:
Routledge, 1997); Simon Pulleyn, Prayer in Greek Religion (Oxford, U. K.: Clarendon
Press, 1997); and H. S. Versnel, Faith Hope and Worship: Aspects of Religious Mentality in
the Ancient World (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981). For this chapter I have consulted some pray
ers spoken by characters in plays, novels, and epics, but for the most part have avoided
them. Pulleyn, Prayer includes very many prayers from Greek literanire.
3. Menander of Laodicea, Menander Rhetor, ed. with trans, and commentary by D. A. Rus
sell and N. G. Wilson (Oxford, U.K.: Clarendon Press, 1981), 3 3 1 . 4 - 3 4 4 . 1 4 .
4. The attitude of scholarship toward the Laws shares some characteristics with Protestant
scholarship toward James as well: the Laws has remained outside the mainstream of scho
larship for several reasons, which include skepticism about its authenticity based on its
perceived lack of cohesion and internal inconsistencies, and statements that apparently
contradict Plato's other large political work, Republic. See, for example, Debra Nails and
Holger Thesleff, "Early academic editing: Plato's Laws" in Plato's Laws; Proceedings of the
VI Symposium Platonicum, Selected Papers, ed. Samuel Scolnicov and Luc Brisson, Interna
tional Plato Studies (Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag, 2003), 1 4 - 2 9 .
5. Nails and Thesleff, "Academic Editing," 14. Cf. Christopher Gill, "The Laws—Is it a real
dialogue?" in Plato's Laws; Proceedings of the VI Symposium Platonicum, Selected Papers, ed.
Samuel Scolnicov and Luc Brisson, International Plato Studies (Sankt Augustin: Acade-
miaVerlag, 2003), 4 2 - 4 7 .
6. The political and ethical discussion in the Republic, by contrast, centers around the ques
tion of whether it is best in all circumstances to be just rather than unjust. Plato, Rep.
347E-367E.
7. I rely on the translation, Plato, Laws, trans. R. G. Bury, L C L (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1967), slightly modified. Plato discusses prayers and hymns themselves
in a few brief passages: see Leg. 7.801 A, D.
8. The pilgrims are a stranger from Athens (generally accepted as Plato's spokesperson),
Clinias (a Cretan), and a taciturn Spartan, Megillus, who is silent over this stretch of the
road, as he is in much of the work.
9. The grotto on Crete's Mt. Ida houses a temple to Zeus. See Burry's note 1 at 1.625B.
10. In some discussions of Greek religion, the gift given the gods through the observance of
their religious rites is honor/-nur). Versnel, Faith Hope and Worship, 246; cf. Brown,
Lord's Prayer, 42; Pulleyn, Prayer, 13.
11. Leg. 4.717A.
12. See the brief discussion in Brown, Lord's Prayer, 3 7 - 3 8 ; see also the extended treatment
in Pulleyn, Prayer, 12ff; also Larry J. Alderink and Luther H. Martin, "Prayer in Greco-
Roman Religions," in Kiley et al, Prayer, 1 2 3 - 2 7 .
13. Pulleyn, Prayer, 7; cf. F. T. van Stratten, "Gifts for the Gods," in Versnel, Faith Hope and
Worship, 6 5 .
14. Pulleyn, Prayer, 1 2 - 1 3 .
15. Ibid., 196ff. Pulleyn goes on to categorize Greek prayers according to just how a particu
lar prayer requests something from the god in return for x ^ P ' S offered. See the catego
ries of prayer in the Glossary of Terms in Pulleyn, Prayer, xv and the use of those terms in
1 6 - 3 8 ; cf. a similar list in J. M. Bremer, "Greek Hymns," in Versnel, Faith Hope and Wor
ship, 196.
16. Leg. 10.885D, 8 8 8 C ; the main argument is set forth in 9 0 5 D - 9 0 7 B . Euthyphr. 1 4 C E
contains a similar criticism. Socrates makes a similar claim about the ineffectiveness of
great sacrifices made by wicked men in Xenophon, Mem. 1.3.2. Cf. Theophrastus,
6.1.15; Maximus of Tyre, Diss. 5.3.
17. Brown argues that, according to the philosophical critique of religion, "God's concern
for humanity is like the sun's way of doing good, which benefits the myriad forms of life
on earth but receives no benefits from the good it produces (omnibenevolence)." Fur
thermore, says Brown, in this critique, the system of reciprocity, "as it was commonly
understood, was no longer an operative principle. The gods could not be propitiated
through prayer and sacrifice. The intention behind the cultic act and its conformability
to tradition became the primary criterion by which to judge its acceptability" (Brown,
Lord's Prayer, 5 1 ) . The passage of Leg. under examination supports some aspects of such a
view, for although the Athenian makes no mention of tradition here (it is impossible to
tell if the rites to which he alludes in 1 0 . 8 8 7 D - E are considered ancient), he does explic
itly state that a god will not receive a gift from a wicked person (see also his critique in
Book 10, mentioned above). Still, he deploys the language of communion with the gods
and gift giving, suggesting that the gods do indeed respond in some way to religious rites
performed by righteous individuals.
• G R E C O R O M A N VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E L I F E * 79
18. L & S , s.v. "EuScuuovsco" and "euSaiMOouvn, n" ( 7 0 8 - 9 ) . Cf. Leg. 4.713B; Resp. 4 0 6 C .
19. Brown, Lord's Prayer, 3 8 .
20. Leg. 3 . 6 7 9 Q cf. 744D.
21. Leg.,4.713C.
22. According to Xenophon, Mem. 1.3.1-4, Socrates would not pray for such things, wish
ing, instead, to ask only for "good gifts" and to let the gods decide what concrete form
the answer would take. W h a t delighted the gods was the piety of the giver rather than
the size of the gift. If one prayed for wealth or power, getting what one asked for could
have disastrous consequences. Brown, Lords Prayer, 4 4 .
23. Leg.,4.713D-E.
24. This is "peace" in the sense of cessation of war with one's neighbors. See the discussion
of eiprivn in the section on Plutarch.
25. See Brown, Lord's Prayer, 4 4 , in which Brown suggests that Plato's prayer to Pan at the
end of Phaedrus is for his material wealth to mirror his inner wealth, which should "be
interpreted as referring to the beauty of moderation."
26. Slaves and foreigners, both present and necessary in Magnesia, are not.
27. Cf. Leg. 1.631B-D.
28. Leg. 5 . 7 3 9 C - E .
29. See especially Book 1.
30. Cf. Leg. 3 . 6 9 6 D - E ; 4 . 7 0 9 E - 7 1 0 B .
31. Leg.4.717E.
32. Cf. [Aristotle], Virt. vit. 1250B, 1251 A.
33. Cf. Leg. 7 . 8 0 I D .
34. Note Bury's unflattering appraisal of the language in this last of Plato's works: "Not only
does it lack the charm and vigor of the earlier dialogues, but it is marked also by much
uncouthness of style, and by a tendency to pedantry, tautology and discursive garrulity
which seems to point to the failing powers of the author"; Bury, Plato's Laws (Loeb, vol.
1), vii.
35. The Athenian works out the laws dealing with impiety in 10.907Dff. Bobonich argues
that in dialogues of his middle period, namely Phaedo and Republic, Plato claims that only
philosophers can act virtuously, and so attain to happiness; non-philosophers must be
forced to right actions by the threat of the law and can never be happy. Bobonich goes
on to say that in Laws, Plato has moderated his position: non-philosophers are capable of
a measure of understanding, and hence of virtue and happiness. Christopher Bobonich,
Plato's Utopia Recast: His Later Ethics and Politics (Oxford, U. K.: Clarendon Press, 2 0 0 2 ) ,
92ff. Cf. Pseudo Isocrates, Demon. 11.
36. Leg. 1 0 . 9 0 9 . E - 9 1 0 D . The category of intercessory prayer certainly exists in Greco-
Roman society. Greek and Latin inscriptions provide examples of some, as well as of
wishes for harm to another. See the examples in Versnel, Faith Hope and Worship, 8 - 9 .
In these cases a person intercedes on behalf of a family member or for the emperor.
37. Cf. Frederick Brenk, "Finding One's Place: Eschatology in Plato's Laws and First-Century
Platonism," in Scolnikov and Brisson, From Theory into Practice, 3 1 2 - 1 9 .
38. Leg. 9 0 3 B - 9 0 5 A .
39. Plutarch, Mor. 792F. An ancient catalog credits him with 227 works; Frank Cole Bab
bitt, "Introduction," in Plutarch's Moralia, vol. 1, L C L (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Uni
versity Press, 1927), xvii. Despite Morton Smith's cautions about a general inconsistency
of style and the many perceived contradictions between ideas expressed in On Supersition
and Plutarch's other writings, I call the author "Plutarch" throughout this section, brack
eting questions about the authenticity of the essay, since the problem has no bearing on
my analysis: I make no claims about Plutarch's overall thought. Morton Smith, "De Su-
perstitione," in Plutarch's Theological Writings and Early Christian Literature, ed. Hans Di
eter Betz, S C H N T 3 (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1975), 1-7. See the response to Smith's
argument and a case for the presumption of authenticity in Patrick Gray, Godly Fear: The
Epistle to Hebrews and Greco-Roman Critiques of Superstition, SBL Academia Biblica 16 (Lei
den and Boston: Brill, 2 0 0 4 ) , 9 7 - 1 0 3 .
40. Found in the collection of Plutarch's works called Moralia, 1 6 4 E - 1 7 IF.
41. Gray, Godly Fear, 106.
42. These differences in Plutarch's understanding of the "common" good may be due in part
to the decline of the Greek polis in the fourth century B.C.E. and the rise of the empire,
together with the ethos of spreading Greek culture (and later, Roman peace) to the ends
of the known world. For a similar view of the religious rites associated with a "foreign
goddess" (dea peregrina-, also a "Syrian goddess" [dea Syria]), see Apuleius, Met. 8 . 2 7 - 2 8 .
Interestingly, at the end of the story, the protagonist becomes a fervent devotee of Isis,
another goddess originally foreign to Greece and Rome.
43. I rely on a translation slightly modified from Babbit's in the Loeb series: Plutarch's Mor
alia, trans. Frank Cole Babbitt, vol. 2, L C L (Cambrige, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
1927).
44. Although in places Plutarch appears to make light of some Stoic teachings (Superst.
164F), he does allow that emotions can lead to distortions of the soul (Superst. 165B),
and gives special attention to <t>6(3os, one of the four chief passions of Stoicism, accord
ing to Diogenes Laertius (the other three are fear's opposite, ernSuui'a "desire," and two
other opposites: Xurrn "distress" and rj5ovr) "pleasure"); cf. Diogenes Laertius, Vit. 7 . 1 1 0 -
13.
45. In his notes on Superst. 1 6 9 F - 1 7 0 A , Babbit says Plutarch is "trying to be a physician of
the soul to cure superstition" (Plutarch, Mor., L C L 2.477, n. b), a claim that he may base
in part on language from Plutarch's opening paragraph: "and just as dislocations of the
joints accompanied by lacerations are hardest to deal with, so also is it with derange
ments of the soul accompanied by emotion"; Plutarch, Superst. 164F.
46. Superst. 165D.
47. For a thorough discussion of the role of excessive and inappropriate fear in Plutarch's
constnial of superstition, set forth in the context of Platonic, Aristotelian, Stoic, and
Epicurean understandings of fear, see Gray, Godly Fear, 3 3 - 1 0 8 .
48. It is difficult to figure out the precise meaning of Plutarch's language at the end of this
passage: oSev r| uev aSeoTns Xoyos SOTI Sievpeuouevos, r| 5e 56ioi5aiuov(a rrdtSos Xoyou
vpeuoous eyyeyevnuevov ("Whence it follows that atheism is falsified reason, and supersti
tion is an emotion engendered from false reason," Plutarch, Superst. 1 6 5 C [Babbit,
LCL]). See Gray, Godly Fear, 8 9 - 9 0 . For a similar assessment of popular religious no
tions, see Epicurus, Rat. sent. 1; Lucretius, De re. nat. 6 . 6 8 - 7 8 . In contrast to Platonic
and Stoic philosophers, Epicurus taught that the gods maintained tranquil detachment
from all things of this world.
49. Cf. Plutarch, Aem. 29.
50. Cf. Plutarch, Def. orac. 4 2 3 D ; Is. Os. 3 5 1 Q Suav. viv. 1 1 0 2 E - F ; Plato, Resp. 2 . 3 7 9 A -
3 0 8 C , in which Plato argues that God is the cause of good things, but not of all things.
In other essays, Plutarch will argue that lesser divine beings do cause human beings grief,
• G R E C O R O M A N VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E L I F E * 81
and it is to these that the poets refer: Def orac. 4 1 7 E ; Fac. 9 4 4 D ; Is. Os. 3 6 0 E - 3 6 1 C .
Gray, Godly Fear, 117.
51. Superst. 1 6 5 E - F . Cf. Plato, Leg. 1 0 . 9 0 9 E - 9 1 0 A .
52. Cf. Superst. 17 IB; Tibullus 1.11-12; Ovid, Ars 2 . 3 2 5 - 3 3 0 . Charlatanism was one of the
common charges leveled against practitioners of "magic" in the Greco-Roman world, as
was foreignness (see below). Scott Shauf, Theology as History, History as Theology: Paul in
Ephesus in Acts 19, BZNW 133 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2005), 1 8 6 - 8 7 .
53. Cf. Superst. 17 IF.
54. Op8co [sic] T O O oToucm KCU 5iKa(cp. The T L G reproduction of Babbit's text has 6p0cp.
Plutarch, Moralia, vol 2, trans. Frank Cole Babbit, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971) [Greek text online] accessed 14 April 2005; avail
able from http://tlg.uci.edu; internet.
55. Plutarch may also be referring to the nonsense words and phrases contained in some
magical incantations. See Chapter 4.
56. The language aioxpas TrpoicaSioeis is difficult, but probably refers to some sort of crude
public display. L&S, s.v. "rrpoKaSiois." Perhaps Plutarch is referring to sitting in front
of a shrine while covered with mud and dressed in sackcloth. Babbit takes the phrase to
mean disgraceful besieging (i.e. of the gods; cf. Superst. 170E; 17 IB), in which case the
phrase may refer to the prayers or incantations themselves. In magical incantations one
frequently commands divine beings to do one's bidding (cf. PGM III.538), even to the
point of threatening them with harm should they ignore you (cf. PGM, 11.51-54). L & S ,
s.v. "TTpoKa0(£co."
57. Cf. Jesus' statements about pharisaic and gentile prayers in Matt 6 : 5 - 8 .
58. Cf. also Superst. 166E, discussed below. See L. T. Johnson, "Taciturnity and True Relig
ion (James 1:26-27)," in Greeks, Romans, and Christians: Essays in Honor of Abraham J.
Malherbe, ed. D. Balch et al. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990), 3 2 9 - 3 3 9 ; repr., Brother
of Jesus, Friend of God, 1 5 5 - 6 7 .
59. Cf. Homer, Od. 3.52, 9.175; Herodotus, Hist. 2.177.
60. Isocrates makes an explicit claim about unsullied tradition in Aerop. 7 . 2 9 - 3 0 .
61. Cf. Superst. 17 IF.
62. In a later section, Plutarch also condemns the superstitious for their willingness to use
whatever means of persuasion they think will work: "For the superstitious both fear the
gods and flee to the gods for help; both flatter [ K O A O K E U O U O I ] them and abuse [Xoi-
6opouoiv] them, pray to [ E U X O V T C X I ] them and blame [KaTauEU<t>ovTcu] them"; Mor. 167F,
Babbit, slightly altered. Cf. Superst. 170A; Jas 3 : 9 - 1 2 .
63. Earlier (Superst. 164F), Plutarch has condemned the assumption that wealth is the great
est good ( a y a 8 o v U E ' Y I O T O V ) ; cf. Aristotle, Eth. nic. 1.4 (1095A. 1 7 - 2 6 ) .
64. "Op0coais ("success") picks up Plutarch's word play in 1 6 6 A - B (cited above), contrasting
the moral correctness of Greek prayers with the obsession of magicians with correct
placement of sacrificial victims on the altar.
65. Cf. Stobaeus, Eel 3.9.23.
66. In these instances authors typically use the word with the genitive of the thing; L&S, s.v.
"surropEco."
67. W . Foerster, Vipnvn," TDNT 2:401. According to Foerster, for example, the goddess
Eipr)vn is sometimes described as oApoSoTEipa ("dispensing riches"; Euripides, Bacch.
4 1 9 ) , T T O X U O X P O S ("rich in blessings"; Orphic Hymns 32.16; 43.2), TE0aAu?av ("abundant";
Hesiod, Theog. 9 0 2 ) , and Ti6nvf)TEipa ("nursing"; Hesiod, Op. 212; cf. Paulus, Descriptio
Sanctae Sophiae 139) in poetry. Eipf|vn may be depicted in artwork carrying the boy
TTXOUTOS (see the descriptions of such statues in Athens in Pausanias, Descr. 1.8.3;
9.16.1) or with a horn of plenty, or both. See descriptions and view photos of art objects
in "Athens, N M 175, Statue of Ploutos," in "Perseus Sculpture Catalogue," The Perseus
Digital Library [database online] accessed 18 April 2005; available from
http://www.perseus.tufts.ed u/cgibin/ptext'?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A'
1 9 9 9 . 0 4 . 0 0 4 l%3Ahead%3D%231433; Internet.
68. Cf. Democr. 252: TTOXIS eu ayouevn ueyicnr) opScoois eoxi, "A well-led city is a very great
success."
69. Cf. Donald J. Verseput, "Plutarch of Chaeronea and the Epistle of James on Communal
Behaviour," NTS 47 (2001): 5 0 2 - 1 8 .
70. W . Foerster, "eiprp/n," TDNT 2:401. Foerster also notes that while eipr)VT| can refer to a
peaceful disposition, this is primarily a negative connotation as well, denoting the ab
sence of hostile feelings toward others. The association of eiprjvn with an individual ap
parently begins first with the LXX's ubiquitous translation of ("welfare" or "health"),
and thence makes its way into the New Testament (cf. Jas 2:16; 3:18) and early Christian
literature. TDNT, 2 : 4 0 2 - 0 8 .
71. In this way Foerster connects "peace" with "the ancient longing for redemption" that
finds fulfillment in the in the Augustinian Pax Romana. TDNT, 2:402.
72. TDNT, 2:401. For a discussion of these two ideas in 1 Clement see Odd Magne Bakke,
"Concord and Peace: A Rhetorical Analysis of the Letter of First Clement with an Emphasis on
the language of unity and sedition (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001). In Greek literature,
rpuxi'cx conveys the notion of an individual being "at rest." Whereas eiprivn can connote
the Stoic ideal state of mind, that idea is more commonly put across by yaXfjvn. Foer
ster, "eiprivn," 4 0 1 .
73. Seneca, Epist. 94.46; Cicero, Fam. 12.15.3; Clu. 55.152; Phil 13.1.2; Livy, Ab urb.
4.43.11; Democritus 2 5 0 ; Thucydides, Hist. 8.94.1.1; Andocides, De nryst. 73.2; Lysias
18.17; Zeno, Stoic. 1 . 6 1 , 3 . 1 6 0 .
74. For praise of a wife's virtue (exemplum) that, although unnamed, sounds like concordia, see
Pliny the Younger, Epist. 8 . 5 . 1 - 2 . The virtue of concord appears frequently in the Pau
line writings, although it is never expressed as buovoia; cf. Rom 12:16; 15:5; 1 C o r 1:10;
Eph 4:3, 13; Phil 2:2; Col 3:14. Margaret Mitchell interprets Paul's first epistle to the
Corinthians as a call to buovoia; Margaret M. Mitchell, Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconcilia
tion: An Exegetical Investigation of the Language and Composition of I Corinthians, H U T 28
(Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1991).
75. Often expressed as putting one's words or learning into practice. See Plutarch's own
Stoic, abs. 1 (Mor. 1033B); Virt. prof. 14 (Mor. 84B); cf. also Seneca, Epist. 2 0 . 1 ; Diogenes
Laertius, Vit. 1.53; 9.37; Epictetus, Diatr. 2.1.31; 2.9.21; 3.22.9. Johnson, Letter of James,
28.
76. Speaking as Plutarch.
77. Aristotle is the philosopher who bases political science in ethics, arguing that a stable
society is composed of people living the good life, by which he means people engaging in
contemplation and living out lives of virtue; Aristotle, Eth nic. 1.2; 10.7, 9; Polit. 1.1; 3.4;
3.6. Although Plutarch's concern for the stability of society is apparent, if only by allu
sion, he is not producing a treatise on either ethics or politics. This may explain why the
virtues under discussion arise only once and are passed over quickly.
78. Cf. Jas 3 : 1 3 - 1 6 .
• G R E C O R O M A N VISIONS OF CORPORATE LIFE* 83
79. Cf.Jas4:15.
80. Moralia 4 8 E - 7 4 E .
81. John T. Fitzgerald, "Friendship in the Greek World Prior to Aristotle," in Greco-Roman
Perspectives on Friendship, ed. David E. Aune, SBLRBS no. 3 4 (Atlanta: Scholars Press,
1997), 13.
82. The main sections on friendship are found in Eth. nic. 8 - 9 and Eth. eud. 7, and treat
ments of the topic appear in Polit, Rhet., and Mag. mor. Frederic M. Schroeder, "Friend
ship in Aristotle and Some Peripatetic Philosophers," in Aune, Greco-Roman Perspectives,
35.
83. Eth. nic. 8.3(1156A.6fO.
84. "Friendship also seems to hold cities together, and lawgivers seem to be more zealous for
it than justice." Aristotle, Eth. nic. 8.1 ( 1 1 5 5 A . . 2 2 - 2 4 ) .
85. Schroeder, "Friendship in Aristotle," 3 6 - 3 7 .
86. Mor. 9 3 A - 9 7 B .
87. Cf. Donald J. Verseput, "Plutarch of Chaeronea and the Epistle of James on Communal
Behaviour," NTS 47 (2001): 5 0 2 - 1 8 .
88. Contrast this with Eth. nic. 8.7ff (1158B.1 lfO and 9.Iff (1163B.32fO, in which Aristotle
considers friendships between unequal partners. Plutarch does, on the other hand,
mention a case of female flatterers (false friends) in Syria (Adul. amic. 5 0 D - E ) , from
which we may infer that true friendship (in Plutarch's terms) existed among upper class
women as well. This is, so far as I can determine, the only instance in which Plutarch
mentions female relationships within the two essays considered here.
89. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 5 2 B - D ; 5 8 E - F .
90. Amic. mult. 9 5 C .
91. Adul. amic. 62A.
92. AduL amic. 5 8 C .
93. Adul. amic. 5 4 F .
94. Amic. mult. 9 5 C .
95. Adul. amic. 5 5 C ; 5 8 C - D ; 68A.
96. Adul. amic. 6 2 B .
97. Adul. amic. 5 0 E .
98. Cf. Amic. mult. 9 5 C - D ; Adul. amic. 5 1 B - C , E - F .
99. Plutarch calls social obligations "rendering service" (XeiTupysco). T o fail to render service
is to risk giving offense, for one is obligated to accept a friend's invitation if he or she is
able. O n e of the drawbacks of having many friends is that one risks offending a friend
by neglecting one invitation in order to accept another. See Amic. mult. 9 5 C - D .
100. Cf. Adul. amic. 5 4 C .
101. Cf. Aristotle, Eth. nic. 8.14 ( 1 1 6 3 A . 3 4 - 3 5 ) .
102. Cf. Adul. amic. 4 9 C - D ; 56F; 58A; 6 0 B - D ; 7 0 B - D .
103. Amic. mult. 94Aff; cf. Adul. amic. 4 9 E ; 5 5 E - F . Cf. Sir 6 : 7 - 1 3 ; 9:10.
104. Amic. mult. 9 4 B .
105. Cf. Adul. amic. 50A; 5 I B .
106. Cf. Adul. amic. 6 2 E - F .
107. Cf. Adul. amic, in which Plutarch talks about "pure" and "chaste" friendship.
108. Amic. mult. 9 3 F .
109. Although Aristotle, for example, admitted that friends could violate both formal and
informal contracts, in his writings the only recourse to which the wronged party has ac-
cess is making "complaints and reproaches" (TO eyi<Ar]|jaTa Kai ai ueuvÊis). Eth. nic. 8.13
(1162B.5).
110. I rely on Babbitt's LCL translation, vol. 1, pp. 2 6 4 - 3 9 5 .
111. Cf. 5 6 A 6 8 F 7 0 E 7 4 C .
; ; ;
112. It may, on the other hand, play a legitimate role when dealing with one's enemies. Cf.
67D.
113. Adul. amic, 67D. Dionysius is speaking specifically of the actions and intentions of one's
enemies, but Plato applies his comments to a situation involving one of Dionysius'
friends.
114. Babbitt translates the word as "shortcomings." See the discussion of the frequency of
this word in Greek literature in Chapter 5, beginning on p. 2 0 6 .
115. Cf. Superst. 168D, treated below. TTAvl/uueAeia and cognates are used synonymously with
auapTia and its cognates in the LXX as well. Cf. Lev 5:18; 7:37; Jer 2:5.
116. 2 Sam 1 2 : 1 - 1 5 .
117. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 6 7 E (Babbitt, LCL).
118. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 6 7 F (Babbitt, LCL).
119. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 6 8 A - B (Babbitt, LCL).
120. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 6 8 B (Babbitt, LCL).
121. Cf. Adul. amic, 7 0 A - B .
123. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 5 6 A (Babbitt, LCL).
125. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 5 5 D (Babbitt, LCL).
126. See, for example, 61D; 67F; 69A; 70F; 7 IF; 72B; 7 3 A - B , D; 7 4 D - E .
127. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 7 4 C - D (Babbitt, LCL).
128. Plutarch, Adul. amic. 7 4 B (Babbitt, LCL).
129. Cf. Johnson, Letter of James, 8 1 .
130. Diatribai 3.22. The work comes from a collection of AiaTpi(3a( or "Discourses," which
Flavius Arrian, one of Epictetus' students, recorded from Epictetus's classroom discus
sions and other conversations. See Diatr. 1.1-8 (Arrian's "Preface" to the collection,
coming before 1.1.1-32, the first discourse).
131. Epictetus, The Discourses as Reported by Arrian Books M I , trans. W . A. Oldfather, L C L vol.
1 (Cambridge, Mass. and London, U.K.: Harvard University Press, 1925), p. xii.
132. Cf. Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 1 9 - 2 0 ; 9 3 .
133. The question is whether Epictetus is trying to persuade or dissuade readers from turning
to the Cynic life. As a third option, through this discourse that warns of the rigors of
the Cynic life, he seeks to direct readers towards the Cynic attitudes that Stoicism recon
figures.
134. Cynic philosophers are known for their detachment from typical constraints that might
cloud their devotion to virtue. That detachment usually finds three expressions:
rrappnoia (freedom of speech, familiar from Plutarch as "frankness"), eAsuSspia (liberty),
and auTotpKeia (self-governance).
135. I rely on the L C L translation of Oldfather: Epictetus, The Discourses Books 7/1-J V, Enchei-
ridion, trans. W . A. Oldfather, L C L vol. 2 (Cambridge, Mass. and London, U.K.: Har
vard University Press, 1928).
• GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE 85
136. In Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 6 8 Epictetiis suggests that some women take up the Cynic lifestyle, and
there are records of women Cynics. The best-known is Hipparchia of Maronea (fl. early
fourth century B.C.E.), mentioned in Diogenes Laertius, Lives 6 . 9 6 - 9 8 .
137. Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 2 6 - 3 0 .
138. For a more explicit reference to a matter-spirit dualism in Epictetus, cf. Diatr. 3 . 1 0 . 1 5
("How Ought W e to Bear Our Illnesses?").
139. Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 3 8 .
140. Cf. Plato, Leg. 5 . 7 2 6 A - B .
141. Diatr. 3.22.45ff.
142. Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 8 3 - 8 5 .
143. Diogenes Laertius, Lives 6.58.
144. Epictetus, Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 1 8 (Oldfather, LCL); cf. emoKorreco in 3.22.97.
145. Epictetus, Diatr. 3.22.77 (Oldfather, LCL).
146. Epictetus, Diatr. 3.22.94 (Oldfather, LCL).
147. Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 9 6 .
148. Ibid.
149. Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 1 0 0 .
150. Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 1 0 3 , 105.
151. Cf. Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 9 5 .
152. For examples of prophetic discourse in epistolary form directed to Diaspora Israel, see Jer
2 9 : 1 - 3 2 and the apocryphal Letter of Jeremiah.
153. Consider the name Obadiah. See also 1 Kings 18:36; Isa 20:3; 44:26; Jer 7:25; 25:4;
Amos 3:7; Dan 6:20; Zech 1:6.
154. Jas l : 9 - l l / I s a 4 0 : 6 - 7 ; Jas 5:4/Isa 5:9; Jas 5:5/Jer 12:3. Cf. Jas 1:23/Ezek 33:32; Jas
4:4/Hos l:2ff/Isa 57:3; Jas 4:9/Joel 1:5, 8, 11, 13/Mic 1:8; Jas 4 : 1 4 / H o s 13:3; Jas
5:2/Isa 51:8; Jas 5:5/Hos 1:6 (LXX); Jas 5:7/Jer 5:24 ( L X X ) / H o s 6:3 (LXX); Jas 5:11/Joel
2:13/Jonah 4:2 (Exod 34:6).
155. Jas 5:10, 1 7 - 1 8 .
156. Jas 2 : 1 - 1 2 ; 5 : 1 - 6 ; cf. Isa 10:1-4; 58; Am 2:6-7a; 4:1; 5 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; Mic 2:2, 8; 3 : 1 - 3 ; 7:3;
Zech 7:10; Mai 3:5.
157. Jas 4 : 1 - 6 , 1 3 - 1 7 ; cf. Isa 5 : 1 1 - 1 2 , 22; Ezek 2 3 : 4 0 - 4 5 ; Dan 5:22; Am 2 : 7 b - 8 .
158. Jas 4 : 8 - 1 0 ; cf. Ezek 14:6; 18:30; Joel 2 : 1 2 - 1 4 ; Hos 12:6; 14:1-3; Zech 1:3-6.
159. Jas. 5 : 7 - 1 1 ; cf. Isa 8:17; 40:31; 51:5; Jer 14:22; U r n 3:26; Mic 7:7; Zeph 3:8.
160. Cf. Ezek 3 3 : 3 0 - 3 3 ; Zeph 3:13; Zech 8 : 1 6 - 1 7 .
• C H A P T E R F O U R *

The Everyday Practice of
Greco-Roman Religion
I n this chapter, the four collections o f texts to be e x a m i n e d express "popu

lar" expressions o f religion. H e n c e , we are forced to leave b e h i n d the for
mal genre o f the treatise and must turn instead to examples o f how s o m e
individuals in the G r e c o - R o m a n world experienced the divine, a n d how s o m e
o f t h e m left public testimony to their experiences. T h i s is due in part to the
nature o f the G r e c o - R o m a n texts o n divine healing a n d confession: there are
authors, such as Plutarch, w h o tell their readers n o t to seek healing from the
gods, and few that I have found see the act as a particularly good thing to do,
1
m u c h less instruct in the right way to carry it out. C o n f e s s i o n o f sins against
the gods also finds little treatment in the moralists, w h o tend t o relegate the
problem o f fixing bad behavior to the courts (in political treatises) or to
friendship a n d philosophy (see C h a p t e r 3 ) . W e are left with texts that attest to
two separate avenues o f seeking divine healing in the G r e c o - R o m a n w o r l d -
magical spells and shrines to the healing god Asklepios—both readily available,
and b o t h reflecting discreet sets o f practices. A single collection o f texts—the
confession inscriptions o f Asia Minor—provides data for the consideration o f
confession o f sins.
Divine Healing Through Magic and Shrines
In this section we set J a m e s ' s vision o f what people o u g h t to d o alongside writ

ings that provide s o m e sense o f what people actually did. W e learn what op
tions were available to t h e m for cures and relief from symptoms outside o f the
medical profession. E a c h collection o f texts e x a m i n e d provides a record o f
practices that harness divine power for personal help. W h e t h e r and to what
extent m e m b e r s o f James's c o m m u n i t i e s ever followed his instructions can on-
88 JAMES RILEY STRANGE*
ly be inferred, b u t the magical spells, inscriptions at healing shrines, and per

sonal testimonies e x a m i n e d here provide a record o f the things that s o m e
people in fact did. T h e y suggest s o m e ways o f conceiving o f the act o f healing,
,
its benefit for the individual a n d / o r c o m m u n i t y , and h u m a n s relationship to
the realm o f the divine.
T h e term "divine" distinguishes miraculous healing from the practice o f
medicine in the a n c i e n t Mediterranean world. Admittedly, the line separating
religious from m u n d a n e healing practices is a fine o n e because o f several fac
tors. A m o n g t h e m are the belief that the healing arts are gifts o f the gods to
2
humanity, a n d the fact that means o f healing at shrines o f Asklepios resemble
the work o f c o n t e m p o r a r y physicians: prescriptions for diet a n d exercise, ap
plications o f o i n t m e n t s a n d medicines, and even surgery carried o u t by the
3
god. Nevertheless, in this section, texts c o n t a i n i n g therapeutic prescriptions
or o t h e r information a b o u t the medical profession are set aside a n d only texts
in which people seek healing directly from a divine being receive attention.
A n o t h e r issue that requires b r i e f discussion is the separation o f religion
from magic. Recently, students o f religion have admitted the difficulty o f
4
making a clear distinction between the two categories, and have taken to
5
speaking o f t h e m as opposite sides o f a c o i n o r as existing along a c o n t i n u u m ,
or have a b a n d o n e d the distinction altogether, seeing "magic" as a pejorative
6
term in b o t h antiquity a n d m o r e r e c e n t scholarship. As Plutarch has shown
and Plato has suggested, those w h o distinguish true piety from magic in antiq
uity often denigrate popular forms o f religious expression because o f their in
temperate character. Plato and Plutarch in particular seek to bring the
practice o f religion within the realm o f rationality a n d sobriety, so that b o t h
reason and worship achieve the same goal (the good life), and n o m o r e than
this general b o o n is asked o f the gods.
A c c o r d i n g to the moralists, two o b j e c t i o n s may be raised to the practice o f
divine healing. First, it may be inappropriate to ask for anything so specific as
a physical cure, as opposed to general well-being. S e c o n d , desperation for re
lief from a physical affliction could cause a person to c o m m i t an error in rea
soning, for o n e might assume that lavish gifts or outlandish displays can
persuade the gods to c o m e to o n e ' s aid, o n e may t h i n k that the gods are pun
ishing the ailing person, o r o n e may seek help from charlatans. Even if, how
ever, the afflicted do participate in rites lacking in solemnity, believe that a god
is punishing t h e m , or are taken in by sellers o f snake oil, for the purposes o f
this investigation what matters is whether they themselves perceive their ac
tions to be licit ways o f asking for divine help.
T h e chapter begins with an e x a m i n a t i o n o f three spells from the G r e e k
Magical Papyri, for they fall u n d e r the b r o a d definition o f religious practice by
• T H E EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION* 89
virtue o f seeking healing (and in o n e case h a r m ) from a divine being. N e x t is a

look at o f s o m e o f the inscriptions found at the asklepion in Epidauros. The
section ends with an e x a m i n a t i o n o f the healing experiences o f the s e c o n d
century C E sophist and rhetorician, Aelius Aristides.
T a m i n g Divine Powers in the Greek Magical Papyri
O u t o f s o m e 4 1 7 spells in the P G M , a b o u t 6 6 (around 16 percent) deal with

medical issues: treatments for fever are m o s t c o m m o n , b u t o n e also finds pre
scriptions for scorpion sting, headache, gout, various eye ailments, d e m o n pos
session, and pregnancy tests, a m o n g others. T h e majority o f these spells are
quite brief, a n d the invocation o f divine power is vague (many, for example,
require simply writing a spell o n s o m e m e d i u m and applying it to the ailing
7
part o r wearing it as an a m u l e t ) . T h e following discussion is limited to three
longer spells that give s o m e indication o f the relationship between h u m a n s
and the divine forces they invoke.
O n e reason for using spells o f the P G M to c o m p a r e with divine healing in
James is the ease o f research provided by this collection o f scattered manu
8
scripts into a single v o l u m e that is widely available. B e y o n d this c o n v e n i e n c e ,
what the P G M provide is examples o f spells that played a role in people's daily
lives, primarily in Hellenistic Egypt, and by implication elsewhere in the Hel
lenistic M e d i t e r r a n e a n . C o n s u l t a t i o n with religious professionals to o b t a i n
c h a r m s implies the existence o f a local e c o n o m i c infrastructure for seeking di
vine aid separate from b o t h regular forms o f religious practice at local shrines
and temples, and the medical profession. T h e n u m b e r o f surviving a n c i e n t
spells designed to aid the sick a n d injured suggests that magic played a role in
society's unofficial healthcare system. T h e portability o f spells written o n pa
pyrus, as well as amulets worn o n the body, suggests t h e easy export and spread
o f this form o f religion to m e e t a pervasive need. W h e n we c o m p a r e J a m e s ' s
moral discourse o n healing with healing spells o f the P G M , it b e c o m e s evident
how a worldview—working from an understanding that the universe is popu
lated by divine powers that can b e harnessed for h u m a n use—yields a particular
understanding o f the place o f ailments in h u m a n existence, t h e relationship
between people and lesser divinities, and t h e goal o f divine-human interaction.
Because o f the general unfamiliarity o f these magical texts, full translations
are provided.
PGM VII. 2 6 0 - 7 1
For ascent of the uterus: "I conjure you, O Womb—[by the] one established over the
9
Abyss, before heaven, earth, sea, light, or darkness came to be; [he?] who created the
angels, being foremost, AMICHAMCHOU and CHOUCHA0 CHEROEl OUEIACH0 ODOU
PROSEIOGGES, and who sits over the cherubim, who bears his (?) 10
own throne—that
you return again to your seat, and that you do not turn [to one side] into the right
part of the ribs, or into the left part of the ribs, and that you do not gnaw into the
heart like a dog, but remain indeed in your own intended and proper place, not
chewing, so long as I conjure you [by] the one who, in the beginning, made the hea
ven and earth and all that is therein. Hallelujah! Amen!"
11
Write this on a tin tablet and "clothe" it in 7 colors.
The spell shares several features with m a n y others in the magical papyri.
The first is the instruction to write the spell o n s o m e sort o f m e d i u m (papyrus,
shells, a n d leaves are c o m m o n ) , and to hang it a r o u n d the n e c k as an amulet
12
(irspiavpov) or phylactery (4>uXaKTT]piov). S e c o n d , the c h a r m calls a divine
being by many voces magicae, "which are usually untranslatable and often mea
13
ningless to the r e a d e r , " indicated by small capital letters, as above. Some
times, however, these n a m e s are recognizable as Egyptian, G r e e k , o r Jewish
1 4
(sometimes C h r i s t i a n ) deities, o r as epithets associated with t h e m . This
p o i n t brings up a third aspect o f the spell: its syncretistic character, mixing
gods in this case—but elsewhere also scripture—from the well-known religious
traditions that flourished in Hellenistic, R o m a n , and Late A n t i q u e Egypt.
M o s t c o m m o n are e l e m e n t s o f Egyptian, G r e e k , a n d Jewish religions, b u t Ba
bylonian a n d C h r i s t i a n e l e m e n t s appear as well. T h e voces magicae o f the cur
rent spell are n o t recognizable as n a m e s , b u t are references to the pre-creation
abyss, angels, e n t h r o n e m e n t over t h e c h e r u b i m (xepoupiv), n o t to m e n t i o n
o t h e r transliterated H e b r e w o r A r a m a i c words (aAArjAouia and apr)v)> indicate
that lines from Jewish scripture a n d / o r liturgy have b e e n adopted by the prac
15
titioners o f these spells, possibly imported from Jewish m a g i c . F o u r t h , the
spell c o n t a i n s instructions a b o u t how to affix t h e amulet to o n e ' s person (pre
sumably use a string o f seven colors), b u t there is s o m e ambiguity as well: t h e
colors are n o t specified, for example, and t h e language itself is vague.
In addition to these c o m m o n elements, n o t e also that the spell does n o t
appear to address the deity directly (the G r e e k is unclear o n this p o i n t ) b u t in
vokes the deity as witness to a n d guarantor o f t h e spell. T h i s interpretation is
consistent with the use o f EôpKi^co, which, besides "conjure," also bears the
m e a n i n g "to b i n d by o a t h . " F u r t h e r m o r e , the spell uses images o f t h e god that
m i m i c what the bodily organ is to d o . C o n s e q u e n t l y , these images b e c o m e in
structions for the organ: the god "made the heaven and earth a n d all that is
t h e r e i n " (implying that everything in creation occupies a divinely ordained
place), and the uterus must "remain indeed in [its] own i n t e n d e d a n d proper
place"; the god "sits over the c h e r u b i m , " bearing "[his] own t h r o n e [0p6vov],"
and the uterus m u s t "return again to [its] seat [e5pa]." Also, the uterus is to
* T H E EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION • 91
remain in place "so long as [EOTE] I c o n j u r e . " T h e spell, therefore, has tempo
rary effects.
PGM LXXXIII. 1 - 2 0
For [fever with shivering fits]: "GOBA . . . S . . . MO . . . NOUSEA . . . EIEGE . . . OSARK . . .
16
AUSE fever with shivering fits, I conjure you, MICHAEL, archangel o f the earth; [wheth
er] it is daily or nightly or quartan fever; I conjure you, the Almighty SABAOTH, that it
no longer touch the soul of the one who carries [this], nor [touch] his whole body; al
so the dead, deliver, . . . the distress I D O T . . . Y G R S B O N O E . . . "
"He who dwells in the help of the Most High shall abide in the shadow of the God of
heaven. He will say of God, 'thou art my refuge and my help; I will put my trust in
him.'" [cf. LXX Ps 9 0 : 1 - 2 ]
17
"Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed by thy will; our daily bread." [cf. Matt 6 : 9 -
10a, 11]
"Holy, holy is the Lord SABAOTH, heaven is full of justice, holy is the one of glory." [cf.
LXX Isa 6:3]
"aniaada . . . ia, migael of lords, Abraham Isaac Jacob eloei eloe Solomon(?) / sabaoth
, 8
del... "
Again, the spell is presented in the form o f an a m u l e t or c h a r m , as indi

cated by the phrase, "the soul o f the o n e w h o carries [this]." W e also see again
the use o f voces magicae and the phrase "I c o n j u r e you," this time addressed to
the divine beings themselves. A n o t h e r c o m m o n e l e m e n t in spells to ward o f f
19
fever is the specification o f types o f fever, in this case a fever "with shivering
20
fits" ( p i y o T r u p E T i o v ) , as well as "daily o r nightly [fever]" (Ka0r)|jEpiv6v fj V U K -
2 1
x e p i v o v ) , and "quartan fever" ( T E T a p T a i o v ) .
The spell's m o s t striking (though n o t u n c o m m o n ) feature is its use o f
22
scriptural references from b o t h the O l d and N e w T e s t a m e n t s . S o m e general
c o m m e n t s a b o u t this aspect o f the c h a r m will help clarify the discussion to fol
low. First, n o n e is a direct citation o f any k n o w n textual tradition; all include
23
"peculiar v a r i a t i o n s " that c a n n o t b e a c c o u n t e d for in the manuscript tradi
24
tion. T h e use o f M a t t h e w in particular, together with t h e references to the
25
archangel M i c h a e l (who in the N T appears only in J u d e 9 a n d Revelation
26
1 2 : 7 ) , indicates familiarity with s o m e New T e s t a m e n t texts. A l l three N e w
T e s t a m e n t texts, moreover, l o o k like reconfigurations o f passages that would
be recited regularly in C h r i s t i a n liturgy. Finally, the use o f "heaven" (oupavos)
in the reference to Isa 6 rather than t h e L X X ' s "earth" (r) y f j ) accentuates the
allusion to heaven that appears in the o t h e r two references. T h e first two
m e n t i o n heaven as the deity's location o r sphere o f activity; the last asserts that
heaven is full o f justice (5iKr)).
H o w does this information shed light o n t h e understanding o f power that
informs the spell's use o f scripture? T h e amulet's peculiar application o f scrip
tural language suggests that the spell accumulates power in order to strengthen
its effect. S u c h a c o n c l u s i o n is suggested, first, by the fact that e a c h passage

invokes the Christian G o d , b u t uses a different title—or m o r e than o n e title—
from the others passages. All three passages deploy scripture to invoke power,
and in total they use six divine names to d o so: the first passage calls the deity
"the M o s t High," "the G o d o f heaven," and simply " G o d " ; the s e c o n d , "Fa-
ther"; and the last, " L o r d " and "SABAOTH," a c o m m o n vox magica. Together
with the voces magicae elsewhere in the incantation (note also the appearance
2 7
o f A b r a h a m , Isaac, J a c o b , and S o l o m o n ) , the spell c o n t a i n s about 2 4 invoca
tions to a being o r beings. Moreover, the selection o f verses that call u p o n the
god o f heaven (and the possible deliberate alteration o f o n e to include a refer
ence to heaven) implies that, in addition to o t h e r deities, the spell focuses par
ticularly o n the C h r i s t i a n god as a special source o f power. N o t e also that the
passages may have b e e n read frequently in the C h r i s t i a n liturgy at t h e time o f
the spell's making, a n d i f so, they may have b e e n selected for use in the spell
because this use provided testimony to their potency, o r perhaps magnified it.
T h i s exposition may explain o t h e r aspects o f the spell's use o f scripture as
well. In a prayer, o n e expects praise o f the deity to precede the request; the
amulet, however, reverses the order. T h e text begins with a magical incanta
tion o r voces magicae, and moves quickly to conjure the archangel MICHAEL and
"Almighty SABAOTH." T h i s n a m i n g o f t h e deity/ies is analogous to an invoca
tion which leads us to l o o k for the scriptural allusions o f lines 10 through 19 o r
so (particularly those to Ps 9 0 and Isa) immediately, as an analog o f a pars epi-
ca. Instead what we find resembles a preces: two iterations o f the phrase "I
conjure you" (opKi^co OE), the n a m i n g o f specific types o f fever, a n d the in
28
struction "that [fever] n o longer touch the soul o f the o n e w h o carries [ t h i s ] . "
T h e shifting o f the expected order a n d the plethora o f divine beings ad
dressed suggest that what is at stake in the spell is n o t the invocation o f the
right deity for a particular problem, followed by the protocols o f the system o f
charis or time in order to incline the deity toward granting the request. Ra
ther, the c o m p o s e r o f the spell is apparently after agglutinated power, and sa
cred Christian texts in particular offer access to those powers. S u c h an
interpretation may help to explain the allusion to the Lord's Prayer. In the
logic o f magic, the words may link to divine power primarily through their sa
cred status and their invocation o f the deity. Syntactical c o h e r e n c e may be o f
only secondary o r very little importance, as indicated by the use o f the voces
magicae that follow the third citation.
PGM CXXIV. 6 - 4 3
29
Charm to inflict illness: [Take] the blood of a weasel and write on a triangular pot
30
sherd and bury it in the house: [seven or eight magical characters] THRAX TRAX BRAX.
Take unsmoked beeswax and make a manikin. Write the characters on a tiny piece of
papyrus and place it inside the beeswax. Also write the three "O's" and the letters that
31 32
follow, on the head of the manikin, and the bones of the victim (?). . . . Prick the
left one into the left eye of the manikin and the right one into the right. Hold the
figure upside-down on its head and put it into a new pot. Leave the pot in the dark
and fill it with water, up to the [shoulder] of the [manikin] only. Crush rhododen
33
dron plants with some vinegar and sprinkle the entrances to the t o m b . Take a gar
land made from the plant, and while pronouncing the formula, attach it to the tomb:
"Principal angel of those below the earth, BAROUCH, and you, angel of many forms,
OLAiMPTER; in this hour do not disobey me, but send to me . . . without fear, without
34
harm, doing my every...."
t h 3 5
T h i s late ( 5 c . ) c h a r m demonstrates that powers can be deployed to in
flict suffering just as they can to relieve it, although causing h a r m is n o t as
c o m m o n as curing. N o t e that the rite for harming differs from the previous
spells. T h e spell is n o t an amulet, for example. Rather, it requires the burying
o f an object inscribed with magical signs, the creation o f a h u m a n figurine and
the application o f possibly m i m e t i c acts to it, and a rite comprising the sprin
kling o f a potion and the speaking o f an incantation at the e n t r a n c e to a t o m b .
T h e spell does include two actions seen in the o t h e r two spells: the technology
o f writing and the invocation o f voces magicae, including a n a m e from Jewish
scripture (Baruch), although this single, isolated reference suggests that it is
borrowed from o t h e r spells and does n o t necessarily c o m e from any familiarity
with Jewish liturgy.
T h i s c h a r m can be divided into three distinct sections, each requiring a
specific artifact a c c o m p a n i e d by a discreet set o f actions. E a c h rite also in
cludes the writing o f magical symbols or incantations. T h e first section in
structs the purchaser to write a set o f magical signs in weasel's b l o o d o n a
36
potsherd and to bury the sherd inside o n e ' s h o u s e . T h e second section re
quires the fashioning o f a small h u m a n figurine in beeswax. W r i t i n g is then
affixed to the figurine in two media: the person writes characters (the same
signs that were written o n the sherd?) o n a small piece o f papyrus, which is
then pressed into the torso o f the figurine. A l s o , the person writes a series o f
three sets o f three letters (co, i, and a ) directly o n the waxen head o f the figu
rine, w h i c h he o r she then subjects to symbolic harm: pricking its eyes and
"drowning" it upside-down in a new c o o k i n g pot. T h e entire apparatus is left
in the dark. T h e final section involves "the t o m b , " perhaps specified in a lost
section o f the papyrus. T h e rite is to sprinkle a potion made o f crushed rho
d o d e n d r o n at the t o m b ' s entrances a n d to attach a garland o f the same plant
to the t o m b while reciting an incantation.
Like the two previously cited, this incantation employs language that di
rects two divine beings, in this case "angels," B a r o u c h a n d O l a m p t e r . The
charm ends with c o m m a n d s that the beings immediately carry o u t every com-
37
m a n d o f the person invoking the spell. T h e papyrus is damaged b e y o n d re-
covery at this point, b u t presumably contains t h e specific malady that the per-
son wishes to inflict. Based o n the h a r m d o n e to the figurine's eyes and the
instruction to keep it in the dark, the c h a r m may b e intended to cause blind
38
ness, or, metaphorically, to induce lack o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g .
T h e use o f three distinct rites associated with three separate artifacts, to-
gether with the invocation o f two divine beings, again suggests that the spell
ensures its effectiveness through the accumulation o f power. T h e threefold
rite also highlights the spell's reliance o n utterances: inarticulate words, letters,
and symbols, as well as the syntactically intelligible prose o f the spoken for-
mula. T h e implication is that while the actions o f the rites invoke powers and
b e n d t h e m to o n e ' s use, the full a c c o m p l i s h m e n t o f the c h a r m requires that
specific instructions b e given. T h e spell invokes beings that have abilities
greater than those o f h u m a n s , and so in s o m e ways are like domesticated ani
mals, for they have wills that must b e tamed. D o m e s t i c a t i o n may b e what the
actions o f the rite, the use o f symbols, and the otherwise unintelligible voces
magicae accomplish.
S o m e details invite immediate c o m p a r i s o n and contrast with J a m e s , whe
reas at the level o f system, these spells and J a m e s hardly intersect at all. T h e
spells' focus o n improving the lot o f individuals contrasts with J a m e s ' s critique
o f praying evilly, in order to fulfill personal desires, and the blatant syncretism
in the spells clearly differs from James's claim that G o d is o n e a n d with his
prophetic insistence that c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s maintain undiluted faithful
ness to G o d . Similarly, anointing and prayer share similarities with magical
practices, but James's calls to endure hardships "to the e n d " clash with the
idea that divine powers are at h a n d to assist immediately in whatever way they
are needed.
O b v i o u s contradictions may be passed over quickly in order to get at the
m o r e substantive points o f distinction between healing practices in the papyri
and J a m e s . In his "Introduction to the G r e e k Magical Papyri," Betz sees the
spells o f the papyri as evidence o f a particular religion, which he characterizes
in this way:
Whether the gods are old or new, whether they come from Egyptian, Greek, Jewish,
or Christian traditions, religion is regarded as nothing but the awareness of and reac
tion against our dependency on the unfathomable scramble of energies coming out of
the universe. In this energy jungle, human life can only be experienced as a jungle,
too....Individuals seem to be nothing but marionettes at the end of power lines,
39
pulled here and there without their knowledge by invisible forces.
Despite Betz's generalizations, his characterization o f h u m a n existence in

40
Late A n t i q u e E g y p t points to an important contrast between these magical
papyri a n d J a m e s . C o n s i d e r e d broadly, the papyri represent attempts to gain

control over, n o t only the myriad divine forces that manipulate—Betz n o
doubt would say "commandeer"—a person's life, b u t also over m u n d a n e con
tingencies: love, sickness, wounds, the actions o f e n e m i e s , and so o n . In this
worldview, the woes and pains o f h u m a n existence are fixable, i f n o t through
h u m a n institutions (the courts, the e c o n o m y , the patron-client system, medi
cine) a n d rules o f engagement (valuses based o n h o n o r a n d shame, good man
ners, correction, social status), then by the taming o f divine forces. As we have
seen, while J a m e s agrees that G o d ' s power is available to cure sickness in
c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s , these same people c a n n o t escape, b u t must endure in
this life, the assaults o f their e n e m i e s . In J a m e s ' s vision, knowing about es-
chatological p u n i s h m e n t d e m a n d s , n o t actions intended t o improve o n e ' s own
present lot, b u t moral deeds aimed at the welfare and c o h e s i o n o f the c o m
munity.
N o w h e r e d o we see in the spells n o t i o n s about g o o d and evil. Instead,
what is efficacious forms the central principle. It is also striking that we find
n o indication that the spells constitute acts o f devotion to the gods. Rather,
the spells fit the definition o f "religious" only in its broadest sense: they deal
with divine beings (see C h a p t e r 1). T h e absence o f b o t h moral a n d religious
discourse in the spells is conspicuous, and it highlights the utilitarian charac
teristic o f the system that belongs uniquely to them: the harnessing and turn
ing to o n e ' s own use powers that, left untaimed, present a danger to h u m a n
beings.
T h e G o d Powerful and Benevolent at Epidauros
O f the many temples to Asklepios that arose first in the Hellenic world, and
then in the Hellenistic a n d R o m a n empires, the o n e outside Epidauros is
41
known for two r e a s o n s . In the Hellenistic era it b e c a m e "the c h i e f c e n t e r o f
42
devotion to A s k l e p i o s . " By the mid-second century C . E . , when the facilities
3
received a generous gift from a R o m a n senator n a m e d Antoninus* the askle-
44
pion had b e e n e x p a n d e d . T h e Epidauros asklepion is best known today, how
ever, because o f the n u m b e r o f dedicatory inscriptions that were found there
dating from s e c o n d half o f the fourth century B . C . E . to the late s e c o n d cen
tury C . E .
As with magical spells, the n u m b e r o f shrines to Asklepios that appeared
in G r e e c e a n d Asia M i n o r in the Hellenistic a n d R o m a n periods also attest to
the n e e d for widespread access to healing and therapy for c h r o n i c c o n d i t i o n s .
Even with so many places dedicated to healing, however, most people still had
to trek s o m e distance to get to o n e o f them. T o make a visit to an asklepion
96 • JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
suggests b o t h the m e a n s to travel and a sense o f urgency. C o n s u l t a t i o n with

sellers o f spells and pilgrimages to healing shrines were prevalent in the G r e c o -
R o m a n world, as we learn from a n c i e n t sources, surviving spells, and the
n u m b e r o f healing shrines found all over the Hellenized Mediterranean. It is
difficult to know i f the practices were distributed according to social strata,
with the m o r e wealthy traveling to healing shrines instead o f using spells. Vis
iting the god may also indicate the failure o f b o t h physicians and spells.
In any case, the dedicatory inscriptions o f Epidauros provide insight into
a n o t h e r form o f divine healing sought by the populace o f the G r e c o - R o m a n
world, this o n e clearly licit and supported by an official cult, and u n d e r p i n n e d
financially by wealthy patrons. In religious terms, healing at shrines to Askle-
pios draws o n sacred G r e e k mythology and rests in part o n the idea o f "tradi
tional" and a n c i e n t H e l l e n i c religious rites, such as Plutarch m e n t i o n s in On
Superstition. C o m p a r i n g J a m e s with the Epidauros stelae, therefore, allows us
to c o m p a r e a vision for the way things should b e with a n o t h e r set o f evidence
about the way things actually were, for a certain segment o f the population at a
particular time and place. It is important to n o t e how, in contrast to the
PGM, the practice at fourth century B . C E . Epidauros reveals alternative views
o f h u m a n suffering, the type o f interest that the god takes in h u m a n affairs,
and the access that people have to divine power. I e x a m i n e three o f the earli
45
est inscriptions.
2
I G 4 .1.121-22, no. 4 ^ : T h e inscription o f "Ambrosia o f A t h e n s , b l i n d in
o n e eye" follows a pattern typical for those dated to the fourth century B . C . E . :
47
the supplicant's n a m e , h o m e t o w n , and a i l m e n t head the dedication, fol
lowed by a b r i e f a c c o u n t o f h e r arrival at the temple, her disbelief u p o n read
48
ing the inscriptions t h e r e , a healing t e c h n i q u e called "incubation" (a night
spent in the temple in w h i c h she has a dream [evuiTViovl/vision [ovpts] in
w h i c h "it seems that" [SOKECO] the god performs s o m e t h i n g resembling medical
treatment), and a statement that she left in the morning, healed (cc|JEpas 5E
y E V O j J E v a s vyiris E ^ T J X S E ) . 4 9
A S is the case here, often the god asks for a specific
50
gift as a sign o f gratitude for the cure; sometimes o n e is v o l u n t e e r e d . The
physical problems vary, b u t m o s t c o m m o n in m e n are paralysis/lameness and
blindness; over h a l f o f the inscriptions dealing with w o m e n report problems
51
with c o n c e p t i o n and pregnancy.
W e may view A m b r o s e ' s case from two angles: the record o f the healing it
self and the patient's lack o f belief. A l t h o u g h in A m b r o s i a ' s dream the god
performs surgery o n her eye, the cure is presented as miraculous. T h e lan
guage is quite clear that the god promises healing and then grants it. Al
though the god's therapeutic act resembles surgery (slicing open the eyeball
and pouring in m e d i c i n e ) , it should b e read in the light o f the two accounts
• THE EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION • 97
that follow below, o n e in which he replaces an eyeball in an empty socket, a n d

another in which he removes the head from a living patient and then reat
taches it. In all three cases considered here, the god m i m i c s the medical pro
fession, b u t in an exaggerated way, for he is able to accomplish what n o
52
surgeon can, n o t the least o f which is radical surgery without p a i n . Finally,
the inscription is also clear that n o actual scalpel o r m e d i c i n e t o u c h e d A m b r o
sia's eye. T h e procedure occurs in a state described as b o t h vision (SVUTTVIOV)
and dream (ovpis), and the cure happens over t h e course o f a single night: ac
cording to the report, A m b r o s i a w e n t to sleep blind in o n e eye a n d awoke
with her sight restored. T h e eye required n o time to recover from surgery.
It is because the cure is presented as a miracle that the inscription carries
the authority to deal with people's incredulity. T h e inscription m e n t i o n s that
A m b r o s i a laughs at (SiayeXaco) s o m e o f the plaques that she reads (inscrip
tions very m u c h like the o n e that proclaims her own cure) because she finds
healing by incubation to b e "incredible and impossible" ( a i r ( 6 a v a Ken
aSuvaTa). S h e leaves, however, cured and a believer, as the erection o f h e r
plaque indicates. T h e inscription, therefore, provides testimony b o t h to the
god's healing power and to his willingness to use it for the sake o f the suppli
ant. It thus proclaims the good news that help is available to all w h o c o m e to
the shrine seeking it. T h e stela also anticipates possible o b j e c t i o n s t o the truth
o f its claims by recounting A m b r o s i a ' s own stroll around the sanctuary to read
the inscriptions, the very thing that s o m e o n e reading A m b r o s i a ' s testimony
would b e doing. T h e not-sosubtle message is that the god accomplishes what
is impossible for h u m a n beings, and in the very precincts in which the reader
stands. F u r t h e r m o r e , belief in the god is part o f the healing process: i f o n e
does n o t believe u p o n arriving, he or she will w h e n leaving. Healing does n o t
require belief, b u t produces it.
2 5 3
I G 4 A.12l-22y no. 9 : T h e report o f the m a n w h o is entirely missing an
eye also deals with the problem o f faith, made even m o r e acute by the m a n ' s
eyeless c o n d i t i o n : in order to b e healed, an eyeball must be restored to its
54
empty s o c k e t . In this case, incredulity understandably extends to bystanders
in the temple. W h e n he arrives, they label the m a n ' s willingness to believe
that such a thing can happen as "naivete" or "simplemindedness" (rj EurjBia).
Oddly, he h i m s e l f expresses n o doubts. A n d his belief is b o r n e out: h e awakes
the recipient o f an indisputable miracle, able to see with " b o t h [i.e. eyes]"
(a|j<|>6iv).
The shift o f the problem o f credulity o n t o bystanders suggests that the in
scription serves a broader purpose than to c o n v i n c e the afflicted to remain at
the asklepion for help. T h e inscription acknowledges that the precincts were
visited by people w h o were well, perhaps the curious or relatives o f the sick.
T h e inscription subtly shifts address from those w h o are sick to those w h o are
healthy, h e n c e e n h a n c i n g its propagandistic function for the cult o f Asklepios.
2 5 5
I G 4 .1.121-22; no. 2 1 : In c o m p a r i s o n to the others, the report o f Arata
with dropsy emphasizes Asklepios* two primary characteristics: his i m m e n s e
skill as a healer and his compassion. T h e act o f beheading the body, draining
fluid from the neck, a n d reattaching the head mimics surgery only in the re
56
motest s e n s e . S o exaggerated is the imagery that it resembles m o r e the bleed
ing o f a slaughtered a n i m a l than even the m o s t drastic o f surgeries. This
seems to be the point: evidently a n c i e n t readers are n o t to mistake what hap
pens to the sick w o m a n as remotely possible in the m u n d a n e practice o f medi
cine, even for the m o s t advanced m e m b e r s o f the guild. T h e god alone has
57
the skill to heal in this way. Moreover, the a c c o u n t implies that Asklepios is
so adept that he can heal from a great distance, for it is the m o t h e r o f the pa
tient w h o spends the night in the abaton while Arata, w h o suffers from dropsy,
58
remains in L a c e d a e m o n . T h e r e f o r e , in addition to displaying his healing
skills, by healing the w o m a n w h o presumably is t o o ill to travel, t h e god dem
59
onstrates great m e r c y .
T h e Epidauros inscriptions and the magical papyri considered here inter
sect at few points. In b o t h cases divine powers are available to cure h u m a n
sickness, and the interaction happens only during the crisis o f h u m a n n e e d .
T h e m o s t obvious difference between the groups o f texts lies in their function:
the papyri are performative, whereas the inscriptions are descriptive. Other
differences are as follows: the papyri are clear that the d a i m o n s can b e invoked
to h a r m as readily as to heal, whereas the inscriptions emphasize the god's be
60
nevolence. Moreover, the tendency in the papyri to accrue power by calling
u p o n many d a i m o n s through various rites, voces magicae, and incantations
finds n o m a t c h in the intense (if temporary) devotion to Asklepios and the
simple practice o f incubation. Likewise, t h e magical charms work through
technical precision (rites carried o u t in a particular fashion cause the proper
build-up o f power that ensure the c h a r m ' s effectiveness) with n o apparent re
q u i r e m e n t that the o n e using the c h a r m possess a properly pious attitude. F o r
61
its part, healing at the asklepion is "devoid o f thaumaturgic t e c h n i q u e . " Ra
ther, the inscriptions tie healing to b e l i e f in the god, whether the suppliant
expresses confidence b e f o r e h a n d o r is won over by the cure. W h e r e a s to pur
chase an amulet implies a level o f b e l i e f in its success, the spells d o n o t require
belief in order to b e effective, n o r d o the d a i m o n s d e m a n d votive offerings as
a d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f either belief o r gratitude.
By contrast, the Epidauros inscriptions and J a m e s share m a n y details in
common. B o t h emphasize divine goodwill, just as b o t h are clear that medici
nal-like acts—visions o f surgeries and applications o f medicine (at Epidauros)
and smearing with olive oil (in James)—do n o t o f themselves achieve healing,
for b o t h assert that it is the deity w h o cures. B o t h also present t h e act o f heal
ing as a leveler o f social strata: t h e inscriptions by demonstrating that Askle
pios welcomes and heals all w h o c o m e to h i m at Epidauros, gladly receiving
b o t h the silver pig o f the wealthy w o m a n a n d the boy's gaming dice; J a m e s , by
encouraging all m e m b e r s o f the congregation, who are n o less righteous t h a n
Elijah, to pray for o n e a n o t h e r ' s healing.
T h e s e points o f agreement, however, prove to b e superficial. A t the level
o f shared categories we see healing at Epidauros and in the Epistle o f J a m e s as
elements o f distinctive systems. T h e role o f belief, in particular, provides a
significant p o i n t o f intersection between the two, yet turns o u t to reveal sys
temic discrepancies. J a m e s uses the word "faith" ( T T ( O T I S ) a n d its opposite
(SiaKpi'vopai), while the inscriptions talk a b o u t lack o f c o n v i c t i o n a b o u t the
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god (expressed as being "incredulous" [aTnoTEiico], "laughing at" [ 5 i a -
/ETTiyEAaco] the testimonies, t h i n k i n g that healing through i n c u b a t i o n is "im
probable and impossible" [am'Sava K a i a S u v a T a ] , and calling b e l i e f "silliness"
[E\jn0ia]). B o t h J a m e s a n d the inscriptions tie faith to healing, a n d b o t h rec
ognize the value o f vicarious faith: J a m e s sees the faith o f the elders as a neces
sary e l e m e n t in their healing ministry, and the god heals A r a t a when her
m o t h e r sleeps in the abaton.
The texts, however, d e m o n s t r a t e quite different understandings o f faith.
J a m e s insists that prayer be made "in faith" (EV TTIOTEI, 1:6), a n d asserts that
the prayer " o f faith" (TTJS TTIOTECOS, 5 : 1 5 ) is effective for healing the sick per
son. W e have seen that w h e n J a m e s uses this term, he is talking a b o u t n e i t h e r
assent to theological claims n o r credulity that G o d will grant t h e request, b u t
about c o n t i n u e d devotion to G o d in the face o f hardships. It is just this sort
o f protracted devotion that is absent in the Epidauros inscriptions, w h i c h
speak o f n o relationship with the god b e y o n d the visit to the sanctuary. In
these testimonies, moreover, the god often heals despite a person's disbelief,
and the cure itself can produce faith. In t h e inscriptions, therefore, what is
valued is c o n f i d e n c e that Asklepios is able t o heal a n d that he will in fact d o
so.
The contrasts between J a m e s and Epidauros b e c o m e sharper as we con
sider categories that either are treated disproportionately by the two sources o r
that appear in o n e but n o t at all in the o t h e r . A t Epidauros, as we have n o t e d ,
healing is the practice o f individuals, and James's c o n c e r n for healing as a
moral act within the congregation does n o t register there. W e find n o indica
tion that the divine healings benefit any particular congregation. Similarly,
the inscriptions express the c o n c e r n s o f religious discourse w h e n they r e c o u n t
the incubations and successful healings: healing obligates the suppliant to per-
form acts o f devotion in the form o f votive offerings, and presumably in the
attitude o f thanksgiving that such acts demonstrate. M o s t notably, the spe
cialization o f the Asklepios cult finds n o m a t c h in J a m e s . In the epistle, as we
have seen, healing constitutes o n e o f a constellation o f religious practices car
ried o u t by h u m a n s o n o n e another's behalf. It is tied to m u t u a l confession
and forgiveness o f sins, a n d is associated with the restoration o f m e m b e r s w h o
have apostatized, o r w h o are in danger o f doing so. A t Epidauros, h u m a n s re
ceive healing—virtually to the exclusion o f all else—directly from the h a n d o f
the god, and all rites are dedicated to the invocation o f that particular miracle.
In a final example, the place-specific healing at Epidauros contrasts sharply
with "nowhere" healing in J a m e s . It is reasonable to explain this difference
with reference to the tradition in G r e e k a n d R o m a n religion o f associating a
deity with a particular natural p h e n o m e n o n , such as a grove o r cave, o r as
sometimes in the case o f Asklepios, h o t springs. Nevertheless, it is the cus
tomary nature o f this practice in the G r e c o - R o m a n world that causes its ab
sence in J a m e s to stand o u t all the m o r e . W e have already n o t e d that in J a m e s
it is the sick person w h o s u m m o n s the elders to his or her own b e d . T h e con
trast with the p h e n o m e n o n o f the asklepion suggests that in J a m e s , the act o f
healing transforms the m u n d a n e space o f the h o m e into the sacred. T h e Lord
63
is active at the sickbed as Asklepios is at the s h r i n e .
T h e G o d w h o Directs Destinies: Asklepios and Aelius Aristides
U n l i k e b o t h the use o f spells and the practice o f i n c u b a t i o n e x a m i n e d above, a

third type o f healing practice is m a r k e d by long-term residence n e a r a shrine,
daily participation in its cultic and therapeutic activities over t h e course o f
many years, a n d life-long devotion to Asklepios characterized by repeated di
vine e n c o u n t e r s . A l t h o u g h we do n o t k n o w how c o m m o n such prolonged en
thusiasm for the god Asklepios was in t h e G r e c o - R o m a n world, seeking
treatment at his shrines was widespread. T h e writings o f Aelius Aristides pro
vide us with two glimpses, o n e into the intensely personal relations between a
suppliant and the god o f his devotion, and a n o t h e r into practices intended to
bring relief from a c h r o n i c c o n d i t i o n .
Publius Aelius Aristides (c. 1 1 7 - 1 8 0 C . E . ) , a sophist o f t h e S e c o n d S o
phistic, received extensive early training in rhetoric at Smyrna a n d Pergamon
in western Asia M i n o r , a n d at A t h e n s . D u r i n g an educational t o u r o f Egypt in
the years 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 C . E . , he fell ill and was forced to return to Smyrna, the
town in which h e had grown up. His recovery, which he attributed to Sarapis,
left h i m ready to resume his career as an orator in R o m e , to w h i c h city he set
off at the age o f a b o u t 2 6 (in D e c e m b e r o f 1 4 3 C . E . ) . H e was sick before he
left, and his c o n d i t i o n declined so m u c h that before the year was o u t he

turned b a c k to Smyrna, where he sought help at the asklepion, a n d where, al
though he remained ill, he was rewarded with his first vision o f the god. F o r
at least two years he c o n t i n u e d to receive care from his c h r o n i c c o n d i t i o n at
64
the asklepion in Pergamon, near w h i c h he rented q u a r t e r s . In his six b o o k s
o f Sacred Discourses, he credits b o t h several periods o f good health and the suc
cess o f his career in oratory to the visions a n d ministrations that he received
65
from A s k l e p i o s .
Aristides' personal accounts yield a construal o f the p r o b l e m o f sickness
(in this case, c h r o n i c physical suffering), how it impinges o n Aristides's rela
tionship with the god, and what Aristides may expect the god to do for h i m
(that is, an understanding o f what "healing" entails), as well as s o m e indication
o f what Aristides's mystical e n c o u n t e r s have to do with the Asklepios cult at
Pergamon. T h e understanding o f these issues in the Tales reveals a particular
worldview in which the god o f healing extends his care into m a n y corners o f
Aristides's life, taking special interest in Aristides's personal welfare o n differ
ent levels, including his physical comfort, psychological well-being, and profes
sional success. In this section, we will d e t e r m i n e how James's own
understanding o f the h u m a n c o n d i t i o n , and G o d ' s role in it, finds (or does
n o t find) matching categories in the Tales, and how those categories reveal dis
tinctive religious systems at work in the Epistle and the Tales.
A passage from Discourses 4 8 . 7 4 - 7 8 leads the discussion. Aristides re
counts how h e carried o u t the god's seemingly extreme instructions, and
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thence found relief from his s y m p t o m s . T h i s a c c o u n t o f a miracle that t o o k
place at the Pergamon asklepion invites several observations. First o f all, as he
frequently reports in the Tales, Aristides receives instructions from Asklepios
"at night" ( V U K T I ) , an e l e m e n t that suggests the practice o f incubation that is
now familiar t o us from late-fourth century B . C . E . Epidauros, a n d in fact Aris
67
tides often uses that term to refer to his experiences o f the d i v i n e . Even so,
there are key differences from what we see in the Epidauros inscriptions. F o r
example, Aristides evidently does n o t stay overnight in the temple precincts at
Pergamon, w h i c h contain n o abaton or o t h e r dormitory facilities to house
suppliants. Presumably, Aristides receives this revelation in his own quarters,
which he rents from a priest o r temple warden n a m e d Asklepiacus w h o lives
68
off site b u t near the t e m p l e . Moreover, we see n o t h i n g like the instantane
ous cures delivered by the god himself, as we saw at Epidauros. Aristides re
cords n o healing from his protracted fever here at all; he gives n o testimony
about how actions prescribed by the god alleviated his symptoms. Rather, he
receives detailed instructions to smear h i m s e l f with mud, expose his body to
frigid temperatures and wind, and to b a t h e in freezing water, b o t h at the be-
ginning and at the e n d o f a forty-day period. T h e affair o f the fever and divine
revelations marks an extended chapter o f Aristides's long association with the
asklepion at Pergamon.
In light o f that fact, Aristides' characterization o f the episode as a "mira
cle" (TO Baupa) and "miraculous" (s0au|jaa0r)) is intriguing. Aristides evi
dently is talking about the incredible character o f the events, b u t it is n o t at all
clear that a miraculous healing has occurred. Aristides's amazement focuses
instead o n the god's bizarre instructions in freezing weather and o n his own
faithful response to t h e m . T h e a c c o u n t reveals the nature o f Aristides's devo
tion to the god: Asklepios instructs by night and Aristides obeys by day, fully
conscious o f the potential harm these actions can cause, b u t carrying through
nevertheless.
O n a certain occasion reported earlier in Discourses, Aristides reports that
he and a temple warden n a m e d Philadelphos had strikingly similar dreams,
69
b o t h a b o u t Aristides. Again, the report resembles the rite o f incubation, al
though it differs in several ways from those at late-fourth century B . C . E . Epi
dauros. F o r example, Aristides does n o t n a m e his specific c o m p l a i n t . This
omission is typical o f the Discourses, w h i c h report in detail the god's prescrip
tions—many resembling those o f the medical profession (as here), others ap
70
pearing to have n o particular medical benefit —but w h i c h rarely r e c o u n t his
ailments in similar detail. A s a result, the nature o f the cure itself is obscure.
71
Aristides reports only that he had b e e n confined to b e d for s o m e m o n t h s ,
and that his relief from the ( u n n a m e d ) symptoms is so great that he c a n n o t
describe it. I n d e e d he does not. T h e god prescribes a w o r m w o o d and vinegar
c o n c o c t i o n in order that Aristides "should n o longer feel disgust" ( c o s W 5uo—
Xepavaipi), a n d u p o n taking it Aristides reports that the potion brings " r e l i e f
( p a o T c o v n ) and "causes benefit" (OVIVTUJI), language that leaves unclear wheth
er Aristides was cured o r merely experienced temporary remission o f his symp
toms, whatever they were. T h e god also does n o t administer the d r i n k in the
dream, and Aristides does n o t awake cured. A s with his earlier smearings and
baths, Aristides h i m s e l f must mix the potion and d r i n k it. Finally, Aristides
and Philadelphos have the same dream, with a few variations. T h e healing o f
Arata provides the sole example o f this p h e n o m e n o n in the Epidauros inscrip
tions. In that case, however, the patient a n d suppliant were daughter and
mother. In the present case, Philadelphos does n o t undergo incubation o n
Aristides's behalf.
T h e visions focus, n o t o n Aristides' illness and relief from it, b u t o n the
role o f the god as director o f Aristides's life. T h e accounts o f b o t h dreams
agree that the topic o f the speech and hymn is Asklepios as "Giver o f Desti
nies" (poipovopov). In the a c c o u n t o f Philadelphos' dream in particular, the
drink o f w o r m w o o d and vinegar serves as an example o f the god's ongoing

m a n a g e m e n t o f Aristides's affairs: now, as he has d o n e myriads o f times previ
ously, the god gives instructions that will change his very destiny, i f Aristides
will only follow them. Aristides does n o t elaborate o n where his life was
headed before he b e c a m e a devotee o f the god, n o r o n how it has improved
since, b u t elsewhere in the Discourses we learn o f his earlier career struggles,
and o f the fame and renown that he gains through his unsurpassed skills at
oratory, which, like his health, he attributes to the god.
In the present passage, however, the d r i n k serves as a transition to the sub
ject o f the mystical e n c o u n t e r s with the god that his disclosures bring. The
revelation o f the drink is o n e o f "thousands" (pupi'a) by which the god gives
direction:
For there was a seeming, as it were, to touch him and to perceive that he himself had
come, and to be between sleep and waking, and to wish to look up and to be in an
guish that he might depart too soon, and to strain the ears to hear some things as in a
dream, some as in a waking state. Hair stood on end, there were tears of joy, and the
weight of this knowledge was no burden. W h o could describe these things in words?
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Anyone who has been initiated knows and understands.
T h e polysyndeton o f the passage in G r e e k heightens the intensity o f direct

divine e n c o u n t e r that Aristides attempts to convey. In the description o f his
revelation, Aristides stacks perception upon perception, each governed by the
initial periphrastic SOKETV rfy. T h e result is a melange o f "seeming" sensory
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perceptions, liminal states, and e m o t i o n s , all o f w h i c h defy description for
the uninitiated. T h e r e is, consequently, a proselytizing e l e m e n t to Aristides's
account. W e find in this passage n o dispassionate report, b u t an impassioned
a c c o u n t o f special knowledge and understanding (OUVOISEV T E Kai yvcop(Êi) o f
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the god through "mystic transport," the effect o f w h i c h is to invite readers to
j o i n the ranks o f those w h o experience the god in this way and w h o enjoy his
75
providential c a r e .
In the a c c o u n t o f his dream, Aristides dwells o n the protracted and com
prehensive care that Asklepios gives to his initiates; the god's role as a healing
deity has receded. Aristides emphasizes relief from symptoms rather than
c o m p l e t e cure, repeated mystical experiences rather than instantaneous recov
ery, ongoing instruction by the god rather than short-term e n c o u n t e r with
him. T h e myriad revelations that Aristides receives reveal the god's dedication
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to directing the course o f his life, and Aristides's periods o f (relative) health
reveal that dedication.
Aristides makes the ongoing nature o f his religious devotion clear in an
o t h e r well-known passage that serves as a panegyric to the Asklepion at Perga
m o n (Disc. 2 3 . 1 6 - 1 7 ) . In this section the issue o f illness and health barely
registers. F o r Aristides, sickness (r) v o o o s ) is profitable (XuoiT6Xr)v), for it is the

c o n d i t i o n that brings o n e to the city, and t h e n c e in c o n t a c t with the god.
H e r e salvation (ocoTr)p(a), a typical term for physical healing in t h e G r e c o -
R o m a n world, takes o n an indistinct m e a n i n g having to d o with general well-
being—what in c o n t e m p o r a r y language o n e m i g h t call personal fulfillment and
happiness. Aristides's terms for this state o f divine benefit are "goods a n d
profit" (xP^Ma Kai KEpSos) and "precious gems" (vpr]<t>oi), images that suggest a
state o f material wealth. Aristides, however, indicates that he uses the terms
figuratively when h e claims that the benefit t h a t c o m e s through t h e god sur
passes "all that is considered happiness [suSaipcovia] among people."
T h r o u g h its asklepion, the city is a safe harbor, a port that provides "tranquil
ity" (yaXr)vrj) for all w h o c o m e there. T h e salvation that t h e god brings, there
fore, is less substantial t h a n wealth, o r even health, for that matter, b u t is a
sure route to true happiness.
H e r e is t h e clearest indication that for Aristides the god does n o t merely
dispense healing. Extrapolating from these examples, h e a l t h / s a l v a t i o n in Aris
tides's Discourses pertains to the whole o f o n e ' s life, and it surpasses whatever
typically holds value for people. T h e s e things o f worth are n o t only material
wealth, b u t also those intangible experiences o f life: Aristides m e n t i o n s be
longing to a c h o r u s (xopou ouXXoyos), sailing together (irXou KOIVCOV(CC), a n d
studying u n d e r the same t e a c h e r (5i5aoKCcXocov TCOV OCUTCOV TUXEIV), presuma
bly all group activities in w h i c h Aristides has engaged. T o hold s u c h experi
ences in c o m m o n with others is a felicitous c o i n c i d e n c e , b u t it c a n n o t
c o m p a r e t o the benefit (again, left unspecified) o f t h e fact that o n e has made a
pilgrimage to t h e asklepion and has b e e n initiated into the divine mysteries
there.
Left unanswered is the question o f what, exactly, devotion to the god
brings a person. T h e first two passages e x a m i n e d provide an answer: Aristides
points to his own periods o f good health and skill at d e c l a m a t i o n as b o o n s
from t h e god, w h i c h he interprets as a reversal o f his very destiny. By exten
sion, others should expect help that fits their own peculiar problems and
goals. W h a t is lacking in Aristides is a clear dualism through w h i c h he classi
fies s o m e goods as material, and therefore transitory and inferior, a n d others
as immaterial, a n d therefore p e r m a n e n t and superior. S u c h a dualism is,
however, suggested by Aristides's devaluation o f b o t h wealth and the (necessar
ily) transitory experiences that people enjoy by virtue o f being creatures with
bodies. Y e t Aristides also continually praises his periods o f symptom-free, o r
symptom-reduced, living, as well as his oratory skill, w h i c h likewise are fleeting
goods. W i t h o u t m o r e explicit help from Aristides himself, we m u s t infer that
Aristides does n o t value these qualities as goods in themselves, b u t as temporal
indications o f his favor with the god, which he has secured through his con
tinued devotion. Aristides does n o t spell out a m o r e p e r m a n e n t aspect o f sal
vation.
Howard C l a r k Kee uses the Discourses o f Aristides as his primary source for
arguing that by the second century C . E . , the cult o f Asklepios had undergone
a fundamental shift from venerating a cult healer (as we see in the Epidauros
inscriptions) to devotion to the god as a benefactor, personal guide, and ulti
77
mately savior. S u c h d i a c h r o n i c observations are b e y o n d the scope o f this
work, b u t the present investigation has also found key differences between the
passages from Aristides's Discourses a n d the Epidauros inscriptions in three ar
eas: the focus o f the god's activity, the duration o f the god's attention, and the
demands placed o n the suppliant.
First o f all, the god o f the late-fourth century Epidauros inscriptions is
clearly a healer: the suppliant arrives with a physical malady o f s o m e sort a n d
leaves the next day cured. T h e s e practices throw the gods' activities in the Dis
courses into sharp relief, for in Aristides' Tales we e n c o u n t e r n o miraculous
cures, only temporary relief o f c h r o n i c symptoms that s o m e t i m e s take effect
over the course o f m o n t h s , and through repeated and often taxing physical ac
tivity. A b o v e all, what Aristides brings out is the god's role as shaper o f hu
man destinies a n d bringer o f salvation.
S e c o n d , the healings o f the Epidauros inscriptions focus only o n the heal
ing o f a particular ailment and are instantaneous, whereas Aristides empha
sizes a lifetime o f devotion to the god a n d a salvation that endures.
Finally, at Epidauros, in return for his healing acts the god expected only
belief in his ability and willingness to cure, a n d occasionally a votive offering
as a sign o f gratitude and faith. By contrast, the Asklepios o f Aristides' experi
ence invites initiation into his cult, encourages long-term devotion marked by
ecstatic visions, a n d graciously offers to c o n t r o l the details o f o n e ' s life, which
Aristides interprets as a change o f personal destiny.
In this way, Aristides' devotion t o the god shares a characteristic with the
magical papyri that we read. T h o s e t o o gave an indication that people sought
divine aid, n o t for healing alone, b u t for help with the minutiae o f their wor
kaday lives, and they also m a t c h e d particular prescriptions to various needs
and wants. W e found in the spells, however, n o signs o f religious devotion,
whether prolonged o r brief, n o indication o f divine goodwill, n o official cult
with priests and initiates. A c h i e f difference between t h e two systems lies in
the matter o f will. In the G r e e k spells, the divine beings w h o are available to
help h u m a n s do n o t necessarily care to d o so, a n d the three spells that we read
made n o appeal to divine b e n e v o l e n c e . Instead, people sought temporarily to
b e n d the will o f the being to their own. S u c h an understanding o f divine
power clashes with Aristides's depiction o f a god w h o benefits h u m a n s when

they submit to his guidance. T h e r e is in Aristides's devotion to Asklepios the
n o t i o n that what the G r e e k spells seek to c o n t r o l (we e x a m i n e d sickness alone)
is an inescapable aspect o f life. T h r o u g h worship o f the deity o n e can find
some relief from life's ills, b u t p a r a m o u n t in this lifelong devotion is giving
o n e s e l f over to the god's care and accepting his c o n t r o l over o n e ' s life.
T u r n i n g n o w to a c o m p a r i s o n with James, Aristides shares with J a m e s cer
tain aspects c o m m o n to G r e c o - R o m a n moralists. Primarily, as a result o f his
devotion to the god, Aristides adopts counter-cultural values, such as his reali
zation that happiness is n o t to be found in wealth, a claim that finds affinity
with J a m e s ' s outright c o n d e m n a t i o n o f the wealthy. T h e two also share a con
cern for a prolonged and mutual relationship between h u m a n s a n d the Divine
in w h i c h each party takes up certain duties, a n d within which each can expect
particular responses from the other.
W e also find u n m a t c h e d categories, such as the mystical e l e m e n t in the
Tales that has n o counterpart in J a m e s , and James's c o m m u n i t a r i a n and es-
chatological visions that find n o m a t c h in the Tales. T h e result o f this imbal
ance is that w h e n J a m e s expresses the idea o f unity o r restoration, he refers in
particular to the reconciliation o f c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s to o n e another
through their mutual submission to G o d . S u c h submission, however, does
n o t entail mystical c o m m u n i o n with the Divine, whereas it does guarantee fa
vorable j u d g m e n t at the parousia. O n the o t h e r hand, Aristides' n o t i o n s o f
c o n n e c t i o n to Asklepios focus o n immediate e n c o u n t e r s with the god in nu
merous, repeated experiences.
T h e same d i s j u n c t i v e may also explain differences in the way each text
deals with the god's involvement in the day-to-day lives o f h u m a n s . Whereas
the Epistle o f J a m e s and the Tales c o n t a i n similar n o t i o n s o f c o n t i n u e d devo
tion a n d submission, in J a m e s these t o o work as part o f an eschatological in
terpretation o f existence, whereas Aristides' n o t i o n o f "destiny" is a this-
worldly matter. Even so, the G o d o f J a m e s is also c o n c e r n e d with the details
o f life in the present. T h e differences with Aristides b e c o m e clear when we
consider that J a m e s places the primary sphere o f G o d ' s activity in t h e world to
c o m e (where h e judges, rewards, punishes, a n d reverses fortunes), while pres
ently G o d seldom directly interferes in the intra-community relationships o f
Christians, n o r does he intervene w h e n c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s face abuse from
outsiders. In J a m e s as well we find little emphasis o n what we m i g h t call indi
vidual fulfillment in the present: success in o n e ' s career, a sense o f personal
well-being, and u n i o n with G o d . J a m e s rather expects that Christians will en
c o u n t e r hardships o f various types, all o f w h i c h they must endure, perhaps
with n o relief o f any kind, "to the e n d . " W h e r e a s for Aristides, the god grants
• T H E EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION • 107
measurable rewards to individuals in the present life, for J a m e s , h u m a n ac

tions o n b e h a l f o f G o d have discernible c o n s e q u e n c e s in this world: h u m a n s
care for the destitute, make peace, pray for o n e another's healing, and correct
o n e another's behavior; or, conversely, they send the needy away with empty
blessings, drag the defenseless into court, tear apart the c o m m u n i t y , and c h e a t
workers o u t o f their wages.
Aristides' Tales also c o n t a i n an evangelistic e l e m e n t that the Epistle o f
James does not. W h i l e it is true that Aristides neither states why he writes the
Tales n o r reveals w h o comprises his intended audience, the narratives read like
extended prose panegyrics to the god, and so implicitly carry an invitation to
78
follow Aristides's example o f devotion to the " S a v i o r . " T h a t invitation be
comes m o r e explicit, yet still subtle, in Aristides's claim that only "initiates"
can understand the difficulty with w h i c h he puts his experience o f the god in
to words: i f you wish to understand, j o i n the ranks o f the initiated. Through
his Sacred Tales, therefore, Aristides addresses outsiders—those unfamiliar with
b o t h the practices o f the Asklepios cult and the life changes that devotion to
the god bring—whereas J a m e s ' s epistle focuses its attention squarely on insid
ers.
In the Sacred Tales o f Aristides, we e n c o u n t e r an example o f a G r e c o -
R o m a n author w h o does n o t set forth a defense o f the moral life, and w h o
deploys n o moral discourse to discuss pious acts. Aristides's enthusiastic pur
suit o f happiness rests instead o n the fulfillment o f obligations imposed by the
god. In addition to this religious discourse, Aristides's accounts stress the in
tensely personal nature o f his religious experience. Aristides endorses partici
pation in the cult o f Asklepios, b u t his apology for doing so refers neither to
congregational solidarity (a small-scale corporate c o n c e r n ) , n o r to the good o f
the city, G r e e k traditions, o r the R o m a n E m p i r e as a whole (large-scale corpo
rate c o n c e r n s ) . Rather, Aristides's implicit invitations to j o i n the Asklepios
cult stress the personal benefits that the god offers his suppliants. Aristides
offers a chain o f anecdotes detailing b o t h the god's c o n t i n u e d attentions to his
torments and the G o d ' s guidance o f his own career.
Confession of Sins in Asia Minor
Few G r e c o - R o m a n authors deal with either the confession o f sins as a religious

79 80
practice or the admission o f error as a social o n e . T h e paucity o f literary
references is m a t c h e d by the few votive inscriptions o f the Hellenistic and
R o m a n periods that express confession o f and repentance from sins. T h e so-
called " C o n f e s s i o n Inscriptions" from Asia M i n o r (also called the M a e o n i a n
inscriptions, a n d the Lydian and Phrygian inscriptions) may provide an excep

tion, offering a c o l l e c t i o n o f firsthand examples o f religious confession o f sins
81
in t h e G r e c o - R o m a n world outside J u d a i c a n d C h r i s t i a n t e x t s . T h e some
82 8 3
1 3 8 published s t e l a e date to the s e c o n d and third centuries C E . , and like
the Epidauros inscriptions they c o n f o r m to a basic structure: the m o s t detailed
inscriptions include: 1) t h e n a m e o f the god h o n o r e d (often a local deity, such
as M e n , Meter, Zeus o f the T w i n O a k s , A p o l l o Lairbenos, etc.), 2) t h e n a m e o f
the person h o n o r i n g t h e god, 3 ) a report o f c o m m i t t i n g a transgression
( a p a p T a c o , TrapaPaivco; this is often "confessed," opoAoyEco, EôMoAoyEopai),
4 ) an a c c o u n t o f the god's inquiry (ETn£r)TEco, ava£r)TEco) into the matter
a n d / o r epiphany through a dream (UTTVOS, ovEipos) o r messenger (ayyEAos),
5) a punishment by t h e god (KoAa£co, KOACCOIS), 6 ) an act o f expiation
(iAaoKEa8cci, EîAaaKEO0aO, 7 ) removal o f the p u n i s h m e n t , 8 ) and t h e erection
o f a stele (oTr]Aoypa<|>Eco) with a p r o c l a m a t i o n o f the god's power (Suvapis) as
84
a m e m o r i a l to the e v e n t . M o s t inscriptions carry only s o m e o f these ele
ments, b u t they o c c u r frequently and in a regular order, so that we c a n call the
85
"confession inscription" a genre with its c o n v e n t i o n s .
T h e Confession Inscriptions
T h e so-called confession inscriptions reveal an understanding o f t h e world in

which t h e gods take a particular interest in t h e daily activities o f h u m a n be
ings. T h o s e w h o erected the stelae indicate that the gods regularly oversee
human interactions b o t h with o n e a n o t h e r a n d with the gods themselves.
T h e y give witness to only o n e aspect o f that oversight: the gods intervene in
the case o f m o r a l o r religious error, punishing the offense and relenting w h e n
propitiated. T h e inscriptions thus b e a r witness to a religious system in w h i c h
h u m a n s b e a r responsibilities to o n e a n o t h e r a n d to the gods, in w h i c h the
gods respond to transgressions in the here a n d now, a n d in w h i c h humans
may substitute an act o f a t o n e m e n t for their own suffering, thus m a k i n g right
o n their own what the deity has sought to justify through sanction. J a m e s t o o
has s o m e t h i n g to say a b o u t the social a n d religious associations o f h u m a n s ,
their interactions with G o d , and the c o n s e q u e n c e s o f sin and faith in b o t h
realms o f h u m a n activity. H e n c e , the record o f h u m a n guilt a n d acts o f
a t o n e m e n t in these testaments to divine power can b e c o m p a r e d to J a m e s ' s
understanding o f h u m a n wrong and restitution.
Because o f t h e relative obscurity o f these texts, I provide full translations.
W e begin with an inscription that recounts a theft and its c o n s e q u e n c e s .
THE EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION* 109
BWK3
Great is Men Axiottenos Tarsi, who rules. Because a scepter was set up in the event
that someone stole something from the bathhouse, when a garment was stolen the
god was displeased, and after some time he made the thief bring the garment to the
god, and he confessed. Therefore, through a messenger the god commanded that the
garment be sold and to record (the god's] powers on a stele. In the year 2 4 9
8 7
Petzl records the stele's date "In the year 2 4 9 " as c. 1 6 4 / 5 C . E . The
photograph in Petzl's v o l u m e shows a stele o f white marble with the inscrip
tion s u r m o u n t e d by a relief, the upper, larger panel o f w h i c h depicts " M e n , in
Phrygian h o o d , with an u p t u r n e d c r e s c e n t over his shoulders. In his upraised
right h a n d he holds the scepter, a n d to his right the g a r m e n t lies at an an
88
gle." T h i s scepter appears in several reliefs a n d receives m e n t i o n in o t h e r in
scriptions; the language o f the inscriptions suggests that the scepter symbolizes
the god's judicial authority, manifested in issuing c o m m a n d s (as here), requir
89
ing propitiation, and rendering j u d g m e n t . Petzl identifies the figure in the
smaller panel below and to the left, standing with b o t h arms upraised, as a
boy. Presumably this is t h e thief, a n d i f he indeed is a child, his parents may
be responsible b o t h for sponsoring the stele a n d for keeping his n a m e o u t o f
it.
C o n f e s s i o n o f sin does n o t appear to b e a primary focus o f t h e stele's proc
lamation. Regarding the raised h a n d s o f the smaller figure, m o r e often in
90
these m o n u m e n t s a figure stands with right h a n d r a i s e d , a gesture s o m e t i m e s
91
interpreted as adoration o f the g o d . I f this is the case, t h e n t h e relief o n
BWK 3 may b e intended to depict t h e very act o f confessing (E^coMoXoyr)oaTo)
the c r i m e . However, whereas the stele's sponsors must regard the m o n u m e n t
as a p e r m a n e n t testimony, and whereas it does record the c o m m i s s i o n a n d
confession o f a theft, the inscription itself states that the m o n u m e n t gives ex
plicit witness to the god's powers (TCCS SUVCXMEIS). M o r e subtle is the inscrip
tion's revelation that M e n is willing to act in the lives o f his suppliants
through causing the return o f the stolen garment, its sale, and the p l a c e m e n t
o f the stele itself as a warning to potential sinners. T h a t we can classify the
theft as a m o r a l and legal error in distinction to a religious violation will be
c o m e clear in the e x a m i n a t i o n o f o t h e r inscriptions.
BWK 6 8
Great is Mother Anaeitis, who rules, and Meis Tiamu, and [great are) their powers.
[Concerning] Hermogenes and Apollonios, the sons of Apollonios Midas from Zuros
of the Mandrenes: when three shoats belonging to Demainetos and Papios of Azita
wandered off from the pens of Sura and became mixed with the herd of Hermogenes
and Apollonios, their five-yearold slave boy fed them and returned them within [the
pen]; when therefore Demainetos and Papios came searching [for the shoats], through
some ingratitude they [Hermogenes and Apollonios] did not admit [that they had the
pigs]. Therefore the scepter was set up by the goddess and the Lord Tiamu, and when
they did not admit [what they had done] the goddess therefore displayed her own
powers, and after Hermogenes died, his wife and child, and his brother Apollonios
appeased her, and now we bear witness to her and praise her together with [our] chil
92
dren. In the year 1 9 9 .
93
A n emphasis o n the gods' powers (ai S u v a u t S auTcov), also present in
the previous inscription, stands o u t in the present example from 114/115
9 4
C.E. because o f their m e n t i o n at b o t h the beginning a n d e n d o f the narra
tive. T h e stele provides an explanation for the death o f H e r m o g e n e s , tracing it
to the de-facto theft o f two young pigs from a n o t h e r herd. Although neither
what h a p p e n e d to the animals n o r the crime t h a t earned the gods' response o f
power is clear (a confusion that accounts for the phrases in brackets above),
the language suggests that the brothers c o m m i t t e d a sin o f omission, failing to
disclose that the shoats had b e c o m e intermingled with their own herd. The
stele t h e n interprets H e r m o g e n e s ' death as divine p u n i s h m e n t for this omis
sion, with his family erecting the stele as a sign o f redress after the fact and as a
witness to the goddess M o t h e r Anaetis in particular.
T h e "ingratitude" (axapiOTi'av) that the inscription m e n t i o n s is a n o t h e r
obscurity. T h e term may allude to an earlier disagreement between the broth
ers and the pair D e m a i n e t o s and Papios. In this case, the verb opoAoysco
bears n o t only a religious b u t also a semi -orensic meaning. T h e brothers fail
to "admit" (OUK copoAoyrioav, pr| bpoAoynaavTcov) their crime, perhaps in two
separate instances: w h e n the pigs' owners c a m e looking for them, a n d after the
raising o f the scepter, w h i c h may indicate a legal inquiry c o n d u c t e d u n d e r the
auspices o f the divine cult. T h e stele, therefore, suggests that the sin is o f b o t h
a m o r a l a n d a legal nature, while also carrying religious c o n s e q u e n c e s , for it
offends the gods a n d invites their intervention, namely t h e raising o f the scep
ter, the death o f H e r m o g e n e s , the act o f propitiation offered by his family, a n d
the erection o f the stele as eternal witness to the gods' might.
B W K 112
... of Apollonios because he sinned: because I went up into the [sacred] place acciden
tally and twice went through the village while impure. I forgot and passed into the
village [again]. I announce that no one will despise the god[s?], because he will have
the stele as an example. W h a t lies before you, Eutycheis made of his own will, and he
95
confessed and made propitiation.
96
In this "confession" text—possibly dating to the third century C . E . —
there is a clear admission o f guilt in the claim, "because he s i n n e d " (Si TO
97
rjpapTTjKEVE ), the transgression is spelled out, a n d the transgression is con
fessed (EÔMoAoyrjaccTo). Again, however, the inscription's confessional nature
plays a secondary role to its veneration o f the god. In this case, Eutycheis "an-
THE EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION* 111
n o u n c e s " (TrapayeAco) that n o o n e w h o reads his public proclamation will

make the same error that he has.
98
T h a t Eutycheis "accidentally" ('TTIOETUXEI ) c o m m i t t e d the transgressions
indicates that the acts carry n o m o r a l value. R a t h e r , the offenses o f entering a
1 a n
sacred area (TCO X ^ P ) d twice ((3 ) going through a village while impure
( a v a y v a ) constitute a failure to m e e t the religious obligation o f maintaining
ritual cleanliness. As a result, this inscription and others that similarly testify
99
to religious transgressions stand in contrast to the two previous, in which the
moral nature o f the infractions d o m i n a t e d : although those crimes required
propitiation o f the god, they were c o m m i t t e d against o t h e r people's property;
this particular sin is against the god alone.
BWK 43
Antonia, daughter of Antonius, to the god Apollon Bozenos, because I went up to the
[sacred] place wearing filthy clothes, and after I was punished I confessed and offered
100
up a blessing, because I became whole.
BWK 4 3 shares s o m e details with 1 1 2 : the sin is probably a problem o f

impurity, indicated by the phrase "in filthy c l o t h e s " (EV puTrccpco ETTEVSUTT)) and
by the indication that A n t o n i a wore t h e m within s o m e sacred precincts (ETTI
TOV xopov [sic]). T h e stele does n o t specify that this was a deliberate act, and
so as with B W K 1 1 2 we may consider it a religious violation with little moral
c o n t e n t . Y e t here we find the added detail that A n t o n i a "was punished" (KO-
101
A a o r J i o a ) for this sin. T h a t she reports b e c o m i n g "whole" (bAoKAnpos) as a
result o f her confession (E^cojJoAoynoaijrjv) indicates an illness o r injury o f
some type. T h e implication is that h e r confession propitiated the god, w h o
then relented.
U n l i k e the practices o f prayer a n d healing, which were ubiquitous in an
tiquity, and correction, w h i c h forms a topos in the writings o f moralists, it is
difficult to find confession treated as a distinct category o f religious o r moral
behavior. Even in this particular corpus o f inscriptions, confession serves the
primary purpose o f the texts, w h i c h is to bear witness to the god's power to ef
fect justice, and to their willingness to intervene in the affairs o f h u m a n be
102
ings. Nevertheless, the following diagnostic categories do provide points for
comparison and contrast with J a m e s .
As with the Epistle o f James, it is difficult to separate out confession and
correction as distinct practices in the religion(s) to w h i c h these stelae attest. In
C h a p t e r 2 we found it necessary to consider confession and correction in
James together. Similarly, in the Asia M i n o r inscriptions, admission o f guilt
does n o t o c c u r in the majority o f stelae, and when it does, it is o n e part o f the
proclamation o f the god's power to correct the actions o f suppliants. T h e con-
fession inscriptions a n d J a m e s alike share the use o f legal imagery: G o d indicts

the s i n n e r and brings j u d g m e n t . T h a t J a m e s casts j u d g m e n t to the t i m e o f the
Lord's c o m i n g highlights the immediacy o f the s e n t e n c i n g in the inscriptions:
the god visits p u n i s h m e n t o f various types u p o n sinners, a n d relents when the
suppliant o r a surrogate (in the case o f B W K 6 8 ) makes an act o f propitiation.
Again, the individualistic nature o f the inscriptions' practices contrast
starkly with J a m e s ' s understanding o f religious acts. In J a m e s , m e m b e r s o f the
assembly are to confess sins to o n e a n o t h e r , b u t w h e t h e r as an admission o f
offenses that c o n c e r n the confessor in particular, o r as a revelation within a
gathering o f the assembly o f o n e ' s sins, is n o t clear. W h a t is striking, however,
in c o m p a r i s o n with the inscriptions is the absence o f G o d in the practice. T h e
implication is that the one(s) hearing confession stand as G o d ' s surrogates.
W i t h few exceptions, in the inscriptions o n e confesses to the deity in response
to an act o f divine correction, epiphany, o r p u n i s h m e n t ; there is n o m e n t i o n
o f confessing to an intermediary, o r within a c o n v o c a t i o n . B W K 6 8 provides
o n e o f these exceptions, since the first time that the principals, H e r m o g e n e s
and A p o l l o n i o s , d o n o t "confess," they w i t h h o l d information from the pigs'
true owners. T h e s e c o n d i n c i d e n t either repeats the first, o r marks a separate
failure to confess the sin to the goddess. N o t e , however, that the stele never
m e n t i o n s the return o f the pigs, unless the language "they appeased her"
(tXaoovTO a\JTT)v) refers to it. T h e phrase might just as well, however, allude
to the erection o f the stele itself. Likewise, B W K 3 makes n o m e n t i o n o f re
turning the g a r m e n t to its owner; rather, the g a r m e n t is b r o u g h t t o the god
and t h e n sold. O t h e r inscriptions in the corpus follow a similar pattern: in
cases involving m o r a l error, the stelae emphasize redress to the god(s) rather
than to the individuals w h o are wronged. W h a t we find in the inscriptions,
therefore, is similar to what we saw at Epidauros: public attestation to individ
ual a n d personal religious experience, w h i c h in s o m e cases has social repercus
sions, b u t w h i c h for the m o s t part focuses o n a series o f transactions between
suppliant and the deity.
Conclusion: Morality and Religion in James

and Select Greco-Roman Texts
Because e a c h section in the previous two chapters c o n t a i n s its own detailed

c o m p a r i s o n , here I speak in m o r e general terms. W h e n the moralists treated
here are placed alongside J a m e s , they shed light o n his worldview, understand
ing o f the social order, and construal o f a way o f life for G o d ' s people, as well
as the telos o f that way o f life. W e r e we to have read works that set forth moral
visions o f different streams o f the G r e e k philosophical tradition—say Pythago

rean o r Epicurean thought—no d o u b t different light would be shed o n aspects
o f J a m e s ' s system. T h e same can b e said a b o u t the examples o f popular (and
localized) religious practice treated in these chapters ( P G M , Epidauros, a n d
Asia M i n o r confession inscriptions), a n d the o n e example o f the exceptional
(Aristides). W h a t then is learned w h e n we c o m p a r e religious practices in
James with those from o n e o f Plato's political treatises, a later Platonic moral
ist, an heir o f Zeno, as well as examples o f popular religious practices against
which they likely formulate their versions o f pious living: magical spells, public
records o f divine encounters, a n d a fervent devotee to Asklepios? T o help to
sort o u t the tangle o f data drawn from the texts treated in this chapter, we re
turn to the grid o f diagnostic categories derived from J a m e s , a n d review the
instances in w h i c h they find counterpart categories in these G r e c o - R o m a n
texts.
[1] In J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , religious practices respond to moral crises in the
community. T h i s category finds a counterpart in Plutarch's a n d Epictetus'
treatises o n c o r r e c t i o n . T h a t certain behaviors and beliefs must b e put right
exposes the state o f moral crisis b r o u g h t o n by violations o f codes o f good
manners a n d virtuous c o n d u c t . T h e category is present as well in the Asia
M i n o r inscriptions, in w h i c h b o t h m o r a l and religious sins provoke the gods
to respond with acts o f j u d g m e n t .
[2] In J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , religious practices are c o m m u n i t a r i a n acts, that is,
they are acts carried out by c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s o n b e h a l f o f o t h e r c o m m u
nity m e m b e r s a n d for the sake o f the well-being o f the c o m m u n i t y . The
G r e c o - R o m a n moralists register corporate c o n c e r n s o f their own, speaking ei
ther directly o r indirectly o f the ways in which individual virtuous p r a c t i c e s -
including piety a n d social correction—shore up the structure o f t h e polis, pre
serve traditional ways, or better the entire R o m a n world. Similarly, acts o f vice
erode b o t h tradition and society's underpinnings. Regarding prayer, Plato and
Plutarch respond to popular n o t i o n s o f piety by criticizing trends that we have
identified with the system o f X ^ P ^ S : Plato, by asserting that the gods c a n n o t b e
bribed by acts o f supplication; Plutarch, by deriding religious practices that are
c o n s u m e d with precise performance o f rites. Regarding correction, Plutarch
speaks against the practice o f flattery, which h e paints as an insipid, obsequi
ous mockery o f c o r r e c t i o n , while also addressing the social m a n n e r s that un-
dergird friendship, o n e o f society's i m p o r t a n t b u t less-formalized institutions.
Epictetus talks a b o u t correction only as the responsibility o f the "professional"
C y n i c philosopher, b u t his c o n c e r n for the good o f R o m a n society is evident.
J a m e s t o o c o n d e m n s ignorance a n d selfish a m b i t i o n , and the use o f relig
ion in their cause. His c o m m u n i t a r i a n vision for the life o f morality and de-
votion to G o d , however, stands in opposition to these G r e c o - R o m a n corpo

rate c o n c e r n s . H e betrays n o optimism about either the polis as a good insti
tution o r citizenship in the E m p i r e as a position o f advantage. H e is n o t a
philosopher building a U t o p i a n state, b u t a m o r a l theologian w h o claims that
G o d opposes the ethos o f "the world"—both its inhabitants' ways o f thinking
and their actions, w h e t h e r played o u t in the e c o n o m i c o r legal spheres—and
w h o imagines c o m m u n i t i e s o f believers taking up a way o f life that resists its
103
influences.
C o r p o r a t e c o n c e r n s practically vanish in t h e forms o f popular religion ex
a m i n e d in this chapter. W h e t h e r general and impersonal, in the case o f mag
ic, or intensely personal a n d idiosyncratic, in the case o f Aelius Aristides, the
benefit o f divine power is presented as an advantage to t h e individual.
[3] J a m e s presents these practices as having eschatological o u t c o m e s in ad
dition to their effects in the here and now. Healing b o t h restores the body
and brings a b o u t forgiveness o f sins, and it is n o t dissociated from the sinner's
restoration to G o d and to the c h u r c h . A l t h o u g h J a m e s encourages believers to
accept all good things in their lives either as divine gifts ( 1 : 5 , 17) o r as prod
ucts o f G o d ' s will ( 4 : 1 5 ) , and asserts that m o r e good is available to the com
munity whose m e m b e r s will ask for it ( 4 : 2 b - 3 ) , he nevertheless expects b o t h
prosperity and poverty, b o t h e c o n o m i c success and victimization by fraud, as a
matter o f course in the present life.
James's o p t i m i s m a b o u t G o d ' s c o m i n g justice contrasts with t h e moralists'
vision for divine help here and now, whether in the form o f a just and virtu
ous society, o r in relief from physical discomfort and a corresponding b o o s t in
o n e ' s career. F o r Plato and Plutarch, h u m a n s should expect s o m e m o d e s t
material gain from the gods, b u t only because in moderation it makes possible
the immaterial (and h e n c e truly valuable) benefits o f the gods, s u c h as true
happiness that can only b e found in the h u m a n rational capacity, which in
turn leads to the acquisition o f virtue. In " O n the Calling o f a C y n i c , " Epic
tetus does n o t address the benefits that the gods grant to h u m a n s , and it is
clear that he values C y n i c asceticism, b u t he also advocates the C y n i c life for
very few; the rest should strive to live, as he h i m s e l f does, enjoying the advan
tages o f a safe and prosperous society while m a i n t a i n i n g a S t o i c d e t a c h m e n t
and reserve. Aelius Aristides also seeks divine help in the present existence,
but his Sacred Tales are n e i t h e r philosophical n o r moral treatises, a n d this may
explain the small role that any sort o f c o m m u n i t y plays in them, in contrast to
his rhapsodic p r o n o u n c e m e n t s o n the personal benefits o f devotion to the
god.
[4] In James, faith—presented as prolonged and single minded devotion to
God—is present explicitly in the practices o f prayer and healing, a n d implicitly
• THE EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION* 115
in the restorative aspects o f confession and c o r r e c t i o n . O n l y two examples o f

G r e c o R o m a n popular religion that we looked at had n o m a t c h for this cate
gory. In the magical papyri, o n e sought to t a m e the superior powers o f divine
beings to o n e ' s use while giving n o sense o f fidelity to those forces, whereas
the Epidauros stelae expressed the idea o f credulity. N e i t h e r source advocated
for divine-human interaction lasting longer than the resolution o f the health
crisis. By contrast, although the confession inscriptions focused o n the crisis
o f the god's j u d g m e n t and expiation, they stood as testimonies to the ongoing
interest that the gods take in h u m a n affairs, and the c o n t i n u e d n e e d for hu
mans to c o n d u c t their lives in ways pleasing to the divine powers.
A m o n g the specific authors we looked at, Aelius Aristides speaks passion
ately about Asklepios' care for him. H u m a n duty toward the gods also forms a
significant category in the work o f Plato, Plutarch, a n d Epictetus. Standing
b e h i n d all these characterizations o f piety is the assumption that the righteous
person is o f relatively high social status and participates freely in licit forms o f
religious expression, either state-sponsored cultic activities o r semi-private,
family rites. In this vision, steadfast religious devotion is part o f civic duty,
and constancy requires the same discipline necessary for the c o n t r o l o f the
passions and correct application o f the rational capacity. O n the o t h e r h a n d ,
in J a m e s , fidelity to Israel's G o d as "Father" and to Jesus C h r i s t as " L o r d " is
linked to the c o m m u n i t i e s ' relatively low social position, w h i c h makes t h e m
vulnerable to exploitation in the courts and without recourse in instances o f
e c o n o m i c mistreatment. In this construal o f matters, unfaltering c o m m i t m e n t
to G o d faces challenges from outsiders: either in the form o f the world's val
ues a n d desires, o r in the form o f mistreatment by those w h o possess power.
W h e r e a s for the moralists, remaining faithful has c o n c r e t e benefits in the pre
sent, fidelity for James may intensify suffering now, b u t ensures salvation at
the parousia.
[5] Similarly, through these practices c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s take up G o d ' s
example o f prolonged and single m i n d e d care for the c o m m u n i t y , and G o d ' s
j u d g m e n t o f it. In James, i f help c o m e s to the powerless, it does so t h r o u g h
the moral acts o f m e m b e r s o f the c h u r c h e s o f the Diaspora, for G o d mediates
care through those who s u b m i t to G o d and take up G o d ' s m o d e o f action to
wards h u m a n s . O f the G r e c o - R o m a n texts examined, Epictetus alone con
ceives o f the C y n i c as an intermediary for the Divine, a n d o f all the practices
examined, only correction is presented as having a direct and positive impact
on a n o t h e r h u m a n . Plato, as well, conceived o f the corporate aim o f virtue,
namely the creation o f a good state, b u t he had little specific to say about the
interactions o f citizens with o n e a n o t h e r beyond laying o u t an e c o n o m i c a n d
political structure. Prayers and requests for healing in the G r e e k magical pa-
pyri a n d Epidauros inscriptions are largely petitionary, focused o n the needs

and wants o f the o n e s praying o r o f their family m e m b e r s , and with few excep
tions the rare practice o f confession in the Lydian and Phrygian inscriptions
involves a single person making supplication before his o r her deity.
T o summarize, we have seen that the moralists' value o f t h e city/state,
G r e e k cultural values, o r the Empire, contrasts with J a m e s ' s construal o f the
polluting influence o f "the world," and that t h e attempts to tame divine beings
in the G r e e k spells is dissimilar to James's d e m a n d for the believer's submis
sion to G o d . Similarly, Epictetus' portrait o f the C y n i c philosopher as a lone
m o r a l agent, making the correction o f every h u m a n he e n c o u n t e r e d his o r her
sole o c c u p a t i o n , stands o u t against J a m e s ' s desire for all m e m b e r s o f the as
sembly to set aside their own desires in order to work and pray for the com
munity's good. T h e idea o f credulity, o r b e l i e f that the gods will do what a
person asks—prevalent in the P G M a n d inscriptions from Epidauros—simply
finds n o equivalent in J a m e s , w h o characterizes TTIOTIS with images o f con
stancy, e n d u r a n c e , a n d deeds o f mercy. In the same way, J a m e s c o n t a i n s n o
n o t i o n that G o d manipulates an individual's daily existence, either to help
suppliants o r to punish sinners. In contrast to Aristides' intense, personal,
and unmediated e n c o u n t e r s with Asklepios, as J a m e s sees things, G o d directs
h u m a n actions t h r o u g h the gift o f the law o f freedom rather t h a n t h r o u g h
personal revelations, a n d all direct e n c o u n t e r s with G o d are delayed until the
arrival o f the Judge. Finally, J a m e s presents n o t h i n g to m a t c h the idea o f good
social m a n n e r s in Plutarch. F o r J a m e s , it is sin that destroys intra-communal
relationships, a n d it is submission to G o d that restores t h e m .
T h e G r e e k a n d Hellenistic religions a n d their critics did n o t make the on
ly systematic statements a b o u t right m o d e s o f behavior in antiquity. T h e m a n y
authors o f the J u d a i c sources set forth their own visions for a way o f life in the
world, as we see in the n e x t two chapters.
Notes
1. Aelius Aristides provides an exception. See the discussion below. See also "How ought
we to bear our illnesses?" (Diatr. 3.10), in which Epictetus says that people should endure
a fever in the appropriate way, just as they take up any other task. He advises following
the instructions of one's physician, but has nothing explicit to say about seeking healing
from the gods or some other divine being.
2. See e.g. Pindar, Third Pythian Ode, 3 8 - 5 3 , and see in particular the discussion in the next
chapter about healing in Sirach.
3. Cf. John Scarborough, Roman Medicine (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969), 20, 143.
4. Scarborough, Roman Medicine, 144.
5. C. Thomas McCollough and Beth Glazier-McDonald, "Magic and Medicine in Byzantine
Galilee: A Bronze Amulet from Sepphoris," in Archaeology and the Galilee: Texts and Con
texts in the Graeco-Roman and Byzantine Periods, ed. Douglas R. Edwards and C. Thomas
McCollough, South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism (Atlanta: Scholars Press,
1997), 144; Arthur Darby Nock, "Paul and the Magus," in The Beginnings of Christianity,
pt. 1, vol. 5, ed. F. J. Foakes Jackson and K. Lake, 1 6 4 - 8 8 (London: Macmillan and Co.,
1 9 2 0 - 1 9 3 3 ) ; repr., Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, vol. 1, 3 0 9 - 3 0 (Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972), 3 1 3 - 1 4 ; Hans-Josef Klauk, The Religious Context
of Early Christianity, translated by Brian McNeil, (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 2000), 2 1 5 -
19.
6. See Shauf, Theology as History, 1 7 7 - 9 0 .
7. PGM VII. 1 9 3 - 9 6 ; VII. 1 9 7 - 9 8 ; VII. 2 0 1 - 2 ; VII. 2 0 3 - 5 ; VII. 2 0 6 - 7 ; VII. 2 0 8 - 9 ; VII.
2 1 3 - 1 4 ; VII. 2 1 8 - 2 1 .
8. The English translations of the PGM are collected in Hans Dieter Betz, ed., Greek Magi
cal Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells (Chicago and London: University of
Chicago Press, 1986). Prior to Betz's volume, most of the Greek texts, which are scat
tered in many museum and library collections in Europe and the United States, had
been compiled by Karl Preisendanz in the work that gave the collection the name by
which it is still called: Papyri graecae magicae: die grieschischen Zauberpapyri, Sammlung wis-
senschaftlicher Kommentare (Stuttgart: B. G. Teubner, 1 9 7 3 - 7 4 ) . Betz, however, ex
panded the number of Greek texts (as well as including spells in Demotic) to take into
account spells not included in Preisendanz's volume.
9. Scarborough has "[you?]."
10. Scarborough has "your (?)."
11. PGM VII - P. Lond. 121 at the British Museum in London. English translation slightly
modified from John Scarborough, in Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 1 2 3 - 2 4 . Greek text:
Preisendanz, Papyri graecae magicae, 12.
12. See PGM VII. 2 1 8 - 2 1 , which uses both words. TTepiavpov, something "hung around"
(i.e., the neck), refers to the use of the object, whereas <(>uAaiaT)piov, something that
"guards against" a danger, derives from the object's function. Scarborough's note sug
gests that to "clothe" the tin tablet "in 7 colors" means to suspend it by a cord plaited
from threads of seven different colors. Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 124, n. 27.
13. Betz does not specify whether he refers to the ancient or modern reader, or both. Ibid.,
xxxii.
14. Betz's example in his table of textual signs includes IAO (Yahweh?), SABAOTH, and ADONAI.
Ibid., xxxii. See the following treatment of PGM LXXXIII. 1-20.
15. Use of magic by Jews evidently was widespread in Hellenistic through Byzantine times,
and it has generated some modern studies. See Betz's note 47 in ibid., lii-liii. See also
McCollough and Glazier-McDonald, "Magic and Medicine," 1 4 4 - 4 5 ; Peter Schaffer,
"Jewish Liturgy and Magic," in Geschichte-Tradition-Reflexion: Festschrift fiir Martin Hengel
zum 70. Geburtstag, vol. 1, Judentum, ed. Hubert Cancik, Hermann Lichtenberger, and
Peter Schaffer (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1996), 5 4 1 - 5 6 .
16. The editor has reconstructed the text at this point, evidently based on "fever with shiver
ing fits" in line 3 of the papyrus (the second line of text above).
17. Note 3 for this spell says, "The papyrus may read, your father'"; Betz, ed., Greek Magical
Papyri, 3 0 0 .
18. PGM LXXXIII = P. Princ. II 107 at Princeton University AM 8 9 6 3 . English translation
by Roy Kotansky, in Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 3 0 0 . Greek text: E. H. Kase, Jr., "No.
107: Gnostic Fever Amulet," in Papyri in the Princeton University Collections, vol. 2 (Prince
ton: Princeton University Press, 1936), 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 .
19. See McCollough, "Magic and Medicine," 245; cf. PGM VII. 2 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 1 3 - 1 4 .
20. Kase, "Fever Amulet," 103; line 3 of the text has puyomipsTov.
21. Ibid.; line 5 of the text has TETapxiov.
22. See David Frankfurter, "Amuletic Invocations of Christ for Health and Fortune," in Re
ligions of Late Antiquity in Practice, ed. Richard Valantasis (Princeton, N. J. and Oxford, U.
K.: Princeton University Press, 2000), 3 4 0 - 4 3 .
23. Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 300, n. 2.
24. An important questions, not to be pursued here, is whether these magical papyri should
be incorporated into the witnesses collated for the preparation of an eclectic New Tes
t h t h
tament text. Kase dates this papyrus to the 4 to 5 centuries C.E. The "citation" of
Matthew may indicate the gospel's status as Christian scripture and its regular use in lit
urgy in whatever locale the papyrus was produced (Kase gives no provenance for the pa
pyrus, although the material suggests that it was produced somewhere in Egypt). The
reference to Michael as "archangel" apparently alludes either to Jude 9 or to Revelation
12:7, or stems from Christian beliefs based on those passages, and it may indicate that
these too were playing a role in Christian worship in the area of the papyrus' origin.
72 78 98 47 18
Jude appears in <p (III/IV), <P (III/IV); Apocalypse, in <p (II?), <p (III), <p (III/IV),
24
and $ ) (IV). Both books appear in three of the four major Geek biblical codices of the
t h t h
Alexandrian tradition from the 4 and 5 centuries (Sinaiticus/N, Alexandrinus/A, and
Ephraemi/C). See Aland, et al., eds., Novum Testamentum Graece, 6 8 4 - 8 9 .
25. According to Kotansky, we should read MICHAEL for MIGAEL in line 19 (in Kase, MIGAEL is
in line 18). Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 3 0 0 , n. 5.
26. C f . D a n 10:13, 2 1 .
27. This reading is based on the partial reconstruction "IaAa[|jav 1" in the penulti
mate line of the text.
28. For a discussion of the typical parts of a Roman prayer, see Michael J. Brown, The Lord's
Prayer Through North African Eyes: A Window into Early Christianity (New York and Lon-
don: T & T Clark International, 2 0 0 4 ) , 6 2 - 6 5 . There are many examples in the PGM of
actual hymns, or portions of them, that have been incorporated into magical rites, al
though often the meter has become corrupted. See, for example, PGM I. 2 6 2 - 3 4 7 ; II.
6 4 - 1 8 3 ; III. 1 8 7 - 2 6 2 ; III. 4 9 4 - 6 1 1 ; IV. 1 5 4 - 2 8 5 .
29. Kotansky reads KaxaKAmKov (something that causes a person to be bedridden) for K C X -
TCtKAnTiKOv (something that summons). Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 3 2 1 , n. 1.
30. In both Betz's and Maltomini's editions, the text following the magical characters is split
into two columns that fall on either side of a (very poor) drawing of the manikin.
31. The language here refers to the drawing of the manikin, above which the letters "cococo,
m, ooo" are written.
32. Kotansky says that the text is corrupt at this point and cannot be explained fully. "Of
the victim" follows Maltomini's deciphering of the letters following "bones": eio<t>aTn-
OTaxpn; Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 3 2 1 , n. 3; Franco Maltomini, "I Papiri greci," in Nuo-
vi papyri magici in copto, Greco e aramaico, S C O 29 (Pisa: University of Pisa, 1979), 107. If
this text, as reconstructed, means to include the word o<t>a<K>Tns, it perhaps refers to a
sacrificial victim (so Kotansky), or possibly to a the corpse of a woman who has died a
violent death. Cf. PGM I. 2 4 7 - 4 9 ; II. 145, 171.
33. This may be the tomb of someone who has died a violent death.
34. PGM C X X I V = P. Cazzaniga, no. 7 at the University of Pisa. English translation slightly
modified from Roy Kotansky, in Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 3 2 1 . Greek text: Mal
tomini, "I Papiri greci," in Nuovi papyri magici in Copto, Greco e Aramaico, S C O 2 9 (Pisa:
University of Pisa, 1979), 9 4 - 1 1 2 (Pap. 7).
t h t h
35. Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, xxvii. Maltomini dates it to the late 5 or early 6 c. C.E.;
Maltomini, "I Papiri greci," 9 5 .
36. The spell assumes that the purchaser lives in a house with beaten earth floors, which
suggests that users of this type of magic occupy the lower classes.
37. Cf. spells for acquiring a daimon as an assistant: PGM I. 4 2 - 5 4 , 8 8 - 9 0 , 9 5 - 1 3 2 ; III. 50ff,
95-160ff.
38. Cf. Acts 13:11.
39. Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, xlvii.
40. Betz goes on to characterize the entire enterprise of magician and client as one of decep
tion and gullibility. One wonders if Betz wishes to paint all religious practices with the
same brush.
41. Well-known temples to Asklepios were located at Trikka, Athens, Epidauros, Kos, Smyr
na, Pergamon, and Rome, but temples and shrines to the god were scattered across the
Mediterranean (including North Africa) in the Hellenistic and Roman eras. E. J . Edel-
stein and L. Edelstein, Asclepius: A Collection and Interpretation of the Testimonies, vol. 2
(Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1945). The town of Epidauros is lo
cated on the Saronic Gulf, about 3 0 km southwest of Corinth. The temple to Asklepios
at Epidauros lies about 9 km ( 1 6 km by road) southwest (inland) of the town. R. A.
Tomlinson, Epidaros (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983), 9 - 1 1 (incl. "1 Map of Ep
idauros District").
42. Howard Clark Kee, Miracle in the Early Christian World: A Study in Sociohistorical Method
(New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1983, 83; cf. Louise Wells, The Greek
Language of Healing from Homer to the New Testament Times, BZNW 83 (Berlin and New
York: Walter de Gniyter, 1998), 18. Both Kee (Miracle, 83ff) and Wells (Language of
Healing, 18ff.), provide a helpful synopsis of the information about the temple complex
and its inscriptions collected in Edelstein and Edelstein, eds., Asclepius.
43. Presumably this is Antoninus Pius (emperor from 1 3 8 - 1 6 1 C.E.). Kee, Miracle, 84.
44. The second century geographer Pausanias gives an account of the myth, as well as a de
tailed account of the cult of Asklepios and the facilities at Epidauros in Descr. 2 . 2 6 . 1 -
2.27.6. According to Pausanias, Descr. 2 . 2 7 . 1 - 6 , the compound housed a main temple
to Asklepios, an adjacent structure for the incubation of patients (called the apccrov, but
not by Pausanias), a nearby circular building (tholos) containing stelae with inscriptions, a
theater, temples to various gods, a stadium, a "Portico of Cotys," and a maternity
ward/hospice for the dying. Pausanias describes six stelae remaining in the tholos that re
corded miraculous healings by the god "in the Doric dialect." Excavations have found
the structures that Pausanias describes and many others as well.
45. Some stelae bearing inscriptions of the second half of the fourth century B.C.E. were
excavated and published by P. Kawaidas in Fouilles Epidaure (Athens, 1891); cf. P. Kav-
vaidas, To lepov TOU 'AafcA/jmou ev 'EmSaupcS KCXI rj depaneia TCOU aodeucov (Athens,
1900); both quoted in Wells, Language of Healing, 2 1 . Inscriptions from two of these ste
2
lae have been published as IG 4 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 2 2 . Inscriptions nos. 1 - 2 0 are from stela 1; nos.
21-43 are from stela 2.
46. Greek text: Edelstein and Edelstein, eds., Asclepius, 1:222; translation: ibid., 1:230,
slightly modified in places.
47. Literally, she is "one-eyed": aTsporrnAAos is the Doric form of ET6p6(|>0aAuos; L&S, s.v.
"cmpoTmAAos."
2
48. Cf. IG 4 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , nos. 3, 9 (treated below), 10, 3 6 .
49. See Wells' treatment of the frequent use of the word \)y\r\S and its occurrence in this
formula in Wells, Language of Healing, 3 1 - 3 3 .
2
50. Cf. IG 4 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , nos. 5, 6, 7, 15, 2 5 .
51. Wells, Language of Healing, 2 3 - 2 5 .
2
52. Cf. IG 4 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , nos. 12, 2 3 , 2 5 , 27, 3 0 .
53. Greek text: Edelstein and Edelstein, eds., Asclepius, 1:223; translation: ibid., 1:232-32,
slightly modified.
54. Like Ambrosia, the man is aTsporrnAAos.
55. Greek Text: Edelstein and Edelstein, eds., Asclepius, 1:225; translation: ibid., 1:233.
2
56. C f . / G 4 . l . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , no. 2 3 .
57. Cf. Aelian, Nat. an. 9 . 3 3 , in which physicians cannot cure a woman of a tapeworm. The
god must intervene when his attendants at Epidauros cut off the woman's head to re
move the worm but cannot reattach it.
58. I.e., Sparta, about 100 km southwest of Epidauros, on the Peloponese.
59. Wells, Language of Healing, 15f.
60. Two inscriptions (nos. 7 and 3 6 ) do recount incidents in which Asklepios punishes sup
pliants, but neither incident is severe (the first causes marks on the face, the second, in
jury), and the god later makes the second man well after he is suitably penitent and
remorseful. These stories seem calculated to promote truthfulness and authentic devo
tion rather than to convey any malevolence on the part of the god.
THE EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION • 121
61. Kee, Miracle, 9 4 .

2
62. /G 4 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 1 2 2 , no. 3. The god renames this man"ATnoTos.
63. Cf. Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Philem 2.
e
64. Kee, citing Boulanger (Aelius Aristide et la sophistique dans la Province d'Asie au U siecle de
notre ere [Paris: Boccard, 1923], 1 3 5 - 3 6 ) , states that according to estimates, Aristides re
mained in Pergamon for five years. Kee, Miracle, 9 5 .
65. These six works have been collected as numbers 4 7 - 5 2 of Aristides' Orations or Dis
courses. For synopses of Aristides's life, see P. Aelius Aristides, Aristides in Four Volumes,
trans. Charles A. Behr, L C L (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973), vii-xii
(a single volume of this work has been published); Kee, Miracle, 9 0 - 9 1 .
66. I work with the translation of Charles Behr: P. Aelius Aristides, The Complete Works,
trans. Charles A. Behr, vol 2 (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1981), 3 0 5 - 3 0 6 . Greek text: W . Din-
dorff, ed., Aristides, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Reimer, 1829); reprint, Hildesheim: Olms, 1964
[Greek text online] accessed 6 June 2006; available from http://www.tlg.uci.edu; Inter
net.
67. Cf. Disc. 4 8 . 8 0 .
68. Disc. 4 8 . 3 5 .
69. Disc. 4 8 . 3 0 - 3 5 b .
70. See the above discussion.
71. Disc. 4 8 . 3 4 .
72. Disc. 4 8 . 3 2 . Translation: Behr, 2 : 2 9 7 - 9 8 , modified.
73. Cf. Ezek 1 : 2 6 - 2 8 .
74. Kee, Miracle, 9 5 .
75. Cf. Apuleius, Golden Ass, Book 11.
76. Cf. Disc. 5 1 . 3 6 .
77. Kee, Miracle, 1 0 3 - 1 0 4 ; cf. H. W . Plecket, "Religious History as the History of Mentality:
The 'Believer' as Servant of the Deity in the Greek World," in Versnel, ed., Faith Hope
and Worship, 1 5 8 - 5 9 .
78. Disc. 4 7 . 1 .
79. Speaking of Plato, Meijer claims, "[T]he prayer for forgiveness virtually never appears: his
object is never to repair evil which has been committed." P. A. Meijer, "Philosophers,
Intellectuals, and Religion in Hellas," in Versnel, ed., Faith, Hope, and Worship, 2 4 2 .
80. There are certainly many instances of admitting guilt or wrongdoing, but no author that
I have found discusses doing so on the order of a social practice, within an instinitional-
ized relationship (such as patron-client) or quasi-institutionalized one (such as friend
ship), or within the practices of a philosophical system (such as Cynic correction).
81. Pettazzoni attempts to link the few references to confession of sins in Greco-Roman texts
to the religious practices expressed in these inscriptions. Raffaele Pettazzoni, "Confes
sion of Sins and the Classics," HTR 3 0 (1937): 1 - 1 4 . Touching on Ovid (Epist. 5 1 - 5 8 ;
Metam. 1 1 . 1 2 9 - 1 4 3 ; Fast. 6 . 3 0 5 - 3 2 7 ) , Juvenal (Sat. 6 . 5 3 5 - 5 4 1 ) , Aelian (Nat. an. 11.17),
and Plutarch (Superst. 168D), Pettazzoni concludes that confession of sins was not origi
nally part of Greco-Roman religious practices (p. 14), but was endemic to worship of fe
male deities (Isis, Dea Syria, and the Anatolian Great Mother, much of which was
traceable to the Hittites) that later moved into the West.
82. Aslak Rostad, "Confession or Reconciliation? The Narrative Structure of the Lydian and
Phrygian 'Confession Inscriptions,'" SO 77 (2002): 148. Before Steinleitner's published
dissertation of 1913, the inscriptions were available to the public "only in scattered trave
logues, museum annals, memoirs, and the like"; Hans-Josef Klauk, "Die kleinasiatischen
Beichtinschriften und das Neue Testament," in Geschichte-Tradition-Reflexion: Festschrift
fur Martin Hengel zum 70. Geburtstag, vol. 3, Friihes Christentum, ed. Hubert Cancik, Her
mann Lichtenberger, and Peter Schaffer (Tubingen: J . C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1996),
63. After Steinleitner's study the corpus of inscriptions has expanded, and both M. Ricl
and G. Petzl have published more complete collections. Marijana Ricl, La conscience du
peche dans les cultes anatoliens a lepoque romaine. La confession des fautes rituelles et ethiques
dans les cultes meoniens et phrygiens (Serbian, with a French summary; Belgrade, 1995);
Georg Petzl, ed., Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens, Epigraphica Anatolica vol. 22
(Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GMBH, 1994). Ricl's publication contains 135 inscriptions;
Petzl's, 124. Both authors have subsequently published other inscriptions. This book re
lies on Petzl's text (hereafter B W K ) and numbering system.
83. H. S. Versnel, "Beyond Cursing: The Appeal to Justice in Judicial Prayers," in Magika
Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion, ed. Christopher A. Faraone and Dirk Obbink
(New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 75. Photographs and transcrip
tions of many of these inscriptions may be found within larger collections of inscriptions
from Asia minor. For a list of these publications see Eckhard J . Schnabel, "Divine Tyr
anny and Public Humiliation: A Suggestion for the Interpretation of the Lydian and
Phrygian Confession Inscriptions," NovTXLV (2003): 160, note 1.
84. Cf. Schnabel, "Divine Tyranny," 161; Rostad, "Confession or Reconciliation?," 1 4 6 - 4 7 .
85. Rostad, "Confession or Reconciliation?" 146.
86. All translations are by the author. Greek text: Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 3.
87. Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 3.
88. Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 3. According to Schnabel, "Divine Tyranny," 161, the crescent
moon in this position frequently appears on the stelae as a symbol for Men; cf. BWK 4,
5, 6, 18, 57, 58, 5 9 , 6 1 , 6 2 , 6 3 . For further examples of the god holding the scepter, see
BWK 5 1 , 5 2 , 5 8 , 6 1 , 6 7 , 6 8 .
89. Schnabel, "Divine Tyranny," 1 6 1 - 6 2 , cites J . H. M. Strubbe, "Cursed be he that moves
my bones," in Faraone and Obbink, Majika Hiera, 4 4 .
90. Cf. BWK 6, 7, 10, 11, 12, 20, 3 5 , 37, 3 8 , 62(?), 97.
91. Schnabel, "Divine Tyranny," 162.
92. Greek text: Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 8 6 . The stele is now lost. For bibliographical informa
tion on extant copies and photos of the monument, see ibid.
93. Read 5uva[j6s.
94. Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 86.
95. Greek text, Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 132. This stele was found in secondary or later use,
incorporated into the wall of a house.
96. Ibid.
97. Read perfect infinitive TlpapTnKevai. See Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 132. Cf. BWK 109.
98. Read STTEIOETUXE-
99. See BWK 1, 4, 1 0 , 4 3 , 7 6 , 116.
THE EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION • 123
100. Ibid, 5 2 - 5 3 .
101. Read ptc KOAOCOSETOO: .
102. As Rostad has pointed out, verbs of confessing occur in only nine of the inscriptions
(Petzl reproduces 124 inscriptions), and only three of these specify the particular trans
gression committed; Rostad, "Confession or Reconciliation?" 151 (many others, how
ever, contain accounts of sins without using verbs of confession: cf. BWK 1, 4, 5, 10, 15,
19, 37, 4 3 , 6 0 , 6 5 , 76). Rostad concludes that the primary intent of the inscriptions is to
attest to reconciliation between the deity and the individual, and suggests that such "rec
onciliation was the object of the cult" in which the erection of steles played a role; ibid.,
160-61.
103. Bauckham, James, 102-104.
• C H A P T E R F I V E *

Judaic Visions of Corporate Life
A
s in C h a p t e r s 3 and 4 , the discussion o f Judaic texts is limited to a few
writings. T h o s e writings talk a b o u t prayer, divine healing, confession
o f sins, and correction within structures whose categories o f t h o u g h t
provide counterparts to J a m e s ' s categories, and where disproportionate catego
ries, o r categories found in o n e text b u t n o t another, neither impede the task
1
o f c o m p a r i s o n n o r render it ineffective. Despite representing m a n y different
genres, all o f the Judaic texts treated in this chapter are overtly didactic in na
ture. T h e y address the issue o f how the heirs o f biblical Israel, differently con
ceived, are to live o u t a distinctive way o f life. All can generally b e classified as
instruction directed to a particular Israel in h o w to live according to T o r a h ,
however differently each text may conceive o f Israel and T o r a h . A l o n e o f all
the J u d a i c works compared to J a m e s , the Community Rule o f the D e a d S e a
Scrolls presents the practices o f prayer, confession, and correction within a
relatively c o m p a c t text. F o r that reason all o f C h a p t e r 6 is devoted to that
writing.
Prayer
M a n y different kinds o f a n c i e n t J u d a i c texts talk a b o u t the effectiveness o f

prayer o r instruct people in how they should pray. T h e sections that follow
assess passages from two tractates o f the M i s h n a h whose systemic categories
2
may b e c o m p a r e d with J a m e s : Berakhot and Ta'anit.
T h e People of Israel Before God: m. Berakhot
In the matters discussed in the M i s h n a h ' s divisions and tractates, t h e way Sag
es reason a b o u t T o r a h is important. T h e logic that governs the process by
which sages arrive at rulings establishes precedent, and this precedent in turn
allows Israelites to work out, through analogy, how T o r a h applies in their
workaday world. M o r e t h a n establishing patterns o f logic for further rulings,

however, the Sages' reasoning reveals the assumptions that lie b e h i n d their
logic, and these assumptions provide a window into how the framers o f the
3
M i s h n a h t h i n k a b o u t G o d , h u m a n s , a n d the relationship between the two.
W i t h the two tractates o f the M i s h n a h considered here—Berakhot and
Ta'anit—James's instructions o n prayer can b e c o m p a r e d with those o f a true
U t o p i a n vision: the M i s h n a h sets o u t a way o f life for a single, homogenized
Israel that existed nowhere at the time that the work reached c o m p l e t i o n (ca.
2 0 0 C . E . ) ; nevertheless, the text works o u t instructions for the minutiae o f
that imagined Israel's daily existence. B o t h texts set forth instructions based
o n their distinctive worldviews: James, by speaking o f the challenges faced in
daily living by the "twelve tribes o f the Diaspora"—Israel in exile a m o n g G e n
tiles; the M i s h n a h , by imagining Israelite life as it ought to be, free o f outside
rule and constraint, within Israel's ancestral land, where the only challenges
that generate discussion are governed by the p r o b l e m o f keeping T o r a h within
the Israelite h o u s e h o l d and in t h e daily life o f Israelite society.
Moreover, o f the texts reviewed in this chapter, only the M i s h n a h b e c a m e
a normative text for the Judaism o f the two T a l m u d s , and h e n c e for the Juda
4
isms o f the sixth century C . E . to the present. T h u s , tractates Berakhot and
Ta'anit m a k e it possible to c o m p a r e a foundational text o f all present Christi
anities ( C a t h o l i c , O r t h o d o x , and Protestant) to a foundational text o f all pre
sent-day Judaisms.
Tractate Berakhot c o n c e r n s itself with the recitation o f the Shema, the
Eighteen B e n e d i c t i o n s (also called the Amidah), grace said at the beginning
and ending o f meals, blessings recited in special circumstances, and the rules
governing these practices. T h e pertinent sections have to do with regulating
times o f prayer, with the i n t e n t i o n o f the o n e praying, and what the framers o f
the M i s h n a h consider a useless prayer.
5
W e begin with the o p e n i n g passage o f the tractate, 1:1 A - N . T h e passage
deals with the question o f h o w to reckon "evening" in the obligation to recite
6
the Shema at the e n d o f the day: in order to fulfill this obligation, w h e n may
7
o n e begin to recite, and at what time may s o m e o n e be assured that h e has
m e t the obligation ( i f he has recited by this time), o r that h e has failed to meet
it (if he has n o t recited)? T h e matter is settled at E with Sages' ruling: in this
particular instance, "evening" persists until midnight. W h y then does the dis
cussion c o n t i n u e with R a b b a n Gamaliel's opinion? W h a t is at stake in the
protracted discussion appears at N : Sages may indeed agree with the principle
b e h i n d G a m a l i e l ' s generous interpretation o f matters ("evening" concludes at
dawn), b u t their c o n c e r n is to prevent, n o t only the sin o f failing to m e e t the
8
obligation, b u t even the proximity o f s i n . I f o n e has recited by midnight, he
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE* 127
will n o t even c o m e close to transgressing the rule stipulating that evening ends
at dawn. W h a t is at issue, therefore, is the protection o f Israelites from their
h u m a n proclivities, whether through evil intent o r accident. T h e issue be
comes clear with the language at J - L , for the ruling o f G a m a l i e l applies to all
mitzvoth that sages say may b e performed until midnight.
H e n c e , the o p e n i n g passage o f the M i s h n a h ' s tractate o n prayer (and o f
the M i s h n a h itself) establishes reasoning that may be applied b e y o n d the spe
cific case presented, since religious obligations to be performed in the evening
should b e c o m p l e t e d any time before midnight. Y e t the idea lying b e h i n d sag
es* ruling is even m o r e far reaching, for it reveals the intention b e h i n d the
judgment. T h e passage turns o u t to have little to d o with the particulars o f
Shema recitation, b u t with how to interpret obligations that o n e must meet at
particular hours o f the day, and the c h i e f consideration is to protect the Israel
ite male from sin.
A t 2:1 a new problem arises. W h e n the time for recitation o f the Shema
arrives, how does o n e make the transition from reading the Shema, the text o f
9
which is found in scripture, to reciting it in fulfillment o f religious obligation?
T h e d e t e r m i n i n g factor in fulfilling religious obligations is the h u m a n will, for
only what the person intends to do can distinguish between two otherwise
identical activities. Because until relatively recently people read aloud, reading
for study looked n o different from prayer recitation. Again the matter is set
tled early on, in this case at B and C : if, while reading the Shema from the T o -
rah, the time for recitation arrives, simply by making the decision to change
his reading into recitation ( " i f h e directed his heart," n $ ]13 Cfc) the Israel
ite male fulfills the obligation. If, o n the o t h e r h a n d , he c o n t i n u e s to
read with n o change in his intention, the obligation remains u n m e t until he
does so.
Again, the discussion c o n t i n u e s with the rulings o f n a m e d authorities. In
this case, the o p i n i o n s o f R.s M e i r a n d J u d a h serve two apparent purposes. In
the immediate context, their words clarify the issue o f "directing the heart."
Does this act o f the will preclude interruptions in recitation? R.s M e i r and Ju
10
dah b o t h allow interruptions in certain spots in the Shema, under particular
c o n d i t i o n s , and making distinctions between the o n e reciting, a fellow Israel
ite, a n d a non-Israelite. A person may disrupt his own recitation at a break be
tween paragraphs in order to greet a fellow Israelite a n d to respond to an
Israelite's greeting "out o f respect" ( l i M H "DSQ, D , E , K ) . Likewise, R.s M e i r
and J u d a h agree that a person may suspend his own recitation in the middle
o f a paragraph in order to initiate a greeting, only "out o f fear" (ntjn'H "390, F,
11
I). T h e two offer differing o p i n i o n s o n particular p o i n t s , b u t the same issue
governs the logic o f both: the intention to recite the Shema carries forward de-
spite certain types o f interruptions, a n d allowances are made for the effect that
mitigating c o n d i t i o n s have o n a person's intent. T h e s e c o n d i t i o n s (respect
and fear) are sufficiently vague to allow the rulings to form analogies for a myr
iad o f circumstances in the life o f an Israelite.
A s e c o n d purpose b e h i n d these o p i n i o n s does n o t b e c o m e clear until 5 : 1 .
Again, the ruling in this section emphasizes the role o f the h u m a n will in reli
gious practices: in the matter taken up in this passage, the i n t e n t i o n to per
form the act carries even greater weight than t h e i n t e n t i o n to recite the Shema.
Here, the prayer u n d e r discussion is the standing prayer, or Amidah (also the
"Eighteen B e n e d i c t i o n s " ) , w h i c h o n e must undertake "in a s o l e m n frame o f
12
m i n d " (Efrn 7 3 ' 3 "?jino). W i t h the ruling at D a n d E , the earlier o p i n i o n s o f
R.s M e i r and J u d a h in 2:1 are clarified: at stake is distinguishing between the
obligations o f the Shema a n d the Amidah. O n c e Israelites have "directed their
1
hearts toward the O m n i p r e s e n t " (DipQ ? 33*? n $ 1313' #) for the purpose o f recit
S
ing the Amidah, they must n o t interrupt it, either o u t o f respect (responding to
13
the king's greeting), or o u t o f fear (untwining the serpent from o n e ' s h e e l ) .
In this instance, praying "in a solemn frame o f m i n d " is o n a different order
than "directing the heart" towards recitation, presumably because the former
requires giving o n e ' s attention to G o d himself.
H u m a n i n t e n t i o n distinguishes a m u n d a n e activity from a sacred o n e , for
directing o n e ' s heart toward recitation o f t h e Shema accomplishes the deed,
and solemnity is required to meet the obligation to recite the Amidah. At
4:4A, R . Eliezer rules, " ' O n e w h o makes his prayers a fixed task—his prayers
are n o t [valid] supplications [of G o d ] . ' " O n e must intend to pray; simply
speaking the words at the predetermined time does n o t fulfill the obligation.
A t 4 : 5 Sages give a striking example o f the power o f h u m a n i n t e n t i o n , for
through it o n e meets even the obligation to perform a physical act. Sages say
that i f o n e riding a donkey is unable to d i s m o u n t so that he can stand while
praying, he may fulfill the obligation by turning his head toward the east. I f
for s o m e reason even this act is n o t possible (if, for example, he does n o t k n o w
in w h i c h direction east lies), "he should direct his heart toward the C h a m b e r
o f the Holy o f Holies."
H u m a n i n t e n t i o n also distinguishes between sacred activities o f lesser a n d
greater solemnity. N o o t h e r blessing addressed in m. Berakhot requires the sol
e m n attention necessary for reciting the Amidah. T h e tractate displays n o con
14
cern about interrupting the many o t h e r blessings for various o c c a s i o n s .
N o n e o f these events, s o m e that o c c u r in the course o f every day and others
that reflect unusual circumstances, requires the attention that o n e must devote
to the Amidah.
JUDAIC VISIONS OF CORPORATE LIFE* 129
T h e passages treated here have provided s o m e details about how to pray;

what then a b o u t praying in the wrong way? Merely going through the m o t i o n s
has b e e n addressed at 4 : 4 , and a n o t h e r b r i e f statement appears at 9 : 3 . Previ
ous passages have dealt almost exclusively with scripted prayers: the prayer is
read aloud or recited as memorized, according to a standard form, and with
abbreviations o r different wordings allowed for various situations or special
15
occasions. Sages do make allowances for unscripted prayers as well, particu
1 6
larly in unanticipated circumstances, as in 9 : 3 E and F . T h e type o f un
scripted prayer treated is a vain prayer (\NW n'psn), as are the scripted prayers
17
for good and evil recited in the wrong c i r c u m s t a n c e s . W h a t accounts for the
ruling is clarified at 9 : 3 E and F: vain prayers are those that attempt to u n d o
what has already happened. A prayer can n e i t h e r change the sex o f an u n b o r n
18
fetus n o r reverse a calamity, just as it is useless to cry o u t a b o u t the past.
T h i s claim appears to lie b e h i n d 9 : 3 B as well: saying the blessing for good over
(one's own) evil circumstances and for evil over (an enemy's) good circum
stances entails an attempt to reverse what has already occurred.
Here we e n c o u n t e r the limits o f h u m a n will: it can transform spoken
words into a prayer and can turn sitting into standing, b u t it c a n n o t o n its
own ensure the effectiveness o f the prayer. T h a t is d e t e r m i n e d in part by the
appropriateness o f the prayer (whether o r n o t the o n e praying expects G o d to
reverse an accomplished fact), b u t o t h e r factors pertain as well.
Sages address the matter at 5 : 5 , in w h i c h they discuss the effect that to
"err" (nuti) while praying the Amidah has o n the o u t c o m e o f the petition for
20
healing. 19
A t issue is whether or n o t the prayer is "fluent" (rnuri). A "fluent"
prayer is interrupted by neither error n o r confusion. A t stake again is h u m a n
intention: the o n e praying o n b e h a l f o f the congregation has directed his m i n d
toward G o d , b u t i f he makes an error, h e must cease praying altogether.
W h i l e the obligation to recite the Amidah may be m e t by appointing a re
21
placement, the example o f R . H a n i n a h b . D o s a indicates that an interrupted
petition for healing has lost its efficacy. T h e implication is that o n c e a person
has b r o k e n the "solemn frame o f m i n d " required for the Amidah, he c a n n o t
return to this state.
W h a t can b e made o f the preceding analysis? W h e n we read J a m e s and m.
Berakhot, we e n c o u n t e r authors w h o are scarcely in conversation at all. Rarely
do their discussions overlap, and categories that form the c e n t e r o f c o n c e r n
for o n e barely register in the other. T h e two could n o t be m o r e different in
formal matters: J a m e s n a m e s b o t h h i m s e l f as author a n d his audience as "the
twelve tribes o f the Diaspora"; t h e M i s h n a h speaks in an a n o n y m o u s voice
22
and addresses n o o n e in particular. J a m e s takes o n t h e trappings o f a letter,
so that even though it lacks a formal epistolary closing, the phrase, "above all,
my brothers" o f 5 : 1 2 does signal that the instruction is nearing its end; the
M i s h n a h simply takes up its discourse with n o introduction, and does n o t sig
nal its end, so that, although 6 3 tractates separate its opening and closing
lines, all s o u n d as i f they could be found anywhere in the text. W h e r e a s J a m e s
exhibits an informal, organic strucnire, the M i s h n a h is arranged into six divi
sions, with each division being comprised o f several tractates and e a c h tractate
tackling a distinct topic. I f J a m e s addresses c o m m u n i t i e s o f believers scattered
in the "Diaspora" o f the E m p i r e , the M i s h n a h presents G o d ' s people living as
if n o n e had ever left the L a n d and all still worshipped in a T e m p l e that is long
gone. I f J a m e s is c o n c e r n e d with the integrity and survival o f a c o m m u n i t y
constituted and organized in a way contrary to the surrounding society, the
M i s h n a h sets forth a U t o p i a , a way o f life and construal o f the social order for
2 3
an ideal Israel that existed nowhere in the s e c o n d century C . E . Finally, the
primary category o f prayer in the Mishnah—blessing G o d , as indicated by para
graph after paragraph c o n c e r n i n g its regulation—scarcely registers in J a m e s (the
e n c o u r a g e m e n t to sing praises in 5 : 1 3 is a single example), and the category o f
intercessory prayer, w h i c h generates further exhortation and p r o o f by exem-
plum in J a m e s , forms a m i n o r category in the M i s h n a h .
It is important, however, n o t to draw facile conclusions about whether the
M i s h n a h allows for certain types o f prayer, or whether Jews o f s e c o n d century
Palestine prayed for o n e another. Clearly, whereas m o s t o f the prayers o f m.
Berakhot take the form o f blessings o f the Divine, they nevertheless are in
tended as petitions and intercessions. In 1:4B, for example, the s e c o n d o f the
two blessings said after the evening recitation o f the Shema contains a petition
for peaceful sleep. Likewise, the b r i e f prayer that R . N e h u n i a b . H a q a n a h said
upon entering the beit midrash apparently was intended to ensure correct read
ing and accurate declaration o f T o r a h . T h e clearest indications that blessings
often function as petitions c o m e at m. Berakhot 4 : 4 and 5:2: in 4 : 4 , a person
24
walking in a dangerous place may ask G o d for safe passage; in 5 : 2 , a prayer
for rain (which is a prayer for crops, and h e n c e for survival o n o n e hand and
well-being o n the other) is included in the n i n t h blessing o f the Amidah. R.
H a n i n a h b . D o s a ' s prayer for the sick (also presumably during the Amidah) in
5:5 is c o u c h e d within a blessing as well. In addressing the petitionary force o f
prayer in m. Berakhot, Zvee Zahavy argues that through their regimented and
rigorous prayer life the rabbis o f the age o f Y a v n e h sought wellness and protec
25
tion. I f this is the case, then even graces said at meals can be understood as
petitions for G o d to c o n t i n u e to grant good crops and healthy flocks.
Given these data, we n o w have the problem o f how to distinguish petition
and intercession in m. Berakhot from what we find in J a m e s . T h e solution lies
in the construal o f the praying c o m m u n i t y in each text. In m. Berakhot there is
JUDAIC VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE* 131
evidence o f a localized c o m m u n i t y o f worshipers, b u t in contrast to James, the

tractates o f the M i s h n a h work o u t the problem o f how, through the institu
tion o f the Israelite household, every Israelite can live a life o f sanctity that be
fore the destruction o f the T e m p l e was relegated to priests alone. While
prayer in Berakhot may protect the welfare o f the c o m m u n i t y , it works primar
ily to sanctify holy Israel in its relationship with its G o d . Matters that interces
sory prayer addresses in James—who is a member o f the group, how
congregations constitute themselves over and against the structures and values
o f the d o m i n a n t society—are simply n o t addressed in m. Berakhot, in which Is
26
raelite society has n o rivals.
A p r o m i n e n t difference between J a m e s and the M i s h n a h is that m. Berak
hot presents prayer as a religious obligation: the paragraphs address times o f
day or circumstances under which it must b e done, in what position, in what
frame o f m i n d , and so forth. Especially the opening paragraphs o f the tractate
are filled with references to a religious obligation (mô) and to fulfilling (N2r)
such. By contrast, in C h a p t e r 2 o f this study we saw that J a m e s uses moral
discourse to discuss religious matters, encouraging s o m e behaviors and atti
tudes while warning against others, speaking o f virtues and vices, warning o f
c o n s e q u e n c e s and assuring rewards, and employing rhetorical flourishes
c o m m o n in o t h e r moralists. N o w h e r e can we find in J a m e s a c o n c e r n for
what is necessary to complete a mitzvah. T h a t fact is all the m o r e apparent,
now that we have the M i s h n a h ' s example in front o f us.
A n o t h e r conspicuous difference between the two texts b e c o m e s clear with
the i m p o r t a n c e o f h u m a n intent in m. Berakhot. By claiming that a person
prays by directing the heart toward G o d , and that in s o m e circumstances in
tention alone fulfills the obligation to stand erect, the authorship o f Berakhot
asserts that the h u m a n will transforms m u n d a n e activities into sacred ones. In
the same way, the performative utterance o f a blessing renders any m u n d a n e
space into sacred space, and by extension, calling for prayer in unforeseen cir
cumstances m e a n s that any time may b e changed into sacred time by the same
27
deliberate a c t . T h e transformative power o f h u m a n intention is muted in
James. T h e a u t h o r o f the epistle is c o n c e r n e d , rather, with the moral conse
q u e n c e s o f the exercise o f the will: it must b e submitted to G o d (Jas 4 : 7 , 1 0 ) ,
otherwise it has tremendous destructive capacity when it is directed toward the
vices o f bitter jealousy, selfish a m b i t i o n , and the fulfillment o f o n e ' s own plea
2 8
sures ( J a s 3 : 1 3 - 4 : 3 ) .
In m. Berakhot, unscripted prayers at times o f crisis form a m i n o r o r inert
category, requiring n o c o m m e n t a r y o r regulation. Y e t the M i s h n a h ' s framers
acknowledge that such prayers can have powerful results, as the following co
gent example illustrates.
T h e Exceptional Individual Before God: m. Ta'anit
Tractate Ta'anit o f the M i s h n a h discusses what c o n d i t i o n s o f drought follow

ing the festival o f S u c c o t d e t e r m i n e the duration and severity o f fasts to be
held until the early (i.e., fall) rains c o m e . In 3 : 8 , Sages tell the famous story o f
H o n i "the circle-drawer."
T h e people o f Jerusalem ask H o n i to pray for rain o n their behalf. H o n i ' s
prayers are unsuccessful until he draws a circle, stands in its center, and de
mands, " ' L o r d o f the world! Y o u r children have turned to me, for before you
I am like a m e m b e r o f the family. I swear by your great name—I'm simply n o t
moving from here until you take pity o n your children!'" It begins to rain, b u t
insufficiently, in H o n i ' s estimation. H e d e m a n d s m o r e rain, and m o r e , "until
Israelites had to flee from Jerusalem up to the T e m p l e M o u n t because o f the
rain." T h e citizens are forced to ask H o n i to pray that the rains stop, and
S i m e o n b . S h a t a h declares, " ' I f you were n o t H o n i , I should decree a b a n o f
e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n against you. B u t what am I going to do to you? F o r you
importune before the O m n i p r e s e n t , so he does what you want, like a son who
importunes his father, so he does what he wants.'"
W h a t is striking a b o u t this example o f prayer that can bring rain sufficient
29
to flood J e r u s a l e m is the absence o f the primary categories o f prayer found in
m. Berakhot. H o n i ' s prayer is n o t scripted, it falls at n o particular time o f day
or day o f the m o n t h , and it requires n o special focus o f the will: that is, it does
n o t m e e t a religious obligation in any sense. A t first glance, H o n i ' s prayer falls
into the category o f prayers said in special circumstances, which is introduced
at m. Berakhot 9 : 1 , yet it also c o n t a i n s n o blessing o f the Deity, constituting ra
ther an intercessory prayer o n b e h a l f o f the c o m m u n i t y ("fl3in; 1:5A). More
over, even within tractate Ta'anit the prayer is an anomaly. In m. Ta'anit 1:2-5
we find references to prayers for rain in the m o n t h s o f Nisan, Marheshvan,
and Kislev, which i f n o t answered trigger a series o f fasts o f increasing severity
30
(1:3—7). During the fasts, the recitation o f the Amidah is lengthened by the
addition o f six additional blessings, bringing the total to 2 4 ( 2 : 2 ) . Each o f
these prayers for rain, however, is a particular scripted line spoken at a certain
point within the recitation o f the Amidah (see 1:1; cf. B e r . 5 : 2 ) . T h e story o f
H o n i does n o t fall within this discussion; in fact, it lacks all indications o f ur
gency. T h e simple imperative, "Pray for rain" ( 3 : 8 C ) , suggests that the people
approach H o n i in order to avoid fasting (after all, the m o s t severe fasts restrict
c o m m e r c e , bathing, and sexual activity, a m o n g o t h e r things). T h e prayer o f
H o n i fits within n o established paradigm in either Berakhot o r Ta'anit, nor
does it indicate a desperate situation o n the part o f the c o m m u n i t y . It rather
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF CORPORATE LIFE* 133
31
instigates a crisis, which H o n i must also abate through prayer. Oddly, the
c o n t e n t o f this second prayer is n o t given.
A second surprise in the narrative c o m e s from H o n i ' s status. Evidently
his ability to importune the O m n i p r e s e n t and to have his prayers answered is
well known, yet he bears n o honorific title in this episode. H e is n o t pre
sented as a sage w h o is skilled in knowledge o f T o r a h o r in reasoning through
analogy. He is exceptional, instead, for his special relationship with G o d ,
which is evident in his petulant drawing o f circles. H e may stand before the
O m n i p r e s e n t and make demands as child to a parent, and he may expect to
have those d e m a n d s met. T h i s u n i q u e status, furthermore, protects h i m from
the c o n s e q u e n c e s o f demands gone awry. W e r e it H o n i himself w h o flooded
Jerusalem, S i m e o n b . S h a t a h would e x c o m m u n i c a t e h i m , b u t it was G o d w h o
sent the rain at H o n f s behest, and what can anyone do a b o u t that?
T h e story o f H o n i invites c o m p a r i s o n with J a m e s in many details: at issue
is bringing and stopping the rain through prayer, the question o f what makes
prayer effective, the discussion o f prayer in c o n j u n c t i o n with o t h e r religious
practices (in the case o f m. Ta'anit, fasting), and interceding with G o d o n be
half o f a c o m m u n i t y .
T h i s final point deserves c o m m e n t because it so closely resembles o n e o f
James* primary categories. Evidence is simply t o o scant to draw firm conclu
sions a b o u t what Sages envision here. T h e practices regulated in Ta'anit—
times and duration o f fasts and the c o n d u c t o f the fasts themselves, and the
particular calendar by which they are scheduled—surely set Israelites apart from
all o t h e r peoples. T h e authors o f Ta'anit, however, do n o t talk about a com
munity distinguishing itself from others through its way o f life; they imagine
Israel shaping its own destiny, troubled only by the challenges o f following T o
rah as G o d wants it to be followed. A society that is at odds with Israel's way
o f life, o r rival c o m m u n i t i e s making claims to the title Israel or its inheritance
(as C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t i e s are certainly doing at the turn from the s e c o n d cen
32
tury to the third), simply make n o impression in this discussion. W e r e we to
take the tractate at face value, we should expect to find in s e c o n d century Pal
estine a single, h o m o g e n e o u s Israel, under the authority o f n o foreign gov
e r n m e n t , nowhere in exile, regulating its life through T o r a h observance and a
legislative system free from all constraints.
In contrast to James, who insists that Elijah has n o special status, H o n i is
the exceptional m a n in m. Ta'anit. Conversely, whereas J a m e s calls for his
readers to pray like Elijah, Ta'anit's authors show n o such expectation with
H o n i . James, in the m o d e o f moral exhortation, seeks to bring a b o u t certain
virtuous behaviors, in particular those that help to establish and maintain the
Christian c o m m u n i t y in an alien e n v i r o n m e n t . James is c o n c e r n e d with how
m e m b e r s act toward o n e another, instructing t h e m to take up particular deeds

and ways o f relating that level social strata (at least within the e n v i r o n m e n t o f
the c o m m u n i t y ) a n d subvert the values o f outsiders. T h e M i s h n a h ' s authors,
by contrast, c o n c e r n themselves with the issue o f how to maintain sanctity for
3 3
Israel in the absence o f t h e Jerusalem T e m p l e . T h e answer that they find
and work out is through T o r a h observance by all Israelites in all aspects o f
their lives. Religious obligation, rather than virtue and vice, is what is at stake
in the tractate. A s a result, its examples, b o t h positive and negative, and usu
ally drawn from the lives o f n a m e d authorities, typically serve as analogies or
precedents for the application o f T o r a h in c o n c r e t e circumstances. H o n i does
n o t function in this way, for he is u n i q u e in his interaction with t h e O m n i
present.
In the person o f H o n i , an exceptional relationship with the Divine suf
fices to replace all regulations c o n c e r n i n g effective prayer. H o n i is n o t obli
gated to direct his heart toward the Holy o f Holies, n o r is he to worry about
the fluidity o f his words, for what effect can interruptions have o n such a
prayer as he prays? A b s e n t , as well, is a care for the validity o f t h e prayer—
whether he prays in vain, o r substitutes the wrong prayer for the circumstance
at hand. T h e nature o f the relationship abrogates all o t h e r stipulations con
cerning prayer; this prayer c a n n o t (and according to S i m e o n b . S h a t a h , it
should n o t ) serve as an example for Israel. In m. Ta'anit, the exceptional indi
vidual violates, and so reinforces, the rule governing all Israelites. In James,
the exceptional figure is m a d e m u n d a n e , and so his example applies to all.
Healing
W h e n authors o f a n c i e n t J u d a i c texts c o n t e m p l a t e illness and its effects, often

their first recourse is to urge the faithful to seek healing from G o d , for they
assume that sickness has a bearing o n the divine-human relationship: either
h u m a n infirmity places a lien o n a G o d w h o is dedicated to the wellness o f
G o d ' s children, o r illness is c o n n e c t e d to sin, so that healing is linked to ex
piation as well. T e x t s a b o u t divine healing a b o u n d in a n c i e n t J u d a i c sources,
b u t for the purposes o f this comparative project, we e x a m i n e only two: Si-
rach's statements about the appropriate course o f action w h e n an Israelite falls
ill, and the tale o f T o b i t .
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF CORPORATE LIFE* 135
Healing T h r o u g h Prayer and the Physician's Hands: Sirach
In Jerusalem a r o u n d 1 8 0 B . C . E . , Jesus son o f Eleazar son o f S i r a c h c o m p o s e d

a collection o f exhortations in Hebrew that instructed Jews how to live within
a Hellenized culture ( 5 0 : 2 7 ) . A b o u t fifty years later (c. 1 3 2 B . C . E . ) , the grand-
son o f this Jesus c a m e to Egypt, where he translated the work i n t o G r e e k and
34
added a p r o l o g u e .
T h e Epistle o f J a m e s and the " W i s d o m o f Jesus b e n Sira," o r "Ecclesiasti-
cus" in the O l d Latin (hereafter "Sirach"), share many similarities o f form and
topic, b o t h c o n t a i n i n g s o m e c o h e r e n t units o f instruction yet exhibiting ar
35
rangements whose overall structure is difficult to d i s c e r n . A n analysis o f
what S i r a c h has to say a b o u t the practice o f healing allows us t o c o m p a r e
James's teachings with a n o t h e r text that addresses its discourse to Israel's heirs,
living as natives o f the Hellenized world and immersed in the lives o f their var
ious cities, yet characterized as exiles w h o show themselves to b e faithful by
their devotion to the o n e true G o d through T o r a h . W h e r e a s the M i s h n a h
addresses n o o n e in particular and acknowledged n e i t h e r "Hellenistic Juda
ism" n o r R o m a n rule o f Palestine, b o t h S i r a c h and J a m e s explicitly address
themselves to Israel and take up the problem o f Diaspora living. W h e r e a s the
M i s h n a h (as well as 1 Q S ) speaks in n o particular voice, b o t h S i r a c h and J a m e s
speak as n a m e d authorities in their respective c o m m u n i t i e s . W h e r e a s the
M i s h n a h generates discourse from particular problems o f halakhah, b o t h Si
rach and J a m e s collect and pass o n wisdom, S i r a c h explicitly so, J a m e s implic
36
itly as evidenced by his use o f the Jesus t r a d i t i o n .
Sirach's discussion o f healing through prayer m o s t naturally evokes a
comparison with James. W h a t immediately stands o u t is the praise o f the
3 7
work o f physicians in Sirach 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 .
Analysis should begin with a word about the style o f the passage, which
can properly b e called a short s e r m o n or meditation o n healing, c o m p o s e d o f
38
two p o e m s . T h e Hebrew draws from the stylistic examples o f the B o o k o f
Proverbs when setting o u t aphorisms, sermons, and instructions (all o f w h i c h
show up in the G r e e k as well): parallelism ( w . 3 , 10, 1 1 , 1 2 ) , m e t a p h o r ( w . 3 ,
10, 1 3 , 1 5 ) , and scriptural allusions ( w . 4 [ G e n 1 : 1 1 - 1 2 ] , 5 [Exod 1 5 : 2 3 - 2 5 ] ,
11 [Lev 2:2]) appear t h r o u g h o u t the passage, as well as the use o f t h e vav con
j u n c t i o n and consecutive (which b e c o m e s polysyndeton in G r e e k ) , and direct
address. T h e Hebrew shares o t h e r matters o f style with standard rhetorical
tools well known from Hellenistic g n o m i c literature, such as assonance and
39 40 41
alliteration, amplification (v. 1 1 ) , truncated syllogism (v. 1 4 ) , and rhetori
cal question (v. 5 ) . T h e translation into G r e e k adds still o t h e r stylistic and
rhetorical devices: imperatives appear 10 times in the passage and are c o n c e n -
trated in the four verses that instruct in praying, securing absolution, a n d see
42 43
ing a physician ( 9 - 1 2 ) ; we also find a s s o n a n c e a n d alliteration, as well as
45
homoiotekuton** tricolon (v. 1 0 ) , repetition bordering o n epistrophe ( w . 1 - 8 ) ,
46 47
a n d possibly a shift in a u d i e n c e c o m b i n e d with a prayer against evil (v. 1 5 ) .
T h e vocabulary o f the passage draws readers' attention as well, for the
G r e e k text indicates that S i r a c h ' s grandson is s c h o o l e d in standard Hellenistic
G r e e k , b u t that he also has access to the Septuagint, which supplies the vo
cabulary for religious discourse to Jews o f the Hellenistic Diaspora, a n d in a
few instances he appears to have put together his own technical vocabulary to
render certain phrases o f his grandfather's Hebrew. O n o n e hand, the G r e e k
text o f S i r a c h translates the Hebrew words for prayer, sickness, and healing by
48
drawing from the typical repertoire o f G r e e k t e r m s . O n the o t h e r h a n d , the
grandson c o u c h e s the ideas o f sin and a t o n e m e n t in language that does n o t
reflect typical G r e e k usage. 'A(j>(oTr]|Ji occurs regularly in S i r a c h to c o n n o t e
removing transgression from o n e s e l f (i.e., repentance o r abstinence from
49 50
sin), yet this usage is attested only here a n d there in the S e p t u a g i n t . In an
o t h e r example, the G r e e k renders the rare Hebrew ("injustice") in v. 10
with TrAr||j|JEAsia, a word denoting a false n o t e , or, metaphorically, a fault or
51 52
error. T h e term a n d its cognates seldom appear in G r e e k literature, occur
ring far less frequently than derivatives o f a | j a p T — . In the Septuagint, o n the
o t h e r h a n d , verbal a n d n o m i n a l forms o f TrArmpEAsicc o c c u r about 7 0 times,
nearly h a l f o f the total instances in all o f G r e e k literature up to the fourteenth
5 3
century C . E .
T h e text o f Sirach—in the Hebrew, a n d m o r e so in the Greek—participates
in the same usage a n d shaping o f language that we find in the G r e e k moralists.
T h i s amalgamation o f style a n d vocabulary gives clues about the identity o f the
grandson's audience. T h e text reveals an assumption that readers will appreci
ate its rhetorical flourishes for what they are; h e n c e , the text identifies its read
ers as G r e e k s . T h i s identification is also clear from certain topoi present
elsewhere in the b o o k , such as friendship and g o o d table manners, as well as
aspects o f Hellenistic culture in which the text assumes its readers participate,
such as d i n n e r parties and the consultation o f physicians. A t the same time,
Sirach draws from imagery a n d modes o f expression that categorize a particu
lar population within the Hellenistic world: a Diaspora people that identifies
itself as heirs o f Israel's T o r a h , a n d a tradition o f learning a n d way o f life that
is distinctive to t h e m .
W e can n o w ask about the purpose o f S i r a c h ' s literary features. W e begin
by placing 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 in conversation with 3 0 : 1 4 - 2 0 . In the earlier passage, Si-
rach weighs the benefits o f "health and fitness" (uyieia KCXI eu£(a) against any
o t h e r goods, particularly material wealth. Likewise, in v. 17 any o t h e r evil,
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF CORPORATE LIFE 137
even death, is preferable to "a life o f misery" (£cor)V THKpav) and " c h r o n i c sick
ness" (appcooTnjjcc E'MIJOVOV). O n e w h o is constantly ill can n o m o r e enjoy
riches than a closed m o u t h , the dead, o r a statue can eat, a n d wealth will bring
54
as m u c h misery to the sick as sexual arousal causes a e u n u c h . T h e claim in v.
55
19b indicates why this is the case: illness is G o d ' s p u n i s h m e n t . S u c h an in
terpretation is in line with what S i r a c h says a b o u t the law o f retribution else
where in the b o o k . S i r a c h is clear that sin has c o n s e q u e n c e s in this life, for
the Lord brings swift retribution u p o n those w h o transgress the law and d o
56
not repent. In o t h e r passages, G o d is also the source o f "good a n d bad, life
57
and death, poverty and w e a l t h . " In light o f these claims, we may infer that
for S i r a c h , at times sin leads to sickness as a natural c o n s e q u e n c e , a n d at oth
ers G o d causes illness as a response to sin. W e should expect to find that for
Sirach, healing entails remission o f sins and justification before G o d , and
therefore seeking healing will carry with it strong religious c o n n o t a t i o n s as
well.
S u c h is the case. In 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 S i r a c h a d m o n i s h e s the wise person (ccvrjp
<J>p6vipos) w h o is sick b o t h to "pray to the L o r d " ( s u £ a i Kupi'co) a n d to seek
professional care from a physician. T h e e x h o r t a t i o n at verse 9 provides an ob
vious p o i n t o f focus for o u r discussion, for in it S i r a c h clearly prescribes heal
ing as a religious act. O n e w h o is sick o u g h t to seek healing through
petitionary prayer without delay, as t h e a d m o n i t i o n n o t to " l o o k aside" (pr|
58
TTapapXETre) suggests. S i r a c h rests his assurance that the Lord will heal
(iaoETCd) o n this simple a d m o n i t i o n . A t verses 1 and 1 2 , however, the crisis
o f illness requires a n o t h e r response that has religious significance as well. T h e
physician's "place" (TOTTOV) in divine healing also ought to be acknowledged,
because physicians' skills and the m e d i c i n e s they use also have their source in
5 9
God.
The passage's grammatical structure supports this n o t i o n . In verses 1 0
and 1 1 , S i r a c h explicitly links sickness to sin, a n d he expects three religious
practices to a c c o m p a n y petitionary prayer for healing: r e p e n t a n c e (aTTOOTnoov
6 0
TrAr]|j|j6AEiav Kai EiiSuvov x s » p a s ) , an act o r attitude o f cleansing (OTTO i r a o n ^
a p a p T t a s K a B a p i a o v KapSt'av), and a public act o f expiation. T h e c o m m a n d
to allow a physician to help in v. 12 follows immediately u p o n these practices,
and is linked to t h e m by a c o o r d i n a t i n g Kai. F u r t h e r m o r e , in v. 9 , following
the introductory subordinate clause, "when you are ill" (EV appcooTfipaTi o o u ) ,
the initial negative imperative is followed by a string o f eight clauses, all gov
erned by aorist imperatives, the first seven having to d o with t h e above-
m e n t i o n e d acts o f expiation, and the final in v. 12 being to "give" (60s) the
physician his place in healing, a c o m m a n d that e c h o e s the clause, "offer [5os]
a pleasing odor," at v. 1 1 . T h e parallel exhortations to h o n o r the physician
E I A
"for the value o f his services" (irpos TCCS X P S G\JTOU TIMOUS auToO) in verse
1 and to give the physician his place in verse 1 2 , as well as to pray without de
lay in verse 9 , stand side by side in the passage as religious responses t o illness.
A c c o r d i n g to Sirach, w h e n people b e c o m e sick, they should avail themselves o f
all divine aid at their disposal: prayer a n d the care o f physicians.
Given this reading o f the passage, the supposed apostrophe that closes the
passage in the G r e e k text (v. 15) takes o n meaning, n o t as hostility toward the
61
sinner n o r skepticism a b o u t the physician's abilities —a s e n t i m e n t that con
flicts with what has c o m e before—but as a deprecatio for the healing a n d spiri
62
tual restoration for the s i n n e r . T h e passage as a whole expresses the
assumption that o n e w h o is sick also has sinned, a n d that b o t h problems must
be addressed in order for the Lord to heal that person. In the remedy that Si
rach prescribes, r e p e n t a n c e a n d a t o n e m e n t take their place alongside prayer
for healing and the work o f physicians. T h e s e ideas are picked up and carried
i n t o verse 1 5 , in w h i c h we may assume that the participle b aMCcpTcivcov also
contains the idea o f sickness (the o n e w h o sins has fallen ill); likewise, the ex
pectation o f "falling into the h a n d o f a physician" carries with it the idea o f
receiving care from the G o d w h o works through t h e physician. S u c h a wish is
in line with o t h e r sections o f S i r a c h that call for repentance and speak o f
63
God's mercy.
T h e issues o f sin, repentance, and divine j u d g m e n t bring up the question
o f eschatology in S i r a c h . S i r a c h claims that G o d metes o u t b o t h reward and
p u n i s h m e n t in the present life, b u t what does he say a b o u t the role o f judg
m e n t in the world to come? T h e answer is, his eschatology follows the law o f
retribution expressed in chapter 2 8 o f D e u t e r o n o m y ; j u d g m e n t occurs before
64 65
death (even i f just before i t ) , after w h i c h all descend to H a d e s / S h e o l .
T h e r e are only vague references in S i r a c h to a j u d g m e n t after death o r to life
66
in a world to c o m e , and very few o f t h o s e . T h e way to survive death is
through the h o n o r that o n e has accrued in life by o n e ' s reputation and the
67
legacy o f children w h o follow o n e ' s e x a m p l e .
W e begin the c o m p a r i s o n and contrast o f J a m e s and S i r a c h with Sirach's
use o f a<|>(r|Mi to indicate "putting away" one's faults (aTTOOTrjoov TTAr)|j|jeAeiav
A K a i
KCU Eii0uvov X £ i P S oiro Ttaoris a p a p T i a s K a 0 a p t a o v KCcpSiav). T h i s dis
tinctive usage by S i r a c h also appears in J a m e s (CCTTOOEJJEVOI Traoccv pvTnav Ken
TTEpiaoEiav KaKias in Jas 1:21; cf. 4 : 8 ) , the only example o f such a usage in the
68
New Testament. T h i s "parallel" between the two authors constitutes b u t o n e
69
o f many verbal a n d t h e m a t i c similarities between J a m e s and S i r a c h . Even so,
n o matter how the n u m b e r a n d level o f these similarities may strike us, with
o u t systemic c o m p a r i s o n we are left only with resemblances in details, and
with speculations a b o u t James's literary d e p e n d e n c e o n Sirach, a c o n n e c t i o n
JUDAIC VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE • 139
that is as complicated and difficult to work o u t as James's reliance o n the Jesus

tradition.
T h e n e e d for systemic c o m p a r i s o n b e c o m e s clear w h e n we n o t e the cate
gories o f thought that lie b e h i n d the discussion o f healing in b o t h texts. First,
for b o t h authors, G o d ' s people must deal with the d o m i n a n t cultural forces o f
Hellenistic society. T h e G r e e k text o f S i r a c h speaks to the broader Jewish Di
aspora o f the Hellenistic world, m u c h as J a m e s addresses "the twelve tribes o f
the Diaspora." Y e t S i r a c h addresses people w h o are fully engaged in s o m e as
pects o f the upper strata o f G r e e k society, for h e takes up the topos o f friend
7 0
ship at length ( 6 : 5 - 1 7 ; 37:l-6) a n d addresses the issue o f good table
7 1
manners at b a n q u e t s ( 3 1 : 1 2 - 3 2 : 1 3 ) . S e c o n d , b o t h authors address the issue
o f how G o d ' s people ought to live as a moral problem, a n d b o t h sometimes
pattern their discourses after the example o f Proverbs. T h e i r writings resemble
each o t h e r in form, and they draw from a similar well o f tradition and scrip
ture when setting forth the way o f life that they wish their readers to follow.
S o we find in each an insistence o n keeping G o d ' s law (yet with few and
muted examples o f formal scriptural midrash), a declaration that wisdom is
from G o d , a d e m a n d for religious faithfulness, and a knowledge o f scripture
in all three o f its divisions that is manifest in citations, allusions, mimicry o f
style, a n d holding up the great figures o f old as exempla for the day-to-day lives
o f G o d ' s people.
In light o f these matching categories, the disproportionate categories, a n d
categories in o n e text that have n o counterpart in the other, b e c o m e m o r e
evident. J a m e s ' s valuation o f wisdom, for example, does n o t m a t c h in scope
7 2
or form S i r a c h ' s theology o f W i s d o m personified (Sir 1 : 1 - 1 0 ; 24:1-12).
M o r e importantly, although b o t h authors state that wisdom has its source in
G o d , S i r a c h characterizes the trait o f wisdom as a c o m m o d i t y e a r n e d through
prolonged study. H e compares learning wisdom to the trades: getting wisdom
is a life-long o c c u p a t i o n (Sir 3 8 : 2 4 - 3 9 : 1 1 ) ; the early cultivation o f wisdom
yields a harvest in o n e ' s later years (Sir 6 : 1 8 - 1 9 ) ; wisdom accumulates like
wealth, elevating o n e ' s status a m o n g peers (Sir 3 9 : 9 - 1 1 ; cf. Prologue; 4 4 : 1 - 1 5 )
and forming a social stratum m u c h like that enjoyed by the wealthy upper
classes. S u c h a characterization contrasts starkly with J a m e s ' s presentation o f
wisdom as a good that is freely available to all w h o ask for it (Jas 1:4), and that
levels the positions o f all in the c o m m u n i t y rather than raising the standing o f
any individual o r class. T h e contrast is evident in the authors' two different
modes o f addressing their readers: S i r a c h ' s "my child" ("DD/TEKVOV pou) a n d
James's "my b r o t h e r s " and "beloved brothers" ( O S E X ^ O I pou aycxTrr|To() b o t h
deploy the language o f fictive kinship, S i r a c h ' s suggesting an authorittive status
a m o n g Jerusalemites (and later, a p o s t h u m o u s authority a m o n g Diaspora
Jews), J a m e s ' s , a valuation o f relatively unstratified social relations a m o n g

m e m b e r s o f the assembly.
N e i t h e r a u t h o r gives a full a c c o u n t o f everyday existence. Nevertheless, Si
rach talks a b o u t households a n d work, friendship and social class, worship in
the T e m p l e and T o r a h study, d i n n e r parties and governing. M o s t o f this dis
cussion is lacking in the Epistle o f James: n o w h e r e does h e talk a b o u t the
h o n o r due to parents, the raising o f sons and daughters, o r the benefits o f a
g o o d wife a n d the costs o f a bad o n e (cf. S i r 3 : 1 - 1 6 ; 2 5 : 1 3 - 2 6 : 1 8 ; 30:1-13;
3 3 : 2 0 - 3 3 ; 4 2 : 9 - 1 4 ) , n o r does he take up the t r e a t m e n t o f slaves (cf. S i r 3 3 : 2 5 -
7 3
33). J a m e s ' s sole references to family ties consist o f n a m i n g G o d "Father,"
a n d the use o f "brothers" (for his readers) a n d "a b r o t h e r o r a sister" (for fel
low believers: Jas 2 : 1 5 ) . J a m e s says n o t h i n g a b o u t g o o d governance o r h u m a n
74 75
friendships, and has n o instruction in d i n n e r e t i q u e t t e .
James's lack o f c o n c e r n a b o u t h o n o r and s h a m e partially explains these
76
omissions. J a m e s ' s few statements o n the subject (see Jas 2 : 1 - 7 ) simply do
n o t display the same level o f nervousness a b o u t status and legacy that S i r a c h
77
shows, a n d w h e n J a m e s brings up the subject it is to warn against h o n o r i n g
the wealthy in the assembly at the expense o f the p o o r ( " B u t you have dishon
o r e d [lyniJaoaTE] the poor," Jas 2 : 6 ) . M a n y o f S i r a c h ' s notoriously misogynis-
tic p r o n o u n c e m e n t s a b o u t wives and daughters, as well as his advice o n good
table m a n n e r s , can b e linked to an emphasis o n avoiding s h a m e and accruing
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honor. T h e lack o f talk a b o u t the h o u s e h o l d in J a m e s also highlights James's
emphasis o n intra-community ties between C h r i s t i a n believers. It is the reli
gious c o m m u n i t y that forms the primary sphere o f b o t h virtuous (care-giving,
G o d l i k e ) a n d evil (self-promoting, d e m o n i c ) behavior. O t h e r relationships,
particularly those between people w h o have power a n d those w h o d o n o t
(plaintiff a n d defendant, employee a n d laborer, teacher a n d student) inspire
warnings a b o u t abuse, the o u t c o m e o f w h i c h is n o t shame, b u t divine judg
ment.
James has n o m a t c h for S i r a c h ' s discussion o f the value o f the trades (Sir
3 8 : 2 4 - 3 4 ) , the exalted work o f the scribe (Sir 3 8 : 3 4 b - 3 9 : l 1), o r for S i r a c h ' s
extended praise o f ancestors (Sir 4 4 - 4 9 ) , panegyric o f a c o n t e m p o r a r y ( S i m o n
t h e High Priest in S i r 5 0 : 1 - 2 1 ) , and prayers (Sir 2 2 : 2 7 - 2 3 : 6 ; 5 1 : 1 - 3 0 ) . Like
wise, S i r a c h has n o t h i n g corresponding to J a m e s ' s discussion o f faith and
works, the c o m i n g eschaton, a n d the life o f individual congregations.
T h i s last discrepancy is m o s t visible in the discussion o f sickness a n d heal
ing in S i r a c h 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 . S i r a c h m o r e clearly speaks o f physical healing than
J a m e s does, and his description o f physical illness and recovery makes n o ref
erence to salvation. W e can explain this contrast by the absence o f t h e tightly
defined, minority congregation in S i r a c h ' s discourse, and the want o f a clear
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE* 141
eschatology in his b o o k : S i r a c h does tie illness to sin, b u t healing does n o t per-

tain to the sinner's restoration to the assembly, salvation o f a fellow's soul, or
the c o m i n g j u d g m e n t and resurrection o f the dead. R a t h e r , for S i r a c h , seek
ing healing reveals the extent o f a person's reliance o n G o d in the here and
now, for through b o t h prayer and the medical profession, the sick individual
has access to G o d ' s gracious care.
Nevertheless, S i r a c h shares with J a m e s the n o t i o n that illness is a religious
problem, and that healing requires a c o m b i n a t i o n o f religious acts: prayer and
making expiation. E a c h person, however, prays and expiates sin o n his o r her
own behalf. T h e r e is n o indication in S i r a c h that these are intra-communal
acts that distinguish a group from its surrounding culture, or that build up the
community.
Restoring the Household T h r o u g h Healing and Exorcism:

T h e Story of T o b i t
W h e n o n e thinks o f healing in a n c i e n t J u d a i c texts, the b o o k o f T o b i t naui-

rally c o m e s to m i n d . It tells two stories o f divine cure: righteous T o b i t has his
sight restored, and i n n o c e n t S a r a h finds relief from the t o r m e n t o f the d e m o n
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Asmodeus. T h e events are set within biblical times, during the Israelite de
portation to Assyria: h e n c e , exile and the expectation o f return forms a major
80
topos in the w o r k . Like D a n i e l and Esther, the b o o k was written m u c h later
81 82
than the events it purports to tell. T o b i t is a didactic t a l e that imparts the
lessons o f Israel's sin, punishment, faithfulness in exile, a n d restoration to the
generations w h o have seen the prophets' words only partially fulfilled: at the
time o f the b o o k ' s c o m p o s i t i o n , Israel worships in the rebuilt T e m p l e , b u t un
der the hegemony o f foreign rulers.
A reading o f T o b i t allows a c o m p a r i s o n between J a m e s and a text that, un
like J a m e s , c o u c h e s moral instruction in an overall narrative form, and so
brings the reader into the sweep o f Israel's story, from the shame o f defeat and
exile to the glory o f return and restoration. Speaking to a distinct group o f
people, the a u t h o r o f T o b i t draws from a period o f Israelite history to extract
an analogy with his contemporary situation (the current Diaspora is like that
o n e was), and from biblical prophecy a b o u t return to encourage h o p e in his
contemporaries (as G o d has been faithful in fulfilling those prophecies, so
G o d will faithfully accomplish the rest). J a m e s t o o draws an analogy with Isra
elite exile to encourage a particular people, b u t the grand flow o f Israel's story
is missing from his instruction, except for references here and there to great
figures o f the past, and James's eschatology focuses elsewhere than Israel's glo
rious return. A n examination o f healing in T o b i t will reveal where and at
what levels the texts o f T o b i t a n d J a m e s converge, and where their vision o f

Israel, its place in the world, a n d the e n d to which it is heading differ.
B o t h J a m e s a n d S i r a c h deal with divine healing in isolated passages, b u t in
the B o o k o f T o b i t , T o b i t ' s blindness and Sarah's haunting take up substantial
portions o f the narrative, even when they serve as b a c k d r o p to the action
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downstage. H e n c e , the p r o b l e m o f theodicy is evident from the o p e n i n g pas-
sages o f the story: how can o n e justify the affliction o f a righteous Israelite
man and the torment o f an innocent Israelite maiden? T o b i t ' s self-
characterization as a righteous person w i t h o u t peer immediately casts h i m in
the vein o f N o a h , J o s e p h , J o b , and D a n i e l , thus signaling that the t h e m e o f
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G o d ' s justice will occupy m u c h o f the narrative. Indeed, the autobiographi
cal a c c o u n t o f T o b i t ' s good deeds monopolizes the story line for the b u l k o f
the first three chapters, leading inexorably to the a c c o u n t o f how h e b e c a m e
b l i n d , b u t also intensifying the injustice o f his suffering, w h i c h is n o t physical
alone. In contrast to the high social standing that h e has enjoyed a m o n g his
fellow exiles and at court, his life slumps i n t o a shameful existence after turn
ing blind, and that existence, in his judgment, is worse t h a n death. In con
trast to T o b i t ' s righteousness, the narrative highlights Sarah's youth a n d sexual
innocence. Also unlike T o b i t , h e r suffering at the hands o f the d e m o n As-
modeus has n o physical d i m e n s i o n , b u t her t o r m e n t is described in psycho
logical a n d social terms, focusing in particular o n her lack o f children. She
t o o is reduced to s h a m e and prays for death.
In a sense, the story's beginning has already revealed its end, leaving o u t
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only the details. T h e story o f a righteous Israelite w h o rises to p r o m i n e n c e in
86
captivity portends G o d ' s gracious intervention in the lives o f the c h a r a c t e r s .
T h a t Sarah's situation is linked to that o f T o b i t assures her happy ending as
87
well, as does her n a m e . T h e narrative confirms these portents early, through
t h e dispatching o f R a p h a e l "to heal b o t h o f t h e m " ( 3 : 1 7 a ) . By that same
means, the story justifies G o d ' s actions early o n as well, for at the outset we
k n o w that the characters' sufferings, although intense, are only temporary, and
that the D e u t e r o n o m i s t i c d o c t r i n e o f retribution will prevail in the e n d : G o d
88
will reward their steadfastness a n d destroy the w i c k e d .
T h e reason for T o b i t ' s suffering is never clearly stated. In his prayer for
death, T o b i t poses the possibility that G o d has disciplined h i m for a sin, yet he
89
c o n t i n u e s to claim his own righteousness, i f n o t his sinlessness. Conversely,
T o b i t also asserts that all o f G o d ' s deeds are just ( 3 : 2 ) , and h e n c e suggests that
h e may indeed deserve his afflictions. In contrast to this admission, the story
c o n t i n u e s to elaborate the t h e m e o f T o b i t ' s goodness. As for Sarah, t h e read
ers k n o w that she suffers because o f the deeds o f an evil spirit, over w h o m she
90
has n o c o n t r o l , although she herself is apparently ignorant o f this f a c t . The
clearest indication that b o t h T o b i t a n d S a r a h suffer unjustly is that n e i t h e r

healing requires an act o f expiation o f sin o r propitiation o f G o d , just as nei
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ther character confesses sins before o r after being h e a l e d . S a r a h suffers at the
will o f A s m o d e u s alone, a n d her cure requires only his b a n i s h m e n t . T o b i t ap
parently has gone blind merely as the result o f happenstance, and his healing
requires that he follow what looks like a medical prescription.
T h e healings are n o t merely the result o f administering the right m e d i c i n e ,
however. R a p h a e l reveals that h e was sent to test T o b i t a n d S a r a h . By impli
cation, this test entails their willingness to c o n t i n u e o n in faithful devotion to
G o d in the face o f anguish a n d despair: T o b i t , by securing the deposited m o n
ey for his son's inheritance; Sarah, by marrying again despite her long record
o f calamity and heartbreak. Ultimately, healing can b e traced to G o d through
his messenger, w h o instructs T o b i a s in the preparations o f medicines.
Like the story o f J o b , T o b i t ' s own tale sets forth an a c c o u n t o f G o d ' s inef-
fability, a n d so leaves the doctrine o f retribution intact. Y e t in addition to
dealing with the problem that evil poses for divine righteousness, t h e b o o k o f
T o b i t acknowledges the social repercussions o f falling ill a n d being t o r m e n t e d
by an evil spirit: these calamities cut a person o f f socially, cause e c o n o m i c
hardship, a n d bring shame u p o n b o t h the principal characters a n d their fami
lies. T h e ultimate sign o f social a n d familial alienation is evident in the two
prayers for death and Sarah's suicide plan. O t h e r forms o f social isolation in
clude T o b i t ' s descent into poverty, a n d S a r a h ' s inability to provide an heir.
Signs o f the loss o f h o n o r also pervade the a c c o u n t s o f illness a n d d e m o n i c
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harassment.
Restoring sight and banishing the d e m o n bring a b o u t restoration in all
three o f these areas: social a n d familial relations, e c o n o m i c status, a n d h o n o r .
T h e episode in w h i c h T o b i t regains his sight c o n t a i n s m a n y references to the
restoration o f family solidarity as well ( 1 1 : 1 3 - 1 5 ) . T h a t healing for S a r a h en
tails r e i n s t a t e m e n t o f her place in family a n d society is m a d e explicit in 6 : 1 8 .
Earlier, S a r a h ' s ability to participate in b o t h o f h e r families (her family o f ori
gin, and her new family) as social a n d religious c u s t o m dictate is characterized
as "healing" ( 3 : 1 7 ) . Social restoration also brings e c o n o m i c recovery: through
T o b i a s , S a r a h provides a son to inherit b o t h h e r father's and husband's es
tates; T o b i t regains his wealth, which he is able to pass o n to his s o n . T h e nar
rative places greatest weight o n the r e i n s t a t e m e n t o f respectability to T o b i t ,
Sarah, and their families ( 1 4 : 3 ; cf. v. 1 2 ) .
Finally, T o b i t ' s sickness a n d healing are paradigmatic o f Israel's own exile
93
and promised r e t u r n . T o b i t identifies the story o f Israel with his own story
when he recalls the words o f A m o s as i f they foretold his own grief during the
94
festival o f Pentecost ( T o b i t 2 : 6 = A m o s 8 : 1 0 ) , a n d again when he justifies his
9 5
own suffering by reference to Israel's sins ( 3 : 2 - 5 ) . T o b i t takes up the mantle
o f a prophet to Israel, for his blindness and cure b e c o m e an o b j e c t lesson that
all o f Israel should repent: as T o b i t has d o n e , Israel must c o n t i n u e to worship
G o d faithfully in its exile ( 1 3 : 6 ) ; in exchange, G o d will gather Israel from all
the nations a m o n g w h i c h its people are scattered ( 1 3 : 5 ) , and will rebuild Jeru
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salem ( 1 3 : 1 6 - 1 7 ) a n d the T e m p l e within it ( 1 3 : 1 0 - 1 7 ; 1 4 : 5 ) .
T h e b o o k signals this m e t o n y m i c treatment o f Israel's plight t h r o u g h its
language for s i c k n e s s / d e m o n i c t o r m e n t and recovery. Like Sirach, it deploys
97
common Greek terms, b u t also uses theological language to diagnose the
98
same a i l m e n t s . By implication, the troubles, treatment, a n d recovery o f T o
b i t and S a r a h reflect what is at stake in Israelite life in exile, and for t h e Jews
o f the Hellenistic Diaspora by extension: maintaining the identity o f G o d ' s
people t h r o u g h fidelity to T o r a h , preserving the integrity o f family b o n d s , and
justifying the trials o f G o d ' s people within a foreign culture.
T h e B o o k o f T o b i t and the Epistle o f J a m e s share s o m e formal a n d the
matic similarities. T o b i t ' s two testaments, and Raphael's/Azariah's instruction
in C h a p t e r 1 2 , are essentially b r i e f g n o m i c discourses, using direct address and
compiling terse c o m m a n d s o n various subjects in order to exhort T o b i a s (and
readers) to lead moral lives. In part, the purpose o f the narrative is to set forth
these exhortations. Perhaps because o f this formal resemblance, and due to
the constellation o f social c o n c e r n s derived from T o r a h , T o b i t and J a m e s
share o t h e r similarities, such as an insistence o n caring for t h e poor and pay
ing one's laborers.
M o s t significantly, like Sirach, J a m e s and T o b i t see the religious faithful as
a c o m m u n i t y living in exile. T o b i t is probably addressed to Jews o f the Helle
nistic Diaspora in the late third and early s e c o n d century B . C . E . F o r his part,
James's address adopts the m e t a p h o r o f Israelite a n d Judahite exile for the in
digenous congregations o f Jewish Christians that grew up across the R o m a n
E m p i r e in the first century C . E . T h e myth o f exile works differently in each
text: T o b i t promises Jews everywhere a return to their native land, whereas
J a m e s informs the faithful living in the lands o f their birth that they reside
there as aliens. B o t h deploy the myth as a m e t a p h o r for the separateness o f
G o d ' s people, living according to a distinctive way o f life and adopting a
worldview that sets t h e m apart from their surroundings.
B o t h authors take up t h e challenges o f remaining faithful to God—and
h e n c e o f maintaining the boundaries o f the community—in hostile surround
ings. B o t h authors wish for G o d ' s people to remain religiously and morally
distinct from the d o m i n a n t culture while living within it; T o b i t expresses this
desire by emphasizing the practice o f endogamy, b u t also by highlighting Isra
elite burial practices; J a m e s , through the intra-community religious practices o f
JUDAIC VISIONS OF CORPORATE LIFE 145
prayer, healing, confession o f sins, a n d c o r r e c t i o n . T h e use o f filial fictive kin-

ship terms in T o b i t " and J a m e s reinforces the structure o f the c o m m u n i t y as a
distinct group with fixed boundaries; in turn, fictive kinship ties are reinforced
by the care that c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s show o n e a n o t h e r through their m o r a l
deeds. E a c h text insists that m e m b e r s take responsibility for caring for the
physical needs o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s p o o r and treating workers fairly. B o t h seek
to preserve c o m m u n i t y solidarity t h r o u g h perseverance in trials, and b o t h
maintain that c u r r e n t tribulations are only temporary, for G o d ultimately will
reward righteousness and punish wickedness.
T h e c o n g r u e n c e o f these categories b e c o m e s more striking because b o t h
authors present alienation from the c o m m u n i t y as a severe c o n s e q u e n c e o f ill
ness. T o b i t ' s blindness and Sarah's t o r m e n t cause breaks in family a n d socie
tal ties, and ultimately lead t h e m to seek death, the ultimate alienation. T h e i r
cures set in m o t i o n restoration in every aspect o f life, including longevity itself.
James speaks o f desire that leads to sin a n d t h e n c e to death, and o f destruction
o f the c o m m u n i t y through pursuit o f selfish a m b i t i o n . Conversely, although
J a m e s does n o t expressly b l a m e the illnesses o f c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s o n their
selfishness, healing reverses the effects that J a m e s has attributed to sin. In ad
dition to forgiving sins, G o d "saves" a n d "raises up" (both images that evoke-
life), while c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s confess sins to o n e a n o t h e r a n d turn erring
m e m b e r s b a c k to the fold ( a n o t h e r image evocative o f life), thus sustaining ra
ther than damaging the c o m m u n i t y .
T h e worldviews e n c o d e d within the two works are also distinctive. The
eschatologies o f the two works deploy pastoral images a n d promises o f judg
ment, yet the understanding o f the transition from o n e era to the n e x t differs
significantly in e a c h . N e a r the close o f their works, b o t h authors b o r r o w the
prophetic image o f gathering sheep. In T o b i t , this idea refers to the e n d o f Is
rael's exile a n d its return to the L a n d ( T o b i t 1 3 : 5 ; 14:5), whereas in J a m e s the
imagery refers to the return o f the s i n n e r to the congregation. T o b i t expresses
100
the idea o f e n l a d i s e m e n t : Israel's h o m e is the Land promised to A b r a h a m
and given to Moses a n d the C h i l d r e n o f Israel, in which Israel fulfills its cove-
nantal obligation to keep G o d ' s T o r a h . In J a m e s , the idea o f "turning b a c k "
pertains to the c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r w h o is sinning—perhaps w h o has aposta
tized—and so the myth o f the exile a n d return o f G o d ' s people does n o t per
tain.
Far from evoking the story o f Israel's lost a n d regained n a t i o n h o o d , J a m e s
conceives o f the c o m m u n i t y in local terms. T h e congregation, rather than all
o f G o d ' s people everywhere, constitutes the flock, and there is n o indication
whether the Lord's c o m i n g eliminates the situation o f the Diaspora. Fur
t h e r m o r e , T o b i t ' s eschatology is entirely this-worldly, whereas J a m e s ' s imagery
suggests that the present sphere o f existence will o n e day c o m e to an end. In

T o b i t , the promise o f j u d g m e n t and reward applies to the present life. Re
turn, although guaranteed, happens in s o m e future generation. In James, res
toration to the c o m m u n i t y is now: j u d g m e n t a n d mercy c o m e with the arrival
o f the Judge. In T o b i t , G o d intervenes during a person's life; in J a m e s , G o d
judges at life's e n d .
E a c h text also reveals u n i q u e categories n o t shared by the o t h e r . Con
cerns a b o u t personal and familial h o n o r and s h a m e that are prevalent in T o b i t
do n o t register in J a m e s . T h e preservation o f the Israelite family for posterity—
a n o t h e r key category in Tobit—also finds n o expression in J a m e s , w h o does n o t
speak about families at all. Instead, J a m e s offers the counterpart category o f
the congregation as a Active kinship c o m m u n i t y that is in danger o f disintegra
tion, and that survives through intra-community m o r a l acts.
In T o b i t , divine healing c o m e s as an answer to prayer (as it does in S i r a c h
and James), b u t the prayer is individual and petitionary. M o r e importantly,
b o t h T o b i t and S a r a h pray n o t for healing b u t for death; t h e divine response is
an utter contradiction o f their prayers. Moreover, the b o o k o f T o b i t does n o t
present either prayer or healing as acts that distinguish the Israelite c o m m u
nity in exile. T h a t place is reserved for the practices o f endogamy, burial rites,
and e c o n o m i c justice in t h e form o f almsgiving a n d right t r e a t m e n t o f em
ployees.
Confession o f sins forms a primary category in Israelite and J u d a i c reli
gious systems, a n d examples o f confessional texts and instruction o n confes
101
sion a b o u n d . Nevertheless, in few J u d a i c texts o f the G r e c o - R o m a n period
102
does confession play a major role in defining o r sustaining the social e n t i t y .
A n exception o f n o t e is 1 Q S , which is treated in the next chapter.
Correction
T h e Good Man: The Testament of Benjamin
T h e Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (hereafter T. 12 Patr.) expands the form

o f deathbed discourses such as those o f J a c o b ( G e n 4 9 ) and M o s e s ( D e u t
1 0 3
33). In each testament a patriarch gathers his children to his side for a so
liloquy o f final instruction and warnings. All m o r e or less c o n f o r m to a stan
dardized pattern, setting o u t a biography o f t h e patriarch, an exhortation to
good works, a "prediction" o f the fall o f Jerusalem to the Babylonians and its
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reconstruction u n d e r the P e r s i a n s , a n d an a c c o u n t o f the patriarch's death.
Probably c o m p o s e d n o earlier than the third century B . C . E . , T 12 Patr. pur-
ports to speak from the time o f the Israelite sojourn in Egypt to the people o f
the Jewish Diaspora in the Hellenized Middle East, and perhaps to the Chris
tian Diaspora in the R o m a n E m p i r e , setting forth the intervening history as
prophecy, and looking still further ahead to G o d ' s final j u d g m e n t a n d re
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demption o f Israel.
T. 12 Pat. conceives o f Israel as A b r a h a m ' s heirs, w h o like J a c o b ' s sons
constitute a generation o n the cusp o f returning to the land promised to their
forebear and his descendants, b u t w h o for a little while longer must e n d u r e
life as exiles, living as foreigners in the various provinces o f the Hellenized
Mediterranean, yet who are united through their c o m m i t m e n t to a c o m m o n
history and a distinctive way o f life. T h e work is truly pseudepigraphic, pur
porting to convey the very deathbed words o f Israel's heroic tribal founders,
and appropriating their authority to set forth trustworthy instruction. The
work also draws authenticity from the fulfillment o f episodes that the patri
archs "prophesy," namely the events leading up to the Assyrian and Babylo
nian conquests o f Israel, the fall o f Jerusalem, and the Babylonian exile. The
implicit logic is clear: i f these events have indeed occurred, just as J a c o b ' s sons
predicted t h e m , then their descendents (i.e., the intended readers) can rest as
sured that what remains unfulfilled will also c o m e to pass.
T h e a u t h o r o f the Epistle o f J a m e s also purports to convey the instruction
o f a h e r o o f the faith to those w h o claim A b r a h a m as "father." A comparison
o f the two texts, using their construals o f correction as a test case, will reveal
how their respective worldviews generate distinctive visions for the life o f the
faithful w h o live in foreign lands.
W e begin analysis with a passage in the Testament of Benjamin (hereafter T.
Benj.) 4 . 1 - 5 because it lays o u t the character o f the "good m a n " (6 aycc0os),
106
w h o admonishes o t h e r s . T h e passage addresses the issue o f how to deal
with a problem that has religious c o n n o t a t i o n s , namely "sinners" (apapTcoXoi)
w h o reject G o d . T h e discourse draws from the life o f piety yet is thoroughly
moral in character, as is clear from the chain o f virtues with w h i c h B e n j a m i n
characterizes the upright person: he is "a doer o f good" ( a y a 0 o i T O t c o v ) , "shows
107
mercy" (EXES, E X E E I ) b o t h to the p o o r and to those w h o aim to harm him,
"loves the upright" (TOUS...5IKCXIOUS a y a T r a ) , "shows compassion for the sick"
(TCO ao0EVE? au|JTTCX0E't), and G o d h e "praises in song" (avupvEf). Conversely,
he n e i t h e r acts enviously (<|)0OVECO) n o r is he jealous (£r)X6co). R a t h e r , he rec
ognizes virtue in others, for "he eulogizes" anyone w h o is "brave" ( T I S
avSpsfos, ETTCCIVET), "trusts and praises the self-controlled person" (TOV
108
oco<J>povcx ITIOTEUCOV upvEf), and "gives aid to the o n e who loves G o d " (TCO
a y a m o v T i TOV 6E6V OUVEPYET).
T h e general vocabulary for these virtues c o u l d c o m e from the pen o f any

109
contemporary Greco-Roman moralist, b u t the emphasis o n showing mercy
to the p o o r a n d h o n o r i n g the o n e G o d is distinctively J u d a i c (note the com
m a n d that B e n j a m i n ' s sons "imitate" [MipfpaaSe] such a person, thus b e c o m
ing good themselves). M o s t i m p o r t a n t for o u r purposes is the idea that the
good person "admonishes and turns b a c k " (VOU0ETGOV ETTIGTPE<|>EO those w h o
reject G o d . T h e p l a c e m e n t o f correction near the e n d o f this pericope lends it
s o m e emphasis, b u t its presence in a c o n c a t e n a t i o n o f virtues indicates that it
is b u t o n e o f m a n y deeds that exemplify the good person.
In the section that immediately follows ( 5 : 1 - 5 ) , we n o t e that although the
main purpose o f this section is n o t to characterize the wicked person, never
theless, the patriarch B e n j a m i n catalogs the vices o f wrongdoers: he paints
110
them as "evil" (irovnpoi), "covetous" (TTAEOVEKTCXO, and "debauched"
( a o c o T O i ) , pursuers o f "passion" (TOU TTC(0OUS). T h e ignorant (implied by
"darkness" T O OKOTOS) individual "does violence t o " (uPptor)) a n d "betrays"
111
(TTpoSoirj) those w h o are g o o d . T h e s e traits stand in stark c o n t r a s t to those
of the good person, whose adherence to the doctrine o f human non-
retribution (introduced in the previous passage) here c o m e s to the fore. The
112 113
good person is b o t h "pious" ( o o i o s ) and "righteous" (b S I K C C I O S ) , and re
sponds to attacks b o t h by m a i n t a i n i n g silence (oicoira) a n d by praying ( i r p o -
OEUXO|JEVOS). T h i s assertion is m o s t naturally read in light o f the a d m o n i t i o n
against the "hatred o f b r o t h e r s " (r| Mioa5EX(()(a) o f 7.5 and 8 . 1 .
The promise at the e n d o f the passage receives emphasis by virtue o f its
position: for the good person, after a b r i e f period o f h u m b l e d existence (TCX-
TTEivcoBrj), a "far m o r e illustrious" (TTOAU <|>ai5p6TEpos) life is assured. In a sin
gle statement, the text b o t h sets forth a variation o f the D e u t e r o n o m i s t i c
doctrine o f divine retribution and reveals a c o n c e r n for m a i n t a i n i n g h o n o r in
spite o f shameful circumstances. As in T o b i t , attacks by wicked people tempo
rarily bring a righteous person to a lowly state, yet G o d ultimately will reward
this person with t h e h o n o r due o n e w h o steadfastly clings to G o d ' s m o r a l
code. I say "a variation o f the d o c t r i n e o f retribution because instead o f
promising p u n i s h m e n t for the wicked, the text is optimistic that they will turn
to G o d o f their own will.
T h e t h e m e o f retribution brings to light the m o s t significant aspect o f cor
rection in the T e s t a m e n t o f B e n j a m i n : in contrast to 4 . 1 - 5 , here a good per
son brings a b o u t c o r r e c t i o n through example rather than through instruction
or c o n f r o n t a t i o n . Merely by carrying o n with a pious life in the face o f adver
sity, the good person can induce those w h o are wicked to "turn b a c k "
(ETTiOTpE(j)co, here intransitive), taking up the virtuous life o f their own accord:
they will live peaceably (EiprjVEUco) with and respect (alSEopai) the good per-
son; the covetous will subdue their own passions and give away the items they
crave to the oppressed; and anyone w h o attacks a righteous person will repent
(jjSTavosco) when treated with mercy. Admittedly, the idea that righteous liv
ing can cause others to live piously is n o t u n i q u e to T. Benj. a n d the m o s t no
table examples can be found in the aphorisms regarding anger in Proverbs
15:1 and 1 8 , a n d 2 1 : 1 4 . In the c o n t e x t o f T. 12 Patr. o p t i m i s m about the
t
power o f g o o d example offers a sharp contrast to the proposition, found

114
throughout the work, that G o d punishes the w i c k e d .
A l t h o u g h these passages about the this-worldly effects o f right living ex
press n o eschatology, T. Benj. does discuss the "future" destruction and re
building o f the Jerusalem T e m p l e . B e n j a m i n predicts that despite the
patriarch's instructions to refrain from many vices (most prominently those o f
115
brotherly hatred and sexual p r o m i s c u i t y ) , his descendants will sin and en
dure p u n i s h m e n t , and that a r e m n a n t will survive to see the T e m p l e rebuilt
( 9 . 2 ) . T. Benj. alone tells o f a c o m i n g prophetic figure w h o is associated with
the new, m o r e glorious T e m p l e , a n d w h o will be the c o n d u i t for G o d ' s salva
tion to the twelve tribes and to the G e n t i l e s w h o have gathered at the holy
116
site. G o d ' s p u n i s h m e n t in the present cuts a person o f f from this promised
redemption o f all humanity, whereas to repent because o n e has witnessed the
actions o f a righteous person brings the penitent person u n d e r G o d ' s protec
tion a n d preservation until that t i m e .
Finally, it is important to n o t e that the moral exhortation in T. Benj. stems
from B e n j a m i n ' s elevation o f J o s e p h as an example: he lived righteously in ex
ile, keeping G o d ' s c o m m a n d m e n t s despite the tribulation he suffered (T. Benj.
3.1-8). T h e characterization o f the "good m a n " in chapters 4 a n d 5 is best
read as a moral pattern designed after the scriptural and various traditional
stories o f J o s e p h , and in that c o n t e x t the reasons for the text's focus o n the
virtue o f brotherly love and the vice o f sexual immorality b e c o m e self-evident.
O n l y a few o f the similarities o f detail that J a m e s and T. Benj. share bear
117
mentioning. Notably, b o t h the Epistle o f J a m e s a n d T. 12 Patr. (like S i r a c h
and T o b i t ) take the form o f religious a n d moral instruction to the twelve tribes
o f Israel dispersed t h r o u g h o u t the k n o w n world. J a m e s draws the image o f the
exiled Israelite tribes into his own time and setting, styling fellow followers o f
"the Lord Jesus C h r i s t " as Israel's heirs, a n d implying that the R o m a n Em
pire—probably "the world"—is analogous to Babylon. T h e setting o f T. 12
Patr., by contrast, conveys the reader b a c k in time before the first exile in
Egypt, and like the b o o k o f T o b i t looks "ahead," peering through the Babylo
nian exile to the Hellenistic Diaspora, a n d perhaps into the s e c o n d century
C . E . Diaspora throughout the R o m a n empire. B o t h works bear elements o f
various Judaisms and Christianities o f the Hellenistic and R o m a n worlds.
B o t h have b e e n interpreted as Jewish c o m p o s i t i o n s with later C h r i s t i a n inter

polations, and as c o m p o s i t i o n s written by C h r i s t i a n s . T h e case that J a m e s ex
presses an early Christianity has largely b e e n settled; recent scholarship either
reads T. 12 Patr. in a similar way, or admits that i f a Jewish Testaments existed
prior to the s e c o n d century C . E . Christian edition, it c a n n o t b e satisfactorily
118
recovered through literary o r textual c r i t i c i s m .
Moving now to consider t h e two texts at the level o f category, b o t h T. Benj.
and James envision faithful individuals engaged in moral correction o f their
fellows. In James, however, correction is a religious act, self-consciously under
taken (as the transitive use o f ETTiaTpE<t>co shows), and a i m e d at the preserva
tion o f particular, closely k n i t c o m m u n i t i e s scattered across the Empire,
whereas in T. Benj. the righteous Israelite male looks after his own m o r a l life
style, treating all justly and with respect, a n d evildoers repent o f their own ac
cord (indicated by the intransitive use o f ETnoTpE(|)co) when they witness his
example. T h e idea o f the religious c o m m u n i t y as a clearly defined congrega
tion is absent in T. Benj.; J a m e s contains n o n o t i o n o f Israel reconstituted as a
nation.
As the previous examples illustrate, b o t h texts use G r e c o - R o m a n ways o f
setting forth moral discourse. T h e c o n c e n t r a t e d discussion o f virtues and vic
es is particularly visible in the description o f the g o o d m a n in T. Benj. 4 and 5,
and classical virtues are present as well. F o r his part, J a m e s ' s language presents
religious practices themselves as virtues, and he shows a flair for rhetorical dis
plays c o m m o n in G r e c o - R o m a n moral texts.
B o t h J a m e s a n d T. Benj. cast their m o r a l e x h o r t a t i o n within a dualistic
framework. T o begin with, b o t h tie sin to unequivocal denial o f G o d . James's
accusation, "Adulteresses!" reflects prophetic c o n d e m n a t i o n s o f biblical Is
rael's c o n t i n u a l attraction to polytheism and foreign alliances, while T. Benj.
talks o f "rejecting the M o s t High." In b o t h cases these characterizations tap
into a larger moral dualism that is prevalent in b o t h works: J a m e s juxtaposes
"friendship with the world" with "friendship with G o d , " d e m a n d i n g faithful
devotion in place o f doubtful wavering; in T. Benj., the deployment o f virtue
and vice language as well as the references to t h e spirit o f Beliar (T. Benj. 3 . 3 ,
4; 6 . 1 ) draw from the "two spirits" discourse in T. Jud. 2 0 and the b u l k o f T.
Ash. In addition, the texts assume the existence o f a created order that wrong
doing violates. J a m e s says t h a t double-mindedness (5IV|AJXOS) goes against b o t h
creation and G o d ' s own singularity (aiTAeos; Jas 1:5), and is manifest in du-
plicitous behavior in h u m a n s , particularly o n e person's ability b o t h to bless
G o d and to curse h u m a n s w h o bear G o d ' s image ([as 3 : 9 ) . In T. 12 Patr. we
learn that giving in to the spirit o f d e c e i t / B e l i a r causes people and divine be
ings alike to defy the natural order, as the biblical story o f the W a t c h e r s proves
(T. Naph. 3 . 5 ) . T. Benj. takes up the t h e m e o f sexual impropriety in chapter 9

(invoking the story o f S o d o m ) , b u t also talks about the "single disposition"
(|j(av...EiXiKpivfj) that is violated w h e n a person speaks with "two tongues"
(5uo yAcoooas). T h e result is that a person b o t h "blesses and curses"
(EuAoytas Kai K a T a p a s ) and engages in o t h e r unnatural and duplicitous be
havior (T. Benj. 6 . 5 - 7 ) .
T h e dualistic picture o f the created order c o m p l e m e n t s the eschatological
worldviews found in b o t h texts. F o r b o t h J a m e s and T. Benj., the present life
is lived in the m e a n t i m e , in anticipation o f the Lord's salvation in the person
o f G o d ' s c h o s e n conduit(s). J a m e s speaks o f the c o m i n g o f the Lord Jesus
C h r i s t in the immediate future to render j u d g m e n t and right injustices suf
fered by the enduring faithful. W i t h its language a b o u t the "only begotten
prophet," T. Benj. adds to the convoluted eschatology o f the final form o f T.
12 Patr., with its o n e or two messiahs a n d o t h e r prophetic figures, including a
clear C h r i s t figure. T. 12 Patr. clouds the urgency o f its eschatology with its
fictitious setting in the time o f the twelve tribes' founding, b u t it addresses a
m u c h later audience that surely was to interpret the message in its own con
text, and so to expect G o d ' s salvation soon.
T h e eschatological views in b o t h texts diverge, however, for e a c h text takes
o n e o f two different tacks from the biblical prophetic m o d e l . T. Benj. speaks
o f Israel's gathering together again, its return, and its final restoration in the
holy city o f Jerusalem. By contrast, J a m e s makes n o reference to enlandise-
ment, b u t looks for relief from his m a n y c o m m u n i t i e s ' present trials and the
implementation o f G o d ' s justice in an unjust world.
In addition to the lack o f a localized c o m m u n i t y in T. 12 Patr. and the ab
sence o f the n a t i o n Israel in J a m e s , what stands out in b o t h texts is the con
figuration o f the corporate entity as clan or family. T. 12 Patr. has traditional
wisdom instruction from father to "children" (TEKVO) in contrast to James's
d e m o c r a t i c tutoring o f "brothers." E a c h uses the exemplary figures o f Israel's
past for moral instruction. A single figure stands out in T. Benj., namely the
person o f J o s e p h . T h e scriptural J o s e p h cycle dwells o n his exceptional traits.
W h e n T. 12 Patr. takes up and augments this story, however, J o s e p h b e c o m e s
the standard o f ethical behavior that all Israelites are to follow, a n d so loses his
exceptionality, while still setting a high standard. J a m e s treats all o f his exem
pli in a similar way, presenting A b r a h a m , R a h a b , J o b , the prophets, and par
ticularly Elijah the rainmaker as standards for everyday behavior in the
community.
S o J a m e s takes his place a m o n g J u d a i c c o m p o s i t i o n s o f the G r e c o - R o m a n
world that set forth their different visions for Israel's way o f life, and w h o draw
clear boundaries around the corporate entity, Israel. In particular, he j o i n s
with those w h o l o o k forward to G o d ' s promised salvation while seeking to or

der Israel's daily activities according to G o d ' s plan in the here and n o w . E a c h
text has its own c o n s t r u c t i o n o f that plan, and the distinctiveness o f J a m e s ' s
understanding is clear as well.
T h e next chapter c o m p a r e s James's m o r a l vision with the instruction for
the holy C o m m u n i t y in t h e D e a d S e a Scrolls' Community Rule. T h e C o n c l u
sion to that chapter will summarize the results o f b o t h C h a p t e r s 5 a n d 6 .
Notes
1. See the discussion of Menander Rhetor in Chapter 3.

2. Examples of texts that mention prayer and prayer texts themselves include Jos. Asen. 1 2 -
13; m. Taan 2:2-3; Pseudo Philo, Bib. Ant. 5 1 : 3 - 6 ; Josephus A.J. 4.212; Jub. 10:3-6; Jdt
a
9 : 1 - 1 4 ; 3 Mace 2:1-20; 6 : 1 - 1 5 ; Pr. Azar; Pr. Man; lQSb; 4QapocrJosh ; 4QpapPrQuot;
a a a
4QpapRitPur B; 4QprFetes ; 4 Q 2 4 2 (4QprNab ar); 4QritPur A; 4Qshir ; 4QShirShabb ;
a
HQapPs ;Tob 3:1-6, 11-15; 8:5-8, 15-17; 11:14-15; 13:1-17.
3. See Jacob Neusner, The Mishnah: A New Translation (New Haven and London: Yale Uni
versity Press, 1988), xxvii.
n d
4. Jacob Neusner, Judaism: The Evidence of the Mishnah, 2 augmented ed. (Atlanta: Scholars
Press, 1988), 6.
5. Unless noted, I use Jacob Neusner's translation, in which the work on m. Berakhot was
done by Tzvee Zahavy and Alan J . Avery-Peck. Hebrew citations of the Mishnah are
from Chanoch Albeck, ed., n:ce m o ncra, vol. 1, D'lriT m c (Jerusalem: The Bialik Insti
tute; Tel Aviv: Dvir Publishing House, 1988). See also the on-line source, Mosheh Kline,
"The Structured Mishnah," Whole Torah: An Integrative Approach to the Sources [database
online]; available from http://www.chaver.com/Mishnali/TlieMishnalv.htm; Internet;
accessed 21 March 2 0 0 5 . Kline indicates that his unpointed edition of the Mishnah
"uses the Kaufman text as found in Albeck's edition."
6. Cf. Deut 6:7.
7. Using the idiom of the Mishnah. Unless it specifies otherwise, the Mishnah addresses
the actions of adult Israelite males.
8. Surely this ruling is an example of the prophets' instructions to the men of the great as
sembly to "'Make a fence for the Torah'"; m. Abot 1:1. cf. Matt 5 : 2 1 - 4 8 .
9. At m. Ber. 2:2 we see that the full text of the Shema matches what is recited today: Deut
6 : 4 - 9 , Deut 1 1 : 1 3 - 2 1 , and Num 1 5 : 3 7 - 4 1 .
10. Verse 2:2 specifies the breaks in paragraphs: between the two blessings that precede the
text of the Shema itself, after the second of these blessings, between the first scriptural
section (ending at Deut 6:9) and the second (beginning at D e u t l l : 1 3 ) , between the sec
ond scriptural section (ending at Deut 11:21) and the third (beginning at Num 15:37),
and between the third scripmral section and the blessing that follows (which begins with
the language, "True and certain").
11. Whereas R. Meir says that one may offer greeting to, and respond to them, only from
fellow Israelites ( D - E ) , R. Judah allows a response to non-Israelites as well (L). R. Meir
also allows a response to a greeting in the middle of a paragraph only in the case of fear
( F - G ) , but R. Judah allows a response out of respect (J).
12. The recitation of this prayer is taken up at 4:1.
13. The author of this book recalls witnessing a striking example of this ruling. In the sum
mer of 1983, near the summit of the hill of Tsippori (Sepphoris), Israel, a young Israeli
soldier prayed at sunrise, facing south (toward Jerusalem). One of the dig directors was
backing a Chevy Suburban rapidly up the hill, directly toward the young man, it seemed.
The driver did not see him, but the man could not have failed to see the truck, which
was approaching him from the front. The truck missed the soldier by scant inches. He
never moved.
14. Before and after meals—with specific texts recited over certain types of foods (6:1-8:8)—
and blessings for many circumstances of the day (9:4), as well as for encountering forces
of nature that display God's power (9:2A) and geographical phenomena that reveal
God's creation (9:2B), blessings for the institution of something new (9:3A), and for re
ceiving both good and bad news ( 9 : 2 E - F ) .
15. For a discussion of abbreviations or abstracts to the Amidah, see m. Ber. 4:3. For different
wordings dictated by circumstance, see especially the blessings over meals in 6 : 1 - 8 . M.
Ta'anit 2 : 2 - 4 discusses six blessings added to the Amidah during a fast.
16. Talmon categorizes what I am calling "unscripted" and "scripted" prayers as "individual-
voluntary" and "communal-institutionalized" prayers. Shemaryahu Talmon, "The Emer
gence of Institutionalized Prayer in Israel in Light of Qumran Literature," in The World of
Qumran from Within: Collected Studies (Jerusalem: The Magness Press; Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1989), 2 0 0 - 2 0 2 .
17. The ruling that "a man is obligated to recite a blessing over evil just as he recites a bless
ing over good" comes at m. Bex. 9:5A. Cf. Job 1:21; 2:10.
18. Cf. m. Ber. 9:4C, concerning one who enters a town: "And he gives thanks for the past,
and cries out for the future."
19. In present day prayer books one adds a prayer for the sick in the eighth blessing.
20. Cf. m. Ber. 4:3.
21. Based on the "fluidity" of his prayers, R. Haninah b. Dosa could predict whether his in
tercessions for healing would be accepted or rejected, and thus whether the sick person
would live or die.
22. Neusner, The Mishnah, xiii.
23. Jacob Neusner, The Mishnah: Introduction and Reader (Philadelphia: Trinity Press Interna
tional, 1992), 1-4; idem, Evidence of the Mihshan, xi. Although the Mishnah clearly is di
rected toward those people whom its authorship considers to make up holy Israel, an
address to Israel is everywhere assumed but nowhere explicit.
24. One recites, "God save your nation, Israel. In all critical times let their needs be before
you. Blessed are you, O god, who hearkens to prayer.'" Cf. m. Ber. 9:4.
25. Zvee Zahavy, Studies in Jewish Prayer (Lanham, Md., New York, and London: University
Press of America, 1990), 1 8 - 1 9 .
26. M. Sanh. 10 takes up the matter of who is an Israelite.
27. Cf. Howard Eilberg-Schwartz, The Human Will in Judaism: The Mishnah's Philosophy of In-
tention (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986); Zahavy, Mishnaic Law, 2 - 3 ; Jacob Neusner, Juda
ism Without Christianity (Hoboken, N.J.: KTAV Publishing House, 1991), 112.
28. The discussion of the tongue (Jas 3 : 1 - 1 2 ) may be understood as pertaining to the control
of the will as well.
29. That is, Honi has the ability to cause God nearly to recapitulate the flood of Noah. The
temple mount stands at 7 4 3 m ( 2 4 0 0 ft) above sea level, and 128 m ( 4 2 0 ft) above the
Kidron Valley that separates if from the Mount of Olives to the east.
30. These are the fall "early rains," following the festival of Succot.
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E L I F E * 155
31. In fact, the story of Honi apparently illustrates the ruling at m. Ta'an. 3:8 A - B , which
mentions too much rain rather than too little: "On account of every sort of public trou
ble (may it not happen) do they sound the shofar, except for an excess of rain."
32. Cf. Neusner, Judaism Without Christianity, xii.
33. Ibid., xi, xvii ff.
34. These dates are calculated from information in the text. According to the grandson's
t h
Prologue to the book of Sirach, the grandson came to Egypt in the 3 8 year of the reign
of Ptolemy (VIII) Euergetes (II), who ascended to power along with brother Ptolemy VI
in 170 B.C.E.; hence, 132 is the best date for the grandson's migration and provides a
terminus a quo for the beginning of the translation, which, together with the prologue,
was probably completed some time after 117 (the year of Euergetes II's death). As for the
original composition, in chapter 5 0 Sirach praises the high priest Simon son of Onias,
who served from 2 1 9 to 196 B.C.E. Sirach writes as if Simon were a recently deceased
contemporary, yet he makes no reference either to the reign of Antiochus IV Epiphanes
( 1 7 5 - 1 6 4 B.C.E) or to the Maccabean Revolt, which began in 167. Placing the comple
tion of the original writing around 180 seems reasonable, and it allows a sufficient
amount of time for the grandson to have reached adulthood by 132. Patrick W . Skehan
and Alexander A. DiLella, The Wisdom of Ben Sira: A New Translation with Notes (New
York: Doubleday, 1987), 8 - 1 0 ; cf. Di Leila, "WISDOM O F BEN-SIRA," ABD VI: 9 3 2 .
35. See the comparison of James and Sirach in Bauckham, Wisdom of James, 7 4 - 1 1 1 ; idem,
"James and Jesus," 1 0 0 - 3 5 .
36. The Mishnah passes on rulings from named authorities, but these have minority status
in the discourse; what nameless "Sages say" forms the authoritative opinion. Likewise, it
is reasonable to conclude that both Sirach and the author of James composed sections of
their texts de novo. Demonstrating which are original compositions is a separate matter.
37. The translation is the author's and is based on the Greek with reference to the Hebrew,
because what concerns us here is the use of the book as instruction to Jews of the Helle
nistic Diaspora. The Greek text followed is that edited by Joseph Ziegler in Sapientia lesu
Filii Sirach, Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum, no. 12,2 (Gottingen: Vanden-
hoeck & Ruprecht, 1980); the Hebrew text is from Pancratius C. Beentjes, ed., The Book
of Ben Sira in Hebrew: A Text Edition of All Extant Hebrew Manuscripts and a Synopsis of All
Parallel Hebrew Ben Sira Texts, VTSup LXVIII (Leiden, New York, and Koln: E. J . Brill,
1997), 6 5 - 6 6 . The Hebrew at v. 11 is helpful because cos MH UTtapxcov is unintelligible
and the Hebrew can be rendered into coherent English (see note 4 3 below). The He
t h t h th
brew for Sirach 3 8 is found solely in MS B of the 1 0 - 1 2 c. (Di Leila dates B to the 1 2
c.) Cairo Geniza manuscripts (38:1 also survives in MS D). The Hebrew texts of Sirach
(not including rabbinic citations) consist of the incomplete manuscripts A, B, C, D, and
t h
E, from the Cairo Geniza ( 1 0 - 1 2 c. C.E.), the 2 6 fragments comprising Sirach 3 9 : 2 7 -
st
44:17 found at Masada ( 1 c. B.C.E.; published by Yigael Yadin, The Ben Sira Scroll from
Masada [Jerusalem: The Israel Exploration Society and the Shrine of the Book, 1965]),
and what was found among the DSS: the small scraps from Cave 2 ( 2 Q 1 8 ) and the nine
3
verses of Sirach 51 contained in the Psalms Scroll from Cave 11 ( l l Q P s ) . All in all we
have about 6 8 % of the Hebrew text of Sirach (Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 53; Collins,
Jewish Wisdom, 4 3 ) . Di Leila argues that despite a few emendations, the Geniza frag
ments faithfully preserve the original Hebrew (Di Leila, Text of Sirach, 4 7 - 1 5 1 ; cf. Col
lins, Jewish Wisdom, 43).
The hermeneutical issues posed by Sirach are as complicated as the textual problems,
which are unlike those typically encountered in New Testament text criticism. With Si
rach, apparently we deal with two Hebrew recensions (HT I and an expanded H T II) and
two Greek versions, one probably by the grandson and based on H T I (G I), and a sec
ond based on H T II (G II). An Old Latin version (OL) is based largely on G II, but has
its own peculiarities and complicated history of transmission. The fourth century Syriac
translation was based on a Hebrew text that combined H T I and II, but shows influence
from a Greek version similar to but not identical with G II, and also displays unique di
vergences. See Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 5 1 - 6 0 ; cf. Ziegler, Sirach, 8 1 - 8 4 . The con
sequence of these facts is that one must establish (and then exegete) either the text of
Sirach's original composition or that of the grandson's translation, where this is possible.
Now that we have a substantial portion of the Hebrew, most translations and critical
readings in books and articles base their work on the Hebrew with reference to the
Greek; a few critical treatments (including the present one) attempt to deal with both.
In the pages that follow I try to make it clear when I am talking about either Sirach or his
grandson.
38. Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 4 4 1 .
39. 38:9 (labials and liquids: 2, s, b, ")), 10 (alliteration and assonance in the imperatives of
Skehan's restored text, which differs significantly from MS B in Beentjes' volume [Beent-
jes, Ben Sira in Hebrew, 66]), 15 (6 and e/e); Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 4 4 0 , 4 4 2 - 4 4 3 .
40. Epitasis: "as much as you can afford." This phrase is supplied by the Hebrew: -B:D3 "f-]in,
lit. "to the edge of your wealth." The Greek (cos MH UTTapxcov) is difficult. Torrey's trans
lation of the Greek of 1 lb is as difficult as the Greek: "Make your offering generous, as
though you did not exist"; C. C. Torrey, "The Hebrew of the Geniza Sirach," in Saul Lie-
berman, ed., Alexander Marx: Jubilee Volume on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday, vol.
1 (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1950), 593f; quoted in Alexander
A. Di Leila, The Hebrew Text of Sirach: A Text-Critical and Historical Study (London, the
Hague, and Paris: Mouton & Co., 1966), 3 8 (emphasis added). The Vulgate omits this
phrase altogether. Despite his high opinion of the authenticity of the manuscripts of the
Cairo Geniza (Ziegler, Sirach, 8 4 ) , Ziegler makes no note of the Hebrew of verse 11. Nei
ther Skehan's translation notes nor Di Leila's commentary mentions the Greek; Skehan
and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 4 4 0 , 4 4 2 .
41. Enthymeme: the omitted premise (implied from the earlier statement in v. 9) is that the
Lord will also answer the physician's prayer.
42. Vv. 6a (a- and 6-), 7a (a-, e-, and n-).
43. Vv. 2b (v|/ and o), 9b (£ and a), 10b (K-), 14 (o).
44. Vv. 1 0 - 1 1 (-ov and -cxv).
45. Note the frequency of ending clauses with CXUTOU (+ one instance of CXUTOTS).
46. Apostrophe. The quite different sentence in the Hebrew of v. 15 does not necessitate a
shift in audience.
47. Deprecatio: v. 15. See the discussion below. I interpret the wish expressed here as having
the opposite effect of ara, or a curse.
48. In v. 9 the text instructs people to pray (euxoucti) in their illness (appcoornua), to seek
healing G'acns) from a physician (iaxpos), not to despise medicines (4>ap|jaKa) that the
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE 157
pharmacist (uupsv|;6s) mixes, and the author shows great confidence that that the Lord
will heal (iaouai) those who do so.
49. Sir 7:2; 23:12; 27:22; 35:3; cf. 17:25.
50. See LXX Exod 23:7; Ps 119:29; Isa 52:11; Lam 4:15; Tob(BA) 4:21; 1 Mac 2:19.
51. W occurs only around 24 times in the MT, and a feminine form is slightly more
common (BDB 7 3 2 ) .
52. See Plutarch, Adul amic. 6 7 B , in Chapter 3, p. 103.
53. A search for "rrAriuueX*" in the on-line T L G nirned up 149 instances in the TLG's full
corpus of 12,000 works; a similar search for "auapx*" produced a list of 1,474 instances
in the full corpus; Thesaurus Linguae Graecae [digital library on-line]; available from
http://www.tlg.uci.edu/; Internet; accessed 2 0 September 2 0 0 6 . Among the Apocryphal
books the occurrences of TTAriuueAeia are found exclusively in Sirach and 2 Esdras (the
Greek text of Sirach has TrXrjMueAsia for "guilt offering" [as in Lev; Sir 7:31], "error"
[9:13], and "injustice" [10:7]; cf. Sir 18:27; 19:4; 23:11; 26:11, 29; 41:18; 49:4; 2 Esd 9:6,
7, 13, 15; 10:10, 19), but the word appears repeatedly in L X X translations of books of
the Hebrew Bible, especially in Leviticus, where TTAnjJUEAEia renders the MT's n«on for
guilt offering, and TrArjUUEAsco expresses the MT's ceto/cp* for incurring guilt (see esp.
Lev, chapters 4 - 7 , 14, and 19; cf. N u m 5:8; 6:12; 18:9; Josh 7:1; 22:16, 20, 31; Ezra,
chapters 9 - 1 0 ; it is interesting that the words are absent from the NT). The use of
rrArmuEAEia in connection with the grain offering in Sirach 3 8 : 1 0 shows particular affin
ity with the close association of guilt, atonement, and forgiveness of sins in Lev 5 : 1 5 - 1 9
(in v. 11 Ben Sira alludes to the instructions for the grain offering in Lev 2). Finally, in
verses 8 and 14 the Greek text twice expresses the notion of "health" with synonyms for
"peace" (eipnvn and avarrauots; cf. Judges 18:5; 2 Sam 11:7; Ps 75:3 [eipnvn "in peace"
for MT c t e "in Salem"]; Micah 2:8 [TT)S eipr)vr|s auxou "his peace" for MT ne ?© "a 1
robe"], Ezek 34:29 [eipr)vns "of peace" for MT unb "for renown"]). Such usage is not well
attested outside of the LXX and surely indicates an influence from Hebrew, in which the
1
root meaning of el ?© ("soundness") carries the ideas of both physical health and a state
of peace. Interestingly, does not appear in the extant Hebrew of Sirach 38; Eiprjvn
translates rrenn ("wisdom") in v. 8, while avarrauois translates m r a (lit. "division") in v.
14b. The Hebrew of v. 14b reads, nîr -learncs "that he prosper treatment for him" (a
marginal note corrects nîr to nse* "endow with skill"). In Rabbinic texts rncs connotes
compromise or reaching a settlement in legal disputes (Jastrow cites t. Sank. 1:2; y. Sank.
1:18b, Ber. 10; b. Ketub. 10:6; Sifre Num. 9 5 ; Jastrow, s.v. "mra"), hence "arbitration,"
"[making] judgment": "diagnosis/treatment."
54. It is unclear that the discussion of illness continues into w . 1 8 - 2 0 because the heading
before v. 18 in some Greek mss reads, "Concerning Foods," and after v. 17 sickness is no
longer mentioned explicitly. Other ms, however, place this heading before w . 16 and
17, which contain overt references to health and sickness. Moreover, despite the head
ing, the topic at w . 1 8 - 2 0 is the vanity of offering pleasures to what cannot enjoy them.
The images of mouth, grave, idol, and eunuch can function as analogies to the chroni
cally ill person.
55. Cf. Sir 18:21.
56. C f Sir 5:3-6:4; 9 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; 1 0 : 1 0 - 1 8 ; 1 1 : 2 1 - 2 2 , 26; 12:6; 1 4 : 1 2 - 1 9 ; 1 6 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; 17:1-2,
2 5 - 3 2 ; 1 8 : 2 3 - 2 4 ; 19:3; 2 1 : 1 - 5 ; 26:38; 27:29; 2 8 : 1 - 7 ; 3 5 : 1 4 - 2 6 ; 3 6 : 1 - 2 2 ; 4 0 : 1 2 - 3 0 ;
41:1-13.
57. Sir 11:14; cf. 5:6.

58. Cf. Sir 5:7.
59. Sirach asserts that "the Lord created" the physician ( a u T o v E K T I O E V KUPIOS, 38:1 and 12),
and clarifies this statement beginning at verse 2: healing comes from God, who grants to
humans both knowledge (emcrrfiiin, 38:3, 6) of the healing arts and medicinal plants.
Furthermore, physicians do not rely on diagnostic skills and medicines alone, but also
pray that God "grant them success in health" Ova euo5c6on auxoTs a v a r r a u o i v ) .
60. Cf. Sir 18:21.
61. So Karris, "James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , " 209; cf. Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 4 4 3 .
62. The textual problem at v. 15 is different from the one posed by v. 11, since both the
Greek and Hebrew make grammatical and syntactical sense. The Hebrew of MS B is
,
quite different from the Greek: n s n 3B'? -nan" ("...will be defiant toward the physician,"
NRSV). The hithpael of "oa is rare in the Hebrew Bible (BDB, s.v. - c a ) , yet hithpael and
nithpael forms are fairly well attested in the Rabbinic corpus (Jastrow, s.v. -Qa), although I
can find no example of "oa with the preposition (bv and are attested). Di Leila,
Text of Sirach, does not treat this disagreement between the Greek and Geniza Hebrew,
and again, Ziegler (Sirach, 3 0 1 ) makes no mention of the Hebrew.
63. See Sir 17:25-32; 18:13.
64. Sir 1 1 : 2 6 - 2 7 .
65. Sir 9:12; 1 1 : 2 7 - 2 8 ; 14:12, 16; 1 7 : 2 7 - 2 8 ; 21:10; 4 1 : 1 - 4 .
66. See Sir 7:17b; 48:11b. Di Leila attributes these statements, which differ from the He
brew, as interpolations from the hand of Sirach's grandson, who did his work after the
publication and under the influence of Daniel; see Dan 12:1-2. Other statements at Sir
2:9c, 16:22c, and 19:19 DiLella explains as evidence of G II, later than the grandson's
translation (G I). Di Leila, "WISDOM O F BEN-SIRA," ABD V L 9 4 3 . See the textual
notes in Ziegler, Sapientia.
67. Sir 30:4; 3 9 : 9 - 1 1 ; 4 1 : 1 2 - 1 3 .
68. The use of a<t>inui with synonyms for wrongdoings or debt in the N T denotes forgiveness
of wrongs rather than avoidance of or purification from them, especially in the synoptic
gospels. See Matt 6:12, 1 4 - 1 5 (Luke 11:4); 9:2, 6 - 1 6 (Mark 2, 5, 7, 9; Luke 5 : 2 0 - 2 1 ,
2 3 - 2 4 ) ; 1 2 : 3 1 - 3 2 (Mark 3:28); 18:32, 35; Mark 11:25 (and 26); Luke 7 : 4 7 - 4 9 ; John
20:23; Jas 5:15 (!); 1 John 1:9; 2:12.
69. Both authors talk about divine wisdom, keeping the law, the importance of prudent
speech, on one hand and silence, on the other (note especially the characterization of the
tongue as a fire), faithfulness to God, patience in testing, care for the poor and op
pressed, confession of sins and repentance, warnings about the abuse of wealth, the dan
ger of self-reliance, reward and punishment based on one's deeds, the brevity of life, the
danger posed by one's appetites, use of the ancestors as exempla. For specific examples of
"parallels," see Jas 1:2/Sir 2:1, Jas l:13/Sir 1 5 : 1 1 - 2 0 , Jas l:19/Sir 5:11, Jas 1:27/Sir 4:10
and 3 5 : 1 4 - 1 5 , Jas 2 : l - 4 / S i r 3 5 : 1 2 - 1 3 , Jas 3:2/Sir 14:1, Jas 3:6/Sir 2 8 : 2 2 - 2 3 , Jas 3:9/Sir
5:13, Jas 3:13/Sir 3:17, Jas 4:4/Sir 3 5 : 1 4 - 1 7 , Jas 5:3/Sir 29:10, Jas 5:17/Sir 48:3.
70. In a few places James deploys discourse of the topos to talk about the issue of undivided
loyalty to God, but he does not discuss at length what friendship between human beings
entails.
71. This topos is missing entirely in James. Interestingly, Sirach never raises the issue of die
tary restrictions, unless the admonition, "Eat what is placed in front of you" (31:16) is an
oblique reference to dietary laws. For a discussion of Sirach's response to Hellenism, see
Collins, Jewish Wisdom, 2 3 - 4 1 .
72. Cf. Job 28; Prov 1-9; Wis 6 : 1 2 - 1 0 : 2 1 ; Bar 3 : 9 - 3 7 .
73. Bauckham, Wisdom of James, 9 8 .
74. As noted earlier, James contrasts friendship with God with friendship with the "world";
cf. Sir 6 : 5 - 1 7 ; 3 7 : 1 - 6 .
75. Sir 3 1 : 1 2 - 3 2 : 1 3 ; 3 7 : 2 7 - 3 1 .
76. Bauckham, Wisdom of James, 102-103.
77. See especially Sir 4 1 : 1 4 - 4 2 : 8 .
78. Collins, Jewish Wisdom, 3 4 - 3 5 , 6 9 - 7 2 .
79. Scholars generally agree that Tobit is an ancient romance that interweaves other literary
forms, such as prayers, hymns, proverbial wisdom in the form of testaments, and a pro-
phetic/eschatological vision; see Carey A. Moore, Tobit: A New Translation with Introduc
tion and Commentary, A B 4 0 A (New York: Doubleday, 1996), 1 8 - 2 1 . Zimmerman tries
to show that the story adopts and condenses elements from five universal folk tale mo
tifs; Frank Zimmerman, The Book of Tobit, JAL (New York: Harper Brothers, 1958), 5 - 1 2 .
Scholars have generally been willing to accept that the author of Tobit drew from two of
these: "The Grateful Dead" and "The Monster in the Bridal Chamber." T h e author ap
parently also was familiar with the "Ahiquar Tale"; Moore, Tobit, 1 1 - 1 2 ; Zimmerman,
Tobit, 1 3 - 1 5 .
80. The siege of Samaria began under Shalmaneser V ( r . 7 2 7 - 7 2 2 B.C.E.), "the king of As
syria" in 2 Kings 17:5, and after more than two years the city fell in 7 2 2 / 1 under Sargon
II, "the king of Assyria" in 2 Kings 17:6. Tobit's superscription places the deportation of
Naphtali under Shalmaneser V, but it occurred earlier, under Tiglath-Pileser III (r. 7 4 5 -
727; cf. 2 Kings 15:29). Tobit's author also says that Sennacherib, rather than Sargon II,
succeeded Shalmaneser V (1:15). Moore, Tobit, 10; Zimmerman, Tobit, 1 5 - 1 6 .
81. Probably in the late third or early second century B.C.E.; Moore, Tobit, 4 0 - 4 2 . Scholars
have not reached consensus on the place of composition; many simply suggest the East
ern Diaspora; Richard A. Spencer, "The Book of Tobit in Recent Research," CurBS 7
(1999): 152.
82. Amy-Jill Levine, "Tobit: Teaching Jews How to Live in the Diaspora," BR 8 (1992): 4 2 -
51,64.
83. The author follows the Greek text of Robert Harnhart, ed., Tobit, Septuaginta: Vetus
Testamentum Graecum 8,5 (Gottingen: Vendenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983). Unless oth
erwise noted, translations are the author's.
84. Tobit gives generously to the poor and keeps dietary restrictions, and as a result God re
wards him with high standing with the king, Shalmaneser. Tobit performs his signature
good deed in defiance of Assyrian law: he buries fellow Israelites who have been executed
and their bodies dumped.
85. W e have noted that Tobit's surfeit of piety recalls the biblical giants of Noah, Joseph,
Job, and Daniel, and we should also add to the list Ruth, Judith, and Apocryphal Esther.
86. The eight family names introduced in the superscript of the story are theophoric: Tobit's
own name is probably a Greek form of the Hebrew "Tobi" ("my good), itself an abbrevia-
tion of "Tobiah" ("Yah is my good"), the name of Tobit's son; "Tobiel," by extension, is
"El/God is my good"; "Hananiel," "God has been gracious"; "Raphael," "God has
healed" (also the name of the angel who is sent to aid Tobit and Sarah); and "Raguel,"
perhaps "friend of God." The derivations of "Aduel," "Gabael," and "Asiel" are obscure;
Moore, Tobit, 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 . The ironic use of theophoric names continues with Raphael's
alias and supposed family: "Azariah" = "Yahu has helped"; "Hanathiah" = "Yahu has be
come gracious"; "Nethaniah" probably = "Yahu has given"; "Shemaiah" = "Yahu has
heard"; ibid., 1 8 6 - 8 7 . Moore points out that the preponderance of the "-el" suffix in
Tobit's family tree, rather than "-yah," is typical of Northern Israel in the eighth and sev
enth centuries B.C.E.; ibid., 100.
87. Sarah's name recalls the childless plight of the matriarch, which God intervenes to cor
rect and announces his intention to do so via angels.
88. See Deut 2 8 : 1 - 6 8 .
89. He admits that if he has sinned, he has done so "unaware" (ayvonuct; Tobit 3:3).
90. Levine, "Tobit," 5 0 - 5 1 ; idem, "Diaspora as Metaphor: Bodies and Boundaries in the
Book of Tobit," in J. Overman and R. MacLennan, eds., Diaspora Jews and Judaism: Essays
in Honor of, and in Dialogue with, A Thomas Kraabel, South Florida Studies in the History
of Judaism 4 1 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992), 1 0 6 - 1 1 2 .
91. But cf. Alexander A. Di Leila, "Two Major Prayers in the Book of Tobit," in Renate Eg-
ger-Wenzel and Jeremy Corley, eds., Yearbook 2004: Prayer from Tobit to Qumran: Inaugural
Conference of the ISDCL at Salzburg, Austria, 5-9 July 2003 (Berlin and New York: Walter
de Gruyter, 2 0 0 4 ) , 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 .
92. Tobit must depend on the help of his wealthy cousin Ahikar, and then endures a role
reversal, relying on his wife's work to feed his family. Both Tobit and Sarah decry the
ignominy of having to suffer "insults" or "reproaches" (6vei5iouous, 3:6, 13, 15).
93. Cf. J . R. C. Cousland, "Tobit: A Comedy in Error?" CBQ 65 (2003): 5 4 5 ; Levine, "Me-
taphor," 113. The match is not exact, because the text is clear that Israel—Naphtali in
particular—suffers because of its sins, whereas Tobit is more righteous than any of his
contemporaries, and Sarah is innocent of any wrongdoing.
94. Anathea Portier-Young, "Alleviation of Suffering in the Book of Tobit: Comedy, Com
munity, and Happy Endings," CBQ 63 (2001): 39.
95. Tobit makes the same connection again at 11:15 and 13:2: just as God "scourged"
(iuaaTiycooas) him and "had mercy" (nAenpas) upon him (BA), so "he scourges and
shows mercy" (CXUTOS uacrnyo? Kai sAsot; cf. 13:5, 9 [BA 10b]) to Israel. Cf. Job 5:18.
96. The so-called doctrine of retribution spelled out in Deut 28 is also tied to the myth of
exile and return, specifically the myth of Israel's slavery in Egypt and safe renirn to the
land promised to their father Abaraham.
97. In addition to general vocabulary for treatment/healing (Separreuco 2:10; iaoucxi 3:17;
uyiafvco 6:9), medicine (((xxpuaKov 2:10; 6:7), and the physician ( i a T p o s 2:10), the author
can also be quite specific about Tobit's diagnosis and treatment: Tobit is completely
blinded (arroTu<|>A6co 2:10; arrcoXsoEv T O U S cx|>0aAuous 7:6 BA) because white films
( A E U K C O U C X T C X 2:10; 3:17; 6:9) cover his eyes, and their cure requires blowing (6:9; 11:11),
the application (eyxpico 2:10; 6:9) of fish gall (xoAr] 6:5, 8, etc.) to the eyes, and the films
to be pealed off (arroAerrco 11:12). Smoking (KCXTTVI^CO) fish heart (Kap5(a) and liver
J U D A I C VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE 161
(rJTTap) will produce an odor (oouf| 6:17) that will cause any demon to flee away. Cf. Tes
tament of Solomon 5 : 9 - 1 0 ; see also Josephus, J.A. 8 . 4 6 - 4 8 .
98. Tobit describes his blindness as abandonment by God (3:6), and divine punishment (the
Lord has "scourged" [uacmyoco] him; 11:15). Sarah seeks release "from troubles," the
same word with which Raguel characterizes Tobit's problems (7:6; so Sinaiticus; the BA
text does not include this language, but in less figurative terms relates how Raguel had
heard that Tobit "had completely lost his eyesight" [aTrcoXeoEV TOUS 6<t>0aAuous)]. Just as
divine abandonment and retribution characterize illness, so healing is "mercy" (eAeos
6:18; 8 : 1 6 - 1 7 ; 11:15), and "salvation" (ocoTnp(a/oco£co 6:18), the very things that Israel
seeks as it awaits full restoration, and hence the justification of its exile and repentance
( 1 3 : 2 , 5 , 6 , 9 ; 14:5,7).
99. In Tobit, because of endogamous marriage, wife and husband are kin, and so are "sister"
and "brother," but the act of marriage itself appears to bring new meaning to the terms
(7:11 cf. 7:15; 8:4), just as Azariah describes Tobias's sons as his "brothers" (6:18).
100. For a definition, see Chapter 1.
101. For a few examples, see Lev 5:5; 16:21; 26:10; Num 5:5-7; Ps 32:5; 4 Q 3 9 3 ; m. Shank
6:4; m. Yoma.
102. In the original draft of this project the story of Joseph and Aseneth was treated at some
length without a significant advancement of the thesis. James Riley Strange, "The Moral
World of James," Ph.D. dissertation (Emory University, 2 0 0 7 ) , 2 8 0 - 9 0 .
103. Cf. also David's farewell discourse of 1 Chron 2 8 - 2 9 .
104. Several include promises of a messianic figure, characterized as either a priest from the
tribe of Levi or a king from Judah, or both; see T. Reu. 6.8, 11; T. Sim. 7.1; T. Levi 1 8 . 1 -
12; T. Jud. 1.6; 2 4 . 1 - 6 ; T. Iss. 5 . 7 - 8 ; T. Dan 5.10; T. Naph. 5 . 1 - 5 ; 6.7; 8.2; T. Gad 8.1; T.
Jos. 19.11; T. Benj. 4.2.
105. Kee places the composition of an original, Jewish writing between 2 5 0 B.C.E. and the
end of the second century B.C.E.; Howard Clark Kee, "Testament of the Twelve Patri
archs: A New Translation and Introduction," in OTP, vol. 1 (New York: Doubleday,
1983), 7 7 7 - 7 8 . Hollander and de Jonge see no reason to posit an earlier, Jewish form of
the text, and date the work to some time after the beginning of the early third century
C.E., based on Origen's knowledge of T. 12 Patr. and on affinities between the work and
Justin's and Irenaeus' views on God's dealing with Jews; H. W . Hollander and M. de
Jonge, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Commentary (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1985),
82-83.
106. I work with a translation of T. Benj. slightly modified from Holander and de Jonge, Tes
taments, 4 2 0 - 2 1 . For the Greek text I follow M. de Jonge, ed., The Testaments of the
Twelve Patriarchs: A Critical Edition of the Greek Text (Leiden: E . J. Brill, 1978), 1 7 0 - 7 2 .
107. Cf. T. Iss. 7.5; T. Jud. 18.3; T. Zeb. 2.4; 5:1-3; 7 . 1 - 4 ; 8.6.
108. Cf. T. Jos. 4 . 1 - 5 ; 6.7; 9 . 2 - 3 ; 1 0 . 2 - 3 .
109. According to Johnson, "In effect, [in T. 12 Patr.] the patriarchs are used to provide bibli
cal examples for the topoi of Hellenistic moral exhortation"; Letter of James, 4 4 .
110. CLT.Jud. 17.1; 19.103.
111. Cf. Wis 2 : 1 0 - 2 0 .
112. Cf. T. Reu 6.4; T. Iss. 7.5; T. Levi 16.2.
113. Cf. T. lss. 13.1; 4.6; T. Gad 7.7; T. Sim. 5.2.

114. Cf. T. Levi 4:1; 18: If.; T. Jud. 22:1; 23:3; T. Reu. 1:7; 4:4; 6:6; Kee, "Testaments," 778.
115. Brotherly love (<t>tAa56A<t>(a) is "one of the highest virtues" in T. 12 Patr. (Kee, "Testa
ments," 779); cf. T. Sim. 2 . 6 - 7 ; 4 . 4 - 6 ; T. lss. 5.2; T. Dan 5.4; T. God 3 . 1 - 5 . 1 1 ; T. Jos.
1 7 . 2 - 8 . Conversely, sexual promiscuity is "the grossest sin" in T. 12 Patr. (ibid., 779); cf.
T. Benj. 8.2; 9.1; see also T. Reu. 1.6, 9; 3 . 1 0 - 4 . 2 ; 4 . 7 - 8 ; 5 . 1 - 3 ; 6.1; T. Levi 9.9; 14.6;
17.11; T. Sim. 5.3; T. lss. 4.4; 7.2; T. Jud. 1 1 . 1 - 5 ; 1 2 . 1 - 9 ; 1 3 . 5 - 8 ; 1 7 . 1 - 3 ; 1 8 . 2 - 6 .
116. The text talks about events surrounding this "only begotten prophet" (Movoyevrjs
TTpo<t>r|Tr|s) in language that clearly draws from the gospels or gospel traditions about Je
sus' death and resurrection. Kee interprets this passage as a later Christian interpolation
and places the passage in brackets ("Testaments," 8 2 7 ) ; Hollander and de Jonge are skep
tical about the possibility of recovering (or about the very existence of) an original, Jewish
text, and give no special treatment to this passage (Hollander and de Jonge, Commentary,
85, 4 3 4 ; cf. de Jonge, Testaments, 1 7 5 - 7 6 ) .
117. For a substantial display of the overall similarities between James and T. 12 Patr., see
Johnson, Letter of James, 4 3 - 4 8 .
118. Kugler, Testaments, 2 1 - 3 8 ; Hollander and de Jonge, Commentary, 8 2 - 8 6 .
• C H A P T E R S I X *
The Way Taken by James? The Deeds

of the Community in 1QS
B
1
ecause the Community Rule o f the D e a d S e a Scrolls ( 1 Q S ) presents the
practices o f prayer, confession, and correction in relative proximity to
o n e another, the analysis o f this d o c u m e n t warrants a separate investi
gation. T h e Community Rule addresses a tightly-knit and clearly-defined group
that lays claim to the title Israel. H e n c e , 1 Q S provides us the opportunity to
view J a m e s alongside a text that strictly segregates "the C o m m u n i t y " from all
o t h e r claimants to Israel. Aside from the particular type o f separation set forth
in 1 Q S , the authors also understand that the group is made distinctive from
o t h e r claimants by its way o f life, within w h i c h religious practices take a prom
inent place. J a m e s t o o makes claims a b o u t w h o constitutes G o d ' s holy people,
the constitution o f the people into a c o m m u n i t y or c o m m u n i t i e s , and how
they live their lives in distinction to outsiders. T h e r e f o r e , we ask, how d o the
various religious practices that we find in 1 Q S and J a m e s generate categories
that reveal distinctive religious systems?
The Community at Prayer

2
T h e Community Rule closes with a section that lays o u t the character and be
3
havior o f an individual called the "Instructor" CrDED). F o r e m o s t , he must b e
o n e w h o prays. T h i s r e q u i r e m e n t is stated in a section covering roughly the
final two and one-half c o l u m n s o f the d o c u m e n t , beginning with a partially
preserved o p e n i n g statement, "I... and in distrjess he shall bless his C r e a t o r
4
and in all that happens he shall r e l c o u n t ...," a n d is reinforced in the first line
o f the closing passage: "Blessed be you, my G o d , w h o o p e n s the heart o f your
5
servant to knowledge!" T h e passage is organized according to the following
rough outline: appointed times for prayer ( I X . 2 6 a - X . 5 ) ; a prayer ( X . 6 - X I . 2 2 )
consisting o f a vow ( X . 6 - X I . 2 a ) , a hymn o f praise ( X I . 2 b - 1 5 ) , a n d a closing
6
benediction (XI. 1 6 - 2 2 ) .
T h e general topic o f this passage is presented in the first section: the In
structor is obliged t o bless G o d "in all that happens," a n d nothing, including
"distress" (nplH, I X . 2 6 ) shall abrogate that obligation.
7 8
H o w is such a univer
sal p r o n o u n c e m e n t t o b e understood? First, there are appointed times for
9
prayer ("the periods w h i c h G o d decreed" X . l ) , organized by times o f day, sea
10 11
sons, m o n t h s , a n d holy days (X. 1 - 5 ) . S e c o n d , with the shift to first person
address at X . 6 (indicating t h e inclusion o f a prayer text o r vow), the Instructor
adds a m o r e rigorous interpretation o f his own duties: n o t only will h e pray at
the times o f day marked by the passage o f heavenly bodies, he will also bless
G o d at m o m e n t s marked o u t by daily routine.
In 1 Q S X . 1 3 b - 1 6 a , t h e Instructor organizes his time for prayer by two cri
teria: there are times that follow t h e cycles o f sun, m o o n , a n d stars, a n d there
is a m o r e exacting obligation, freely undertaken, t o bracket every daily activity
with a blessing directed toward G o d . T h e language o f t h e passage evokes li-
minal states, those interstitial m o m e n t s that lie between t h e close o f o n e ac
tion o r circumstance a n d the c o m m e n c e m e n t o f another: "when I start"
(rrera), "before" (D-ira), a n d "at the o n s e t o f (also r r i r a ) ; "to stretch o u t my
hands a n d my feet" suggests t h e m o m e n t o f waking, as "lying down in my b e d "
12
implies the wakeful period before s l e e p . T h e Instructor declares that he will
bless G o d before every meal, a n d in c o n t e x t t h e statement, "I shall bless
him...in t h e row o f m e n , " suggests obligatory c o m m u n a l prayer while seated o r
standing in ranks, perhaps at the start o f the day.
In addition t o t h e emphasis o n the practice o f prayer, a strong moral
thread runs through t h e text o f the vow, augmented by eschatological strands.
Beginning at X . l 7 b , the Instructor acknowledges an obligation to d o good t o
13
his fellows, b u t h e states that he will n o t transgress what falls to G o d ' s re
sponsibility alone. W h e r e a s the Instructor promises t o s h u n sinners a n d apos
tates with righteous anger ( X . l 9 b - 2 l a ) , nevertheless he will " n o t repay anyone
with an evil reward" ( X . 1 7 ) , "for t o G o d (belongs) the j u d g m e n t o f every living
being" ( X . l 8 ) . O t h e r acts a n d attitudes to b e avoided are jealousy, t o "crave
wealth by violence," a n d t o engage in disputes with outsiders ("the m e n o f t h e
pit"; X . 1 9 ) . W i t h i n "the C o m m u n i t y " (irrn), t h e Instructor vows t o c o n t r o l
1 4
his speech with care ( X . 2 1 b - 2 5 a ) , a n d t o carry o u t his duties with justice a n d
compassion ( X . 2 5 b - X I . 2 a ) .
T h i s focus o n right action between fellow m e m b e r s raises two important
points: the speaker clearly voices this h y m n as a participant in the select society
15
that 1 Q S e n v i s i o n s , a n d h e contrasts his own wantonness with G o d ' s good
ness, affirming that redemption c o m e s from t h e merciful G o d alone ( X I . 9 b -
15a). T h e resulting picture is o f a yhd kept separate a n d distinct from the sin
ful mass o f humanity that surrounds it, a n d completely reliant o n G o d , b o t h
• T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN iQS* 165
for its acts o f goodness in this world and for its redemption in the world to
c o m e . T h i s portrayal o f the yhd c o n t i n u e s the idea that only G o d is just and
capable o f remitting sins ( X I . 9 ; cf. X I . 3 , 12, 1 4 ) ; G o d alone discloses knowl
edge, guides the speaker's path, a n d grants wisdom that is h i d d e n from the
rest o f h u m a n i t y ( X I . 2 b - 6 a ) .
W e see the same ideas repeated in the final b e n e d i c t i o n (the only clear
prayer text in this section, for it is the only passage that addresses G o d di
rectly): as the closing statement o f a d o c u m e n t laying o u t strict protocols for
righteous behavior, what stands o u t is the deep gulf dividing the h u m a n and
divine natures. W h e r e a s h u m a n s are frail, G o d is mighty; whereas G o d is per
fect, apart from G o d h u m a n s can m a k e n o claim to goodness. T h e prayer
emphasizes G o d as the foundation o f true knowledge, as is evident in the ab
u n d a n c e o f n o u n s and verbs that refer to h u m a n cognition (nxn "knowledge,"
X I . 1 5 , X I . 1 8 ; b*3E7lb "to understand," X I . 1 8 ; mOTD "thoughts of," X I . 1 9 ; H T H
1
"your mysteries," X I . 1 9 ; pinm ? "to fathom," X I . 1 9 ; HOT "be considered,"
X I . 2 1 ; j * T "understand," X I . 2 2 ) . O n their own, h u m a n s perceive n o t h i n g o f
God, h e n c e knowledge a b o u t the divine c o m e s from G o d alone, and the
community—here identified as "the selected o n e s o f h u m a n k i n d " (CIK " T m ,
X I . 16)—is the sole recipient o f that knowledge. Finally, eternal life is to b e had
only through G o d , for in contrast to the C o m m u n i t y itself, w h i c h the speaker
earlier characterized as "an everlasting plantation throughout all future ages"
( X I . 8 - 9 ) , h u m a n beings themselves (C7KH p "the son o f man," a n d T\m T i ' r
"one b o r n o f a w o m a n " o f X I . 2 0 ) are frail and destined for death ( X I . 2 1 - 2 2 ) .
It should b e noted that calendrical cycles o f prayer laid o u t at the begin
ning o f the passage recall regulations for feasts and sacrifices found in scrip
16
ture, for these o c c u r in stipulated seasons a n d m o n t h s , and o n holy days.
T h e suggested c o n n e c t i o n between prayer in the C o m m u n i t y R u l e and sacri
fice in scripture presents o n e possible function o f these prayers: in the text
17
they may substitute for s o m e types o f ritual sacrifice for the C o m m u n i t y . At
18
IX.26b-X.la the text reads, " [ . . . a n d with the offering of] his l i p s he shall
bless h i m during the periods w h i c h G o d decreed...." (cf. X . 6 , 8, 1 4 ) . T h e lan
guage is repeated, this time in the first person singular, at X . 6 , with the affir
mation that the speaker will indeed bless G o d at the appointed times, a n d
giving special attention to seasons and "seven-year periods" ( X . 7 - 8 ) . We
should also n o t forget that at the site o f Q u m r a n itself, in m o s t o f the o p e n
spaces between buildings, Harding a n d de V a u x uncovered several deposits o f
disarticulated a n i m a l b o n e s overlaid with pottery sherds, many o f t h e m hardly
covered with earth (the n u m b e r o f deposits found is n o t specified, and de
V a u x hypothesizes that m o r e remain to b e uncovered; 3 9 were e x a m i n e d close
ly). T h e fact that the b o n e s were bare o f m e a t when collected, with charring
o n s o m e o f them, indicates that the animals were c o o k e d and eaten, a n d the

peculiarity o f the deposits suggests that people were interring the remains o f
19
ritual meals, perhaps sacrifices. I f the scrolls are to be associated with the
20
ruin o f Kirbet Q u m r a n (as I believe they a r e ) , it is important to avoid making
a b l a n k e t claim that in the Q u m r a n c o m m u n i t y animal sacrifice is replaced by
prayer and o t h e r practices. W e can, however, reason that the C o m m u n i t y
R u l e interprets certain prayers as sacrifices, particularly sacrifices o f atone
21
ment.
T h e evidence points to prayer as b o t h an individual and a corporate act.
T h e G o d to w h o m the Instructor and o t h e r m e m b e r s pray has called o u t a yhd
22
to isolate itself from all impure influences, b u t because this section o f the
Community Rule presents prayer as a practice o f the Instructor himself, clearly
2
there is evidence o f individual prayer in 1 Q S . ' O n the o t h e r hand, we may
24
hypothesize that the first person singular address (comprising a v o w and a
prayer) constitutes the text o f a congregational prayer that has been imported
i n t o the Community Rule at this point, for it has a form that resembles o t h e r
25
prayer texts a m o n g the D e a d S e a S c r o l l s . T h e r e is n o n e e d to rely o n hy
pothesis alone, however, for there is o t h e r evidence o f corporate prayer in
1QS. Earlier in the d o c u m e n t we find corporate blessings invoked over the
yhd, and curses o n those w h o m it shuns and o n those m e m b e r s w h o j o i n and
t h e n fall away. T h e prayers are antiphonal: the "priests and levites" speak the
benedictions and maledictions, and those gathered respond in unison,
2 6
" ' A m e n , A m e n ' " (11.10 and 1 8 ) . T h e m e n t i o n o f prayer "in the row o f m e n "
at X . 1 4 indicates a similar circumstance.
T h e Instructor makes plain the reciprocal relationship that exists between
G o d and C o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s : G o d gives to the C o m m u n i t y , and m e m b e r s
o f the C o m m u n i t y keep G o d ' s c o m m a n d m e n t s in order to constitute a pure
assembly, sealed o f f from outside pollutants. Noteworthy is the absence o f any
expectation placed o n G o d : there is n o divine favor here that the Instructor
will repay. In the vow o f 1 Q S , G o d is praised because o f acts already accom
plished—forgiveness o f sins, disclosure o f knowledge, help t o live righteously,
27
granting o f wisdom, justice, an everlasting inheritance —and when the sole
28
petition is made (a single sentence at X I . 1 6 b - 1 7 a ) , it is for these very t h i n g s .
T h e r e is n o m e n t i o n o f rescue from e n e m i e s or from affliction, b u t merely the
assurance that G o d will act justly: G o d will remain faithful to the c o m m u n i t y
29
a n d will ultimately punish the w i c k e d .
T h e general absence o f petition o r intercession in 1 Q S contrasts with the
30
preponderance o f the language o f blessing. T h e section o f 1 Q S u n d e r review
stipulates only that the Instructor will bless G o d , and provides an example o f
T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN iQS* 167
that form o f prayer alone. It is possibe that these blessings may also c o u n t as
31
ritual sacrifices, particularly sacrifices o f a t o n e m e n t .
In 1 Q S , prayer is a religious act, and the text sets it forth using religious
discourse. Prayer is a discipline that follows a schedule prescribed by the cal
endar o f festivals and the cycle o f the day. Nevertheless, whereas 1 Q S regu
lates the times for prayer, there are n o stipulations for where prayer must
happen. T h e r e are indications that m e m b e r s o f the yhd pray while in assem
bly, b u t otherwise the places for prayer are the bed, the doorway, the table,
and any place where the individual might be w h e n the time for prayer arrives.
M o r a l discourse colors the discussion o f prayer as well, particularly in the
catalogue o f vices in the vow that the Instructor promises to avoid. Prayer,
therefore, n o t only meets a religious obligation, b u t c o n f o r m s to the moral
standards that the C o m m u n i t y embraces, and the rigorous n o r m s that the In
structor additionally takes o n .
C o n c e r n e d as it is with the preservation o f the C o m m u n i t y , the discourse
o n prayer alludes to the eschatological assumptions that lie b e h i n d the forma
tion o f the yhd. A n d as a c o m p o n e n t o f the way o f life that distinguishes the
Community—through prayer according to its own calendar and prayers mark
ing o u t the daily tasks that make C o m m u n i t y life unique—prayer plays a role
in assuring the salvation o f C o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s at "the day o f vengeance,"
while distinguishing them from "the m e n o f the pit," w h o will suffer eternal
punishment.
Based on these diagnostic categories, the similarities between 1 Q S and
James are clear. 1 Q S shares with J a m e s the category o f a c o m m u n i t y that is at
32
odds with and that shapes its ethos over against that o f a d o m i n a n t society;
moreover, 1 Q S may shun the priesthood in Jerusalem a n d the congregation
33
calling itself Israel w h o m it serves. Also, in 1 Q S the surrender o f all posses
sions into the c o m m o n purse o f the C o m m u n i t y is at odds with o t h e r known
forms o f Judaism that presume ownership o f property, a n d h e n c e that encour
34
age social stratification along e c o n o m i c l i n e s . Similarly, J a m e s ' s vision o f
egalitarian social structures stands in direct contrast to the hierarchical, status-
oriented organization o f R o m a n society, t h r o u g h o u t w h i c h "the twelve tribes
o f the D i a s o p o r a " are scattered.
It is important to n o t e that beyond regulating power and wealth, b o t h
James and 1 Q S place controls o n proper speech in the assembly, a n d readers
familiar with o n e text will hear echoes in the other. T h e Instructor's declara
tion that he will n o t speak "foolishness" ( 1 Q S X . 2 2 ) recalls James's reproach,
" O empty m a n " (Jas 2 : 2 0 ) , and the Instructor's promise to s h u n "wicked de
35
ceptions," "sophistries," and "lies" in that same passage is similar to James's
repeated pleas that his readers n o t deceive themselves (Jas 1:16, 2 2 , 2 6 ; cf.
3 6
2:1). T h e implication is that individuals d o n o t merely h o l d these deceptive
ideas, b u t also spread t h e m t h r o u g h the m e d i u m o f speech. Similarly, the In
37
structor's avoidance o f "profanity" ( 1 Q S X . 2 2 ) a n d "worthless words, un
clean things and plotting" ( 1 Q S X . 2 4 ) evokes the warnings in James to replace
every "sordidness a n d r a n k growth o f wickedness" with "the implanted word
that has the power to save" (Jas 1:21), that b o t h blessing and curses should n o t
c o m e from the same m o u t h (Jas 3 : 8 - 1 2 ) , a n d that verbal expressions o f get-
rich schemes fail to acknowledge G o d ' s sovereignty (Jas 4 : 1 3 - 1 6 ) .
In b o t h texts, prayer stands in sharp contrast to these types o f profane
speech. B o t h the Instructor a n d J a m e s eschew ways o f speaking that divide the
c o m m u n i t y ; b o t h characterize prayer as b i n d i n g together a c o m m u n i t y that is
38
self-conscious a b o u t its distinctiveness. T h e Instructor a n d J a m e s alike af
firm the goodness o f singing hymns, the Instructor because he uses hymns to
"continually r e c o u n t the just acts o f G o d and the unfaithfulness o f m e n " ( 1 Q S
X.23). T h i s claim gets at the very heart o f the religious system that 1 Q S pre
supposes: G o d a l o n e is good, h u m a n beings are corrupt, b u t G o d has kept
pure those w h o separate themselves from the " m e n o f the pit" a n d w h o sub
m i t themselves to the " S o n s o f Zadok." F o r his part, J a m e s prescribes hymn
singing as a particularly C h r i s t i a n reaction to happiness (Jas 5 : 1 3 ) . In an ex
h o r t a t i o n that recalls b o t h the instruction to c o u n t trials as a joy (Jas 1:2) a n d
the r e m i n d e r that all good gifts c o m e from G o d a l o n e (Jas 1:17), J a m e s calls
o n "any o n e a m o n g you"—a fellow m e m b e r o f t h e "twelve tribes o f t h e Dias
pora"—to pray to G o d when suffering a n d to sing G o d ' s praises when cheerful.
T h i s a d m o n i t i o n goes to the heart o f J a m e s , w h o calls for the assembly to
m a i n t a i n an unflagging devotion to G o d while living in exile.
T h e r e are m a n y o t h e r similarities, n o t all o f w h i c h have to d o with prayer
specifically, b u t w h i c h do characterize two c o m m u n i t i e s w h o distinguish
themselves through acts o f prayer. Just as the Instructor values teaching with
prudence, justice, compassion, and love for the oppressed (i.e. the m e m b e r s o f
t h e C o m m u n i t y ; 1 Q S X . 2 4 - 2 6 ) , so J a m e s , w h o also shows keen c o n c e r n for
t h e oppressed (also m e m b e r s o f the c o m m u n i t y ; Jas 2 : 6 ; cf. 1:27; 2 : 2 - 5 ; 5 : 4 - 6 ;
5 : 7 - 8 ) , admonishes those w h o possess wisdom to demonstrate it within the
assembly through works d o n e in gentleness (Jas 3 : 1 3 ) . Likewise, b o t h the In
structor a n d J a m e s value instructing a n d correcting with meekness ( 1 Q S X I . 1-
2a; Jas 1 : 1 9 - 2 1 ; 3 : 1 3 - 1 8 ; 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 ) . N e i t h e r justifies personal retaliation; ra
ther, b o t h expect ultimate justice at the eschaton a n d affirm that it should
c o m e from the h a n d o f G o d alone ( 1 Q S X I . 1 8 ; Jas 2 : 1 3 ; 4 : 1 2 ; 5 : 1 - 6 ) . Both,
as well, call for stalwart faithfulness toward G o d in the face o f trials; in terms
o f prayer, the Instructor is to c o n t i n u e to bless G o d ( 1 Q S I X . 2 6 ; X . 1 5 b - 1 6 a ) ,
whereas J a m e s instructs m e m b e r s o f the assembly to pray for wisdom (Jas 1:2-
• T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN lQS 169
4 ; cf. 1:12; 5 : 7 - 1 1 ) . Finally, just as the Instructor takes o n m o r e stringent

prayer responsibilities than those laid o u t for h i m ( 1 Q S X . 1 3 b - 1 6 a ) , so J a m e s
warns teachers that they will b e held to a higher standard (Jas 3 : 1 ) . W e should
n o t e that J a m e s is talking a b o u t the ability o f teachers to c o n t r o l their speech
in the assembly, a n d the final passage o f J a m e s makes it clear that prayer is a
vital form o f speech a m o n g m e m b e r s .
T h e s e similarities, striking as they are, underscore sharp differences be
tween the two texts at the level o f category. A l t h o u g h b o t h texts establish a
way o f life whose logic clashes with surrounding mores (as the texts construe
t h e m ) , from its o p e n i n g lines 1 Q S is focused squarely o n the internal mainte
39
n a n c e and discipline o f an isolationist c o m m u n i t y . T h e language o f volun
0
tary apartheid used to characterize the yhd* fits well with the report a b o u t t h e
41
Essenes found in Pliny the E l d e r , as well as with the archaeology o f the site
o f Q u m r a n , located as it is o n a m a r l terrace overlooking the D e a d S e a and
physically removed from o t h e r habitations.
In contrast to 1 Q S , J a m e s stresses non-conformity with "the world" rather
than withdrawal from it. His a d m o n i t i o n "to keep o n e s e l f unstained by the
world" (Jas 1:27) suggests that c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s m a i n t a i n regular patterns
o f intercourse with outsiders, the very source o f the problem. O t h e r state
m e n t s in the text support this supposition: J a m e s ' s addressees are dragged into
c o u r t (Jas 2 : 6 ) ; it is possible for b o t h p o o r and rich visitors to e n t e r their syna
gogues (Jas 2 : 2 ) ; they are instructed to care for the destitute o f society (Jas
1:27). In addition, the a d m o n i t i o n to avoid oaths o f any type (Jas 5 : 1 - 6 ) sug
gests that J a m e s presupposes that m e m b e r s engage in legal and business deal
ings with n o n - m e m b e r s , a n d the warning to abusive landowners (Jas 5 : 1 2 )
implies that s o m e m e m b e r s are employed by wealthy outsiders.
M o r e o v e r , the two texts set forth two very different c o m m u n i t y constitu
tions. A l t h o u g h 1 Q S p r o m o t e s e c o n o m i c egalitarianism, requiring m e m b e r s
to share wealth a n d possessions, the C o m m u n i t y works o u t its c o m p l e t e devo
tion to G o d ' s precepts in a rigid status hierarchy, as evidenced by its attention
to order and discipline. 1 Q S dictates that c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s e n t e r the as
sembly and sit according to their rank: first "priests" (E'DJTDn) t h e n "levites"
( r ^ n ) and finally "all the people" (DOT "TID), 42
" A n d no-one shall move down
4 3
from his r a n k n o r move up from the place o f his lot" ( 1 Q S I I . 1 9 b - 2 3 ) . A
person w h o falls i n t o a fourth category, the outsider, must undergo a rigorous
44
period o f initiation before being admitted to the lowest r a n k .
In J a m e s ' s presentation o f the c o m m u n i t y , there is n o clear system o f r a n k
and file to sort o u t its structure. Instead, J a m e s appeals to egalitarian fictive
kinship ties. A s n o t e d earlier, J a m e s addresses his readers m o s t often as
"brothers" and o n c e refers to "a b r o t h e r or a sister," b o t h o f w h i c h c o n n o t e an
ideal o f general equality a m o n g m e m b e r s , and even between J a m e s and the

people he addresses. W h e r e we find evidence o f rank (twice) and discipline
(once), n o t i o n s o f hierarchy are upset and the distinction between insider and
outsider is m o r e fluid than what we find in 1 Q S . R a t h e r than stressing the
authority o f teachers, J a m e s warns t h e m that they will b e held to a higher
moral standard, particularly regarding their speech (Jas 3 : 1 ) . T h e elders, for
their part, d o n o t call sick people to them; rather, when s u m m o n e d they gath
er at the bedside o f the ill (Jas 5 : 1 4 ) . References to initiation i n t o the com
munity (possibly baptism) lack any indication, either that those w h o h o p e to
j o i n the assembly must undergo a rigorous period o f testing and instruction as
c a t e c h u m e n s , o r that they are sorted into ranks o n c e they j o i n .
T h e practice o f prayer also reveals deep divisions between the categories o f
thought that lie b e h i n d the discussions in these texts. W h e r e a s in James,
brothers and sisters make requests to G o d o n o n e another's behalf, 1 Q S is
nearly silent o n the n o t i o n o f petition for o n e s e l f o r intercession for others.
Prayer at the e n d o f the C o m m u n i t y R u l e is o f a single type—praise a n d bene
diction o f God—and the text makes n o m e n t i o n o f any o t h e r kind. (Similarly,
J a m e s does n o t m e n t i o n liturgical prayer in which the assembly recites a text in
45
unison, whereas sections o f 1 Q S suggest that w h e n the c o m m u n i t y blesses
46
G o d it employs just this kind o f prayer.)
T h e s e contrasting pictures o f prayer reveal two different ways o f interpret
ing the relationship between h u m a n s and G o d . J a m e s places emphasis o n
G o d ' s ongoing provision for G o d ' s children through petition and response:
they may ask for what they lack, and they may call o n G o d ' s power when a
b r o t h e r or sister is sick. N e x t to this picture it b e c o m e s clear that 1 Q S stresses
the idea that G o d has bestowed all necessary things from the beginning: G o d ' s
children bless G o d for acts that G o d has already accomplished.
Confessing the Sins of the Children of Israel
T h e Community Rule c o n t a i n s a b r i e f passage o n the confession o f sins, and its

treatment in this section c a n b e concise as well. Despite the segment's brevity,
however, it gets at the heart o f what is at stake for the C o m m u n i t y o f G o d : re
n u n c i a t i o n o f o t h e r claims to G o d ' s T o r a h , submission to those in authority,
and taking up the way o f life o f the yhd. T h i s fact b e c o m e s clear in the first
c o l u m n o f the scroll, w h i c h lays out what should happen "when [initiates] en
ter the covenant." 1 Q S 1.21—II. 1 speaks o f the process o f initiation i n t o G o d ' s
covenant ( m i l ) . T h e text implies that initiates are shifting their allegiances
from o t h e r groups to the " R u l e o f the C o m m u n i t y " ("Tim - p o 1.16). The
process requires a d e n u n c i a t i o n o f others w h o claim the title "Israel" (it is n o t

clear in 1 Q S w h o these are) and a r e n u n c i a t i o n o f their ways.
T h e text does n o t m e n t i o n acknowledging a person's own wrongdoings;
rather, it is the Levites w h o recite the initiates' former sins, and the initiates
acquiesce ("confess" CTID) to this e n u m e r a t i o n o f their iniquities. It is n o t
47
what " 1 " have d o n e that is at stake in the c o n f e s s i o n , but w h a t "we" have
d o n e as former rivals o f the yhd that pertains, and that is spelled o u t by the au
48
thorities o f the new c o m m u n i t y . W h a t is at stake in this confession is the
c o m m u n i t y ' s way o f life in deliberate contrast to the ways o f its rivals.
" C o n f e s s i o n " entails accepting the Levites' characterization o f their former
religious life (and the lives o f their ancestors) as sinful, and it grants initiates
access to G o d ' s mercy. In contrast to those w h o submit, the priests consign to
destruction those w h o refuse to j o i n : these are c o m m i t t e d to "the gloom o f ev
erlasting fire" and to the denial o f G o d ' s mercy and forgiveness ( I . 5 b - 1 0 ) .
A d m i t t a n c e to the c o m m u n i t y , therefore, assures salvation, while rejection o f
its claims and way o f life (or exclusion from it) guarantees destruction b o t h in
the here and now, and in the world t o c o m e .
C o n f e s s i o n o f sins in 1 Q S is thus a public (it takes place in an assembly o f
the many), corporate, impersonal act. T h e text betrays n o c o n c e r n for the par
ticular misdeeds o f any individual, b u t characterizes initiates' sins collectively
as the sin o f the children o f Israel. T h e image o f Levites intoning the peoples'
sins in the assembly evokes provisions for the Day o f A t o n e m e n t in Leviticus
16, while the response, " W e have acted sinfully..." recalls repeated instances o f
Israel's corporate confession and repentance in Judges and 1 S a m , when the
nation as a whole or the gathered tribes confess that they have turned from
49
G o d to o t h e r g o d s .
C o n f e s s i o n is a religious practice, prescribed for those wishing to gain en
trance into the "covenant," and securing their salvation with the salvation o f
the entire C o m m u n i t y .
1 Q S sets forth confession using religious discourse. Acquiescing to the
Levites' e n u m e r a t i o n o f their sins fulfills the obligation o f a t o n e m e n t for the
body o f initiates, and it prepares t h e m for the further steps o f adhering to the
C o m m u n i t y ' s interpretation o f appointed times, bringing their wealth to the
C o m m u n i t y purse, and full participation in the C o m m u n i t y ' s daily life. T h e r e
is n o talk o f virtue and vice, n o r does the text engage in moral exhortation.
T h e ritual o f confession in 1 Q S reinforces the picture o f the relationship
between G o d and h u m a n s implied earlier in the section o n prayer. Through
confession, m e m b e r s o f the C o m m u n i t y constitute a pure assembly, sealed o f f
from outside pollutants (other so-called Israelites), and G o d in turn grants
t h e m a blessed existence.
1 Q S lays out the rite o f confession, blessing, and curse as an act with es-
chatological c o n s e q u e n c e s . T h o s e w h o confess their sins and j o i n the yhd y
having received forgiveness from G o d , will b e granted eternal (CD^li?) knowl

edge and peace ( 1 . 3 - 4 ) , while all w h o defy the leadership o f the C o m m u n i t y
are denied forgiveness (11.8; cf. I I I . 4 - 5 ) , and so e n d u r e everlasting fire and de
struction (1.8; 11.15), and are consigned to the lot o f "the cursed ones for ever"
5 0
(II. 1 7 ) . T h e characterization o f the current age as "the age o f Belial's domin
i o n " evokes the dualistic world-view expressed in t h e "two spirits" discourse o f
III.13b-IV.26. T h e e n d o f the current age is n o t near, b u t may be expected in
s o m e u n k n o w n "last t i m e " (]1iriR fp I V . 1 6 - 1 7 ) , "the time o f the visitation"
(mips i m o I V . 1 8 - 1 9 , cf. 2 6 ) . 5 1
Because o f the earlier work o n these two texts, we can forego a compari
son o f the Community Rule a n d J a m e s at the level o f details and move quickly
to a discussion o f shared categories. W h e r e a s 1 Q S primarily discusses prayer
as the practice o f the Instructor, and implies in subtle references that the
c o m m u n i t y gathers for prayer as well, confession is clearly a corporate act, in
t o n e d over the body o f initiates and o n their b e h a l f by the Levites o f the
C o m m u n i t y , and accepted by the initiates in a n t i p h o n a l response. Individual
trespasses play n o part in this confession; rather, the Levites cast the initiates
as penitent Israel, turning b a c k to G o d and to G o d ' s T o r a h through their
submission t o the yhd's way o f life and its hierarchical authority. T h e sins that
are confessed do n o t have to do with interaction between m e m b e r s , b u t with
their former lives as outsiders, as m e m b e r s o f o t h e r groups laying (false) claims
to their continuity with biblical Israel. 1 Q S deploys n o m o r a l discourse here,
b u t characterizes the practice as Israel's fulfillment o f its c o v e n a n t obligation
as G o d ' s people.
Confession in 1 Q S constitutes the reverse o f t h e pattern we saw in James.
In this passage, initiates hear their past sins enumerated. Levites play the
priestly role o f intermediaries with the divine while also taking o n aspects o f
the prophets, proclaiming aloud the wrongs that the people have c o m m i t t e d
a n d hearing their concession, thus underlining t h e status authority o f the Le
vites in c o m p a r i s o n to the relative powerlessness o f the initiates. T h e discus
sion in C h a p t e r 2 showed that it is difficult to tell i f J a m e s prescribes
confession o f sins within the assembled congregation, or i f h e means for indi
viduals to confess to o n e a n o t h e r in private, b u t it is clear that m e m b e r s direct
this practice toward o n e another, and presumably toward m e m b e r s w h o m they
have wronged. In this way, through confession m e m b e r s serve as divine in
termediaries for o n e another, and they reinforce the relatively unstratified
c o m m u n i t y organization in J a m e s .
• T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN lQS» 173
1 Q S also characterizes confession as a rite that creates the C o m m u n i t y . In

the c o n t e x t o f the opening section o f the scroll, the rite invokes the myth o f
the exodus, and so likens the creation o f the yhd to the formation o f Israel at
the foot o f S i n a i . James, o n the o t h e r hand, associates mutual confession with
c o m m u n i t y m a i n t e n a n c e and the strengthening o f its boundaries, rather than
with its birth. C o n f e s s i o n in 1 Q S prepares the initiate to take up the C o m
munity's distinctive ways. F o r James, as an ongoing practice o f the c o m m u
nity, mutual confession itself is part o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s distinctive and
ongoing way o f life.
Finally, in 1 Q S confession o f sins occurs in isolation from o t h e r practices.
C o r r e c t i o n appears a few c o l u m n s later, and in a separate context, and prayer
falls at the e n d o f the text and within its own framework o f the responsibilities
o f the Instructor. F o r his part, J a m e s places his discussion o f four distinct yet
interrelated religious practices within a single passage, presenting all as intra-
c o m m u n i t y deeds o f mercy, focusing all o n the c o n t i n u i n g care a n d upkeep o f
the assembly o f believers.
Correction: Reproof, Isolation, and Exile
W i t h its ethos o f strict segregation from outsiders, 1 Q S sets forth rules govern
ing the admission to, retention within, and expulsion from the religious
c o m m u n i t y . Focused as it is o n the issue o f purity before G o d , t h e Community
Rule presents a strict protocol o f licit behaviors and attitudes within the daily
life o f the yhd (although it nowhere lays o u t this code o f behavior in detail),
and an e x a m i n a t i o n process is designed to correct the behavior of, or weed
out, those w h o d o n o t keep up their life-long c o m m i t m e n t to this way o f life.
N o t surprisingly, e x a m i n a t i o n and correction play a central role in c o m m u n i t y
and m a i n t e n a n c e .
T h e a d m o n i t i o n , " O n e should reproach o n e a n o t h e r in truth, in meek
ness and in lovingkindness for o n e ' s fellow-man" ( V . 2 4 b ) follows immediately
after general instructions a b o u t the testing o f new m e m b e r s to t h e C o m m u
nity (in the text to j o i n is called "to return [nwb] within the C o m m u n i t y to
[Aaron's] c o v e n a n t " V . 2 2 ) , and the c o n t i n u e d testing, "year after year," o f all
m e m b e r s in order to advance t h e m in rank. T h e s e b r i e f instructions o n cor
rection appear to assume a c o n v e n i n g o f an assembly ( o f the " M a n y "
52
m n n ) , in which c o n t e x t o n e may "reprove" ( r r a i n ^ ) a "fellow" ( n m ) . NO
formal procedure governs how m e m b e r s engage in this form o f mutual correc
tion, b u t the task does require morally upright speech. W h e n correcting a fel
low, o n e must tell the truth (nQK) with an attitude o f humility (m3U) and
"lovingkindness" (ion runa). T h e o n e w h o feels "anger" toward a fellow

53
m e m b e r , o r who " m u t t e r s " (mi^n) against him, incurs sin (pitf). N o r is cor-
rection within the assembly o f the M a n y a matter to b e taken lightly, o r an oc
casion for unsubstantiated accusations. I f o n e "raises a matter"
against a fellow in this formal setting, o n e must present witnesses.
A few verses later, in 1 Q S V I . 2 4 - V I I . 1 8 b , we learn what behaviors in the
daily life o f the C o m m u n i t y earn formal sentencing and p u n i s h m e n t "in an
ex ami n at i o n o f the C o m m u n i t y . " T h e n u m b e r o f rules governing correct
speech in the assembly is remarkable. T h e passage lays o u t sanctions for n o
fewer than 16 illicit forms o f speech toward a fellow, with punishments includ
ing some form o f exclusion from c o m m u n i t y practices (partaking o f the "pure
food" o f the assembly is specified). S e n t e n c e s range from ten days (interrupt
ing a fellow, the final infraction m e n t i o n e d ) to a full year (lying hpCT] about
o n e ' s possessions, retorting speaking brusquely [ C S N "lltfpH], speaking
54
angrily [norn] against a priest, insulting [nnir] o r defaming [*73l] a fellow),
with intermediate punishments o f three months (speaking "haughtily"
55
[01")0n], deceiving [moi TOIT] a fellow, uttering futile words [131 i r r m " Q T
57
56
ta]] ) to six m o n t h s (lying [Dm*], unintentionally [naaen] speaking angrily
against a priest, c o m p l a i n i n g [ll'r] against a fellow). T h r e e forms o f forbidden
58
speech—enunciating ("131 TDT") G o d ' s n a m e a l o u d , defaming the Many, and
complaining "against the foundation o f the Community"—incur permanent
e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n from the C o m m u n i t y . Five o f these speech infractions con
59
stitute s o m e form o f lying (six, i f we follow Martinez and T i g c h e l a a r ) ; all save
o n e involve speech directed toward a fellow m e m b e r .
In the passage immediately following ( 1 Q S V I I . 1 8 b - 2 5 ) , the C o m m u n i t y
may welcome b a c k the o n e w h o has deliberately a b a n d o n e d its ways b u t then
repents. S u c h a person gains re-admittance after undergoing a two year proba
60
tionary period m u c h like the process o f admitting new proselytes: he is al
lowed to live in the C o m m u n i t y and participate in its daily activities, except
that "he shall n o t approach the pure food o f the M a n y " during the first year,
61
and during the s e c o n d is excluded from "the drink o f the M a n y " a n d must
sit in the rear o f the assembly. A t the c o m p l e t i o n o f the two years, m e m b e r s
o f the M a n y examine him, and upon readmitting him, enroll h i m at the rank
he previously held. T h e C o m m u n i t y , however, does n o t tolerate o n e w h o ab
andons the yhd after ten years o f full m e m b e r s h i p ; he w h o does so suffers
p e r m a n e n t expulsion, as does anyone w h o c o n t i n u e s to fraternize with h i m .
Mutual correction a m o n g m e m b e r s o f the yhd, therefore, is limited to a
formal convocation, a n d strict rules o f speech govern discourse in the assem
bly. In every case, sanction involves a level o f exclusion from the yhd. In most
instances, reinstatement to o n e ' s former status is possible; in a few, expulsion
T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN lQS 175
is c o m p l e t e and final. In this way, the Community Rule b o t h regulates behavior

and a c c o m m o d a t e s most lapses in c o m p l i a n c e , while also acknowledging that
some actions irrevocably contravene the rigorous process o f testing and admis
sion that has required the participation and c o n s e n t o f the entire assembly.
S u c h actions the C o m m u n i t y regards as an unforgivable offense, since they
1
"betray the C o m m u n i t y " ("Tim nan ? V I I . 2 3 ) .
C o r r e c t i o n , as envisioned in the Community Rule, expresses the ethos that
makes the yhd separate from all others w h o lay claim to the T o r a h revealed to
Moses at S i n a i . T h e call for reproving a fellow "in truth, in meekness and in
compassionate love" repeats nearly verbatim an earlier characterization o f the
C o m m u n i t y in 11.24 (see I V . 3 ) . Also, since the text depicts the C o m m u n i t y
m e m b e r s as "all those w h o submit freely to his truth" ( L I 1 - 1 2 ) , and as "sons
62
o f truth" ( I V . 5 ) , it follows that leaving the c o m m u n i t y is characterized as "to
betray the truth" (no»3 1133% a n d that truth-telling is p a r a m o u n t in the
speech o f the assembly. Lying in all its forms excludes a person from s o m e
c o m m u n a l practices, temporarily moving him toward the permeable boundary
o f m e m b e r s h i p , whereas telling the truth through r e p r o o f a n d punishment
moves h i m securely back within the fold.
C o r r e c t i o n in 1 Q S is primarily a public, c o m m u n i t a r i a n act. T h e text
speaks o f "testing" and " r e p r o o f only within a c o n v o c a t i o n o f the Many, and
in that c o n t e x t , temporary p u n i s h m e n t and complete b a n i s h m e n t from the
yhd are aimed at preserving its way o f life, determining a person's rank in its
rigid hierarchy, and establishing firm boundaries that separate its m e m b e r s
from outsiders.
C o r r e c t i o n is clearly a religious act. N o t only does correction d o n e in an
ger incur a sin, b u t reproof, p u n i s h m e n t , and e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n are all means
o f maintaining the segregation o f the yhd, w h i c h 1 Q S presents as a fulfillment
o f scriptural c o m m a n d s for Israel to remain pure ( V . 1 5 - 1 7 explicitly invokes
Exod 2 3 : 7 and Isa 2 : 2 2 ) . Indeed, every p u n i s h m e n t that is n o t outright ex
c o m m u n i c a t i o n limits a person's frill participation in the religious life o f the
Community.
T h e discourse o f correction in 1 Q S is also thoroughly moral in character.
T h e language o f virtue ("truth," "humility," "compassion") and especially o f
vice ("anger," "muttering," "lying," "retorting," "insulting," "complaining,"
63
"speaking haughtily," " d e f a m i n g " ) d o m i n a t e s the conversation.
T h e discussion o f correction is isolated from o t h e r religious practices,
which are m e n t i o n e d only in passing in this section. N o t e that in a text that
requires confession o f sins a n d repentance for admission into an exclusive yhd,
the sections considered above talk a b o u t neither practice as part o f the process
o f correction. T h a t the p u n i s h m e n t s entail varying degrees o f isolation from
the C o m m u n i t y a n d re-admittance to it makes the absence o f some form o f

expiation all the m o r e striking.
T h e Community Rule's eschatology finds muted expression in the threat o f
eternal expulsion. B y implication, those expelled j o i n the ranks o f those w h o
declined to unite with the yhd at all, and so they suffer the same p u n i s h m e n t
at the hands o f the Divine: misery in the present existence and eternal tor
m e n t in the next.
T h i s section does n o t require a lengthy labor o f comparison and contrast
with James, since m u c h o f the work o f the first a n d third sections o f this chap
ter applies here as well: b o t h texts explicitly address a c o m m u n i t y that segre
gates itself to s o m e degree and takes up a distinctive way o f life, a n d b o t h
envision mutual correction o f c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s as a way to maintain that
segregation and distinction. B o t h even use the m e t a p h o r "to stray from the
path" to describe a b a n d o n i n g their ways o f life. U n l i k e 1 Q S , however, James
makes only indirect references to the initiatory process for j o i n i n g "the Twelve
T r i b e s , " and he makes n o provision for e x c o m m u n i c a t i n g erring m e m b e r s , in
stead urging that all (by implication, including those who stray inadvertently
and those w h o d o so deliberately) be returned to the fold. In contrast to
J a m e s , 1 Q S sets forth a hierarchical matrix within which new initiates b o t h
find their r a n k and are p r o m o t e d o r d e m o t e d year by year as the assembly eva
luates their progress in holiness.
B o t h texts directly link m e m b e r s h i p within the c o m m u n i t y to salvation,
while painting straying from the c o m m u n i t y ' s ways as sin. B o t h likewise set
forth the religious practice o f correction using m o r a l discourse. C o n t r a r y to
1 Q S , however, J a m e s ties correction to the practices o f confession o f sins and
intercessory prayer, envisioning an ideal in w h i c h correction assures restora
tion and salvation, just as prayers for healing a n d for the rain do. Unlike
J a m e s , 1 Q S establishes a forensic protocol for correction, setting it within a
formally-convened assembly, requiring witnesses w h e n allegations o f wrongdo
ing are made, d e m a n d i n g decorum, and specifying gradations o f sanctions for
64
those found guilty o f various offenses.
M o s t notably, b o t h 1 Q S and J a m e s link correction to appropriate speech
within the assembly, encouraging dialogue that builds up a fellow rather than
creating animosity, and b o t h decry those w h o follow their own desires and
a m b i t i o n s . Nevertheless, J a m e s ' s instruction against lying ( 3 : 1 4 ) and prohibi
tion o f oaths ( 5 : 1 2 ) do n o t m a t c h in scale the emphasis o n truth-telling and
the c o n d e m n a t i o n o f various forms o f lying in 1 Q S ; he focuses instead o n
m a t c h i n g how o n e lives to what o n e claims to believe.
O n c e again, the similarities between the practices o f 1 Q S and J a m e s are
strong, as are some aspects o f their visions o f c o m m u n i t y . Likewise, t h e simi-
T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN lQS» 177
larities bring o u t stark differences between the two, highlighting in particular

the isolationist and hierarchical nature o f l Q S ' s yhd in contrast to J a m e s ' s rela
tively unstratified yet sharply defined c o m m u n i t i e s . T h o s e w h o enter the
ranks o f the C o m m u n i t y that 1 Q S envisions self-consciously identify them
selves over against a well-defined "other": morally, they are the r a n k opposite
o f others w h o lay rival claims to the T o r a h revealed at S i n a i . Indeed, the
Community Rule makes n o provision at all for any w h o wish to convert from
pagan religions; rather, the "other" is viewed as a false Israel. B y contrast, we
can make only general inferences a b o u t the identity o f those outside James's
communities. It is clear that J a m e s portrays t h e m as morally inferior to his
readers, b u t in the social and e c o n o m i c picture that J a m e s paints, congrega
tions remain immersed in urban life while taking up a m o r a l stance against it.
U n l i k e Paul, J a m e s does n o t draw distinctions between those w h o are "in C h r
ist" and those w h o are "under the law," focusing instead o n the distinctions
between "wealthy" outsiders and " p o o r " insiders. W e must infer that those
w h o attack J a m e s ' s c o m m u n i t i e s from the outside are pagans, whereas J a m e s
65
conceives o f his assemblies as comprising Israel.
Conclusion: Morality and Religion in

James and Select Judaic Texts
T h e selection o f J u d a i c texts in C h a p t e r s 5 and 6 has provided m a n y different

types o f writings with which to c o m p a r e with J a m e s : three that c o n t a i n sub
stantial sections o f paraenesis (Sirach, a work typically classified as a Jewish
W i s d o m text; the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, w h i c h falls loosely within
that same genre b u t also draws heavily from G r e c o - R o m a n paraenetic litera
ture; and T o b i t , w h i c h falls into the overall genre o f the r o m a n c e ) , a c o m m u
nity instruction m a n u a l (the Community Rule), and a systematic statement
about the everyday life o f Israel (the M i s h n a h ) . B e y o n d supplying a b r o a d
sampling o f the types o f literature that J u d a i c groups produced in G r e c o -
66
Roman period, each sets forth an understanding o f a religious practice or
practices within a distinctive vision for Israel's social order and its way o f life.
Each, therefore, provides a particular o b l i q u e light to shine upon J a m e s , u n d e r
which his own distinctive vision stands out.
As in C h a p t e r 4 , because each section e n d e d with a detailed c o m p a r i s o n ,
here a summary suffices.
[1] In J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , religious practices respond to moral crises in the
community. In particular, the problem o f sin in J a m e s threatens the very
structure o f the c o m m u n i t y because J a m e s presents sin as a wrong d o n e to a

fellow assembly m e m b e r .
T h e presentation o f religious practices as m o r a l deeds was particularly
keen in 1 Q S , Sirach, T o b i t , a n d Testament of Benjamin, all o f which conceived
o f b o t h sin and its expiation in moral terms, although 1 Q S notably did n o t
deploy m o r a l discourse to talk about confession o f sins. S i r a c h talked about
healing through a t o n e m e n t using discourse tinged with moral c o n c e r n s , a n d
T o b i t linked restoration o f sight and d e m o n i c expulsion to moral living in ex
ile. T. Benj. saturated the discussion o f "the good m a n " and the effect o f his
good behavior o n "the wicked m a n " with the language o f virtue and vice, even
conceiving o f piety in moral terms.
A l o n e o f the texts read in this chapter, 1 Q S conceived o f sin as a threat to
the C o m m u n i t y a n d presented correction through sanction or p e r m a n e n t ex
pulsion as a means o f strengthening C o m m u n i t y structures.
[2] In J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 religious practices are c o m m u n i t a r i a n acts, which
means that group m e m b e r s direct these acts toward o n e a n o t h e r a n d for the
purpose o f preserving and building up the c o m m u n i t y . As the G r e c o - R o m a n
moralists conceived o f morality for the good o f t h e state, every Judaic text read
in this study revealed a corporate c o n c e r n for Israel as a distinctive entity, and
all b u t o n e o f t h e m presented that entity as a minority population in exile,
within w h i c h religious practices preserved its distinctiveness and assured its
right c o n n e c t i o n to G o d , and therefore its survival. Most, like James, assumed
a certain level o f interaction between Israelites a n d non-Israelites, and in Si
rach and T o b i t Israelites clearly m a i n t a i n e d a balance between integrating into
G e n t i l e society and remaining distinct within it. 1 Q S alone addressed itself to
a distinctive c o m m u n i t y that isolated itself either by withdrawing from all out
siders, o r by congregating within dedicated "ghettos" or "quarters" in various
67
cities. S u c h tight definition o f the C o m m u n i t y resembles James's insistence
that congregations remain unpolluted by "the world," b u t contrasts with the
level o f integration o f James's congregations in the cities o f the R o m a n Em
pire.
[3] J a m e s presents these practices as having eschatological o u t c o m e s in ad
dition to their effects in the here and now. Religious practices in J a m e s right
the wrongs that c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s c o m m i t against o n e another, and they
mirror the care that G o d shows towards those w h o call Jesus C h r i s t "Lord."
T h i s divine care brings n o p e r m a n e n t change to the community's social and
e c o n o m i c status until the eschaton.
In sharp contrast to the G r e c o - R o m a n sources o f the previous chapter,
68
some sort o f eschatology shapes the worldviews o f 1 Q S , T o b i t , and T. B e n j .
O f these, T o b i t and T. Benj. differ from J a m e s by predicting the restoration o f
T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN l Q S • 179
the people Israel to o n e nation, gathered again in the land o f Israel, and wor
shiping at the glorious, rebuilt T e m p l e together with the N a t i o n s , thus fully
6 9
realizing the prophetic visions o f N a h u m and Isaiah ( T o b i t 1 4 . 4 - 5 ) .
A l o n e a m o n g the sources, the Q u m r a n literature and T. Benj. share with
J a m e s the expectation o f G o d ' s emissary/ies accompanying G o d ' s ultimate sal
vation. In J a m e s it is the Lord h i m s e l f w h o will return. References to the
priestly and kingly Messiahs are m u t e d in 1 Q S (see 1 Q S I X . 11), b u t can be
read in conversation (if n o t synchronically) with the m o r e detailed discussions
70
o f these figures in o t h e r Q u m r a n t e x t s . In 1 Q S , as in J a m e s , salvation is re
served for insiders, while outsiders receive c o n d e m n a t i o n . Distinctive to 1 Q S
is the idea that those w h o have left the yhd suffer the same fate as those w h o
never j o i n e d , whereas J a m e s envisions the return o f the straying. T h e two
texts differ as well in their understanding o f the outsider: 1 Q S establishes the
yhd over against o t h e r claimants to the n a m e Israel and to G o d ' s instruction
handed down at S i n a i , whereas J a m e s apparently imagines c o m m u n i t i e s o f the
faithful s h u n n i n g pollution by, and withstanding the abuse of, G e n t i l e s .
[4] In J a m e s , faith—presented as prolonged and single-minded devotion to
God—is present explicitly in the practices o f prayer and healing, a n d implicitly
in the restorative aspects o f confession and correction. T h i s category provides
the m o s t significant point o f c o m p a r i s o n between J a m e s and the J u d a i c texts
studied in this chapter, for whereas n o n e besides J a m e s regularly uses the term
"faith" in n o m i n a l or verbal forms, all present unflagging devotion to G o d as a
primary c o m p o n e n t o f Israelite identity. T h e tractates o f the M i s h n a h take up
the issue o f every Israelite h o u s e h o l d maintaining priestly purity before G o d in
all aspects o f their workaday lives. T h e Community Rule d e m a n d s rigorous ad
h e r e n c e to the way o f life o f G o d ' s true people, the yhd. Sirach, T o b i t , and T.
Benj. address the problems o f maintaining devotion to G o d in the alien envi
r o n m e n t o f the Diaspora.
[5] In J a m e s , through religious practices, c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s take up
G o d ' s example o f prolonged and single-minded care for the c o m m u n i t y , and
G o d ' s j u d g m e n t o f it. T h i s category provides a significant p o i n t o f contrast
between J a m e s and the texts read in this chapter. A l t h o u g h several o f the texts
e x a m i n e d above also use the discourse o f virtue and vice, and s o m e (particu
larly Sirach) make use o f rhetorical devices that would b e familiar to any edu
cated person, n o n e similarly conceives o f moral behavior in the c o m m u n i t y .
W h e r e these texts deploy moral discourse, it is to characterize the keeping o f
T o r a h in terms that draw o n values a n d modes o f expression shared with G r e
c o - R o m a n society.
In particular, the importance o f the category o f intercessory prayer in
James stands o u t in sharp contrast to the absence o f the same in 1 Q S and m.
Berakhot. "Asking" in these prayers is expressed as b e n e d i c t i o n rather than as

petition o r intercession. W h i l e is it possible, and even likely, that certain
prayers o f these two texts are i n t o n e d to request benefit for one's fellows o r for
the c o m m u n i t y as a whole, the texts nearly exclusively characterize prayer as
blessing G o d for gracious acts o f the past and c o n t i n u e d acts o f lovingkind-
ness. T h e result is that G o d ' s benefits are presented as already present, and
the c o m m u n i t y as fulfilled in its needs rather than lacking, whereas J a m e s
highlights the n e e d for completeness (Jas 1:5) and for the care that its mem-
bers show o n e a n o t h e r through intercession o f the Divine.
Confession in 1 Q S and doing good deeds in T o b i t provide exceptions to
this pattern. W e n o t e d that the Levites hear Israel's (i.e. initiates') confession,
thus fulfilling a priestly role as divine intermediaries for the yhd. In the act o f
correction as well, m e m b e r s e x a m i n e o n e a n o t h e r for either sanction or ad-
v a n c e m e n t in rank, and acceptance into the C o m m u n i t y covenant is c o n c o m i
tant with G o d ' s salvation, while expulsion from it assures ultimate destruction.
In the same way, although J a m e s makes n o provision for h u m a n sanction or
e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n , b o t h healing (which forgives sins) and turning b a c k an err
ing b r o t h e r (a "sinner") bring about G o d ' s salvation, while u n c h e c k e d sin
leads to death. T o b i t ' s excellence in righteousness highlighted acts performed
for fellow Israelites living in exile, in particular giving the dead proper burial
and paying fair wages to workers. T o b i t ' s rise from the ashes o f his life then
b e c o m e s an analogy for all o f Israel, and an object lesson in faithfully keeping
T o r a h to ensure G o d ' s restoration as promised in the prophets. James too
c o n n e c t s G o d ' s salvation to the religious a c t s / m o r a l deeds o f the c o m m u n i t y ,
b u t he has a distinctive vision o f the social entity, and o f what salvation en
tails, as we will discuss presently.
In addition to the categories derived from J a m e s , the e x a m i n a t i o n o f these
particular Judaic texts has generated unique categories, and these highlight
particular aspects o f J a m e s ' s moral vision as well. M o s t notably, regarding
prayer, it is apparent that J a m e s o n o n e hand, and the authors o f 1 Q S and the
M i s h n a h o n the other, are speaking a b o u t different things to different people.
For b o t h 1 Q S and m. Berakhot, the time for prayer, the words spoken aloud in
prayers, and the posture o f the body are dictated by regular and predictable
circumstances. 1 Q S characterizes prayer as a structured discipline, to be of
fered o n certain special days o f the year and at certain times o f t h e day and
night, b u t also to frame t h e many different daily activities in life in the yhd. M.
Berakhot explicitly speaks o f reciting the Shema and Amidah at specified times,
and blessings over various foods and in a range o f circumstances as the fulfill'
m e n t o f a religious obligation, working o u t when an Israelite male can be sure
that he has m e t that obligation, and when he has failed to do so. T h e c h i e f
• T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN lQS» 181
criterion for fulfilling the obligation is the intention o f the Israelite: h u m a n

intentionality has the power to transform profane space and time into the sa
cred, and to re-form scattered Israelites, engaged in the organic chaos o f daily
life, into the single, holy Israel, anywhere and everywhere fixed o n G o d . S u c h
concepts are utterly foreign in J a m e s , where the author speaks o f n o schedule
for prayer, n o liturgy, and most importantly n o power o f intentionality, b u t
prescribes prayer only in response to various crises: lack o f wisdom, the pres
e n c e o f sickness, and by implication, o f sin.
Also absent in J a m e s is any n o t i o n o f the restored Israel such as we find in
Tobit and T. Benj., o r in the case o f the M i s h n a h , the U t o p i a o f Israel never
dispersed. J a m e s does n o t betray that he imagines the "twelve tribes o f the Di
aspora" constituted as a unified people inhabiting the Land, drawing the na
tions to themselves and to G o d . Rather, h e uses the image o f Diaspora to
speak o f many small congregations scattered throughout the cities o f the Em
pire until the c o m i n g o f the Judge.
A c o n c e r n for the accrual o f h o n o r and the avoidance o f s h a m e such as we
find in Sirach and T o b i t finds little expression in J a m e s . Y e t despite showing
slight interest in the e c o n o m i c s o f status, J a m e s h i m s e l f deftly wields the idea
o f s h a m e in his moral exhortation.
M o s t striking is the absence o f actual family or h o u s e h o l d in the Epistle o f
J a m e s . In contrast to Sirach, T o b i t , and T. Benj., w h i c h display great c o n c e r n
for the preservation o f the Israelite family in exile through highlighting the
practice o f endogamy, faithful handing down o f a distinctive way o f life, and
proper relations between parents and children, J a m e s simply has n o t h i n g to
say o n the subject o f husbands and wives, parents and children, o r even mas
71
ters and slaves. In J a m e s , G o d alone is called " F a t h e r , " G o d and Jesus C h r i s t
alone receive the h o n o r o f "Lord," and J a m e s is a "slave." By implication, fel
low believers—James's "beloved brothers"—are co-slaves with J a m e s . A l t h o u g h
it is n o t transparent in the sections o f Berakhot and Ta'anit that we read, family
also forms a primary category in the M i s h n a h , in w h i c h the m a i n t e n a n c e o f
religious purity that is reserved for the priesthood in biblical texts applies to all
Israelite households in their workaday world, and o n the S a b b a t h in particu
lar. In J a m e s , remaining unstained by the world is a moral issue, and the Isra
elite h o u s e h o l d receives n o instruction.
In T o b i t (and less so in T. Benj.), theodicy is a central category, for justify
ing T o b i t ' s blindness and Sarah's d e m o n i c t o r m e n t serves to explain Israel's
travail: G o d ' s true people living everywhere as a minority and ruled by outsid
ers, with neither h o m e l a n d n o r holy city with its T e m p l e . T h e tale assures
readers that afflictions are temporary for the upright, whereas restoration is
part o f G o d ' s plan and permanent. J a m e s makes a statement a b o u t sin's ori-
gin and the persistence o f "trials" as the basis for his exhortations to keep
faithful a n d to m a i n t a i n t h e integrity o f the C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y . Waiting
o u t present suffering means surviving to see G o d ' s justice finally prevail with
the arrival o f the Judge.
W h a t is most remarkable in a c o m p a r i s o n between J a m e s a n d these par
ticular examples o f J u d a i c instruction is the use o f only o b l i q u e references to
Israelite history in the epistle's eschatology. T h e text focuses o n the circum
stances a n d fate o f c o m m u n i t i e s o f believers. B y contrast, with the exception
o f Sirach, the J u d a i c texts that characterize Israel as living in the p r e d i c a m e n t
o f a disassembled people scattered t h r o u g h o u t t h e Diaspora draw o n the twin
myths o f S i n a i (sometimes obliquely by reference to G o d ' s law) a n d David's
dynasty to put forth an expectation o f Israel's glorious restoration to L a n d and
T e m p l e . T h i n g s are destined to return to the way they o n c e were, a n d m o r e
importantly, to the way G o d wants t h e m to b e , with Israel's propensity for
sinning erased a n d sin's disastrous c o n s e q u e n c e s set right. Even S i r a c h looks
b a c k to Israel's glorious past (for Sirach, the past that was made great by great
m e n o f wisdom), a n d for their part the M i s h n a h ' s Sages imagine Israel as a ful
ly functioning society, with an e c o n o m i c system, a single calendar for deter
mining festivals and sacrifices, a working Temple cult with rules for
maintaining purity for b o t h the priesthood and non-priestly families, a code o f
civil laws, a n d a plan for Israelite governance that did n o t exist at the time o f
72
the work's c o m p l e t i o n .
In a text that presents an understanding o f w h o constitutes Israel, a way o f
life for that holy people, a n d an understanding o f their social order such as
J a m e s does, the absence o f a restored Israel in J a m e s ' s eschatology is conspicu
ous. J a m e s ' s eschatology c o n c e r n s n o t restoration to a former idyllic state, b u t
the arrival o f what has n o t existed before: the perfection o f the c o m m u n i t y in
wisdom, the overturning o f its fortunes, a n d its reception o f "the crown o f
life." A n d all o f these benefits are to c o m e to localized c o m m u n i t i e s in the cit
ies o f the E m p i r e . T h e Diaspora is n o t u n d o n e ; t h e scattered people are n o t
reconstituted, d o n o t repopulate the Land, and d o n o t re-establish the T e m p l e
cult, n o r d o they o n c e again enjoy self-rule u n d e r a reinstated high priest and
king. In James, "the L o r d " will rule justly a n d mercifully, b u t it is n o t at all
clear what type o f society h e will govern, n o r what role G o d ' s people will play
in it.
W h a t distinguishes J a m e s from o t h e r Judaic systems is n o t merely his ven
eration o f Jesus C h r i s t as L o r d a n d his setting forth o f Jesus' teachings as
c o m m u n i t y instruction, b u t his vision o f a way o f life for G o d ' s people that
has c o m e to light in every section o f this study. J a m e s remains focused o n the
problem o f daily living in the here-and-now, b u t his aim is the survival o f
c o m m u n i t i e s , which, in the face o f various trials from within a n d without, are

in danger o f disintegrating. T h e Judge is at the gates. C o n s e q u e n t l y , their way
o f life is short-term, designed b o t h to preserve the c o m m u n i t i e s intact, and to
73
assure their favorable j u d g m e n t .
184 • J A M E S RILEY S T R A N G E *
Notes
1. In the discussion of The Community Rule, I refer only to the manuscript of 1QS.
2. The Hebrew text of 1QS is that of Florentino Garcia Martinez and Eibert J. C. Tigche-
laar, eds., The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, vol. 1 (Leiden, Boston, and Koln: Brill,
1997), 9 3 - 9 9 . The translation is adapted from the same volume.
3. The term occurs some four times in 1QS. Three of these occurrences Martinez and Tig-
chelaar translate as "Instructor" (1.1; III. 13; DC. 12); for the passage under review here
(IX.21) they use the term "Inspector." Nowhere do they explain the shift in English
terms. The Damascus Document ( C D - A ) repeatedly refers to an Inspector (ipse). I use
"Instructor" in this chapter.
4. 1QS IX.26a.
5. lQSXI.15b-16a.
6. Cf. Talmon ("Prayer in Israel," 2 1 2 0 , who divides this concluding passage, which he calls
"a separate literary unit," into three subunits: a section beginning in IX.26, another
comprising X . 8 - X I . 15, and a final section beginning at XI. 16.
7. Cf.n-iaX.15, 17; XI. 13.
8. The necessity for such an attitude has already been established at IX.24.
9. The text specifies sunrise, set times during daylight, sunset, dark, set times during the
night, and morning twilight. Talmon interprets the language of X . l a - 3 a ("at the com
mencement of the dominion of light, during its rotation and at its retirement to its ap
pointed abode. At the commencement of the vigils of darkness...and during its rotation,
when it retires before the light. W h e n the lights shine out of the holy vault, when they
retire to the abode of glory") as dividing both daylight and night into three watches,
marked by prayers at the beginning and end of each, as well as the midpoint (noon and
b i s
midnight). Talmon, "Prayer in Israel," 2 1 5 . Cf. the liturgical prayers of l Q 3 4 / 3 4 II. 1,
4 Q 4 0 8 , and 4 Q 5 0 3 .
10. For a concern with the calendar, see the delineation of the priestly courses in 4 Q 3 2 0 ,
4 Q 3 2 1 , and 4 Q 3 2 5 ; 4 Q 3 2 7 ; 4 Q 3 2 8 . See also the calendrical system laid out in 4 Q 3 1 9 ,
and the astrological and astronomical texts of 4 Q 1 8 6 , 4 Q 3 1 7 , 4 Q 3 1 8 , 4 Q 5 3 4 , and
4Q561.
11. Cf. 4 Q 5 0 4 - 6 and 4 Q 5 0 7 - 9 .
12. Cf. the language of the Shema: "Recite them to your children and talk about them when
you are at home and when you are away, when you lie down and when you rise" (Deut
6:7).
13. The language of 1QS simply does not acknowledge interaction between men and wom
en, and addresses members of the community in exclusively male terms (but see XI. 16,
21).
14. Cf. V.25b-VI.2a; VI.24b-VII. 10a.
15. Cf. X I . 7 - 8 .
16. Exod 13:3-10; 2 3 : 1 4 - 1 9 ; Lev 16, 23; Num 2 8 - 2 9 .
• T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN lQS« 185
17. Talmon, "Prayer in Israel," 2 0 2 - 2 0 9 . Cf. Joseph M. Baumgarten, "The Essenes and the
Temple: A Reappraisal," in Studies in Qumran Law, SJLA 24 (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1977),
5 7 - 7 4 ; Daniel K. Falk, "Qumran Prayer Texts and the Temple," in Sapiential, Poetical,
and Liturgical Texts from Qumran: Proceedings of the Third Meeting of the International Organi
zation for Qumran Studies, Oslo 1998, ed. Daniel K. Falk, Florentino Garcia Martinez, and
Eileen M. Schuller, STD] 35 (Leiden, Boston, and Koln: E. J . Brill, 2000); Esther G.
Chazon and Moshe J. Bernstein, "An Introduction to Prayer at Qumran," in Prayer from
Alexander to Constantine: A Critical Anthology, ed. Mark Kiley et al (London and New
York: Routledge, 1997), 9. The idea that prayer and attitudes of the heart suffice for sac
rifice is present already in some scripture passages: cf. Ps 5 0 : 1 2 - 1 5 , 23; 5 1 : 1 5 - 1 7 ; Prov
15:8; Hos 14:2; Sir 3 5 : 1 - 5 ; Tob 4 : 1 1 . See also 1QS I X . 3 - 5 a : "When these [of the
'Community of holiness,' unp irr) exist in Israel in accordance with these rules...in order
to atone for the guilt of iniquity and for the unfaithfulness of sin, and for approval for
the earth, without the flesh of burnt offerings and without the fats of sacrifice—the offer
ing of the lips in compliance with the decree will be like the pleasant aroma of justice
and the perfectness of behavior will be acceptable like a freewill offering...." W e must al
so note, on the other hand, the repeated references to special "feasts" (riir.C; 1.15) and
"pure food" (mno V.13; VI. 16, 25; VII.3, 16, 20; VIII. 17, 24) in the Rule, which suggests
rituals associated with sacrifice, whether in actual practice or also figuratively (cf. C D - A
IX. 14; X I . 1 7 b - 2 1 a ; XIV.20; l Q 2 8 b III. 1). Translations of m r a (Martinez' and Tigche-
laar: "pure food"; Vermes: "pure Meal") leave some ambiguity about its meaning.
18. CT.SE [ncnrr. ...J.
19. Roland de Vaux, Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolb: The Schweich Lectures of the British
Academy, 1959 (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), 1 2 - 1 4 ; PI. Xlb; Jean-Baptiste
Humbert and Alain Chambon, Fouilles de Khirbet Qumran et de Ain Feschkha I: Album de
photographies Repertoire du fonds photographique Synthese des notes de chantier du Pere Roland de
Vaux OP, NTOA.SA 1, Fouilles de Khirbet Qumran (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ru-
precht, 1994), 1 2 8 - 1 3 0 , Pis. 2 6 2 - 6 8 ; Roland de Vaux, Die Ausgrabungen von Qumran und
en Feschcha IA: die Grabungstagebucher, NTOA.SA 1A, ed. Ferdinand Rohrhirsch and Bet-
tina Hofmeir (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996), 7 6 - 7 7 . Cf. C D - A X I . 1 7 b -
21a.
20. For a recent, thorough study that argues this case, specifically taking on alternative hy
potheses, see Jodi Magness, The Archaeology of Qumran and the Dead Sea Scrolls, Studies in
the Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Literature (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2002).
a
21. See also the citation of Prov 15:8 in CD-A X I . 2 0 - 2 1 ; cf. 1 1 Q 5 / 1 lQPs (= Syriac Ps II)
XVIlI.9b-12a: "The person who gives glory to the Most High is accepted like one who
brings an offering [nn:c], like one who offers [ r i p e ] rams and calves, like one who makes
the altar greasy with many holocausts, like the sweet fragrance from the hand of just
ones."
22. The Qumran community lived out this ideal by withdrawing to a desert plateau near the
Dead Sea. Other Essene communities may well have lived in other villages or special
neighborhoods (so-called "Essene quarters") in cities. Josephus, B.J. 2 . 1 2 4 - 1 2 5 ; Philo,
Prob. 76; 8 5 .
23. The individual nature of the prayer is evident in the opening language, "And these are
the regulations for the behavior of the Instructor" (IX.21).
24. "Vow" is the term that I have selected to call this section of 1QS. It is neither addressed
to God nor, as is quite often the case in the Greco-Roman world, accompanied by a vo
tive offering or promise of one, but it reads like a solemn oath uttered in the hearing of
the Community and in the presence of the Deity.
a
25. Cf. especially the Hodayot hymns of l Q H . Eileen M. Schuller, "Prayer, Hymnic, and
Liturgical Texts from Qumran," in The Community of the Renewed Covenant: The Notre
Dame Symposium on the Dead Sea Scrolb, ed. Eugene Ulrich and James VanderKam, Chris
tianity and Judaism in Antiquity Series 10 (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre
Dame, 1994), 155; cf. Talmon, "Prayer in Israel," 2 1 3 .
26. Cf. 4 Q 2 8 0 , 2 8 6 - 9 0 (4QBerakhot). In l Q 2 8 b (IQRule of Benedictions), it is the Instructor
who blesses the Community as a whole, the priests ("sons of Zadok), and "the prince of
the congregation," presumably before an assembly. According to Chazon, "Prayer at
Qumran," 9, the Dead Sea Scrolls contain over 2 0 0 non-biblical prayer texts of various
types.
27. XI.2b-9a.
28. The language is strongly suggestive of resurrection from the dead on the day of judg
ment: "and raise up [opm] the son of your handmaid to stand everlastingly in your pres
ence...."
29. Petitions are more prevalent in prayers from other Dead Sea Scrolls texts. Blessings in
voked over individuals or groups may be interpreted as intercessions; see l Q 2 8 b (=
lQSb). Other texts contain more explicit petitions; see Word of the Luminaries ( 4 Q 5 0 4 -
b i s a > b> e
506); Festival Prayers ( l Q 3 4 - 3 4 , 4 Q 5 0 7 - 5 0 9 ) ; War Scroll (1QM, 4QM ) ; War Rule
(4Q285); HQBerakhot.
30. The blessings and curses in 1QS II. 1 - 1 0 may be taken as general forms of intercession
lacking any references to specific circumstances.
31. If this is the case, then 1QS VIII.8b-9a-referring to the Community ("[It will be] the
most holy dwelling for Aaron...in order to offer a pleasant /aroma/....")—may indicate
the Community at prayer. Cf. l Q 2 8 b III. 1.
32. 1QS formulates the community as ^fc "inn "\m ("those whom God has selected" XI.7), UT\D
("their assembly" XI.8), irr ("the Community" XI.8), and cn» "vna ("the chosen ones of
humankind" XI. 17); James, as ouvaycoyr) (2:2, although this term could refer to the place
of gathering) and EKKAEOICX (5:14).
33. Conducting a limited reading as we are, it is difficult to draw firm conclusions about
who makes up "the men of the pit" (nne? -TOR DC.22 ; X . 2 0 ) , whom the Instructor is to
%
shun and to hate. The epithets of XI.9—"assembly of unfaithful flesh" (b ,v -ien T.D) "as
sembly of worms" (nm Tie?), and "those who walk in darkness" ("fcnn -Dîn)—in context re
fer to all of humanity, which the text decries generally as "evil" (nircn cn«). Earlier in the
document, however, the contrast between the "sons of light" and "sons of darkness"
(1.9-10), and between "sons of justice" and "sons of deceit" (111.20-21) but especially the
requirement that the "men of the Community" must segregate themselves from the
"congregation of the men of injustice" and submit to the authority of the "sons of Za
dok" ( V . l - 2 ) , implies that 1QS envisions a separate priesthood and congregation, re
garding all other claims to the same as false, thus excluding the Jerusalem priesthood and
its apparanis, namely the Temple. Cf. C D , lQpHab.
34. M. Peak; Lev 19:9-10; m. Terumot; Exod 2 9 : 2 7 - 2 8 ; Lev 7:14, 32; Num 1 8 : 2 6 - 2 9 ; cf. Lev
2 5 : 1 - 5 5 . The first division of the Mishnah addresses the topic of agriculture, and so of
the economy. For example, the entire discussion of peak (the designation of produce for
the poor) is governed by the categories of those who own property, and hence who des
ignate peak, and those who do not and so whose ability to feed themselves and their
families depends on the Israelite's designation of it. Likewise, the discussion of terumot
("heave offering": tithe for the feeding of priestly families), is predicated on the separa
tion of heave offering from the produce of the land-owning Israelite's field; the process is
therefore controlled by the intention of the owner to designate a portion of his own
earnings as a gift to the priesthood. In neither case does the Israelite male turn over the
sum of his possessions to be held in common by a group; rather, he surrenders a portion
of what belongs to him for the care of those who otherwise have no means of support.
35. n-.c-ic; it is not clear that this word carries the subtle connotations of "sophistries" (mean
ing plausible but misleading arguments). It is better read as a synonym (and thus a re
dundancy) forcriD ("deception"; Martinez and Tigchelaar translate it as a plural) and
riTD ("lies").
36. These vows of the Instructor echo regulations regarding correct speech in a convening of
the Many in V I . 2 4 - V I L 1 8 b .
37. C'ir.pc, literally "detestable things," usually reserved for unclean animals.
38. Talmon, "Prayer in Israel," 2 0 1 - 2 0 2 .
39. 1QSI.1-I3a; V.l-3a.
40. Cf. 1QS V. 1 0 - 1 1 ; 13b-20a; VI. 1 3 - 1 4 .
41. Pliny, Nat. 5.17.4 [731; cf. Philo, Prob. 7 6 .
42. An assembly of all ranks together is called "the Many" (csnr:); cf. 1QS V I . 8 - 9 .
43. Cf. esp. 1QS V I . 8 b - 9 a also V.9; VI.4, 8 b - 1 3 a .
;
44. 1QS V. 1 3 b - 2 4 a . VI. 1 3 b - 2 3 . See the discussion below.

;
45. The admonition for the happy person to sing hymns in 5:13 is individualistic (as is the
preceding instruction for the suffering person to pray), although it reveals that James
knows of hymns. This in turn suggests that he assumes that his readers engage in this
sort of communal practice. He has nothing further to say on the subject, however.
46. T o claim that the author of 1QS (or that the Essenes) had no notion of intercessory
prayer, or oaths, or petition is an argument from silence. The same must be said for
James's silence on the subject of liturgical prayer.
a
47. But cf. l Q H X X . 2 4 - X X V . 9 , which may reflect some kind of personal confession by the
Instructor.
48. The text does not specify what sins the Levites mention.
49. Cf. Jud 10:10, 15; 1 Sam 7:6; 12:10.
50. Cf. III.26-IV. 1; IV.6-7, 1 2 - 14a.
51. See promises of "plentiful peace in a long life" to the sons of light in I V . 6 - 7 and of "bit
ter weeping" during "all the ages of their generations...until their destruction" to the
sons of darkness in IV. 1 2 - 1 4 a . John Collins' discussion of eschatology in the Dead Sea
Scrolls focuses on the phrase, "the last days" ( c c n mn&), and so deals with 1QS only pe
ripherally. John J. Collins, "The Expectation of the End in the Dead Sea Scrolls," in Es-
chatobgy, Messianism, and the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. Craig A. Evans and Peter W . Flint
(Grand Rapids, Mich, and Cambridge, U. K.: William B. Eerdmans, 1997), 7 4 - 9 0 . The
expectation in 1QS of a day of judgment at some unspecified time contrasts with the ex
pectations in the Pesher on Habakkuk (lQpHab) 7 : 6 - 1 3 and CD-A X I I I . 2 3 - X I V . l a that
this day would occur on a specific date; ibid., 8 2 - 8 5 .
52. Cf.CD-AVII.2.
53. Cf. Jas 5:9.
54. From ]ny "to have an offensive smell," hence, "to offend, insult."
55. Martinez and Tigchelaar translate this word as "with deception." Their rendering creates
a pair of redundant prohibitions with "making deceit," which follows. Hence, my sug
gestion of "haughtily," reading Diioa as "proudly" (fr. e n ) ; B D B 929a. nemo indicates
"fraudulent"; Jastrow, 8 3 9 .
56. 1QSX.22
57. Readme.
58. The sanction takes into account blaspheming (bbp), using an expletive, or unintention
ally calling the name in a blessing or while reading from a text, which is done aloud in
the ancient world. See the discussion above in m. Berakhot about differentiating between
reading the verses of the Shema vs. reciting them in prayer.
59. See note 5 4 .
60. Cf. VI 1 3 b - 2 3 .
61. Presumably this language refers to ritual meals of some type, or it may be that every meal
has religious significance, and one eats alone or with other catechumens during the pro
bationary period. The ancient copyist corrected the manuscript at this point. See
Martinez and Tigchelaar, Study Edition, 8 6 .
62. This appellation falls within a discussion of the Community Rule's "two ways" ("two spir
its") discourse in III.13-IV.26. See esp. III. 17b-19a; cf. 1QM 1.16.
63. W e examined only banned forms of speech, but the section also talks about feeling ani
mosity toward a fellow, retaliation, lack of modesty (in the form of exposing oneself to a
fellow deliberately or inadvertently) and crude acts (spitting): 1QS VII.8b- 14a.
64. W h e n James uses forensic language, it is usually negative: one should not "judge a
a s
neighbor" because this is God's place ( J 4 : 1 1 - 1 2 ) ; it is wealthy outsiders who drag
members of James's communities into court (Jas 2:6).
65. Granted, the "rich" and "poor" language and James probably operates on a figurative
level as well, and so may not merely describe people of different economic status. See
Johnson, "The Social World of James: Literary Analysis and Historical Reconstruction,"
in The Social World of the First Christians: Essays in Honor of Wayne A. Meeks, ed. L. M.
White and O. L. Yarbrough (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995), 1 7 8 - 1 9 7 ; repr., Brother
of Jesus, Friend of God, 1 0 1 - 2 2 . Penner uses the ambiguity of the language to argue that
James's outsiders are "Jews who are opposed to the incipient Christian movement"; Pen
ner, James and Eschatology, 2 7 2 . He then adduces the anti-Jewish sentiment evident in Q,
the tensions in Paul's letters, and Matthew as corroborating evidence for his claim; ibid.,
2 7 3 - 7 6 . In those texts, however, the polemic against religious rivals is transparent, and
along with 1QS they provide examples of how a group that lays claim to Torah rejects
other such claims. In contrast to them, James's characterization of outsiders does not
engage religious rivals, but focuses on social and economic oppression.
66. Notably absent is a true apocalypse.
T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN lQS 189
67. This conclusion is based on the isolationist language in 1QS correlated with descriptions
of Essene communities in Pliny and Josephus and the archaeology of Kirbet Qumran.
68. Eschatology is notably absent in Sirach, which follows the precedent of many Israelite
texts by regarding the end of earthly life as the end of meaningful existence, and escha
tology is peripheral in the Mishnah. While we can find eschatological expectations (the
coming of Messiah, the resurrection of the dead, the world to come) expressed here and
there in the Mishnah, the Mishnah's teleology is focused on Israel's sanctification in the
here-and-now rather than on its future salvation. Jacob Neusner, Messiah in Context: Is
rael's History and Destiny in Formative Judaism, The Foundations of Judaism: Method,
Teleology, Doctrine Part Two: Teleology (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984), 1 9 - 2 0 , 3 0 .
69. Cf. I Enoch 9 1 : 1 1 - 1 4 .
70. For examples, see 4 Q 1 7 5 ; 4 Q 2 4 6 ; 4 Q 5 2 1 ; CD-A XII.23-XII.1; XIV.19; C M XIX. 1 0 -
11; 4 Q 1 7 4 (4QFlor). For a synchronic reading of Qumranic eschatological texts, see
Collins, "Expectation of the End"; for a critique of Collins and an alternative, dia-
chronic reading, see Philip R. Davies, "Eschatology at Qumran," JBL 104 (1985): 3 9 - 5 5 ;
reprint, Sects and Scrolls: Essays on Qumran and Related Topics (Atlanta: Scholars Press,
1996), 6 1 - 7 8 .
71. Abraham is "father" as a metaphor for the heroic ancestor and progenitor, but "God
gave birth" to James's congregations and sustains them through his mercy.
72. Neusner, Messiah in Context, 18.
73. See Timothy B. Cargal, Restoring the Diaspora: Discursive Structure and Purpose in the Epistle
of James, SBLDS 144 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993), 4 9 - 5 0 . Cargal argues that James's
use of "Diaspora" is multilayered, both referring to his readers' "status as 'exiles' in an
evil and hostile world," and "because they have become a 'Diaspora' by 'wandering from
the truth'"; ibid., 50.
C O N C L U S I O N
The Moral World of James
W hen making his way in the Hellenistic Mediterranean world, J a m e s

takes s o m e paths walked by many others. W e expect as m u c h from
a religion in the early decades o f its existence. Y e t J a m e s never
fades into his background, for in the e n d he treads a distinctive moral a n d re
ligious course. In his exhortation, J a m e s deploys many tools o f G r e c o - R o m a n
philosophers and moralists, while h e also sees the c o m m u n i t i e s he addresses as
the c o n t i n u a t i o n o f biblical Israel. However, in contrast to Utopian visions,
J a m e s proposes n o changes to whole societal structures, n o revision o f laws or
adjustments in the m e c h a n i s m s o f government. Indeed, he betrays n o vision
at all for large-scale societies, n o o p t i m i s m a b o u t the polis or the R o m a n Em
pire. In addition, although he carries forward n o t i o n s o f T o r a h observance
and purity, h o p e for the restoration o f all Israel does n o t register in his prose.
Rather, he focuses his c o n c e r n s o n the life and death o f particular religious
communities. It is within knots o f humanity that revolution is to occur: val
ues, modes o f thought a b o u t the divine, and their implications for how people
live are to be transformed within tightly defined groups. In t h e present age,
c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s wait for G o d to bring ultimate justice and purification o f
all h u m a n endeavors soon, at "the c o m i n g o f the Lord." In the m e a n t i m e ,
m e m b e r s must endure the abuses leveled by society and reject its way o f life as
a polluting influence. T h e y must survive.
T h i s is a m o r a l vision for a minority that primarily (although n o t necessar
ily exclusively) occupies the lower rungs o f society, b u t it also avoids the ways
o f popular G r e c o - R o m a n religion we e n c o u n t e r e d at Epidauros, in Asia Mi
nor, magical spells, or the writings o f Aelius Aristides. W e find n o h i n t o f
n o
Tipr), n o trace o f X ^ P ' S , domesticating o f powerful divine beings to o n e ' s
advantage, n o mystical u n i o n with the deity. Rather, J a m e s deploys metaphors
o f receiving death from sin and life from G o d . James's exhortation draws au
thority from G o d , the c o m m u n i t y ' s Father w h o gives birth, and urgency from
the l o o m i n g end: the c o m m u n i t y must live o n in order to receive its reward
from the c o m i n g judge. Survival is a c o n c e r n because the demise o f the group
means that it has a b a n d o n e d the generous giver o f all good and perfect gifts,
and has b e c o m e ensnared in the trap laid by its own alluring sin. T h e death o f
the c o m m u n i t y signals the death o f its faith, the failure to endure to the end,
a n d seduction by its own desires. D e a t h also shows that t h e group has been
receiving instruction from the envious, d e m o n i c wisdom o f the world rather
than from the wisdom that G o d gives generously to all w h o ask for it. C o n s e
quently, J a m e s draws an unambiguous line between the friends o f G o d and
the friends o f the world, and he erects boundaries a r o u n d small c o m m u n i t i e s
to keep o u t the vast "world" until the e n d that G o d is bringing.
A m o n g the texts read for this study, such stark, moral a n d eschatological
dualism finds its closest m a t c h in the c o m m u n i t y vision o f 1 Q S , w h i c h also
draws sharp distinctions between outsiders and insiders, and in w h i c h confes
sion and correction are key practices for the formation and preservation o f the
yhd, w h i c h also awaits the e n d , expressed in its own terms. S o the epistle o f
J a m e s emerges, m u c h as 1 Q S does, as a d o c u m e n t produced within a minority
group that is attempting to define a distinctive way o f life tied to the past o f
a n c i e n t Israel, b u t also looking forward to the eschaton. T h e current existence
is an interim state. Nevertheless, it is clear that J a m e s ' s "Twelve T r i b e s o f the
Diaspora" are n o t the regimented ranks o f Israelites envisioned in the Commu
nity Rule, for 1 Q S solidifies and canonizes status distinctions, based o n its own
system, rather than equalizing m e m b e r s . Likewise, J a m e s ' s c o m m u n i t i e s must
develop tactics for maintaining their distinctive way o f life while living in for
eign and hostile surroundings. Surprisingly, unlike 1 Q S , J a m e s m e n t i o n s nei
ther a warrant for, n o r a m e a n s of, e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n . S i n n e r s are to b e
corrected b u t n o t expelled.
F r o m the beginning, this study has bracketed questions about t h e date
and authorship o f the Epistle o f James, and even n o w it is inappropriate to say
m o r e than a few sentences a n d to draw o u t a handful o f implications. T h e is
sues m e n t i o n e d above bear o n any discussion o f t h e date o f the letter's com
position. W e ask, in what setting o f Christianity's early decades does James's
m o r a l vision fit best? C o n s i d e r the strong links between righteousness and
T o r a h observance in J a m e s a n d the corresponding failure to separate from T o
rah cleanly in the ways that Paul and all four gospel writers attempt to do.
N o t e the striking similarities with some aspects o f the vision o f 1 Q S , tempered
by the relative egalitarianism o f the congregational structure. N o t i c e the ad
dress to small groups that probably are made up largely o f lower-class people,
a n d references to those people enduring trials in the courts a n d tribulations in
the workplace at the hands o f wealthy outsiders. T h e reworking o f unattrib-
uted sayings o f Jesus and recapitulations o f Jesus' healing ministry—none o f
w h i c h can b e shown to draw directly from the G o s p e l s themselves—and the
u n d i m m e d expectation o f Jesus' immediate return without a h i n t o f having to
a c c o u n t for its delay are b o t h significant factors, a n d they correspond with
• T H E MORAL W O R L D O F JAMES • 193
James's anxiousness about the loss o f c o m m u n i t i e s and even o f individual

m e m b e r s from t h e m . N o t e also the absence o f instructions for families, which
finds a m a t c h in James's view o f the c o m m u n i t y as a kinship group.
W h e n considered in sum, these observations suggest a setting within the
first decades o f Christianity's emergence, during which t h e religion spread rel
atively quickly in the form o f small congregations in cities o f the R o m a n Em
pire and a few outside o f it: a time in which Jesus' sayings and deeds are n o t
yet widely available, i f at all, in written form and righteousness is still strongly
associated with keeping T o r a h . T h e y imply that followers o f Jesus are numer
ous e n o u g h to b e noticed and to face s o m e form o f persecution that is n o t yet
systematic, b u t still few e n o u g h that the author views the loss o f a congrega
tion as a catastrophy and and insists that every wandering m e m b e r be re
1
turned. In light o f this evidence, a date near the reigns o f Claudius ( 4 1 - 5 4 )
2
o r N e r o ( 5 4 - 6 8 ) seems reasonable.
T h e question o f authorship is complicated by the quality o f the G r e e k ,
which many regard as too elevated to c o m e from the pen o f a Galilean, Jewish
3
artisan (assuming that we are to understand "James a slave o f G o d and the
Lord Jesus C h r i s t " to indicate the b r o t h e r o f Jesus, as I t h i n k we should). In
deed, o u r investigation has confirmed that the author's facility in G r e e k rhe
torical flourishes and the genres employed by G r e c o - R o m a n moralits rivals the
talent o f Jesus b e n Sirach's Alexandrian grandson. O n the o t h e r hand, for
decades now, excavations in the Galilee have b e e n blurring clear distinctions
between what is "Hellenistic" and what is "Jewish," and between w h o is liter
4
ate and w h o is n o t . Moreover, to m a k e a clear distinction between authentic
and pseudonymous writings based o n the complexity and quality o f language
may indicate an understanding o f a n c i e n t authorship that is t o o simplistic, es
pecially given what we k n o w about the use o f amanuenses for letter composi
tion, and given a broader n o t i o n o f "authorization" that might include many
people in the production o f a piece o f a n c i e n t Christian moral e x h o r t a t i o n .
W h o and how many, for example, t o o k part in the c o m p o s i t i o n o f the undis
puted Pauline epistles to the C o r i n t h i a n s , the Philippians, and the Thessalo-
nians, all o f w h o m n a m e others in addition to Paul in their salutations? W h a t
role did Tertius play in the c o m p o s i t i o n o f R o m a n s ? W e are beginning to pile
conjecture upon conjecture and should go n o further, except to say that good
Koine in J a m e s is n o t fatal to a view that the letter is early and authored, o r au
5
thorized, in s o m e way by J a m e s the b r o t h e r o f the L o r d .
Even so, questions about the letter's date and authorship remain ancillary
to the aims o f this study, w h i c h are to view the Epistle o f J a m e s alongside oth
er examples o f religious and moral instruction o f the G r e c o - R o m a n world. In
light o f the writings examined here, J a m e s ' s letter emerges as a piece o f urgent
moral instruction, keenly focused o n the preservation, for a short while, o f in-
dividual groups o f Greek-speaking worshipers o f the risen Lord. W h a t the

Lord will inaugurate when h e c o m e s , J a m e s does n o t say. W h a t c o u n t s n o w is
persevering to the e n d , withstanding the wickedness o f the world outside, and,
like G o d , c o m m i t t i n g deeds within the c o m m u n i t y that preserve its God-given
life.
• T H E MORAL W O R L D OF JAMES 195
Notes
1. Apparently unable to differentiate Jews from Christians, Claudius expelled Jews from
Rome in around 4 9 C E : Suetonius, Life of Claudius 25 A; Acts 18:2.
2. Nero's infamous persecution of Christians in Rome occurred in 6 4 C E : Suetonius, Life
of Nero 16.2; Tacitus, Annals 1 5 . 4 4 . 2 - 8 . If the letter is a response, whether directly or
indirectly, to persecutions under Nero, any link to James the brother of the Lord can on
ly be posthumous, perhaps through a follower of James, since based on Josephus' ac
count in Ant. 20.9 James's death is typically dated to 62 C E .
3. The term "peasant" does not accurately describe farmers and artisans of first century Ju-
dea. See J . Andrew Overman, "Jesus of Galilee and the Historical Peasant," in Archae
ology and the Galilee: Texts and Contexts in the Graeco-Roman and Byzantine Periods, Edited by
Douglas R. Edwards and C. Thomas McCollough (Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press, 1997),
67-73; Sharon Lea Mattila, "Jesus and the 'Middle Peasants'? Problematizing a Social-
Scientfic Concept," CBQ 72, No. 2 (April 2010): 291-313.
4. Challenges to the old hypothesess can be traced to Martin Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism:
Studies in their Encounter in Palestine during the Early Hellenistic Period, trans. John Bowden
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1974). See also Martin Hengel, "Hellenism and Judaism
Revisited" in John J. Collins ck Gregory E. Sterling, Editors, Hellenism in the land of Israel
(Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2 0 0 1 ) , 6-37.
5. For a thorough treatment of the issue of authorship and an argument for authenticity,
see Johnson, Letter of James, 8 9 - 1 2 3 . For an argument for a late date of composition and
inauthenticity based in part on the implications of his study of Stoic influences on
James's thought, and responding to Johnson's views, see Matt A. Jackson-McCabe, Logos
and Law in the Letter of James The Law of Nature, the Law of Moses, and the Law of Freedom,
NovTSupp, vol. C (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 2 4 3 - 5 3 .
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Index of Ancient Texts
[Aristotle]
• Greco-Roman Texts •
Virt. vit.
1250B, 1251A 77,79
Aelian
Nat. an.
BWK
9.33 117
1 122, 123
11.17 121
3 109
4,5 122,123
Aelius Aristides
6,7 122
Disc.
10 122,123
23.16-17 104
11,12 122
47.1 121
15, 19 123
48.74-78 101
18, 20, 35 122
4 8 . 3 0 - 3 5 , 80;
37 122,123
51.36 121
38 122
43 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 , 122, 123
Anaxagorus 12 43
51,52,57,58,59 122
60 123
Andocides
61,62,63 122
De myst. 73.2 82
65 123
67 122
Apuleius
68 109-110,122
Met.
76 122, 123
8.27-28 80
97, 109 122
11.2 77
112 110-111
116 122
Aristotle
Eth. nic.
Cato
1.2 82
Agr. 139, 141 77
1.4 81
8 . 1 , 3 , 7tY, 13, 14;
Catullus 34,
9. Iff 83
63.92-93,
10.7,9 82
64.1-04 77
Polit.
1.1,3.4,3.6 82
Celsus
7.4-12 16
De med. 4 . 2 6 . 4 - 5 46
Chariton 14,28 77
Chaer.
3.8.7.2-3.8.9.6 77 Galen
Med. Temp.
Cicero 2.10 (DC) 46
Cli*. 5 5 . 1 5 2 81
Div. 1.129 77 Heraclitus
Fam. 12.15.3 81 Frg. 5 77
Phil. 13.1.2 81
Herodotus
CIL 12.4333 77 Hist.
1.31 77
Corpus Hermeticum 77 2.177 81
Democritus 252 81, 82 Hesiod

Op.
Demosthenes 212 81
18.141 77 3 2 0 - 3 4 0 , 4 6 5 - 4 7 9 77
Theog.
Diogenes Laertius 535-557 77
Vit. Pytk 77 902 81
Vit.
1.53 82 Hippocrates
6.58; 6 . 9 6 - 9 8 84 Vict. {Regimen)
9.37 82 II, 6 5 (DC) 46
7.110-113 80
Homer
Euripides
Bacch. 4 1 9 81 Od. 3.52, 9 . 1 7 5 81
Epictetus Horace
Diatr.
1.1-8 84 Odes 3.6 77
2.1.31; 2.9.21 82
3.10 117 Iamblichus
3.10.15; 3.22 84 Life of Pythagoras 77
2
3.22.9 82 /G4 .l.121-22 117

3.22.18, 77, 9 4 , 9 5 , no. 3 117,121
96, 100, 103, 105 85 no.4 96-97
3.22.23-25 72 no. 5, 6, 7 117
3.22.26-30,38 84 no. 9 97-98,117
3.22.42-44 72 no. 10, 12, 15 117
3.22.45,68,83-85 84 no. 21 98
no. 23, 25, 27,
Epicurus 30,36 117
2
Rat. sent. /G4 Syll. 3.1170 121

1 80
• INDEX OF A N C I E N T T E X T S • 215
Isaeus 8 . 1 5 - 1 6 77 PGM
I. 4 2 - 5 4 , 8 8 - 9 0 ,
Isocrates 95-132, 247-49,
Aerop. 7 . 2 9 - 3 0 77,81 262-347 117
Or. 15.246 77 11.51-54 81
II. 6 4 - 1 8 3 ,
Juvenal 145,171 117
Sat. 6 . 5 3 5 - 5 4 1 121 III. 50ff., 95-160ff.,
187-262,
Livy 494-611 117
Ab urb. III. 5 3 8 81
4.43.11 81 IV. 1 5 4 - 2 8 5 ;
5.18.22 77 VII. 2 1 8 - 2 1 117
29.27.2-4 77 VII. 2 6 0 - 7 1 89
LXXXIII. 1 - 2 0 91,117
Lucretius CXXIV. 6-43 93
De re. nat. 6 . 6 8 - 7 8 80
Pindar
Lysias 18.17 82 Odes 10{11}.46 43,77
Pyth. 3.38-53 117
Maximus of Tyre
Diss. Plato
5 77 Euthyphr. 1 4 C E 78
5.3 78 Leg.
1.631B-D 79
Menander 3.679C, 744D 78
Georg. 6 0 46 3.696D-E;
4.709E-710B 79
Menander of Laodicea 4.710B, D 53
Rhet. 51,77 4.713B,C,D-E 78
4.716B-717A 52
Orphei Hymni 4.716B-718C 52,54
1-86 77 4.717A 78
32.16,43.2 81 4.717A-B 54
4.717E 79
Ovid 4.718A-B;
Ars 2 . 3 2 5 - 3 3 0 80 4.737C-D;
Epist. 5 1 - 5 8 121 4.742A-B;
Fast. 6 . 3 0 5 - 3 2 7 121 4.743C-D;
Metam. 1 1 . 1 2 9 - 1 4 3 121 4.745A;
4.745C-E;
Pausanias 4.753B;
Descr. 4.764A;
1.8.3 81 4.814C 54
2.26.1-2.27.1-6 117 5.726A-B 84
5.15.3-12 77 5.739C-E 79
7.801A 78
216 • J A M E S RILEY STRANGE*
7.801D 78,79 68A 83

10.885D 78 68A-B 84
10.887D-E 77,78 68F 83,84
10.888C 78 68F-69F 68
10.903B-905A 79 69A; 7 0 A - B 84
10.905D-907B 78 70B-D, E 83
10.907Dff 79 7 0 F ; 7 1 F ; 72B;
10.909E-910A 80 73A-B, D ;
10.909E-910D 79 74B 84
Resp. 74C 83
2.379A-308C 80 74C-D, D-E 84
2.347E-367E 77 Amic. mult.
2.406C 78 93F; 94Aff;
95C, G D 83
Pliny the Elder Aem. 2 9 80
Nat. Def. orac.
5.17.4173] 187 417E 423D
; 80
23.39-50 46 Fac. 9 4 4 D 80
28.3-13 77 Is. Os.
360E-361Q
Pliny the Younger 351C 80
Epist Mor.
8.5.1-2 82 84B 82
10.96.7 16 93A-97B 83
164E-171F 79
Plutarch 167F 81
Adul amic. 1033B 82
4 9 C - D , E; Quaest. gr. 3 6 77
50A, D - E ; Stoic. Abs. 1 82
5IB, B-C, E-F; Suav. viv. 1 1 0 2 E - F 8 0
52B-D; Superst.
54C, F ; Book 2 59
55C, E-F; Book 4 16,60,61
55D 83 164F 80,81
56A 83,84 165B, C, D, E - F 80
56F; 166A-B, E 81
58A, C, C - D , 168D 84, 121
E-F 83 169F-170A 80
59F 84 170A, E 81
60B-D 83 171B 80,81
61D 84 171F 81
62A, B, E - F 83 Virt. prof. 14 82
66E 66
67B 67, 157 Porphyry
67D 83
67E, F 84 Abst. 2 16
67E-F 68
P. Oxy. 1070 77
• INDEX OF ANCIENT TEXTS • 217
Pseudolsocrates Zeno
Demon. 11 77, 79 Stoic. 1.61; 3 . 1 6 0 82
Sappho
Frg. 1 77
•HebrewBible •
Seneca
Genesis
Epist.
1:1-2:4 22
10.5,41.1 77
1:11-12 136
20.1; 9 4 . 4 6 82
1:26 22
28:18 47
Stobaeus
28:30 43
Eel. 3.9.23 77,81 29:35 47
31:13 43
Suetonius 49 146
Claud. 25.4 195

Exodus
Nero 16.2 195
13:3-10 184
Tacitus
15:26-25 136
Ann. 1 5 . 4 4 . 2 - 8 195
23:7 157, 175
23:14-19 184
Theophrastus
28:41; 29:7 47
Caus. plant.
29:27-28 186
6.1.15 78
29:36; 3 0 : 2 2 - 2 3 47
7.3.3; 9.8.8 77
30:32 46
Frg. 8.1 77
34:6 85
40:9-15 47
Thucydides
Hist. 8.94.1.1 82
Leviticus
2 157
Tibullus
2:1-4,14-16 47
1.11-12 80
2:2 136
4-7 157
Xenophanes
4:18; 4:29 35
Frg. 1, 2 3 - 2 6 77
5:5 47, 161
5:15-19 157
Xenophon
5:18 84
Anab. 16
7:14,32 186
Lac. 8 77
7:37 84
Oec. 5 . 1 9 - 2 0 ; 11.8 77
8:10-12 47
Mem.
16 171, 184
1.2.1-4 77
16:14 157
1.3.1-4,2 78
16:21 47, 161
19:9-10 187
Xenophon of Ephesus
23 184
Eph. 4 . 3 . 3 - 4 ; 5.4.6,
32 47
10 77
19 157
25:1-55 186 1 Kings

26:10 161 1:34, 39;
26:40 47 8:31,33,35 47
27:2,8 43 17:1 4
17:17-24 35
Numbers 18:1 4
5:5-7 161 18:36 85
5:8 157 18:36-37 44
6 43 18:37 48
6:12 157 22:16 47
15:37-41 153
18:9 157 2 Kings
18:26-29 186 2:24; 9:6 47
28-29 184
30 43 15:29; 17:5, 6 159
Deuteronomy Ruth 3:3 46

6:4-9 153
6:7 184 1 Chronicles
11:13,13-21 153 16:4 47
12:11,17 43 28-29 161
18:19,22 47 2 Chronicles
28:1-68 160 9:6; 18:15 47
28:40,58-63 46 28:15 46
33 146 33:18 47
Joshua Ezra 9 - 1 0 157
7:1; 22:16, 2 0 , 3 1 157 Nehemiah 1:6 47
Judges Job
9:8-15 47 1:21; 2:10 154
10:10, 15 187 4:8 47
18:5 157 5:18 160
1 Samuel 8:1-22 46
7:6 187 10:1 45
9:16; 10:1 47 11:6 46
12:10 187 17:2 45
15:1; 16:3, 1 2 - 1 3 47 22:1-30 46
28 159
2 Samuel 40:14 47
2:4 47
11:7 157 Psalms
12:20 46 4 44
12:1-15 84 17:50 18,47
14:2 46 18:49 47
22:50 47 23:5 34
• INDEX OF ANCIENT T E X T S • 219
32:5 47, 161 7:25 85

44:8 47 11:21 47
45:8 34 12:3; 14:22; 25:4 85
5 0 : 1 2 - 1 5 , 23; 26:9, 16, 2 0 47
51:15-17 185 29:1-32 85
75:3 (LXX) 157 44:16,25 47
9 0 : 1 - 2 (LXX) 91
92:10 47 Lamentations
104:15 46 3:26 85
119:29 (LXX) 157 4:15 (LXX) 157
133:2 47
Ezekiel
Proverbs 1:26-28 121
1-9 159 5:1 47
3:27-35 46 14:6 85
10:12 18,48 16:9; 1 8 : 1 - 2 9 46
11:19; 1 3 : 2 1 - 2 3 46 18:30 45
15:1 149 23:40-45;
15:8 185 33:30-33 85
15:18 149 34:29 157
19:15-17 46
21:4 149 Daniel
22:8 47 5:22; 6:20 85
23.19-21 46 10:3 46
10:13,21 117
Isaiah 12:1-2 158
1:6 34
2:22 175 Hosea
4:10 45 l:2ff 85
5:9,11-12,22 85 1:6 (LXX);
6:3 (LXX) 91 6:3 (LXX) 85
6:10 (LXX) 48 10:12 47
8:17; 10:1-4, 58; 12:6; 13:3; 1 4 : 1 - 3 85
20:3 85
40:6-8 22 14:2 185
4 0 : 6 - 7 , 31; 4 4 : 2 6 85
49:6 45 Joel
51:5,8 85 1:5, 8, 11, 13;
53:4-5 45 2:12-14,13 85
57:3 85 3:5 45
57:3-13 42 Amos
61:1 34 2:6-7a, 7 b - 8 ; 3:7;
4:1; 5 : 1 1 - 1 2 85
Jeremiah 8:10 143

2:5 84
5:24 (LXX) 85 Jonah 4:2 85
220 • J A M E S RILEY STRANGE •
Micah 13:10b(BA) 160

1:8; 2:2 85 13:10-17 144
2:8 8 5 , 157 14:3 143
3:1-3 85 14:4-5 179
6:15 46 14:5 144, 145, 161
7:3,7 85 14:7 161
14:12 143
Zephaniah
3:8, 13 85 Judith 9 : 1 - 1 4 153
Zechariah Additions to Esther

l:3-6;2:6; 7:10; 12:3 47
8:16-17 85
13:3 47 Wisdom
4:16 45
Malachi 6:12-10:21 159
3:5 85 15:9 45
3:23,24 44
Sirach
Prologue 140
1:1-10 139
•Apocrypha • 1:12-13 46
2:1,9c 158
Tobit
3:1-16 140
2:6 143
3:17 158
2:10 160
3:26-27 46
3:1-6,11-15 153
4:10 158
3:2 142
4:46 47
3:2-5 144
5:3-6:4 157
3:3, 6, 13, 15 160
5:7,11,13 158
3:17 142, 143, 160
6:5-17 139, 159
4:21 (BA) 157
6:7-13 83
4:11 185
6:18-19 140
6:5, 7, 8, 9 160
7:2 157
6:18 143, 161
7:17b 158
7:6 160, 161
7:31 157
8:5-8, 1 5 - 1 7 153
9:10 83
6 : 1 6 - 1 7 , 18;
9:10-11 157
7:11, 15; 8:4 161
9:12 158
11:11,12 160
9:13; 10:7, 10-18 157
11:13-15 143
11:14-20 46
11:14-15 153
11:21-22,26 157
11:15 160,161
11:26-27,27-28 158
13:1-17 153
12:6 157
13:2 160, 161
14:1, 12 158
13:5 144, 145, 160, 161
14:12-19 157
13:6 144
14:16; 1 5 : 1 1 - 2 0 158
13:9 160, 161
• INDEX OF ANCIENT TEXTS • 221
16:11-12 157 39:9-11 139,158

16:22c 158 40:12-30 157
17:1-1,25 157 41:1-4 158
17:25-32 157, 158 4 1 : 1 - 1 3 , 18 157
1 7 : 2 7 - 2 8 ; 18:13 158 41:12-13 158
18:21 157, 158 41:14-42:8 159
1 8 : 2 3 - 2 4 , 27; 42:9-14 140
19:3,4 157 48:3 158
19:19 158 44-49 141
21:1-5 157 44:1-15 139
21:10 158 48:5 47
22:27-23:6 141 48:10 44,48
23:11,12 157 48:11b 158
24:1-12 139 49:4 157
25:13-26:18 140 50:1-21 141
2 6 : 1 1 , 2 9 , 38; 50:27 135
27:22, 29; 28:1-7 157 51:1-30 141
2 8 : 2 2 - 2 3 ; 29:10 158
30:1-13 140 Banich 3 : 9 - 3 7 159
30:4 158
30:14-20 137 Letter of Jeremiah 85
31:12-32:13 139, 159
31:16 158 Prayer of Azariah 153
33:20-33,25-33 140
35:1-5 185 1 Maccabees
35:12-13, 14-15, 2:19 157
14-17 158 15:27 43
35:14-26; 36:1-22 157
37:1-6 139,159 2 Maccabees 7:37 47
37:27-31 159
38:1 158 1 Esdras 4 : 5 9 - 6 0 47
38:1-15 135-141
38:2, 156 2 Esdras
38:3,6 158 9:6, 7, 13, 15;
38:7 156 10:10, 19 157
38:8 157
38:9 156
38:10,11 156,157
38:10 156
• New Testament •
38:11 156,158
Matthew
38:12 158
1:21 45
38:14 156, 157
3:6 48
38:15 156,158
5:34-37 43
38:16, 17, 1 8 - 2 0 157
6:5-6,7-8 16
38:24-34 141
6:5-8 81
38:24-39:11 139
6:12,14-15 158
38:34b-39:ll 141
6:17 46
7:7-11 43 9 158
7:10-11 44 9:11-12 44
7:23 47 9:18; 1 0 : 2 6 , 4 9 , 5 2 4 5
8:8, 13, 15 45 11:23 43
9:2 4 6 , 158 11:25 47,158
9:2-8,6-7 45 13:13,20 45
9:6-16 158 16:1 46
9 : 2 1 - 2 3 , 25, 27;
10:8,22 45 16:16 45
10:32 47
12:31-32 158 Luke
12:39 42 1:9-13 43
13:15 45,48 1:16-17 48
14:7 47 1:17 44,48
14:36; 15:28 45 1:47,69,71,77 44
16:3 43 2:11 45
16:25 45 4:18 34
17:6 43 4:25-26,40 45
18:11 45 5:17, 1 7 - 2 6 , 2 4 - 2 5 4 5
18:32,35 158 5:20 46
19:25 45 5:20-21,23-24 158
21:21,22 43 6:9, 1 8 - 1 9 ;
21:28 46 7:7, 10, 14 45
23 16 7:38 46
24:13; 25:36, 39 45 7:46 46,47
26:14-15; 27:9, 25 16 7:47-49 4 5 , 158
28:19 47 7:50 45
8:12, 3 6 , 4 7 , 4 8 ,
Mark 50,54-55 45
1:5 48 9:2, 1 1 , 2 4 , 4 0 ,
1:31 45 42,56 45
2 158 10:21 47
2:1-12,11-12 45 10:34 34
2:5 46 11:4 158
3:3,4 45 12:8 47
3:28 158 14:4 45
4:12 48 17:4 48
17:15, 19;18:26, 42;
4:35 45
19:9, 10 45
5 158
22:32 48
5:21-48 153
5:23, 28, 3 4 , 4 1 - 4 2 4 5
22:51; 24:22 45
6 : 9 - 1 0 a , 11 91
6:13 34
John
6:56 45
1:20 47
7 158
3:17; 4:22, 39, 42,
7:21-22 16
47, 46; 5:3, 8, 13,
7:29 45
34; 6:2 45
9:2 46
INDEX OF A N C I E N T T E X T S * 223
9:22 47 19:12 45
10:9; 1 1 : 1 - 6 45 19:18 47
11:2; 12:3 46 20:35 45
12:40,47 45 21:23 43
12:42 47 26:18,20 48
16:24 43 28:8, 27 45, 48
20:23 158
Romans
Acts 1:29-31; 2 : 1 7 - 2 9 16
2:1,40 45 4:19 45
2:23,36 16 4:20 43
2:38; 3:6, 16 47 4:24-25 45
3:7 45 6 : 1 2 - 1 4 , 19;
3:19 48 7:5,23 42
4:9, 12 45 8:3 45
4:10, 19 16 10:9 45,47
4:12 45 10:10 47
4:18 47 12:4-5 42
5:28,39 16 12:16 82
5:31 45 14:1-2 45
5:40 47 14:11 47
6:1-6 19 15:5 82
7:17 47 16:5 121
7:51-53 16
9:27 47 1 Corinthians
9:34,37 45 1:10 82
9:35 48 1:13 47
10:20 43 4:7 43
10:38 45 5:4 47
10:48 47 6:5 43
11:2,12 43 6:9-11 16-17
11:14 45 6:11 47
11:21 48 6:15 42
12:1-3 16 6:14; 8 : 1 1 - 1 2 45
13:11 117 11:17-32 16
13:23, 26, 47 45 11:29,31 43
13:46 16 11:29-30 45
14:9 45 11:30 46
14:15 48 12:12-27 42
15:1,11 45 14:29 43
15:9 43 15:33 47
15:19 48 16:19 121
16:17 45,47
16:30-31 45 2 Corinthians
16:31 46 3:16 48
18:18 43 4:14; 1 1 : 2 1 , 2 9 ;
19:5 47 12:10; 1 3 : 3 - 4 , 9 45
Galatians 13:15 47
3:10,23-25 16
3:27 42 James
4:21-5:1; 5:19-21 16 1:1 5
1:2 158, 168
6:7 37
1:2-4 5, 24, 28, 169
1:4 139
Ephesians
1:5 4, 1 7 , 4 0 , 114, 180
4:3, 13 82 1:5-6 17,29,43
4:17-19,21-32 16 1:6 18, 4 3 , 9 9
4:22-24 42 1:6-8 28
5:3-13 16 1:7 75
Philippians 1:9 17
2:2 82 1:9-11 22,85
2:11 47 1:10-11 18
2:26-27 45 1:12 2 2 - 2 4 , 2 8 , 7 0 , 169
3:1-9 16 1:12-18 40
1:13 158
Colossians 1:14-15 24-25
3:1-17 16 1:15 34,40
3:9-10 42 1:16 167
3:14 82 1:17 2 2 , 2 4 , 114, 168
3:17 47 1:18 5,17,22
4:15 121 1:19 75,158
1:19-21 168
1 Thessalonians 1:9 4 8 1:21 16, 1 7 , 2 2 , 2 5 , 4 7 , 4 8
168
1 Timothy 1:22 75, 167
1:9-10 16 1:22-25,26-27 25
4:20 45 1:23 85
6:4 16 1:25 58
6:12 47 1:26 75, 167
1:27 1 7 , 2 5 , 2 7 , 4 5 , 158,
2 Timothy 3 : 2 - 5 16 168, 169
2:1 168
Titus 2:1-4 158
1:16; 3 : 3 - 5 16 2:1-7 140
2:1-12 85
Philemon 2 121 2:1-13 5
2:2 169
Hebrews 2:2-3 17,45
1:9 47 2:2-5 168
3:12 42 2:4 5,43
4:14-5:10 16 2:6 5, 140, 168, 169, 188
6:4-8 42 2:6-7 24
7 : 2 6 - 2 8 ; 8 : 1 - 1 0 : 1 8 16 2:8 18
12:3, 13 45 2:9 22
• INDEX OF ANCIENT T E X T S • 225
2:10 25 4:8-10,9 85
2:11 18,25 4:10 24,40,132
2:12 5,58 4:11 17
2:13 168 4:11-12 5,188
2:14 24-25,33,28 4:12 2 5 , 3 3 , 3 8 , 5 8 , 168
2:15 140 4:13 42
2:15-16 17,22 4:13-16 168
2:16 82 4:13-17 85
2:17 24 4:13-5:6 24
2:18 75 4:14 18,85
2:20 167 4:15 42,114
2:23 18,40 4:16 25
2:26 18 4:17 24,42
3:1 17,45,169 5:1 5,24,42
3:5 17,45 5:1-5 70
3:1-12 1 8 , 2 2 , 2 5 , 154 5:1-6 5,22-24,37-38,85,
3:2 158 168
3:5,6 25 5:2 18,85
3:5-6 18 5:3 18, 158
3:6 158 5:4, 5 18, 8 5
3:8 26 5:4-6 168
3:8-12 168 5:6 24
3:9 25, 158 5:7 18, 24, 8 5
3:9-12 81 5:7-11 5,85,169
3:11,12 18 5:9 23, 36, 188
3:13 1 7 , 4 5 , 158, 168 5:10 35,47,85
3:13-18 75, 168 5:11 5,40,85
3:13-4:3 132 5:12 17,169,176
3:14 176 5:13 168
3:15 16 5:13-18 27-31
3:17 40 5:13-20 3,6, 18,27-41,49,
3:17-18 5 113-116, 177-183
3:18 82 5:14 43,46
4:1,5 17,25 5:14-16 5,29,31-36
4:1-2 22,25 5:15 28,99,158
4:1-3 34,38 5:16 18,36-37,48
4:1-6 85 5:17 158
4:2 25, 29, 43 5:17-18 4,20,29,35,85
4:2b-3 114 5:19-20 1 8 , 3 3 , 3 7 - 4 0 , 169
4:3 6, 7, 24, 4 3 5:20 38,40
4:4 18, 22, 26, 4 0 , 52, 8 5 ,
158 1 Peter
4:5 18, 75 1:23; 2:1 16
4:6 18 2:24 45
4:7 18, 24, 132 2:25 48
4:7-10 17,22,40 3:3 16
4:8 38 4:8 18
1 John Life of Adam and Eve

1:9 47, 158 36.2,40.1-41.2 46
2:12 158
2:23 47 3 Maccabees
3:22 43 2:1-20; 6:1-5 153
4 : 2 - 3 , 15 47
4 Maccabees
2 John 7 47
3:8; 7:13 45
Jude9 43,91,117
Prayer Manasseh 153
Revelation
Psalms of Solomon
3:5 47
9:6 47
3:18 46
12:7 91,117 Pseudo Philo
Bib. Ant 51:3-6 153
Testament of Adam
• Early Christian Texts • 1.7 46
Didache
Testament of Solomon
5: Iff 16
18.34 46
Epistle of Barnabas
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs
20: Iff 16
T Reu.
1.6, 7, 9; 3 . 1 0 - 4 . 2 ;
Justin
4.4, 7 - 8 ; 5 . 1 - 3 ;
lApol 61.1-3,
6.1 162
14-17 16
6.4 161
6.6 162
Paulus
6.8,11 161
Descr. 139 81
T. Sim.
2.6-7; 4.4-6;
• Old Testament 5.2,3 162
7.1 161
Pseudepigrapha •
T. Levi
1 Enoch 9 1 : 1 1 - 1 4 189
4.1 161
9.9; 14.6 162
2 Enoch 2 2 . 8 - 9 47
16.2 161
17.11 162
Joseph and Aseneth
18.1-12 161, 162
12-13 153
T. Jud.
Jubilees 1 0 : 3 - 6 153
1.6 161
1 1 . 1 - 5 ; 12.1-9;
• INDEX OF A N C I E N T T E X T S 227
13.5-8 162 6.5-7 151

17.1 161 7.5; 8.1 148
17.1-3; 18.2-6 162 8.2; 9.1 162
18.3; 19.103 161 9.2 149
20 150
22.1; 23.3 162
24.1-6 161
• Dead Sea Scrolls •
T. Iss.
CD-A
4.4, 6; 5.2 162
VII.2 188
5.7-8 161
XI.17b-21a ;
7.2 162
XI.20-21 185
7.5 161
XII.23-XIII.la 188, 189
13.1 162
XIV. 19 189
T. Zeb.
CD-BXIX.10-11 189
2.4; 5 . 1 - 3 ; 7 . 1 - 4 ;
8.6 161
1QS
1.1 184
T. Dan
I.l-13a 187
5.4 162
1.3-4 172
5.10 161
I.5b-10 171
1.8 172
T. Naph.
1.9-10 186
3.5 151
1.11-12 175
5 . 1 - 5 ; 6.7; 8.2 161
1.15 185
1.16,1.21-11.1 171
T.Gad
II. 1-10 186
3 . 1 - 5 . 1 1 ; 7.7 162 II.7-10 16
II.8 172
8.1 161
11.10 166
11.15,17 172
T.Ash. 150
11.18 166
II. 19b-23 170
T. Jos.
11.24 175
4 . 1 - 5 ; 6.7; 9 . 2 - 3 ;
III.4-5 172
10.2-3 161
III. 13 184
17.2-8 162
III.13b-IV.26 172, 188
19.11 161
III. 17b-19a 188
T. Benj.
111.20-21 186
3.1-8 149 III.26-4.1 187
3.3, 4; 4 150 IV.3,5 175
4.1-5 147-149 IV.6-7 187
4.2 161 IV.9-14 16
5 150 IV.12-14a 187
5.1-5 148 IV.16-17, 1 8 - 1 9 172
6.1 150 V.l-2 186
V . l - 3 a , 9 , 10-11 187 XI.l-2a 168

V.13 185 XI.2l>6a, 3 165
V. 13b-20a, XI.7,8 186
13b-24a 187 XI.7-8 184
V.15-17 175 XI.9 165, 186
V.22,24b 173 XI. 12 165
V.25b-VI.2a 184 XI.9b-15a 164-165
VI.4, 8 - 9 , 8 b - 1 3 a , XI. 13 184
13-14 187 XI. 14, XI. 1 5 - 2 2 165
VI.16 185 XI. 16 184
VI.13b-23 187 XI. 1 6 b - 1 7 a 166
VI.24-VII.18b 174, 187 XI. 17 186
VI.25 185 XI.17b-21a 185
VI.24b-VII.10a 184 XI. 18 168
VII.3 185 XIV.20 185
VII.8b-14,
VlI.13b-23 188 a
lQH 186
VII. 16 185
XX.24-XXV.9 187
VII.18b-25 174
VII.20 185
1QM 186
VII.23 175
1.16 188
VIII.8b-9a 186
VIII. 17, 24,
lQpHab 186
DC.3-5a 185
7:6-13 188
IX.11 179
IX. 12 184
lQSb 153
IX. 14 185
IX. 16 184
lQ28b 186
IX.21 184, 185
lQ28bIII.l 185, 186
IX.22 186
IX.24 184
b i s
lQ34/34 186
IX.26 168, 172, 184
III 184
IX.26a-XI.22 163-170
IX.26b-X.la 165
a
4QapocrJosh 153
IX.26-X.6 164
X.la-3a 184
a A e
4QM 186
X.6, 7 - 8 , 8 165
X.8-11.15 184
4QpapPrQuot 153
X. 1 3 b - 1 6 a 164, 169
X.14 165, 166
4QpapRitPurB 153
X.15 184
X. 15b-16a 168,184 a
4QprFetes 153
X.17b-XI.2a 164
X.17 184
4QprNabar 153
X.19 16
X.20 186
4QritPurA 153
X.22 1 6 7 - 1 6 8 , 188
X . 2 3 , 24, 2 4 - 2 6 ,
• INDEX OF A N C I E N T T E X T S 229
a
4QShir 153 2:1 127-128
2:2,4:1 153
a
4QShirShabb 153 4:3 153, 154
4:4 128-130
4 Q 1 7 4 , 175 189 4:5,5:1 128
4Q186 184 5:2 130, 133
4Q246 188 5:5 129, 131
4Q280, 285, 5:12,13 130
286-290 186 6:1-8:8,9:2 154
4Q317,318,319, 9:3 129, 154
320, 3 2 1 , 3 2 5 , 9:4,5 154
327,328 184
4Q393 161 m. Peak 186
4Q408,503 184
4Q504-506 184, 186 m.Terumot 19, 186
4Q507-509 184, 186
4Q521 188 m. Yoma 161
4Q534,561, 184
a
HQapPs 153 m. Ta'anit
llQBerakhot 186 1:2-5 132
a
HQ5/llQPs 1:3-7,2:1 133
XVIII.9b-12a 185 2:2-3 153
2:2-4 154
3:8 1 3 2 - 1 3 3 , 154
• Philo and Josephus • m. Sank.

6:4 161
Philo
10 154
Post. 31 45
Prob.
m.Abotl:l 153
76 185, 187
85 185
t. Sank. 1:2 157
Somn. 2.58 46
y. Ber. 10 157
Josephus
A J . 2.290 45
y.Sanh. 1:18b 157
A J . 4.212 153
A J . 17.172 46
b. Ketub. 10:6 157
BJ. 1.657,2.123 46
BJ. 2.124-125 185
Sifre Num. 9 5 157
• Rabbinic Literature •
m. Berakhot
1:1 126-127
1:4 130
General Index
•A« Assyria, 141, 159

Athens, 78, 8 1 , 100, 119-120, 195, 202
atonement, 3 5 , 39, 67, 108, 136, 138, 157,
a u a p T i ' a . See sin
166-167, 171, 178
abaton, 98-99, 101
Avery-Peck, Alan J., 153
Abraham, 5, 16, 8 1 , 91-92, 145, 147, 151,
189
Albeck, Chanoch, 153, 195
AIM, Martin C , 4 6 , 4 8 , 197
Alderink, Larry J., 78, 197
alliteration, 5, 135, 156 Babbitt, Frank Cole, 79-80, 83-84
Ambrosia of Athens, 9 6 Baker, William R., 42, 197, 202
Amidah, 126, 128-130, 132, 154, 180 Bakke, Odd Magne, 82, 197
Amos, 8 5 , 143 baptism, 16, 17, 21-22, 2 5 , 47, 58, 170
amplification, 135 Baruch, 93
amulet, 89-93, 9 8 Bauckham, Richard, 4 5 , 123, 155, 159,
Anatolian Great Mother, 121 197, 203
Antiochus IV, 155 Baumgarten, Joseph M., 185, 198
Antoninus Pius, 9 5 , 120 Beentjes, Pancratius C , 155-156, 195
apocalypticism, 23-24, 37, 57, 70 Behr, C . A . , 121, 195
Apollo, 58, 108 beit midrash, 130
Apostrophe, 156 Belial/Beliar, 150, 172
Aramaic, 20, 9 0 belief, 8, 44, 59, 88, 96-99, 105, 116
Arata, 98-99, 102 Bernstein, Moshe J., 185, 198
Aristides, Aelius, viii, 49-50, 89, 100-107, Betz, Hanz Dieter, 79, 9 4 , 117-119, 195-
113-117, 121, 191 196, 198, 207
Aristotle, 2, 16, 64-65, 77, 79, 81-83, 200, Bithynia, 2
207 bless, 25, 150, 163-166, 168, 170
Arnold, Russell C. D., 42, 197, 204 blindness, 59, 96-97, 142-143
Asia Minor, viii, xiii, 87, 9 5 , 100, 107, Bobonich, Christopher, 79, 198
111, 113 Bremer, J. M., 78, 197-198
Asirvatham, 19, 197 Brenk, Frederick, 79, 198
Asklepiacus, 101 Brosund, William F., 4 4 , 4 6
asklepion, 89, 9 5 , 97-98, 100-101, 104 brotherly love, 162
Asklepios, viii, 87-88, 95-96, 98-103, 105- Brown, Michael J., xiii, 19, 77-79, 118,
107, 113, 115-116, 119-120 198
Asmodeus, 141-143 Bury, R. G., 77, 79
assonance, 135, 156
Dea Syria, 121

•o Dead Sea Scrolls, 2, 125, 152, 163, 166,
184-187, 196, 198-200, 2 0 4 , 207
Cairo Geniza, 155-156
death (in James), 4, 22-27, 34, 36-37, 40,
Cargal, Timothy, 189, 198
4 8 , 67-69, 110, 119, 137-138, 142-143,
catchword, 24
145-146, 155, 162, 165, 180, 191, 194
category (for systemic comparison), 9, 11-
Delphi, 5 8
14, 2 9 , 4 1 , 5 6 , 62, 64, 75-76, 79, 111,
demon, 46, 89, 141-143, 160
113, 115, 130-132, 146, 150, 167, 169,
deprecatio, 138, 156
179, 181
Chambon, Alain, 185, 201 Diaspora, 22, 71-72, 74, 85, 115, 126, 129,
charis, 9, 19, 53, 6 8 , 78, 9 2 , 113, 191 135-136, 139, 141, 144-145, 147, 149,
Chazon, Esther G., 185-186, 198 155, 159-160, 168, 179, 181- 182, 189,
Chilton, Bruce., 16, 197-198, 200, 202, 192, 198, 203
205 diatribe, 5, 11, 74
Dibelius, Martin, 17-18,44-46, 199
church, 4, 5, 2 8 - 2 9 , 3 1 , 3 5 , 3 7 , 114
Di Leila, Alexander, 155, 158
Claudius, 193-194
Dindorff,W., 121, 195
Collins, John J., 155, 159, 187, 189, 194,
Dionysius, 66-68, 8 3
198, 201
dream, 96, 102-103, 108
communitarian practice, 21, 29, 35, 39,
dropsy, 9 8
42, 56, 58, 66, 7 0 7 1 , 106, 113, 175,
178
concord, 61-62, 66, 82
confession (of sins), 3-6, 8-9, 13, 21, 32, • E*
36-37, 39, 4 1 , 47, 4 9 , 50, 56, 67, 70,
75, 87, 100, 107-114, 116, 121-123, EKKAnpia. See church
125, 145-146, 158, 163, 1 7 0 1 7 3 , 175, Edelstein, E. J. and L. Edelstein, 119-120,
176, 178-187, 192, 196 195
correction, 3, 5-9, 13, 21, 33, 37-41, 49, Edgar, David Hutchinson, 4 2 , 2 0 0
50, 63-64, 66-67, 69-72, 75, 9 5 , 111- Egypt, 20, 89-90, 94, 100, 118, 135, 147,
116, 121, 125, 145, 147-148, 150, 163, 149, 155, 160
173-176, 178-180, 192 Eighteen Benedictions. See Amidah
Cousland, J. R. C , 160, 199 Eilberg-Schwartz, Howard., 154, 2 0 0
Crete, 52, 54, 78 elders (in churches), 4-5, 28-30, 32, 34-36,
curse, 25, 150, 156, 172
3 8 , 56, 69, 99-100, 170
Cynic (philosopher), viii, 64, 71-75, 84,
Eliade, Mircea., 19, 2 0 0
113-116, 121
Elijah, 4-5, 28, 30, 35, 38, 39, 4 4 , 47-48,
9 9 , 133, 151
endogamy, 144, 146, 181
enthymeme, 156
Epictetus, viii, 4 9 , 64, 71-75, 82, 84, 8 5 ,
Dahood, Mitchell, 4 4 , 199 113-117, 195
daimon, 9, 119 Epidauros (inscriptions), 89, 95-96, 98-
Daniel, 46, 141, 142, 158, 159 102, 105, 108, 112-113, 115-116, 119,
Davies, Peter H., 189, 199 120, 191
Day of Atonement, 171 epistrophe, 136
de Jonge, M., 161, 162, 195, 201 epitasis, 156
de Vaux, Roland, 165, 185, 199, 201 eschatology, 12, 36, 39, 57, 138, 141, 145,
149, 151, 176, 178, 182, 187, 189
INDEX 233
Essenes, 2, 47, 169, 185, 187, 198 129, 134-143, 145-146, 154, 156, 158,
Esther, 141, 159 160-161, 176, 178-180, 192
ethics, 2, 6, 59, 82 Hengel, Martin, 194
Evans, Craig A., 16, 187, 199, 200, 202 Hollander, H. W., 161-162, 201
evil spirit. See demon Holy of Holies, 128, 134
homoioteleuton, 5, 136
Honi the Circle Drawer, 132-134, 154,
155
•F* Howard, J. Keir, 46, 105, 195, 200, 201,
203
faith, 1, 9, 24, 28-34, 38, 4 4 , 47, 52, 74,
Humbert, Jean-Baptiste, 185, 201
97, 99, 105, 108, 114, 140, 147, 179,
191
Falk, Daniel K.,185, 2 0 0
fasting, 8, 16, 132, 133 •I*
fever, 8 9 , 9 1 - 9 2 , 101, 117, 118
Fitzgerald, John T., 16, 82, 2 0 0 incubation (at shrines of Asklepios), 32,
flattery, 65-66, 113 96-102, 120
Foerster, W., 81-82 initiation, 3, 22, 57, 105, 169, 170
folktale, 159 Instructor (of the 1QS Community), 163-
Frankfurter, David, 118, 2 0 0 164, 166-168, 172-173, 184-187
frankness, 66, 68-69, 84 intention (human will), 66, 78, 126-129,
friendship, 9, 26, 3 1 , 63-67, 69-70, 82-83, 131, 160, 181, 187
87, 113, 121, 136, 139-140, 150, 158, Irenaeus, 161
159 Isaac, 91-92
Isis, 80, 121
Islam, 11-12, 19-20, 2 0 5
Gill, Christopher, 77, 201 •J*

Glazier-McDonald, Beth, 117-118
governing principle, in Stoicism 71, 74-75 Jackson-McCabe, Matt A., 194, 201
Grateful Dead (folk motif), 159 Jacob, 4 4 , 9 1 - 9 2 , 146-147
Gray, Patrick, 58, 79-80, 201 Jerusalem, 132-135, 144, 146-147, 149,
151, 153-155, 167, 186, 195-196, 198,
2 0 1 , 203-204, 2 0 8
Jesus, 1-3, 5, 16-18, 31-35, 4 1 , 45-48, 8 1 ,
115, 135, 139, 149, 151, 155, 162,
178, 181-182, 188, 192-194, 197-206,
Hadrian, 2
208
Hagar, 5
Job, 5, 4 5 4 7 , 142-143, 151, 154, 159-160
Harnhart, Robert, 159
Johnson, Luke Timothy, xi, 10, 16-18, 20,
Hartin, Patrick J., 17, 43-44, 46, 201
43-47, 81-82, 84, 161-162, 188, 194,
Hayden, Daniel R., 46, 201
202
healing, 1, 3-6, 8 - 9 , 13, 21, 27-29, 31-38,
Joseph, xi, 142, 149, 151, 159, 161
40-41, 4 5 , 47, 49-50, 56-57, 6 3 , 69-70,
Judith, 159
87-89, 94-106, 111, 114-115, 117, 125,
•K> McCollough, C . T h o m a s , 117-118, 194,

204, 206
McDonald, Ian H., 18, 204-205
Karris, Robert J., 4 3 , 46, 158, 2 0 2
medicine, 9, 69, 8 8 , 95-96, 9 8 , 143, 160
Kawaidas, P., 120, 202
Meeks, Wayne A., 7, 16, 18-19, 42, 188,
Kee, Howard Clark, 105, 119-120, 121,
202, 205
161-162, 195, 203
Meis Tiamu, 109
Kidron Valley, 154
Men, 108-109, 122
Kierkegaard, Soren, 7, 19, 203
men of the pit, 164, 167-168, 186
Kiley, Mark, 77-78, 185, 197-198, 203
Messiah, 5 , 3 1 , 189, 205
Kislev, 132
UETavoia. See repentance
Klauk, Hans Joseph, 19, 117, 122
metaphor, 5, 22, 27, 135, 144, 176, 189
Kline, Mosheh,153, 195
Meter, 108
Kloppengborg, John S., 17
metonymy, 25
Kos (island), 119
Michael, archangel, 91
Kotansky, Roy, 118-119, 196
Mishnah, 2, 125-127, 129-135, 153-155,
Kyriakidis, Evangelion, 4 2
177, 179-182, 186, 189, 195-196, 200,
205
Mitchell, Margaret M., 44, 82, 199, 205
•L* Monster in the Bridal Chamber (folk
motiO, 159
law, 2, 26, 3 1 , 38, 4 1 , 4 8 , 55, 57, 7 0 7 2 , Moore, Carrey A., 159-160, 2 0 5
79, 116, 137-139, 158-159, 177, 182 moral discourse, 2, 6-8, 30, 50-51, 60, 66,
Laws, Sophie, 16-17, 4 4 , 4 6 , 203 70, 89, 107, 131, 150, 172, 176, 178-
Levine, Amy-Jill, 159-160, 202-204 179
Levine, Lee L, 204 Moralee, Jason, 19, 4 5 , 205
Levites, 166, 169 morals, 1-3, 6, 10, 16
life (in James), 22, 24 Moses, 20, 145-146, 175, 194, 201
Lockett, Darian, 42, 2 0 4 Mother Anaeitis, 109
logos protreptikos, 71 Mount of Olives, 154
LXX. See Septuagint Mullins, T. Y., 17, 205
Mutfner, Frans, 17-18, 43-46, 2 0 5
mystical experience, 101, 103, 106
myth, 2, 54, 120, 144-145, 160, 173
• M*
Maccabean Revolt, 155
magic, 9, 80, 88-90, 92, 114, 118-119 •N*
Magness, Jodi, 154, 185, 204, 2 0 8
Malherbe, Abraham J., 16, 20, 8 1 , 202, Naphtali, 159-160
204 Nero, 193, 194
Maltomini, Franco, 119, 196 Neusner, Jacob, 11-13, 16, 19-20, 153,
Marheshvan, 132 154-155, 189, 196-198, 200, 205
Martin, Ralph P., 17-18, 43-45, 78, 118, Nisan, 132
122, 197-199, 2 0 1 , 203-204, 207 Noah, 142, 154, 159
Masada, 155, 196 Nock, Arthur Darby 117, 2 0 6
Mattila, Sharon Lea, 194, 204 NRSV, 26, 4 4 , 4 7 , 158
Mayor, Joseph B., 17-18, 43-46, 2 0 4
• INDEX 235
prayer, 3-5, 8-9, 12-13, 16-19, 27,-36, 39,

•o 4 1 , 4 3 4 4 , 47, 50, 5 1 , 5 3 , 58-63, 70, 75,
7 7 - 7 9 , 9 2 , 94, 99, 111, 113-114, 118,
oath, 2 7 , 3 1 , 9 0 , 169, 176
121, 125-138, 141-142, 145-146, 153-
oil, 4, 28, 30, 34-35, 4 6 4 7 , 88-99
154, 156, 163-173, 176, 179-180, 185-
Oldfather, W . A., 84-85, 195
188
Omnipresent, 128, 132-134
Preisendanz, Karl, xiv, 117, 196
Origen, 161
priests, 7, 30, 105, 131, 166, 169, 171,
Overman, Andrew J., 160, 194, 203, 2 0 6
186
prophets, 2, 5, 35, 4 3 , 74, 141, 151, 153,
172, 180
• P. Ptolemy,
VI, 155
Pache, Corinne Ondine, 19, 197 VIII, 155
panegyric, 54, 103, 140 Pulleyn, Simon, 19, 53, 77-78, 2 0 6
parallelism, 135 purity, 1, 11, 74, 173, 179, 181-182, 191
parousia, 106, 115
Paul, 2, 16, 18, 20-21, 25, 33, 3 5 , 37, 42-
4 3 , 47, 80, 82, 117, 177, 188, 192-193,
204-207
peace, 54, 61-62, 79-80, 82, 106, 157, 172,
Qumran, xiv, 4 2 , 154, 160, 165, 169, 179,
187
185-186, 189, 197-200, 204, 207-209
Penner,Todd, 17, 188, 2 0 6
Qur'an, 2
Pergamon, 100-101, 103, 119, 121
Pettazzoni, Raffaele, 121, 2 0 6
Petzl, Georg, 109, 122-123, 196
Philadelphos (aquaintance of Aristides), • R*
102
phylactery, 9 0 Rabban Gamaliel, 126
physician, 70, 80, 117, 136-138, 156, 158, rain, 4, 28, 30, 38, 47, 130, 132-133, 155,
160 176
pigs, 99, 109-110, 112 Raphael, 142-144, 159
Plato, viii, 2, 4 1 , 50-58, 63, 66-68, 75, 77- R. Eliezer, 128
80, 83-84, 8 8 , 113-115, 121, 196, 198, religion, xi, 2, 8-14, 2 1 , 25, 27, 4 1 , 50-51,
2 0 1 , 205, 207 53, 58, 60, 63, 78, 87-89, 94, 100-111,
Pliny the Eider, 77, 169 113-114, 191, 192
Pliny the Younger, 2, 82 religious discourse, 6-7
TTAOUTOS, 81
religious practice, 4, 7-9, 12, 17, 3 1 , 3 5 ,
Plutarch, viii, 2, 8, 16, 49-50, 58-71, 77, 49, 70, 88-89, 107, 113, 171, 176-177
79-84, 87-88, 9 6 , 113-116, 121, 157, repentance, 4 0 , 63, 67-69, 137, 144, 149,
196, 198, 207-208 150
polis, 2, 9, 13, 58, 63-64, 80, 113, 191 R. Haninahb. Dosa, 129-130, 154
politics, 2, 73, 8 2 rhetorical devices, 5, 29, 135, 179
polysyndeton, 103, 135 R. Judah, xiv, 127-128
Pontus, 2 R. Meir, 127-128, 153
Popkes, Wiard, 17-18, 4 3 4 5 , 2 0 6 R. Nehunia b. Haqanah, 130
Portier-Young, Anatheia, 160, 2 0 6 Robbins, Vernon K., 4 2 , 2 0 6
Rome, 80, 100, 119, 194, 196
Ropes, James Hardy, 17-18, 44-46, 2 0 6 Sparta, 120

Rostad, Aslak, 122-123, 2 0 6 speech, 5, 18, 23, 25-26, 31, 37, 40, 60,
R. Simeon b. Shatah, 132-134 62, 6 5 , 68-71, 84, 102, 158, 164, 167-
Ruth, 46, 159 170, 173-176, 187-188
spell (magical), 11, 59, 89-94, 104, 118-119
Spencer, Richard A., 159, 207
Succot, 132
•s* suicide, 143
superstition, 58-60, 80
sacrifice, 8, 53, 58, 78, 165, 185
syllogism, 135
Sages, 2, 125-126, 128-129, 132-133, 155,
synagogue, 5, 48, 169
182
synecdoche, 25
Samaria, 159
Sanders, E. P., 16, 2 0 6
Sarah, character in Tobit, xii, 141-146,
160-161, 181
Sarapis, 100
Sargon II, 159 table manners, 136, 139, 140
savior, 73, 105 Talmon, Shemaryahu, 154, 184-187, 2 0 8
Scarborough, John, 117, 196, 207 teachers (in James's churches), 5, 36, 56,
Schaffer, Peter, 118, 122, 198, 203, 207 104, 140, 169
Schnabel, Eckhard J., 122, 207 temperance, 55
Schroeder, Frederic M., 82-83, 207 Temple, 130-132, 134, 140-141, 144, 149,
Schuller, Eileen M., 185-186, 200, 207 179-181, 182, 185-186, 198, 200
Sennacherib, 159 theophoric names, 159
Sepphoris, 117, 153, 2 0 4 Thomas, 4 5 , 117, 160, 194, 198, 203-204,
Septuagint, 18, 32-33, 43-44-46, 4 8 , 66, 206, 208
82, 84-85, 136, 156 Tiglath-Pileser III, 159
Shalmaneser V, 159 Tiur), 191
Shauf, Scott, 80, 117, 207 Tobias, 143-144, 161
Shema, 126-128, 130, 153, 180, 184, 188 Tobit, viii, 134, 141-146, 148-149, 159-
sickness, 3-4, 32-33, 3 5 , 46, 69, 70, 9 5 , 98, 161, 177-181, 195, 199, 2 0 3 , 205, 207,
101, 103, 105, 134, 136-138, 140, 143- 209
144, 157, 181 Tomlinson, R. A., 119, 2 0 8
Simon son of Onias, high priest, 155 Torah, 1, 12, 20, 25, 4 1 , 125-127, 130,
sin/sins, 3-4, 14, 2 1 , 23-27, 31-33, 35-41, 133-136, 140, 144-145, 153, 170, 172,
4 8 , 63, 67, 69-70, 74, 8 1 , 84 108-112, 175, 177, 179-180, 188, 191-193, 195
116, 126-127, 134, 136-138, 141-142, Torrey, C. C., 156, 208
145, 149-150, 162, 171, 174-178, 1 8 0 tricolon, 136
182, 185, 191 Trikka, 119
Sinaiticus, 118, 161 Tsippori. See Sepphoris
Skehan, Patrick W., 155-156, 158, 207 two spirits, 150, 172, 188
Smith, Jonathan Z., 10, 20, 207
Smith, Morton, 77, 207
Smyrna, 100, 119
Sodom, 151
•v
Solomon, 91-92, 160
Van der Leeuw, G., 19, 208
Sonn,Tamara, 11-13, 19-20, 2 0 5
van Stratten, F. T., 19, 78, 2 0 8
Sons of Zadok, 168
• INDEX 237
vav (conjunction and consecutive), 135 works, 9, 24, 30-31, 38, 4 0 4 1 , 49-50, 58,
Verseput, Donald ] . , 82-83, 2 0 8 63, 79, 112, 121, 125-126, 131, 138,
Versnel, H. S., 19, 77-79, 121-122, 197, 140, 144-146, 149-150, 157, 168-169
198, 205-206, 2 0 8 wormwood, 102
vice, 2, 16, 37, 39-40, 5 1 , 5 5 , 57, 68-69, Wright, Frederick J., 4 6 , 2 0 9
113-134, 149-150, 171, 175, 178-79
virtue, 2, 16, 4 1 , 5 1 , 54-57, 62-69, 75, 79,
82, 84, 89, 104, 114-115, 134, 147-150,
171, 175, 178-179
voces magicae, 8 8 , 90-94, 9 8
von Vogtle, Anton, 16, 2 0 8 XQpis, see charis
Vulgate, 4 4 , 156
• y
•w Yadin, Yigael, 155, 196

Yavneh, 130
Wachob, Wesley Hiram, 18, 4 8 , 202, 2 0 8
Wall, Robert W., 42, 209 yhd, 164, 166-167, 169-177, 180
Watchers, 150
Watrous, John, 19, 197
Wells, C. Richard, 2 0 9
Wells, Louise, 4 5 , 119-120, 202, 2 0 9
Wilkinson, 45-46, 209 Zahavy, Zvee, 130, 153-154, 209
will, human. See intention Zeus, 72, 74, 78, 108
witch, 6 0 Ziegler, Joseph, 155-156, 158, 196
Zimmerman, Frank., 159, 209
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W W W . P E T E R L A N G . C O M
In The Moral World of James, James Riley Strange compares the moral system
in the Epistle of James with other Greco-Roman and Judaic texts. The author
of the epistle prescribed moral practices in a world in which other people, both
pagan and Jewish, had long been expressing similar concerns, and more would
continue to take up the task centuries after Christianity was well established
in the Roman Empire. In this fresh and thick analysis, Strange's systemic com-
parison of texts (among them works of Plato, Plutarch, Epictetus, and Aelius
Aristides, as well as Greek Magical Papyri, tractates of the Mishnah, and the
Community Rule of the Dead Sea Scrolls) reveals how James's vision of a dis-
tinctive way of community life was both part of and distinct from the moral
and religious systems among which it emerged.
"A comprehensive and balanced account of the community and morality of

James the Just, based on meticulous scholarship and profound understand-
ing, a major contribution to the understanding of the interplay between belief
and behavior in the community of Jesus and his family."
Jacob Neusner, Editor of The Brother of Jesus: James the Just and his Mission
"Dr. Strange pays the Letter of James the compliment of taking it seriously
as an important voice within the religious and moral discourse of antiquity.
His study is a model of comparative rigor, distinguished at once by a large-
ness of vision and a patient attentiveness to specific texts. The result is a fresh
and compelling vision of the moral world that James constructs."
Luke Timothy Johnson, Robert W. Woodruff Professor of
New Testament and Christian Origins, Emory University
JAMES RILEY STRANGE received his PhD. from Emory Uni-

versity and is an Assistant Professor of Religion at Samford
University in Birmingham, Alabama. He is a member of the
American Schools of Oriental Research, the Society of Bibli-
cal Literature, and Phi Kappa Phi honor society. He has served
as Field Supervisor and Co-Director of the University of South
Florida Excavations at Sepphoris, Israel, and is the author of The Emergence
of the Christian Basilica in the Fourth Century (2000).
ISBN 978-1-4331-0881-5

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The Moral

Setting the Epistle in its

Strange, James Riley.

Bibliographic information published by Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek.

© 2 0 1 0 Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., New York

All rights reserved.

Part One: Morals, Religion, and James's Community Vision

C h a p t e r T w o . J a m e s ' s C o m m u n i t y V i s i o n : Life, Death, a n d Restoration 21

Part Two: Morals and Religion in the Greco-Roman World

Part Three: Morals and Religion in the Judaic World

Bibliography o f A n c i e n t Sources 195

T h e horizon has b e e n expanded.

T h i s b o o k is a revision o f my P h . D . dissertation, which I c o m p l e t e d in the

C h a p m a n , D e a n o f Howard College, generously underwrote a substantial part

LNT Library of New Testament Studies

Clearly, the author o f J a m e s was c o n c e r n e d with how people interacted

The Unity of James 5:13-20

James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 makes up the final section o f the letter a n d can b e read as a

sickness a n d sin. T h e s e eight verses c o n t a i n n o prohibitions, only positive in­

The Religious Practices of 5:13-20

We can identify four distinct b u t interrelated religious practices in J a m e s

A first reading o f J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 sharpens the questions asked at the out­

What Do "Moral" and "Religious" Mean?

can be seen as m o r a l discourse aimed at sustaining local congregations (com­

Comparing the Epistle of James with Other Texts

anges because o f the n u m b e r o f categories that they share in c o m m o n , whereas

central in religious life. T a k i n g examples from the kinds o f activities within

o n e text says o n e thing and a n o t h e r says something else. A t stake is under­

Diagnostic Categories for Comparison

person o f special rank, etc.), what type o f practice is prescribed (petitionary v.

o f J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 within the c o n t e x t o f the entire letter, drawing o u t diagnos­

1. Aristotle, Politics; see esp. 7 . 4 - 1 2 .

T I S , acrfteve? T I S ev uuTv as questions. Cf. Mayor, James, 4 7 8 .

James's Community Vision: Life,

a b o u t Paul's talk o f baptism and the Lord's S u p p e r in this way, a n d to extrapo­

store the sinner to fellowship. T h e s e c o n c e r n s are evident in James's under­

Making Community: Giving Life

Following his salutation to "the twelve tribes o f the Diaspora," J a m e s indicates

potential to save—but by implication has n o t yet d o n e so—is m o s t naturally

Threats to the Community: Causing Death

so are marked as outsiders with n o h o p e o f repentance and deliverance. T h e

naturally read in light o f 1:21, where to j o i n the c o m m u n i t y is to receive the

c o m e s an e n e m y o f G o d ! " J a m e s again accuses group m e m b e r s o f taking up

Community Preservation: Restoring Life

James's moral e x h o r t a t i o n reveals n o t only the author's vision o f a distinctive

T h i s is the only passage in J a m e s in which we find t h e specific language o f

onu^cxTo), a n d even though he "was a man like us in every way," b o t h prayers

does n o t warrant reading "let t h e m pray over h i m after a n o i n t i n g h i m with

over those, by implication, w h o have n o loyalty to G o d at all. G o d ' s p o w e r -

T h e Elders' Prayer for Healing

W e have n o t e d that verse 14 c o n t a i n s J a m e s ' s first instance o f a group at

the c o m m u n i t y ' s m e m b e r s , o r does he speak o n a figurative level, enjoining

giveness o f sins in verse 15 and die c o r r e c t i o n o f a " b r o t h e r " in verses 19 and

TroirjKcos a<J>E0f)OETai a u T c o " ? S h o u l d the promise o f the remission o f sins b e

c o m m u n i t y ; a n d the assured success o f the elders' prayer leads J a m e s to e n j o i n

Sin has its cost, for left u n c h e c k e d , it produces dire, this-worldly c o n s e q u e n c e s

gracious rains. B o t h images surely play o n an idea expressed in many biblical

J a m e s ' s use o f "death" in 5 : 2 0 has three implications. First, the pairing o f

spelled o u t in 5 : 1 - 6 . S e c o n d , it has already b e e n n o t e d that w h e n J a m e s

It stands to reason that J a m e s sets forth c o m m u n i t y repercussions for the

Summary: Morality and Religion in James's Communities

T h i s detailed e x a m i n a t i o n o f James's c o m m u n i t y instruction in 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 has

have c o m e sharply i n t o the foreground; so it s h o u l d c o m e as n o surprise that

sickness a n d sin. T h e s e eight verses c o n t a i n n o prohibitions, only positive in

A first reading o f J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 sharpens the questions asked at the out

can be seen as m o r a l discourse aimed at sustaining local congregations (com

o n e text says o n e thing and a n o t h e r says something else. A t stake is under

o f J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 within the c o n t e x t o f the entire letter, drawing o u t diagnos

a b o u t Paul's talk o f baptism and the Lord's S u p p e r in this way, a n d to extrapo

store the sinner to fellowship. T h e s e c o n c e r n s are evident in James's under

T h i s close association between religious practices and the acts o f G o d ap

A l t h o u g h musings o n correct a n d incorrect ways to pray are c o m m o n in G r e

ions a b o u t what is worthy o f praise a n d b l a m e a n d o f joy a n d grief, a n d h o n o r

s h u n n i n g foreign religious ways. In J a m e s , therefore, prayer binds the Chris

thus restoring to friendship its requisite virtuous behavior, pleasurable interac

realm o f h u m a n interactions, i n t e n t i o n (r) TTpoaipEOis) is as i m p o r t a n t as ac

ous speech in frankness ( 6 7 E - F ) . In this passage we n o t e Plutarch's use o f vir

agery as well): as truth is light, so lack o f understanding is blindness or dark

I n this chapter, the four collections o f texts to be e x a m i n e d express "popu

In this section we set J a m e s ' s vision o f what people o u g h t to d o alongside writ

ly be inferred, b u t the magical spells, inscriptions at healing shrines, and per

Again, the spell is presented in the form o f an a m u l e t or c h a r m , as indi

measurable rewards to individuals in the present life, for J a m e s , h u m a n ac

inscriptions, a n d the Lydian and Phrygian inscriptions) may provide an excep

visions o f different streams o f the G r e e k philosophical tradition—say Pythago

votion to G o d , however, stands in opposition to these G r e c o - R o m a n corpo