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 This study is based on the technical work and expertise of Ms. Belarbi,
The Consortium : GIZ, ICMPD, CIVI.POL., FIIAPP, CeSPI, University of Sussex, EPLO

This document was drafted with the aid of the European Union. EuroMed Migration
II has sole responsibility for the content of this document; under no circumstances
can it be considered to reflect the position of the European Union.

2 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
?ZVc"Adj^hK^aaZ
Head of Unit
Directorate General for Development and Cooperation EuropeAid
Europe, Southern Mediterranean, Middle East and neighbourhood policy
Centralised Operations for Europe, the Mediterranean and the Middle East.

The Barcelona process launched in 1993 is the general framework for

cooperation between the European Union and the nine countries in the southern
Mediterranean. This framework gained a section on Justice and Home Affairs
(JHA) in 2002. In this context, the European Commission, acting on a decision
of the Council of Ministers of the EU, decided to launch a new cooperation
programme in the fields of justice, migration and security.

This project, EuroMed Migration II (2008-2011), is the successor of the first EuroMed Migration I project, and
benefits from financing of 5 million euros from the European Commission’s Directorate General for Development
and Cooperation EuropeAid. It has reinforced Euro-Mediterranean cooperation in the field of migration to provide an
effective, targeted response to the phenomenon of migration in its various forms.
The EC has always given priority interest to these questions by considering them to be an integral part of Euro-
Mediterranean cooperation. This regional cooperation favours a partnership approach to migration issues in both
their North-South and intra-regional dimensions.
During the three years of this project, a large number of activities have been carried out on the themes of Legal Migration,
Illegal Migration and Migration and Development. The problem of migration is a complex issue that must be handled on
the basis of a global approach; it requires joint management policies that correspond to common interests.
Various mechanisms for cooperation, dialogue and exchanges of experience have been put in place between officials
in the ministries of the Mediterranean partner countries and the EU to discuss the different questions in depth.
This dialogue has enabled the creation of schemes to promote opportunities for legal migration, to support
measures to favour the link between migration and development, and to reinforce activities fighting trafficking of
human beings and illegal immigration.
The study on ‘Women migration between MEDA countries and the European Union’ was drafted as part of this
project. This study looks into the migration of women on the two shores of the Mediterranean, highlighting female
migrant movements, the contribution of migrant women to development and social change.
The percentage of migrant women in Europe has increased in recent years. This phenomenon shows that the growth
of female migration has become a new parameter in the migration issue.
This study considers this phenomenon from various viewpoints:
Ŋ/HJDOPLJUDWLRQRIZRPHQDQGHPSOR\PHQWDFFHVVWRWKHODERXUPDUNHWVHFWRUVRIDFWLYLW\DQGLQWHJUDWLRQLQ
European countries.
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The study highlights the multi-dimensional process of female migration. Its diagnosis will contribute to a better
understanding of this complex question and to discussions at national and regional level.

:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 3
 6
Introduction
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1. Migration:
6hVldbVcbnXdjcign^hi]Zl]daZldgaY# General context ................................................................................ 6

K^g\^c^VLdda[& 2. Migration and migration of women:

a matter of concern for the international community and the
social sciences. ................................................................................. 7

3. A gender approach to migration is becoming inevitable ..............12

I
4. Migration of women from MEDA countries to Europe:
dYVn!ldbZcXdchi^ijiZVabdhi]Va[d[Vaa a topical issue ..................................................................................13

^ciZgcVi^dcVab^\gVcihldgaYl^YZÄ.*b^aa^dc# 5. Objectives of the study ...................................................................16

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6. Methodology ....................................................................................17
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i]Z^ciZgcVi^dcVaXdbbjc^in]VhWZ\jcid\gVhe 7. Plan ...................................................................................................18
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1 Virginia Woolf, Three Guineas (1938), Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. “1966,

Chapter 3, p. 109.”
2 UNFPA (2006), State of World Population 2006. A passage to hope. Women and
international migration.

4 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 5
 &#B^\gVi^dc/<ZcZgVaXdciZmi
Migrations are nowadays at the heart of policy debates at the national,
regional and international level. Their scale and complexity are prompting
governments, international institutions and the civil society to address the
challenges and opportunities of this social phenomenon and to consider
appropriate solutions.
Engendered by the varying needs of countries in the North and in the South,
international migration has become a major phenomenon in contemporary
societies. “Migrate out of choice, rather than necessity,”1 according to the
first of the ten principles set out in the report of the Global Commission on
International Migration, would be the prime objective. This presupposes a
series of changes: a new form of world governance, in-depth political and
economic reforms, consistent development of the emigration countries, safe
movement for migrants, organised and supportive reception with respect for
human rights by the host countries.
The feminisation of migration has become one of the new parameters of
this phenomenon in recent years. According to the Global Commission on
International Migration (GCIM), women constitute half of all migrants in
the world, which totalled 200 million in 2004.2 The globalisation process has
certainly changed the world and contributed to the acceleration and expansion
of international migration. The opening of markets, the movement of capital,
the development of information technologies and means of communication
and transport have facilitated and strengthened contacts between individuals,
groups and nations. The flagrant economic and social inequalities between
countries in the northern and southern hemispheres, as well as the despair
of certain social groups such as women and young people, have accordingly
1 “Women, men and children should be able to realise their potential, meet their needs,
exercise their human rights and fulfil their aspirations in their country of origin, and
hence migrate out of choice, rather than necessity. Those women and men who migrate
and enter the global labour market should be able to do so in a safe and authorised
manner, and because they and their skills are valued and needed by the states and
societies that receive them.” Report of the Global Commission on International Migration
(2005). Migration in an Interconnected World: Principles for Action. “printed in
Switzerland by SRO-Kundig, p. 4.”
2 Migration in an Interconnected World: Principles for Action. Report of the Global
Commission on International Migration. “October 2005, p. 1.”
6 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
become clearly apparent, with migration emerging as the only way out of
their many difficulties.
Nevertheless, the financial and economic crisis of 2008 hampered the
economies of countries in both hemispheres, affecting even more the
integration of migrants in society and the world of work. The Report of the
World Bank (2009-2011) underscores that because of the current financial
crisis remittance flows to developing countries are down:3 “Remittances which
were expected to amount to US$ 320 billion in 2009, dropped by 7.3% from
2008, when they amounted to US$ 328 billion”.4 The reduction of remittances
may have negative effects on the beneficiaries and their governments.
According to Dilip Ratha, the principal economist of the “Development
Prospects Group” at the World Bank, a minimal 7% to 10% drop can cause
difficulties for migrants and their families, in particular for governments with
budget deficits.
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Migration had never been a major preoccupation of international organisations
nor a priority on their agendas.5 Only the issue of refugees was on the agenda,
in fact. It was not until the conference on population in 1994 that a full chapter
on the issue was drawn up. That chapter was adopted by the 160 countries
present in Cairo, but was not implemented. Moreover, the 1990 International
Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and
Members of their Families was ignored.6 It was disseminated widely only
at the end of the 1990s, and then only thanks to the mobilisation of NGOs
working with migrants, associations and federations of human rights intent
3 Remittance flows to Latin America dropped in large measure because of the slowdown
in the construction sector in the US. The new forecasts show a 6.9% drop in remittances
to Latin America and the Caribbean. Remittance flows to Sub-Saharan Africa are also
expected to drop by 8.3%. Nevertheless, although down, remittance flows to South-East Asia
were expected to stay high in 2009. India, China and Mexico are the prime destinations of
remittances among developing countries.
4 Report of the World Bank (WB) published in conjunction with the International Conference
on Diaspora for Development held on 13 and 14 July 2009.
5 Katleen Newland (2004), The Governance of International Migration: Mechanisms, Process,
and Institutions. Study conducted at the request of the GCIM.
6 Katleen Newland (2004). Op cit.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 7
 on getting a sufficient number of states to ratify it, which led to its entry into
force in July 2003.
International migration has become a real cause of concern in the 2000s,
particularly at the UN. The problems faced by people crossing countries and
continents, who use legal and illegal migration channels and live with fear
and under duress day in and day out, are becoming marketable commodities
in the hands of traffickers, and prompted UN Secretary General Kofi Anan
to review the place of the migration issue on the international stage, to
reconsider and set it as a priority on the agenda of UN activities. In this vein,
the 55th session of the UN General Assembly (November 2000), proclaimed 18
December “International Migrants Day.”
The creation of the Global Commission on International Migration by the
UN Secretary General in 20037, the discussions and organisation of the High-
Level Dialogue on International Migration and Development in 2006 (which
brought together for the first time heads of state and of government) gave
impetus to the reflection on and the adoption of appropriate policy measures
for an improved management of international migration. At the Millennium
Summit of 2000 and the World Summit of 2005, world leaders recognised that
international migration contributed to the achievement of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDG).
This investment by the international community has prompted the governments
of industrialised countries to reconsider their migration policies, to think
about new guidelines such as circular migration, the management of illegal
migration, the links between migration and development, the migration of
skills, and the encouragement of female migration in specific branches of the
economy, particularly services and agriculture.
Already in 1999, in its Resolution A/Res/54/210 on women in development, the
UN General Assembly called on the Secretary General to update the world
survey on the role of women in development, by focusing on the international
movement of populations, and more particularly of women. Similarly, in his
report on the reinforcement of the UN system (57th session), the Secretary
7 The GCIM (December 2003) started its works in February 2004. The objectives assigned
to this commission were to put migration on the world agenda, analyse existing gaps and
examine relations between migration and development.
8 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
General declared that “the time had come to take into account the global
aspect of migration and its relation with development”.8
For its part, the 1995 Beijing platform contends that migration and mobility
generate changes in family structures and introduce additional burdens for
women. It also underscored that women working in formal and informal
sectors, migrant women are recognised as being the least protected. It also
underscored that women and children are more vulnerable as refugees and
displaced persons.
Adopted by the General Assembly in November 2000, the UN Convention
against Transnational Organised Crime establishes international cooperation
to “prevent, suppress and punish” the trafficking of some three to four million
women and children coerced into prostitution and forced labour each year
throughout the world”.9 The additional protocol to this convention (January
2004) may be considered as the first international legal tool in the fight against
the trafficking of human beings, mostly of women.
Interest in female migration increased further when in December 2003, the UN
Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW) organised a consultation of
experts in Sweden on “migration, mobility and impact on women”. Similarly,
the UN High-Level Dialogue on International Migration and Development
(September 2006) is a crucial opportunity for putting the migration issue, and
in particular the gender aspect thereof, on the international agenda.
In this respect, the governments, development agencies and international
organisations have endeavoured to chart strategies to manage the migration
flows, strengthen the positive impact of migration on the countries of origin
and the host countries, and gauge the contribution of migrant women towards
the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals.
The UNFPA State of World Population Report 2006, devoted essentially to
female migration,10 is the most significant example of the interest shown by
the different UN bodies in the mobility of women. The last UNDP Report 20
8 UN, World survey on the role of women in development 2004/Expert consultation: aide
mémoire. “CM/MMW/2003/INF.1. 14 January 2004.”
9 L’ONU se dote d’un outil juridique contre le trafic d’êtres humains, Fr.news.yahoo.com. 28
January 2004.
10 UNFPA, State of World Population 2006. A Passage to Hope. Women and International
Migration. “106 p.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 9
 (Overcoming Barriers: Human Mobility and Development) broaches this
international concern, where women are integral parts. Other sectoral studies
conducted by the World Bank or other centres or institutes on migration in
countries in the northern and southern hemispheres focus particularly on
migrant women.
Female migration has been the subject of numerous research studies by social
scientists since the end of the 1980s, as attested by the many monographs,
special issues of periodicals or instruction modules devoted to the topic. These
works have in particular questioned the neutral approach in the masculine11
until then at the core of studies on the migration phenomenon. The studies
endeavour to follow migrants in their movements, at the workplace, and
to discover them in their household and in their relations with institutions.
These works have given migrants a certain visibility in research as well as in
public policies. We should nonetheless note that comparative analyses and
fieldwork on women migrants are still limited.
An issue of the International Migration Review (1984) devoted to migrant
women broke new ground compared with previous studies, especially one
of its articles which attracted particular attention: ‘Birds of passage are also
women’ (Morokvasic, 1984), presented as a response to the metaphor used by
Michael Piore (1979) for immigration, seen only as mobility of men.12 Women
historians and sociologists have examined the issue: the pertinent analysis
of Nancy Green 13 or the pioneering works of Janine Ponty 14 have given the
subject greater consistency and legitimacy.
Needless to say, the neglect or exclusion of women from studies on migration
has not expelled them from history, but rather reflects a misogynist strain in
history, because it is often written by men. An effort to deconstruct the social
approaches and representations is still needed to give women their rightful
place in migration. It is also worth wondering about grey and uncertain areas
and questions that have hitherto been evaded or scarcely broached.
11 Christine Catarino, Mirjana Morokvasic (2005), Femmes, genre, migrations et mobilités,
Revue Européenne des Migrations internationales. “vol. 21 - n°1, pp 7-27. http://remi.
revues.org/index2534.html.”
12 Ibid.
13 Green Nancy (2002). Repenser les migrations. “Paris, PUF.”
14 Ponty J., Polonais méconnus. Histoire des travailleurs immigrés en France dans l’entre-
deux-guerres. “Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne, 1988.”
10 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
The ‘EuroMed Migration II’ project financed by the European Commission has
managed to include a specific study on the migration of women from MEDA
countries to Europe to give greater visibility to female migration between the
two sides of the Mediterranean, by focusing on female migration movements,
and the contribution of women migrants to development and social change.
The migration demand from the South to the North of the Mediterranean
nowadays tends to address a European demographic deficit and the lack
of development in the South. In the Europe of 27 states, with a population
of 500 million, some 20 million are migrants from third countries with legal
resident status.15 Eurostat figures show that the population of the European
Union grew by 2.1 million inhabitants in 2008 to reach an estimated figure of
499.8 million on 1 January 2009. This growth of 2.1 million resulted from a
natural growth of 0.6 million inhabitants and a migration balance of 1.5 million
in the EU 27. In the 16 Eurozone countries, with an estimated population of
328.7 million on 1 January 2009, natural growth amounted to 0.4 million and
the migration balance to 1.2 million.16
The percentage of migrant women in Europe increased substantially these five
decades. Whereas the rates remained stable between 1960 and 1980, 48.5%,
there was an increase between 1990 and 200017, when the rates attained 51.7%
and 52.4% respectively. These figures show that women have not remained on
the margins of this migration process, that they have always been involved,
particularly in Europe, which ranks first in the world for the reception of
migrants.
Eurostat figures show that there are more men than women migrants and that
the latter are younger than the men. The gender ratio of migrants to the EU
was 114 men against 100 women.18 The prevalence of men was generalised
in all EU countries, apart from some exceptions, whereby the gender ratio
of European immigrants is higher than that of non European immigrations:
125 men for 100 women and 108 men for 100 women respectively. France,
Belgium, the Netherlands and Italy received more women than men migrants
15 Migration, un passeport pour la pauvreté. Une étude de Caritas Europa sur la pauvretéet
l’exclusion des immigrants en Europe. 3e rapport sur la pauvreté en Europe. “Caritas.
Brussels, June 2006. 186 p. 11.”
16 Reuters: Stephen Hird published in L’Express.fr. on 3 August 2009.
17 Hania Zlotnik, op cit.
18 Eurostat, op cit, p 5.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 11
 in 2006. This effective presence of migrant women attests to the urgent need
for a gender approach to the various steps of the migration process.
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The experience of individuals according to their gender is at the heart of the
migration process. Migration is nowadays structured around the question
of gender. The formulation of the migration project, the identification of
networks that interfere in migration and the ways of movement determine
who emigrates, the reasons for migration, the chosen destinations and the
return options. Likewise, the attitudes and behaviour adopted by migrants
regarding employment, education and health, remittances and the channels
chosen are acquiring a specific orientation depending on gender. It can
actually be said that the history of migration is also a history of gender on
the move.
In his book, Philosophie de la modernité, Georg Simmel19 examines the
relations between gender practices and identities and the migration processes.
He shows that the forms of international migrations to the West (volume
and composition of flows, chronology of departures, itineraries taken)
are structured around gender. The participation in the migration process
consequently affects the distribution of tasks and spaces, the relations of
power and gender identities, starting with the privileged setting of the family.
Accordingly, gender becomes a structuring element for the entire migration
context.
The gender issue has therefore merged as a main variable in studies on
migration, even if it cannot be isolated from its overall context in society.
Against this background, female migration from MEDA countries to Europe
cannot be studied and analysed outside the international migration process,
as it cannot be dissociated from male migration and the entire history of
population movements in the Mediterranean region.
19 Georg Simmel, Philosophie de la modernité. “Paris, Payot 2004.”
12 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
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:jgdeZ/Vide^XVa^hhjZ
“To speak of the mobility of women is not solely a matter of admitting
the presence and action of women in migration movements, but rather to
consider such movements also from the female angle, i.e. to consider the
point of view of women, their specific and singular characteristics regarding
mobility. Such recognition is a prerequisite to imbuing new dynamism in
paradigms on migration”.20
Migration is closely connected with the history of the Mediterranean. It
constitutes a key dimension for understanding the Euro-Mediterranean area,
its development and progress. It represents a thorny political issue that has
generated a series of European policies on the matter, the establishment
of legal bases, the gradual introduction of EU regulations, and reinforced
North-South cooperation. A global approach to the scope of migration in the
Mediterranean entails grasping and understanding a broad, interdependent
spectrum that links the countries of the region, as well as understanding and
recognising the place that the Mediterranean occupies in the world, and the
women of the region in the migration process.
The Mediterranean has been historically known as a major crossroads of
movements and trade. Different peoples have travelled through it, traders
developed their business, the major powers and politicians, always on the
watch to make or break alliances, have invested heavily in it. A sea where the
labour migration that started at the beginning of last century has amplified to
become today one of the important elements of security and development,
democracy, gender, etc. The fact remains that this entire process was devised
and led by men, while women were at home or moved under the watchful
supervision of the family.
The strategic position of the Mediterranean is self-evident. Considered
as an area of political confrontation, it is also recognised as a region that
20 Mariam Cheikh, Michel Peraldi (2009), Les femmes sur les routes. Voyage au féminin entre
l’Afrique et la Méditerranée. “Editions le Fennec et Centre Jacques Berque, p 8.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 13
 generates and exports energy,21 a potential market for Europe, a strategic
hinterland for the United States 22 and an affirmed migration area. Relations
between the northern and southern Mediterranean have throughout history
been characterised by domination (colonisation), changed subsequently
into relations of cooperation through independence, which were then
institutionalised through bilateral agreements and have been consolidated in
particular through the Barcelona process in its different variations.
The EU countries have continued to endeavour to harmonise their migration
policies ever since the Amsterdam Treaty. Regional dialogues have been
initiated on the issue, in particular the 5+5 Dialogue. Euro-Mediterranean
conferences and forums and Euro-African conferences have reserved
a place of choice for the issue of migration around the Mediterranean. In
essence, migration structures Euro-Mediterranean relations and association
agreements for neighbourhood policy, and comes into play in the financing of
the MEDA programme, etc.
For MEDA countries, emigration has been a way of reducing unemployment
and providing sizeable financial resources for national development – a self-
regulating phenomenon, as was the case for certain southern European
countries. Today, however, MEDA countries are faced with an ever increasing
desire for emigration by young people and women to find work and to
improve their living standard. So these countries are counting on migration
as a source of revenue, as a means of development and as a guarantee for a
21 Crude oil arrives from the oil fields of the Near East and North Africa, and the oil ports of the
Black Sea to the European centres of consumption. EU imports continue to increase, and
forecasts for 2030 vary between 11.6 billion barrels a day (bbd) and 16.7 bbd, compared with
14.6 bbd in 2005. Sohbet Karbuz, Lisa Guarrera. (2008). La Méditerranée, route de transport
de pétrole. Revue AFKAR. N° 18, Summer 2008. Pp. 22-24.
The region is of vital importance for the American economy: The Middle East supplies
half of its needs in hydrocarbons, so oil transport in the Mediterranean still accounts for
nearly one third of the world maritime traffic. Attac France. June 2008, la Méditerranée face
aux assauts de la mondialisation libérale. www.france.attac.org , and Sohbet Karbuz, Lisa
Guarrera, op. cit. p. 23.
22 The Western (European and American) leaders have engaged in close cooperation with
the southern Mediterranean countries; a cooperation enshrined in the Barcelona process,
the neighbourhood policy and the Union for the Mediterranean for one, extended on the
other hand by the multiple bilateral free trade agreements between the USA and certain
southern Mediterranean countries, and the intervention in the conflict between Israel and
the Palestinians. The new MEPI programme launched by President Bush in 2002, which
was joined by the G8 countries, confirms the presence of the major powers in the region.
Nevertheless, Europe still holds a capital place in the Mediterranean, thanks first to its
geographic proximity, and the historical links and economic and cultural exchanges.
Relations between Europe and the MEDA countries constitute the hard core of the region.
14 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
certain political, economic and social order. Institutions have been created in
countries of origin (ministries, commissions, councils) to manage relations
with their expatriate community, get them to contribute to the development
of the country of origin and to revive their cultural identity.23
The Mediterranean migration landscape has nowadays undergone a radical
transformation, as former emigration countries have now become immigration
countries 24 (Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Egypt), while these same countries
are confronted with a high mobility of highly skilled people, illegal migration
and female migration.
Various studies have confirmed that female migration in the Mediterranean
is a phenomenon that has always existed. Nevertheless, the scope it has
acquired nowadays and the type of population it concerns call for an in-
depth study. The history of female migration to Europe is multi-faceted,
since the largest number of migrants arrived after World War II. Women
from southern Europe were the first to arrive (from Italy, Greece, Spain and
Portugal) looking for employment and a better life. In the mid 1970s, it was
mostly women from MEDA (especially Maghreb) countries that emigrated
for family reunification purposes. Then, in the end of the 1980s, came women
from the former East Bloc countries when the Communist regimes collapsed,
women from the Balkans when the region disintegrated, and women from
North Africa owing to the negative economic and social consequences of the
structural adjustment plans.
Later, the consequences of the Gulf War in 1990 and the economic crisis after
11 September 2001 on the economies of regions dependent on the tourism
industry accentuated the male and female migration flows, but also flows of
refugees and asylum seekers.
Migrants to Europe from MEDA countries nowadays come essentially from
states that are poor or have a low standard of living, countries at war or
23 These initiatives had both economic (to capitalise on the benefits of migrations through
remittances and the experience of highly skilled migrants) and cultural objectives (to keep
migrants under the tutelage of the country of origin and to revive an Arab and Muslim
identity among second and third generation young people). Holidays in the country of origin,
and language and religion courses have increased considerably to that end.
24 The poverty, tensions and conflicts that are rife in many Sub-Saharan countries prod many
young men and women to leave their country to get to Europe which is closing its borders;
the transit route through North Africa is unavoidable, in spite of the dangers of crossing the
desert, and restrictions of entry to those countries by air.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 15
 under authoritarian regimes, and stifling patriarchal societies. The political,
economic and social changes that MEDA countries have gone through
to varying degrees have contributed to the change of rules, standards and
traditions that enable women to travel, live alone, embark on occupational
mobility, get married, including through mixed marriages in the absence or
without the consent of the family.
Major advancements can thus be noted in female migration from southern
Mediterranean counties to Europe, in spite of socio-cultural standards that
tend to limit the movement of women or to restrict it in a controllable space.
The share of women migrants from MEDA countries ranges between 25% and
45% depending on the country of origin and the host country.25
The importance of female migration is self-evident: it contributes to the
emancipation of women who become self-sufficient once their husband has
gone abroad, when they emigrate alone or when they become economically
independent. Thus, women who were previously subordinate to the authority
of their husband in their country of origin, take their life into their own
hands, thereby gaining new self-awareness and raising their self-esteem.
Nevertheless, certain paradoxes are emerging by maintaining non-egalitarian
traditions from the country of origin or an attachment to a backward-looking
Islam in the host country.
The most vulnerable category consists of illegal migrant women. They are
exploited economically and even sexually. Treated as objects, their identities
are denied, their passports taken away, and they are exploited and abused
by traffickers and unscrupulous employers. The UN conventions on crime,
the additional protocol, the various communications of the European
Commission and the declarations of the European Parliament are intended
to draw attention to this phenomenon so as to fight against this curse.
*#DW_ZXi^kZhd[i]ZhijYn
The analysis of female migration between MEDA countries and Europe shows
a new dimension in the region’s political and social history. The multiple
facets of the migration phenomenon around the Mediterranean reflect the
25 CARIM. Report 2006/2007.
16 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
various stakes (demographic, economic, cultural, social and symbolic) in the
region. This study on “female migration between MEDA countries and the
EU,” financed by the European Commission under the EuroMed Migration
project, is intended to help migrant women come out of the shadow and to
give them their rightful place in the history of migration.
More precisely, this study pursues several objectives, namely to:
t
Present the state of research on the subject and to contribute to a greater
understanding of this complex issue;
t
Apply a gender perspective to all the migration situations in the region,
while remaining attentive to the aspirations and concerns of women in
their country of origin, transit or reception;
t
Give visibility to the contribution of migrant women to development, in
scientific research and political discussions;
t
Help initiate discussions on the issue at national and regional level.
+#BZi]dYdad\n
Reconsidering migration in the Mediterranean region from the women’s
perspective is a real challenge, given the lack of data available and the
limitations of the theoretical framework. The way in which women shape and
transform migration and the societies concerned can be outlined by exploring
the personal and collective history of women, analysing documents and
research studies on female migration patterns, and examining the policies
adopted concerning them in the country of origin or the host country.
This study concerns 18 Euro-Mediterranean countries (nine in the South
and nine in the North) and relies essentially on an analysis of the available
documentation, including official sources: statistics, legislation, official
reports, and field surveys conducted by European and southern Mediterranean
research centres and institutes, etc. The analysis is supplemented by a non-
participating observation of the daily life of migrants and our personal and
professional experience.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 17
 ,#EaVc
This study comprises six parts.
Part I “Theoretical framework and methodological approach”
examines certain theories relating to migration in general and in particular
the place given to the mobility of women. It also presents the methodological
framework, clarifies the concepts, and identifies the indicators of female
migration.
Part II “Main determinants of female migration” puts the mobility
of women from MEDA countries to Europe in perspective against the
background of international migration and globalisation. It examines the
incentives and push factors of migration, while identifying the economic and
socio-cultural differences on the opposing sides of the Mediterranean which
are considered as the essential causes of migration to Europe, particularly
female migration.
Part III “Migration: regulatory framework” deals with the legal dimension
of migration and the international, Euro-Mediterranean and bilateral level. It
is particularly important because the law is the framework that organises the
departure, establishment and integration of migrants in the host countries.
There is a legal arsenal in most northern and southern Mediterranean
countries concerning the protection of male and female migrants, scattered
in several legal and regulatory texts, and applied by various institutions.
Part IV: “Legal female migration or labour migration,” identifies the
main characteristics of legal female migrants and analyses some sequences
of their daily lives. This part also broaches the place of female migrants on
the labour market, the impact of gainful employment on domestic roles, and
the power of women in the family. This part explores the lifestyles of migrant
women in the host country, their capacity to integrate through access to
education, health services, culture and politics.
Part V “Migration and development: migrant women as agents of
economic development” showcases the economic and social contribution
of women migrants in the host countries and especially in the countries
of origin. The contribution of remittances from migrant women and the
channels used, their capacity as investors in their country of origin, the call
18 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
on their expertise and their mobilisation in development associations will
also be studied.
Part VI “Women from MEDA countries and irregular migration”
broaches the dearth of data on this type of migration which makes it difficult
to estimate the number of women migrants in European countries. Taking the
risk to emigrate legally or illegally and then go underground is a new route
of female migration from MEDA countries. Irregular female migration from
the South is a major concern for governments, international organisations
and the civil society. Women are the most exposed to human trafficking,
economic exploitation, prostitution rings and the mafia, which are booming
because they are most often in vulnerable situations.
Given the scope of this study, its topicality and above all the novelty of the issue,
a personalised bibliographic document has been prepared: “Bibliographic
study on female migration in the Mediterranean.” It contains works on
female migration with a detailed introduction that outlines the major trends
in female migration in the region. It is a reference work placed at the disposal
of researchers and students who will make other contributions and new
analyses to expand knowledge on the subject.
This large-scale study on female migration from MEDA countries to Europe is
in no way intended to be exhaustive. In spite of the high number of countries
studied, the dearth of data, the diversity of the migration processes and
policies, and the variation of female populations on the move, this study
has tried to summarise the major trends in the migration of women in the
Mediterranean and to analyse the multiple dimensions of that phenomenon.
Finally, this report makes a certain number of recommendations for the
development of medium- and long-term studies which, thanks to an in-depth
knowledge of female migration, could enlighten future migration policies on
both sides of the Mediterranean.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 19
 EVgi>

I]ZdgZi^XVa;gVbZldg`
VcYBZi]dYdad\^XVa6eegdVX]
  I. Towards a paradigm of the migration process ............................. 25

1. Appraisal of migration theories............................................................... 26

1.1. Predominance of economic not to say economistic theories ...... 26

1.2. New migration economy ................................................................... 28

1.3. Network theory or the perpetuation

of the migration phenomenon ......................................................... 29

1.4. Migration and development.............................................................. 31

2. Women and migration: towards a new theoretical approach.............. 33

3. Towards a new paradigm on migration .................................................. 35

II. Conceptual framework: concepts on the move ............................ 39

1. Human dimension of migration: migrants and transmigrants............. 39

2. Spatial dimension: Migration fields, areas, networks and flows ......... 40

3. Temporal dimension: temporary or definitive migration ..................... 41

4. Management dimension: legal migration, illegal migration,

transnational migration and development migration. ......................... 42

5. Cultural dimension: Multiculturalism and interculturality .................. 44

III. Statistical imbroglio: a shared problem ....................................... 44

IV. Methodological approach............................................................... 49

22 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 23
 I dYZhXg^WZ^hVagZVYnidYd!idXdcig^WjiZidlVgYh
gZYjX^c\i]Z^cZgi^VbV^ciV^cZYWndeedh^c\[ZZa^c\h
d[[VhX^cVi^dcl^i]i]ZegZhZciVcY[ZVgd[VcdWhXjgZ
[jijgZ!idh]ZYbdgZa^\]idci]Zh]VYdlnVgZVhl]ZgZ
\adWVa^h^c\bdYZgc^inXVhihi]dhZ^icZ\aZXihl]^aZ
Yg^k^c\i]ZgZhiVlVn[gdbl]Vi^i]VhjcYdcZ#
7VaVcY^Zg<Zdg\Zh0'%%(&
All research requires a theoretical framework, i.e. a set of proposals that
can be shown, verified and that aim to establish the validity of a scholarly
reflection. The basic constituents are the clarification of concepts, and
the recourse to a set of reliable data. The entire process is helping to
elucidate the work setting and the approaches taken by the researcher.
This framework is all the more necessary for a subject as complex as
female migration in the Euro-Mediterranean region.
1 (Balandier Georges ; 2003), Le grand système, “Fayard.”
24 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
8=6EI:G>#IDL6G9H6E6G69><BD;I=:
B><G6I>DCEGD8:HH
Academic interest in migration has been growing in recent years in the MEDA
countries, tending to fill the gap between several disciplines and to tackle the
theoretical deficit on female migration. Research on migration is included in
analyses of globalisation.
Current theories on migration tend to be rather partial or overly general.
Often falling under disciplines, they are driven by an inner logic and are often
characterised by an antithetical view of push and pull between the societies
that send and those that receive migrants. Few integrated theories have been
developed on the issue.
It is still difficult to speak of a theory of migration given the complexity
and singular nature of the mechanisms deployed. Existing approaches are
distinguished depending on the historical, political and economic situations.
The economic approach remains the oldest, most common, and predominant.
The first theories concentrated exclusively on migrants as labour force in
search of better paid employment.
Recent theories tend to explain migration more in terms of other factors to do
with the household unit and the existence of networks. They attach particular
importance to the connection between migration and development and the
cultural diversity aspect.
The deficiencies of migration theories on gender are palpable. It was
not before the 1990s that ‘gender’ found its way in studies on migration.
Sociologists and historians were the most open to introduce gender in their
approach, while feminists, their efforts to rehabilitate gender in research
notwithstanding, have made only a modest contribution to works on
migration.
This part has a double objective. For one, it intends to go over some theories
on the migration process in general as well as the contribution of feminist
studies to understand the migration of women. Secondly, it initiates a
paradigm on female migration by drawing inspiration from studies on the
issue in the Mediterranean, from a global approach to migration.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 25
 &#6eegV^hVad[b^\gVi^dci]Zdg^Zh
The aim is not to conduct an exhaustive analysis of theories on migration, nor
to comment on their validity. We shall focus on four main theories that will
be examined briefly to assess their explanatory value, more particularly when
applied to female migration in the Mediterranean region.
&#&#EgZYdb^cVcXZd[ZXdcdb^XcdiidhVn
ZXdcdb^hi^Xi]Zdg^Zh
Economic theories on international migration abound and tend to explain
immigration through factors related to employment and remuneration. These
models are at times inserted in a broader framework relating to unequal
production or development between nations.
Considered as the first migration theorist, Ernest Ravenstein2 (1885),
an English geographer, presented certain ‘laws’ based on the analysis of
population census data. He concluded that migration is governed by push
and pull factors. Unfavourable economic conditions and poverty push people
to leave their country of origin for more attractive regions. He added that
migration increases as technology develops.
This scholar places migration in a more general environment by considering
the progress of the migration act as a movement from the periphery to the
centre and the distance covered by the migrants. He underscored that women
were more inclined to embark on short-term flows.
Several theorists have followed the footsteps of Ravenstein with only a
few variations. Everett Lee (1966) recast the latter’s theory to concentrate
essentially on the push factors.3 The neoclassical theory (Torado 1969)4
2 Ravenstein E.G. (1885), The Laws of Migration, Journal of the Statistical Society,
“London, 48(2), 167-227.”
3 ES Lee - Demography, 1966 - popline.org. Title: A Theory of Migration. “Popline Document
Number: 018411. Author(s): Lee ES. Source citation: Demography, 1966; 3(1):47-57.” Lee
underscored that there were four main factors that determine international migration.
The first two factors are related to the situation in the countries of origin and countries
of destination. He attached great importance to cyclical factors such as distance, political
barriers, the existence of a network, and to personal factors related to the migrant’s
education, knowledge of the destination environment, and family ties in the country of origin
and in the host country, which may facilitate or hinder migration.
4 Todaro, Michael P. A, Model of Labor Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less
Developed Countries. “American Economic Review, 59(1), 1969, p. 138-148”
26 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
places international migration within the framework of market supply and
demand and establishes a correlation between the development of labour
migration and economic development. Difference in pay prompts migrants to
move from low-pay areas to high-pay areas so as to maximise their revenues.
Countries that do not have enough workers and thus have a high demand
are supposed to offer high wages that attract immigrants from countries that
have a surplus of workers (Massey 1993).5
Other theories draw a distinction between a traditional and a modern sector,
adopting the same division between industrialised and underdeveloped
nations. The traditional sector, which has a surplus of labour, therefore has a
substantial supply of labour, while the modern sector absorbs this surplus by
attracting that labour by offering wages higher than those in the traditional
sector. This theory consequently foresees that immigration has a positive
impact on the traditional sector, because it helps reduce the prevailing
unemployment, and fills the pay gap between the rural traditional sector and
the urbanised modern sector. It postulates that the migration flows are going
to last for as long as this difference between sectors has not been reduced.
The dualist theory (Piore 1979)6 confirmed that the migration of the labour
force is a factor of economic cooperation between countries. It underscores
that the structures of the economies in developed countries necessarily turn
to foreign manual labour, since they have two markets; the primary market,
which is developed and well paying, and the secondary market, which is
precarious, with low wages. Migrants are generally recruited to do jobs that
are necessary for the development of the economy, but which natives are
unwilling to do.
The world system theory developed by Saskia Sassen (1988)7 asserts
that international migration is a product of the capitalist system and that
migration models tend to confirm the division of the world into a centre
(rich nations) and a periphery (poor nations). Industrial development
in the former causes structural problems in the economies of the latter.
5 Massey D, Arango J, Kouaouci A, Pellegrino A, and Taylor Y (1993), Theories of International
Migration: A Review and Appraisal. Population and Development Review. “19/3, p. 431-465.”
6 Piore. M. J. (1979), Birds of passage: migrant labor in industrial society.
“New York, Cambridge University Press.”
7 Sassen. S. (1988), The Mobility of Labour and Capital. A Study on International Investment
and Labour Flow. “Cambridge, UK. Cambridge University Press.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 27
 This in turn prods migration. Against this background, migration results not
only from high production and demand for labour in industrialised countries,
but more generally from the structures of the world market.
This theory analyses migration from a global perspective, underlining the
importance of the market economy. It underscores that exchanges between
weak economies, and strong and efficient economies inevitably lead to
stagnation in the former, upsetting the economic channels and social and
cultural settings. “These unequal relations encourage migration more than
the differences of pay and employment”.8
For supporters of this theory, the effects of globalisation have left the
economies of the third world dependent on agriculture and exports of raw
materials, accumulating industrial lag, and sinking into underdevelopment.
This explains the one-way migration flows from the periphery to the centre.
The major migration flows can obviously not be dissociated from the economic
disparities, and are studied jointly with development and underdevelopment
issues. Classical economic analyses of labour migrations have consequently
shown their limitations, as they tend to focus more on the individual aspect
of migration and the mandatory higher or supplementary earnings that justify
migration. These two aspects have been challenged by works that henceforth
constitute the new economy of labour migration. This strand of analysis sees
migration as a process based on a collective choice and takes the domestic
unit as the analysis framework.
&#'#CZlb^\gVi^dcZXdcdbn
Stark (1991),9 the founder and main representative of the new migration
economy, proposes a new framework for the economic analysis of labour
migration by referring to the family of farmers with regard to risk (climate
vagaries, variations in the price of agricultural products) which can lead its
members to migrate. In this sense, migration of one member of the household
increases the sources of the family’s revenues and guarantees a secure income
through remittances.
8 Massey et al. (1993). Op cit. p 448.
9 Stark O. (1991), The Migration of Labour, “Basil Blackwell, Oxford. 406 p”
28 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
There is a perceptible switch from individualistic approaches to migration to
a collective strategy initiated and organised by the domestic unit. It is a form
of contract between the migrant and his family who support him to emigrate,
subject to obligations and commitments to all those who contribute towards
his departure and establishment abroad.
The migrant provides insurance against poverty, against a bad harvest
or illness. Accordingly, “the new migration economy does not take into
consideration only the labour market, but widens the process to the entire
domestic group. Households try not only to maximise their interests, but also
to minimise risks by diversifying their resources.” In this regard “for developing
countries, migration would be the equivalent of social security in developed
countries”.10
The domestic group is consequently emerging as the central decision-
making unit. The migrant’s income tends to alleviate the hazards of internal
unemployment, and transfers play an important role, not only for the
economy of the household but for the economy of the entire country. In this
case, for some countries labour migration has become particularly an export
economy, which drives the States to facilitate migration so as to capitalise on
the benefits.
&#(#CZildg`i]Zdgndgi]ZeZgeZijVi^dcd[i]Z
b^\gVi^dce]ZcdbZcdc
The migration network approach is very important because it explains the
persistence of the migration phenomenon through social links between
migrants and non-migrants, which link countries of origin and of destination
further. Each migrant actually creates opportunities for people in his
entourage (a member of the family, neighbourhood or tribe) to promote
them and help them to emigrate. In this context, the decision to leave is not
based essentially on a purely rational economic calculation as suggested by
the neo-classical theoretical approach, but on information concerning people
prepared to provide financial and psychological support to migrants at every
step of their migration. Accordingly, “by reducing the risks and costs of future
10 Monsutti Alessandro. (2004), Guerres et migrations: réseaux et stratégies économiques des
Hazaras d’Afghanistan. “Editions de l’institut d’Ethnologie de Neuchâtel et éditions de la
Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, Paris, p.39.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 29
 migrants (men and women), migration networks secure the self-perpetuation
of the migration process”.11
The migration networks connect people belonging to the same family, ethnic,
linguistic or religious community. They operate in the form of loans or services
that alleviate the cost of migration. The awareness of migrants dispersed
through several cities and countries is one of the important elements in the
decision to emigrate. The more developed the network, the lower the costs,
and the more that migration will develop. The migrant’s social capital thus
plays a more important role than the monetary capital.
In the network theory, the family institution remains crucial for the
motivation to migrate and to develop one’s skills. Sarah Harbison has shown
the complexity of family structures that characterise the migration process,
given that the family is the mediator between the individual and society.
Harbison (1981)12 and Boyd (1989)13 stress three essential factors that give
the family unit significant importance in the migration process.
1. The family provides the essential support for the migrant; it has resources
for the transport, establishment, etc. in the host country, particularly in
the case of a young migrant population with sufficient financial resources.
Similarly, the gender-based division of labour in the family may encourage
or hinder the mobility of women. When women do not work, they continue
to perform domestic chores, and their mobility is structurally limited or at
least determined by men.
2. The family, as a place for socialising, conditions and guides individuals.
The roles and statuses of men and women are inculcated and integrated
in its midst. The privilege accorded to male children in the family, as those
who perpetuate the family name and are to look after their parents in
their old age, is predominant in southern Mediterranean societies. The
woman is perceived as a minor who is delicate and in need of protection.
Her departure for another country must consequently be approved by the
11 Monsutti. A, op cit p 45.
12 Harbison. S .F. (1981), Family Structure and Family Decision In Migration Decision
Making: Multidisciplinary Approaches to Micro Level Studies in Developed and Developing
Countries, “C.F. Delong and R.W. Gardener, eds., New York. Pergamum Press.”
13 Boyd Monica. (1989), Family and Personal Networks in International Migration.
International Migration Review, “23/2. pp. 638.670.”
30 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
men of the family. A few exceptions aside, women who decide to emigrate,
whether educated, rich, or resourceful, must negotiate their departure and
seek the approval and blessing of the men.
3. The family has its economic and social network, as the kinship vice tightens
in a very vast geographic space. People move where they have family that
can help them, support them financially in case of difficulties, find a job
for them and for relatives and provide psychological support in case of
dire need or culture shock. Ties between members of the extended family
are consolidated to make room for transnational solidarity that turns the
migrant into an effective player for the development of his or her country
of origin.
&#)#B^\gVi^dcVcYYZkZadebZci
An old theory has been re-emerging for twenty years with a focus on the
close links between international migration and development. It shows that
international migration from countries in the South to countries in the North is
due to underdevelopment and the development of migration. It also contends
that international migration contributes to the development of the host
country and it continues to have a greater impact on growth, development
and the reduction of poverty in the country of origin.
Migrants make an important triple economic contribution - and by extension
– also political, social and cultural contribution to their countries of origin.
To that end, remittances play a tangible role in reducing poverty, alleviating
problems of unemployment and underemployment, and in particular, skills.
Similarly, the financial investments by associations of the diaspora in projects
of different scope provide substantial aid for the development of the countries
of origin.14 Furthermore, it considers that highly skilled migrants and the
temporary or definitive return constitute a pool of skills, expertise and an
efficient network in the service of the countries of origin.
UN bodies have shown interest in this approach since the beginning of the
new millennium, when they introduced the principle of “better management
14 Publications of the World Bank such as the Report of the GCIM point out that “Remittances
from migrants in 2004 amounted to nearly three times the public aid for development, and
constitute the second source of external funding for developing countries after direct foreign
investment.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 31
 of migration for sustainable development,” which the Global Commission for
International Migration turned into one of its six fundamental principles.
For its part, in 2005 the European Union decided to address the “policy
coherence for development”.15 Summarising this approach, the GCIM
stated that “Today’s challenge is to formulate policies that maximise the
positive impact of migration on countries of origin while limiting its negative
consequences. To achieve this objective, migration must form part of national,
regional and global development strategies”.16
It is worth noting that these approaches show also the dichotomies of tradition
and modernity, agriculture and industry, developed and underdeveloped
countries, and are constantly in search of a balance. The modernisation
theory that dominated the discussions in the 1970s sees migrants essentially
as economic agents that help to develop and modernise their country.
“Considered as real catalysts of social change, migration flows were supposed
to pave the way to modernity for traditional societies”.17
The fact remains, however, that modernisation did not achieve the expected
results in the countries of the South. Kearney (1986)18 underscores the limits
of this theory, given its general nature, its oversight of cultural factors, the
exaggeration of economic issues to the detriment of political relations, and
above all, its omission of strategies of resistance and re-appropriation of the
periphery and its conception of a single centre as opposed to the multi-centric
nature of the world.
15 Communication from the Commission to the Council, the European Parliament and
the European Economic and Social Committee of 12 April 2005 – Policy Coherence for
Development – Accelerating progress towards attaining the Millennium Development Goals:
“Migration policy is one of eleven policies examined. The document recommended a set
of measures concerning remittances to the country of origin, the role of the diaspora in
the Member States, the reinforcement of circular migration, the facilitation of return and
the mitigation of the adverse effects of brain drain. Convinced of the topical nature and
importance of this approach, the High-Level Dialogue in September 2006, as well as the Euro-
African conferences in 2006 and 2008 focused their attention on means and resources for
the deployment of this new model which meets the needs of both the host country and the
country of origin and eases, as it were, certain categories of migrants.”
16 Report of the Global Commission on International Migration, 2005. “Printed in Switzerland
by SPO-Kunding 98 p. p27.”
17 Bocco R and Djalili. M.R (eds). (1994), Moyen Orient, migrations démocratisation médiations.
“Paris PUF de France and Geneva IUHEL. 405 p. p15/16.”
18 Kearney M. (1986), From the Invisible Hand to Visible Feet. Anthropological Studies on
Migration and Development. Annual Review of Anthropology. “October 1986, Vol. 15, pp.
331/361 (p. 338).”
32 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
The ‘migration and development’ approach tends to reconcile the interests of
the North and the South in a win-win situation.
The different theories presented therein broach migration only partially
because they do so essentially from an economic angle and as a male process.
They are not sufficient to explain the migration of women.
'#LdbZcVcYb^\gVi^dc/idlVgYhVcZl
i]ZdgZi^XVaVeegdVX]
There has been very little effort to include the gender dimension in migration
theories, as “migration theory has traditionally tended to concentrate on the
causes of migration rather than on the migrants themselves” (Monica Boyd
2003).19 This has stood in the way of understanding the circumstances that
encourage women to become transnational labour migrants, to apply for
asylum or to become caught up in trafficking networks.
Economic considerations promote many women to migrate, but they cannot
be considered as the only reasons. Other reasons come into play for their
geographic mobility: the desire for a better life, the need to escape family
constraints and social control, or the hope of a personal experience that
enables women to assume full responsibility for their own lives.
The neo-classical theory cannot explain the migration of women either,
as most of the women who migrated in the 1970s and 1980s were not looking
for work nor to earn an income. They arrived in the host country for family
reasons. In the case of Southern Mediterranean countries, most of the women
who accompanied their husbands were housewives, mothers of large families
or relatives dependent on the migrant who had almost never been gainfully
employed.
In the economic models of the period, migration was seen as a matter of
personal decision for men; the private-public, interior-exterior distinction
tallied well with this theory. The statuses and roles of men and women in
countries of the South explained why women were only rarely involved in the
decision to migrate and participate in the labour market in the host country.
19 Monica Boyd and Elizabeth Grieco. (2003), Women and Migration: Incorporating Gender
into International Migration Theory. “In Migration Information Source. 2003.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 33
 It is also worth underscoring that the mobility of women was not necessarily
conditioned by poverty. Many poor women were not able to leave their country
in order to meet their needs and to work elsewhere. In the case of our study,
countries like Egypt and Morocco which have almost the same GDP ($3,950
and $4,004 respectively in 2003) have very different female migration rates:
The migration rate of Egyptian women to Europe20 varies between 8% and
35% 21 while that of Moroccan women is between 33% and 48%.
Stemming from rural areas in most cases, women migrants in the 1970s
were not able to make the transition through an urban environment before
reaching the city of destination. Once there, these women remained very
isolated, living in informal accommodation, had little contact with the host
population, and lived almost on the margins of society.22
The dualist theory can be used in part to analyse female migration, given the
attraction that industrialised economies hold for men and women migrants
– especially when certain branches recruit young women, single or married,
preferably from rural areas. The seasonal migration of Moroccan women to
Spain is a case in point.
The new economic theory of migration considers the decisive impact of the
decision to migrate on the family. The criticism levelled at it is that it replaces
the individual with the domestic unit, whereas the family is characterised
by domination-subordination relations, i.e. the inequality between men
and women. The family is at the centre of the conflict of interests, whether
manifest or latent, so that the motivation of women often does not coincide
with that of men. This affects the decision whether to migrate, where and for
how long.
The migration network theory has a high explanatory value for the
transnational migration of women to Europe. The literature shows the role of
members of the family and friends in providing support for migrants to move,
get established and find work. The extension of the network and the tasks
performed by its members in the host family can explain why the migration of
women has assumed such proportions in one region rather than in another.
The migration of women has not completely escaped the notice of feminist
theorists, of course, as some studies have touched on the problem without
analysing it in depth. Feminist theories tend to apply the same paradigm of
‘modernisation through migration’ which perpetuates the ethnocentric theory
in regard to the third world. Nevertheless, in the last two decades, feminist
research on migration has concentrated on patriarchy and on relations of
domination transposed in the host countries. Patriarchy is considered as
a factor that affects the mobility of women, hinders their opportunities to
move, and establishes strong inequalities in their regard.
(#IdlVgYhVcZleVgVY^\bdcb^\gVi^dc
Whereas the economic factor seems fundamental, it is nonetheless still
considered as the decisive element of migration. A reappraisal should be
attempted. Starting with our personal experience and the literature on the
subject, we can say that only a global and integrated approach can be used to
analyse migration in general, and the migration of women in particular.
Considering the limits of the theories presented, a tentative summary has
been made to ‘develop a paradigm’ from an integrated approach. This
paradigm is based on three main elements: the actor, the institutions and
the societal structures.
1. The social actor, in this case the (male or female) migrant
(characteristics, behaviour, practices, discourse, skills);
2. The institutions (family, school, company, ethnic group, religion);
3. The structural context (the economic, social, legal
and political structures).

20 Europe refers to the 9 countries of our sample. CARIM Statistics, Report 2006-2007.
21 Only the UK receives a high percentage of women migrants: 46%.
22 The exhibition in the Paris Museum of Immigration shows this situation quite clearly.

34 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 35
 These elements, which cover the entire migration, come in three stages: The Egyptian government has imposed restrictions on female labour
pre-migration, migration and post-migration. The three elements organise migration, whereas the legislation of the Gulf countries, which are host
and shape the three separate stages 23 of migration, the whole being based to many Egyptians, do not allow married women to join their husbands
on gender. in the host country.

1. The pre-migration stage, during which several factors come into
play to guide, facilitate or hinder the decision of women to migrate.
They are personal (age, marital status, level of education), institutional
(socialisation, professional or political institutions), or societal (political
regime, level of economic development, socio-cultural structures).
The gender relations and hierarchical structures inside the family
naturally affect the migration of women who are generally placed under
the authority of the men. The control of women, the assignment of
predominantly domestic roles, their education and the level of employment
in their country of origin determine the motives for migrating. Similarly,
the control of resources and of information by men can discourage or
hinder the migration of women.
2. The transition stage of women, i.e. moving from the country of
origin to the host country, reflects the capacities of women to travel
and their degree of freedom to travel alone, choose the itinerary
and the means of transport to reach the country of destination of
their choice. The family intervenes to a considerable degree, placing
its networks at the disposal of women migrants who at times even
have their own networks, getting the other siblings, members of the
family or ethnic group abroad to facilitate the migration of women.
3. In the post-migration stage, women in the host country
face several challenges relating to their social position, their
employability and their integration. These in turn have an impact
on the family, on the jobs they do and on their place in society.
Images of migrant women tend to be stereotypical, whereby they are
considered as dependents, which tends to influence the policies of the
host countries who consider them more as housewives rather than lawful
members of the workforce. And yet when they do manage to join the labour
market, they usually perform service tasks, frequently in the informal sector.
This paradigm is our contribution to research on female migration in the
Mediterranean region. It can help us explain the migration practices and
modes of men and women at different stages of the process, and above all
show the decisive importance of gender in the analysis of the migration
process. This paradigm is based on a series of concepts that we shall
proceed to analyse.

The national policies of the countries of origin or of destination

may hinder the migration of women. These policies are generally
conditioned by the status quo imposed on women in the family
and society. Some countries have enacted laws and set particular
conditions in their legislation to protect women, in view of the abuse
and exploitation which they may suffer when travelling to or staying
in a foreign country. The case of Egyptian women is very explicit.

23 Monica Boyd (2003), op cit She distinguishes 3 separate stages during which gender relations
as well as roles and hierarchical structures influence the migration process: 1) the pre-
migration period; 2) the transition across state boundaries; 3) the experiences of migrants in
the receiving country.

36 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 37
 6cVanh^heVgVY^\b
Analysis paradigm 8=6EI:G>>#8DC8:EIJ6A;G6B:LDG@/
8DC8:EIHDCI=:BDK:
Structures
The complexity of the migration phenomenon requires new conceptual
Political, legal and economic: socio-cultural structures
tools nowadays to gauge the scope and diversity of international mobility.
The terms migration, migration flows or migrant populations do not give a
Institutions
sufficient account of the space, culture and above all the relations established
Family / occupational / cultural structures
between the migrant, the spaces, and subcultures adopted in what are often
complex migration processes. Our aim is to clarify the recurrent concepts
Actors that we shall use in this study, without any claim to an exhaustive treatment.
Men and
women migrants Migration defined as the relocation of an individual from one territory
to another with the intent to reside there temporarily or permanently, is
multidimensional in scope, taking account concurrently of the human
dimension (the state of people on the move and the diaspora), the spatial
dimension (the scope, direction and networks of migration), the temporal
dimension (the more or less definitive nature of establishment), the
organisational dimension (the management of migration spelling out the
types of migration: legal, illegal and migration relating to development,
integration, and transnationality), and the cultural dimension
(multiculturalism and interculturality).

&#=jbVcY^bZch^dcd[b^\gVi^dc/b^\gVcih
VcYigVchb^\gVcih
This dimension covers the broadened definitions concerning the main actor
of migration, i.e. the migrant, and the diaspora.
Stage: Pre-migration Stage: Transition Stage: Post-migration

Preparation for migration
Travel Establishment in the host country Whereas a migrant is a person on the move between a territory of origin and
a territory of destination, the term acquires its full meaning when it refers to
persons of both sexes in search of opportunities of employment and a better
life, to students studying abroad or to women and children accompanying
their migrant husbands or fathers.

Migration is not simply a matter of the movement of individuals and their

establishment in a country other than their own; it also refers to the upheavals
in the personal, family, occupational and cultural life of the migrant, and the

38 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 39
 efforts to organise a new life adapted to the economic and social structures
of the host countries: “a migrant is a person who has left his activities in one
territory behind to reorganise his life in another territory.” (Weeks 1999).24
A migrant is therefore different from a refugee or an asylum seeker who
crosses international boundaries to escape political or religious persecution,
or who is forced to move or constrained from moving because of war, conflicts
or a natural disaster. A distinction must consequently be drawn between
forced and voluntary migration. The former refers to the people driven to
migrate because of coercion, threats and lack of means of subsistence, while
the latter refers to people who decide freely that they want to migrate.
A transmigrant is a person who leaves his country, whether voluntarily
or forced to do so, to go to live in another country of his choice without
having been invited to do so, and transits through different other countries.
“Transmigration takes place under conditions far removed from regular
migration, even if such conditions are inter-merged and inter-mixed”.25
'#HeVi^VaY^bZch^dc/B^\gVi^dcÒZaYh!VgZVh!
cZildg`hVcYÓdlh
The concepts of migration field and migration area, used by
demographers and geographers, appeared in the 1970s. They were then taken
up by other disciplines (sociology, law, anthropology, political science) and
have gradually entered the vocabulary of institutional actors. A migration
field or migration area consists of several migration spaces. It refers to
the areas covered (country of origin, country of destination and of transit)
and structured by all the flows of migration, irrespective of their origin.
This concept makes it possible to discern more accurately the specific nature
of the space of each individual or group, from the local village, the extended
family, the regional, national and suchlike ethnic group, etc. to transit areas
and finally the place of establishment where the main migrant reception and
support networks are established. The concept of migration field has given
rise to a new concept, that of transmigrant.
24 Cited in the Migration and Family Encyclopaedia.
25 Escoffer. Claire. (2004), Communauté d’itinérance et savoir circuler des transmigrants(es)
au Maghreb. “Université de Toulouse II. Doctoral thesis in sociology. 281p”
40 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
The notion of migration chain, like the notion of ‘echelon’ migration refers
to migration by stages, consisting of successive movements from a peripheral
area to a central area, whereby the migrant goes through different echelons
conducive to acquiring new types of behaviour.
As to the migration networks, Douglas Massey defines the migration network
as “sets of interpersonal ties that connect migrants, former migrants, and non-
migrants in origin and destination areas through ties of kinship, friendship
and shared community origin.” The purpose of migration networks is to offer
opportunities and means for migrants to adapt. The most popular approach for
some years now consists of linking migration networks with the development
of ethnic entrepreneurship (Ma Mung, 1994 26; Hassan Boubakri, 1985).27
(#IZbedgVaY^bZch^dc/iZbedgVgn
dgYZÒc^i^kZb^\gVi^dc
According to the recommendations of the United Nations on international
migration statistics 1998, long-term international immigration is recorded
one year or more after the migrant has entered the country where he is to
take up residence. For short-term immigration, on the other hand, the period
of residence is limited between three months and one year.
Migration flows consequently cover widely different situations depending on
whether migration is considered to be temporary or definitive. The former
is short-term, seasonal labour migration, chiefly in agriculture, services or
ad hoc tasks. It also concerns students who are considered as such during
their university studies. It is worth noting that temporary migration that is
extended can turn into economic migration or into illegal migration. Definitive
migration is permanent migration under family formation or reunification.
It concerns also the descendants of migrants who have become citizens of
the host countries.
26 MA Mung. E. (1994), L’entreprenariat ethnique en France. Revue Sociologie du travail. “Vol.
36, N° 2, pp. 183-209.”
27 Boubakri Hassan. (1985), Le petit commerce des immigrés du sud tunisien à Paris. “in :
Elise Bernard(2002) . Djerba, tourisme international et nouvelles logiques migratoires. REMI.
Vol. 18 n°1. 2002. pp. 103-112.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 41
 )#BVcV\ZbZciY^bZch^dc/aZ\Vab^\gVi^dc!
^aaZ\Vab^\gVi^dc!igVchcVi^dcVab^\gVi^dcVcY
YZkZadebZcib^\gVi^dc#
The management of migration concerns questions relating to the regulation
of labour migration (legal migration), the creation of barriers putting an
end to all vague desires for illegal entry in another territory, as well as the
repatriation of illegal residents (illegal migration). It concerns also the
establishment and integration of migrants in the host country and their
contribution to the development of their country of origin (transnational
migration, and migration and development).
Legal migration is carried out according to a procedure of applying for a
permit authorising nationals of third countries to reside and work legally
on the territory of another State. It is regulated by bilateral arrangements
or agreements between two States and is based on a common framework
of laws to protect and guarantee the rights of workers from third countries.
Some forms of labour migration, such as students and highly skilled people,
and migration for family reunification28 fall under this type of migration.
Illegal or irregular migration refers to “a variety of different phenomena
involving people who enter or remain in a country of which they are not
a citizen in breach of national laws. These include migrants who enter or
remain in a country without authorisation, those who are smuggled or
trafficked across an international border, unsuccessful asylum seekers who
fail to observe a deportation order and people who circumvent immigration
controls through the arrangement of bogus marriages”.29
Migration and development are interdependent in a globalised world.
They have impacted the development of states, societies, economies and
institutions. Migration flows have for centuries had an influence on the
28 Family reunification entails the migration of a family member of a migrant where ties
existed before that migrant left. The European Social Charter of 8 October 1961 requires
States to facilitate as much as possible the family reunification of the migrant worker who is
authorised to reside in the territory of the respective State (Article 19) – not to be confused
with family formation, i.e. migration for marriage or co-habitation with a former migrant or
one of his children.
29 Report of the Global Commission on International Migration, “op. cit., p. 35.”
42 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
nature of the production system and the development process (IOM, point of
view 2006).
Migration and development constitute a generally confirmed principle
according to which international migration makes an essential contribution to
the development of the countries of origin and of destination. Two inseparable
and interdependent processes are carried out in a globalised context.
According to this definition, economic development cannot be reconsidered
without reassessing the relation of migration to the development of both the
country of origin and of destination.
Transnational migration refers to a new trend entailing belonging to two
or more societies or cultures concurrently. It occurs through exchanges of
information, resources, unifications and visits that take place between the
members of the diaspora or with the population of origin. “It entails continued
participation by the migrant in the economy, politics and social organisation
of his country of origin, concurrently with integration in the structures of the
host country”.30 The transnational term refers to the cross-border relational
dimension within a migration field. Migrants establish lasting ties between the
country of residence and the country of origin. As a result, far from entailing
a break or dislocation of ties with the society of origin, the establishment of
migrants in the host country in many cases reinforces and where, necessary,
improves such relations. This concept goes contrary to the linear model
which sees migration as a one-way movement in a bi-polar space, involving
dichotomies of departure and arrival, establishment and return, temporary
and permanent migration, etc.
30 Dorais, Louis Jacques.(2004), Routes et réseaux migratoires: A-propos des migrations
transnationales, l’exemple des canadiens d’origine vietnamienne. Revue Européennes des
Migrations Internationales. “Vol. 20 N° 3, pp. 49-73.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 43
 *#8jaijgVaY^bZch^dc/
Bjai^XjaijgVa^hbVcY^ciZgXjaijgVa^in
Culture holds a central place in the migration process. The problem of
the domination of Western culture in the world entails a real risk for the
disintegration and marginalisation of the cultures of minorities. The relations
of cultural domination have led to two concepts that are very much in vogue
and often confused: multiculturalism and interculturality.
Multiculturalism is the non-dependent co-existence of several cultures, where
several groups of individuals with different cultures (in terms of language,
religion, history or collective memory) live in the same place, in the same
country, without the cultures in question interacting.
Interculturality is an approach geared to distancing oneself from one’s own
culture to understand others and to succeed in establishing a dialogue and
communication. At stake in interculturality is to ‘live together’, and to engage
in recognition and respect of each other’s life styles and values.31
As exchange and communication between different cultures, interculturality
is geared to the recognition of pluralism, cultural diversity and alterity.
It requires another way of being whereby the subject is situated – without
being wrenched – between the coherence of his own culture and the coherence
of the culture of others, which forces him to renew his vision of the world and
to redefine his values which he had hitherto considered immutable.
8=6EI:G>>>#HI6I>HI>86A>B7GD<A>D/
6H=6G:9EGD7A:B
“There are three kinds of lies: lies, damned lies, and statistics”
Benjamin Disraeli
Our analytical approach cannot but broach the issue of statistics.
The statistical system for international migration remains highly complex.
Data on the matter are produced by different international institutions, such
31 http://www.espace-citoyen.be/site/index.php?EsId=1&Module=mod-produit&Indice=1-55-26.
44 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
as the UN, the HCR, and the IOM. At the European level, Eurostat plays an
important role, as does the Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied
Research on International Migration (known by the French acronym CARIM).
On the national scale, several administrative authorities provide statistics
on immigration. The ministries of the interior play a key role in the overall
dissemination of statistics on the number of migrants and residence permits;
the ministries of labour focus more on work permits and employment
contracts; while the ministries of justice monitor naturalisation and the
acquisition of citizenship; the ministries of planning see to the censuses,
while demographic institutes and centres of studies on migration provide
very pertinent and diversified case studies.
The intensification of international consultation on migration issues and the
need to have up-to-date and comparable statistics on migration are prompting
many international organisations to collect data and to prod governments
to harmonise their data gathering methods. The UN recommendations
on statistics in 199832 were intended to improve statistics on international
migration, giving a boost to governments to improve the quality of the data,
and to develop data interchanges between the statistical services and the
competent administrative authorities.
Since 1998, the European Union has, through Eurostat (the statistical office
of the European Communities),33 endeavoured to produce a series of data
on international migration and asylum. These data are generally provided
by national institutes of statistics, and ministries of labour, justice and the
interior. Coordination between Eurostat, the statistical division of the UN,
the UN Economic Commission for Europe and the ILO is being reinforced
through a joint collection of data on international migration.34
The available data thus clearly pose problems for users, given the
incompatibility of the sources, the discrepancies on the conceptual level,
the variety of data collection methods, and the more or less implicit political
orientation that governs the course of such data.
32 United Nations.1998, Recommendations on Statistics of International Migration. “ST/ESA/
STAT/SER.M/58/Rev.1.”
33 The role of Eurostat is to collect, transmit and publish data.
34 Eurostat 2009, p 164.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 45
 The extension of the migration field makes it difficult to collect data on an entire assessment of migration flows. National data are not readily available on the
migrating population. Even if the same definitions are used, some populations direction of the flows or their chronology. Such data are generally produced
are not included in the migration processes, such as students or seasonal by the ministries of the interior and of labour, and thus politically oriented.
migrants, and a large fringe of illegal migrants, including women. The fact remains that they are often incomplete, refer to only a section of
female migration and provide no indication on types of migration other than
The official data on migration in the Mediterranean are therefore improving, legal migration. In the report on Mediterranean migration “Only five MEDA
but not yet sufficient to gauge major trends or to devise theories. Statistics countries (Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia and Turkey) publish statistics
currently available remain widely scattered and do not provide a clear image on their migrants by country of residence, and few countries of destination
on population movements in the region, and even less on the characteristics of publish statistics per country on migrants from MEDA countries”.36
these persons. The confusion of data between the countries of origin and the
Major efforts have been made to develop reliable statistics on remittances
host countries, and the inconsistency of reference dates make research quite
by migrants in order to assess their impact on savings, investment and local
complicated for all scholars. The table which follows shows the paradoxes
development in the countries of origin. Nevertheless, other problems such
of these data. The use of different reference years makes comparison a more
as human smuggling, the unlawful trafficking of migrants, and the migration
tricky operation, for how can the data for Algeria (1995) be compared with
of skills are not covered sufficiently. It is therefore urgent to develop these
the data for Morocco which are more recent by nearly a decade (2004)?
sectors and to provide reliable and sufficient statistics, both at the national
and international level, concerning women more specifically.
Comparison between numbers of migrants counted by origin and
destination countries Women migrants are still the poor relations of the statistical system. Up to
Migrants counted Migrants counted Absolute Relative the 1970s, the main statistics on migration were concentrated essentially on
at destination at origin difference difference migrant workers. At that time, interest in the participation of women in the
Algeria 1995 807,051 1,058,202 251,151 31% international labour market was limited, and migrants for family reunification
Egypt 2000 429,428 1,050,850 621,422 145% were not entitled to work, thereby often winding up in the informal sector
Morocco 2004 1,721,892 2,887,319 1,165,427 68% and becoming invisible.
Tunisia 2003 362,988 691,771 328,783 91%
TOTAL 6,157,024 9,066,142 2,909,118 47% Up until recently, as Hania Zlotnik pointed out, “there were no global
estimates available on the development of female migration. The first
Source: Mediterranean Migration Report. CARIM 2006-2007. p.376
statistics for the period 1965-1990 were provided by the population division
In contrast to the statistics of the Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied of the United Nations in 1998. Estimates by country were based on the
Research on International Migration (CARIM), which focus on Mediterranean number of foreign nationals born in the country according to census figures
countries, Eurostat statistics are more general and concern migrants who and completed with information about the number of refugees.”37 To be
arrive in the European Union, drawing a distinction between three types sure, migrant women of all ages were entered in the national statistics
of migrants: intra-European, non-European and returning national, which and already in 1960, women migrants represented 47% of the migrating
account for 34%, 52% and 14% respectively.35 population. Since then, the share of women among international migrants
has gradually grown to 48% in 1990, 49% in 2000 and 50% in 2005. Although
Statistics in countries of the South vary in terms of both quantity and quality.
It is difficult to specify who emigrates, how and where to, or to conduct any
36 CARIM, op cit, p 376
37 The Global Dimensions of Female Migration By Hania Zlotnik. “March 2003,” Migration
35 Anne Herm, Eurostat, 2008. Statistics in focus 98/2008. “p.3.” Information Sources, “United Nations. 2002.” International Migration Report: 2002.

46 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 47
 this trend points to the feminisation of migration, the increase is nonetheless
small compared with the existing high level of feminisation in the 1960s.38
Data on female migration are still in a very elementary stage, particularly when
analysing the development of data relating to entrants and their demographic
and occupational characteristics. There is also a dearth of data available on
remittances by women or on beneficiaries, as well as on the regularisation of
women migrants. “During the Italian regularisation programme in 2003, there
were 705,000 applicants, of whom 20% were Romanian, 15% Ukrainian, 8%
Albanian and 8% Moroccan. Statistics relating to the regularisation of women
were completely lacking.”39
Whereas women have always been involved in the migration process,
they are still not to be found in many statistical sources. Existing data contain
fragments of information in certain surveys, archives, or NGO reports on
migrants. These are often brief and rarely convergent, which requires an
effort on different levels to develop global and reliable statistics and thus
make migrant women more visible.
Nevertheless, all the statistics on migration in the Mediterranean and
the migration of women in particular have been prepared by men, while
the documents produced on the matter are male-dominated. Furthermore,
the sources available tend to focus more on the status of women in the family,
the code of personal status, reproductive health or violence against women,
which has continued to worsen this past decade. Women who migrate alone
remain invisible. Migration by a woman or a group of women alone actually
continues to appear suspect, since a woman’s place is purportedly in the
family. Women who migrate alone seem dangerous or of easy virtue, and thus
easy prey for criminals, human traffickers and prostitution rings.
Low-scale or medium-range surveys provide more data on the characteristics
of migrants than records of the administrative authorities or censuses.
Although more developed, statistics available in town halls or consulates
are still difficult and time consuming to go through. Only large-scale surveys
on migration can meet such an enormous deficit and explain this complex
38 Hania Zlotnik, Op cit.
39 Martin Baldwin-Edwards, 2004, The Changing Mosaic of Mediterranean Migration.
48 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
process in progress, in spite of the problems of representative sampling and
the very high costs of this operation.
It is imperative to have women better represented in statistical data so as to
be able to make an assessment that reflects reality and to make projections
to chart enlightened migration and development strategies. International
cooperation on migration issues is being intensified, as is the need to develop
and update migration statistics taking due account of gender.
8=6EI:G>K#B:I=D9DAD<>86A6EEGD68=
Natural sciences have to deal with material objects and processes. Social
sciences, however, have to deal with psychological and intellectual objects
and consequently, the method of natural sciences consists of explanation,
that of social sciences of understanding.”
Alfred Schultz 198240
The approach adopted in the paradigm of the previous chapter is intended
to be global, i.e. sociological, economic and legal, and at the same time
geared to the triad of legal migration, illegal migration, and migration
and development.
It follows the footsteps of the comprehensive sociology initiated by the
German school (Max Weber and Georg Simmel), the particular feature of
which was to study social activity within social interaction. The comprehensive
approach turns out to be the most appropriate. “To understand means to
abandon trying to explain a social fact or event by a single decisive factor.
Comprehensive sociology opts for a synoptical approach, in particular
synergies of all the characteristics of a phenomenon, even if antithetical”.41
This method entails studying each element in its global context and within
the framework of political events, so as to establish interactions between
the different components of reality. In brief, it considers each social element
as a human element endowed with meaning; for that matter, Max Weber
40 Alfred Schultz. Le chercheur et le quotidien. “Paris. Méridiens-Klincksieck. 1982. p 92”
41 Jeffrey Denis and Maffesoli Michel (eds), 2005, La sociologie compréhensive. “Presses de
L’Université de Laval. P 158.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 49
 underscored that every human action has meaning, and that sociology must
reconstruct that meaning.
Various research tools have been deployed and have been adapted according
to the opportunities and constraints. In the absence of field work we turned
our attention to an analysis of an extensive variety of documentation: books,
articles, international and European legislation, European Commission
communications, regulations and directives, European Parliament reports,
Eurostat and CARIM statistics, World Bank and Council of Europe data,
etc. We have also relied on our network and personal experience as
an academic, minister for cooperation, ambassador to the European
Communities and member of the Global Commission on International
Migration. Our contribution to the international and regional discussion
on the issue (United Nations, HCR, UNFPA, European Commission, IEMed,
our participation in NGOs and national organisms) has opened up wider
perspectives for the preparation of this study.
The geographic area which our study covers is vast and varied. It can be
divided into two sub-sets: the North of the Mediterranean, with nine European
countries concerned by the study: Germany, Austria, Belgium, France,
Greece, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom; and nine MEDA
countries, i.e. Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Morocco, Syria, the Palestinian
Territories, and Tunisia.
Gérard François Dumont’s42 classification seems very plausible. In his view,
the geography of the Mediterranean comprises three distinct migration areas:
African Mediterranean, Asian Mediterranean and European Mediterranean.
For elucidation purposes, we have opted to revise it in accordance with
the guidelines for our study.
African Mediterranean comprises four Maghreb states, which are
emigration countries: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Egypt. Migrants from
Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia generally head for the European Mediterranean,
and France, Spain and Italy particularly since the beginning of the 1990s.
Belgium and the Netherlands continue to be an important destination,
especially for Moroccans. Italy is the destination of choice for Tunisians after
42 Dumont Gérard-François, 2007, La diversité des flux migratoires en Méditerranée dans les
années 2000. “Communication présentée au Forum réalités. Tunis, Mai 2007. 14 p.”
50 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
France, whereas migration flows from Algeria to Spain and Italy remain limited.
In Germany, most migrants come from Turkey. This type of migration includes
also all those who transit through the Maghreb to reach Europe, i.e. sub-
Saharan migrants who cross the desert to reach Sabha in Libya or Tamanrasset
in Algeria, and then disperse in the four North-African countries. This type of
migration from the South to the North is essentially economic in nature for
the migrants, whether from the Maghreb or sub-Saharan countries.
Migration from Egypt, the most populous country of Mediterranean Africa,
is more restricted, with the exception of very modest migration to Italy and
Greece, for proximity reasons. Otherwise, the major migration flows are to
oil-producing Arab countries or Anglo-Saxon countries (CARIM 2006-2007).
Asian Mediterranean comprises two sets of migration flows: the first
being linked with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the second concerning
neighbouring countries such as Syria, Lebanon and Jordan. Migration from
this region tends to be for political reasons. By way of reminder, owing to
the war in Lebanon (1974 – 1999), Lebanon is the only country in Asian
Mediterranean whose migrants head for France and Greece. The first Gulf
War and the Iraq War drove many refugees to Europe.
In European Mediterranean, the migrant receiving countries form two
sets. The first concerns Southern European countries of the Mediterranean:
Spain, France, Italy, and Greece. The second consists of Northern European
countries that receive a large number of migrants from the Mediterranean:
Austria, Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium and the United Kingdom.
This distinction will lead to a more elucidating classification that we shall
use during the study, namely the division of the MEDA countries into three
blocks: the Maghreb, the Mashreq and Israel, and the European countries,
into two subgroups: Mediterranean and non-Mediterranean countries.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 51
 EVgi>>

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 Introduction ..........................................................................................57 VI. The great challenge of MEDA countries:
protection of human rights .........................................................97
I. Demographic, economic, political and socio-cultural
differences between MEDA and European countries 1. Political rights of women and participation in the
and their impact on the situation of women ..............................59 decision-making process ...................................................................... 99

1. Exacerbated demographic imbalance between MEDA 2. Backward personal status codes in societies in turmoil ................ 102
and European countries ....................................................................... 60
3. Violence against women, another discrimination mechanism ...... 104
2. The north and south sides of the Mediterranean have
Conclusions ......................................................................................... 106
antithetical demographic growth rates............................................... 63

3. Different age pyramids and a working population in crisis ............. 66

II. Differences in health ...................................................................69

III. Flagrant economic inequalities between the countries

of northern and southern Mediterranean ..................................76

1. GDP inequalities between North and South ...................................... 79

2. Employment and unemployment: two other parameters to show

growth and development in the economies of northern and
southern Mediterranean countries ..................................................... 81

IV. Socio-cultural inequalities and their impact on gender

discrimination ..............................................................................91

1. Illiteracy remains pronounced among women in MEDA countries .. 92

2. Differential education per level ........................................................... 92

3. Near similar expenditures on education for opposite results ......... 94

V. Political inequalities/democratic tradition

and democracy in its infancy.......................................................96

54 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 55

>
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1 Abdelmalek Sayad.(1999), La double absence: des illusions de l’émigré aux souffrances de
l’immigré. “Ed Seuil, 15.”
56 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
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The migration situation between the MEDA countries and Europe is in
large measure conditioned by the geographic proximity, their historical ties,
trade and cultural contacts for centuries. Population movements have always
taken place on both sides of the Mediterranean. Whereas the 19th century was
marked in part by a mass migration movement to the southern Mediterranean,
the second half of the 20th century witnessed an unprecedented migration
activity to Europe. The EU has now become the destination of preference for
international migration in general, and for MEDA countries in particular.
Against this background, the migration of women from MEDA countries to
the EU has received particular attention in recent years. The development
in these last four decades can be summarised into three major waves that
followed each other or were superimposed, with a variable participation
by women.
1. The first wave after World War II consisted of a personal, essentially labour,
mostly male migration under bilateral workforce agreements. Another
migration was developing in parallel by male students and asylum seekers
endeavouring to escape from persecution and repression by authoritarian
regimes or to flee internal or other conflicts.
2. The second wave, which started in 1973, i.e. during the suspension of
bilateral workforce agreements, was characterised by female migration for
family reunification or the formation of new families.
3. The third wave of migration in the 1990s saw women leave on their own in
search of employment. In parallel, there was a migration of highly qualified
individuals and of undocumented workers following numerous restrictions
imposed on access to Europe by national legislations. Migration for
educational purposes continued with an increasingly higher percentage of
women compared with the years 1960-1970.
Whereas the volume of female migration from Third Mediterranean Countries
(TMCs) to EU countries is still difficult to assess with a certain degree of
reliability, TMCs can be said to constitute a large reservoir of emigration
to Europe. The overall figure is estimated at 10 to 15 million, depending on
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 57
 whether migrants are counted by their country of origin or their country of
destination. They thus represented 3.8% to 5.8% of the aggregate population
of the TMCs, which in 2005 amounted to 260 million, with women migrants
representing a non-negligible average, between 9% and 45%.2
Migration in general is determined by multiple demographic, economic,
political and socio-cultural factors. This study aims to highlight the specific
determinants that induce women to migrate.
The immediate environment of migrant women, their level of education,
social position, economic contribution, as well as low degree of integration
in the production channels in their country of origin may play a fundamental
role in the decision to migrate. The changing economic structures in MEDA
countries, their level of development and the advancements made on women’s
rights can also contribute thereto.
In spite of differences between MEDA countries, the varied destinations of
the migration flows show certain similarities. The former ties with colonising
countries, the use of a common language, as well as a knowledge and
appreciation, albeit relative, of the culture of the host countries, influence the
migration flows from the South. The presence of well established networks in
the countries of destination and the legislation of the host countries can also
play a facilitating or inhibiting role for the migration of women.
Although the reasons for migration pressures are studied extensively,
discerning how and to what extent they can affect female migration flows has
proved to be rather complex. Assuming that the migration movements are
initiated or accentuated by economic factors such as poverty and economic
and social security, sociological factors and cultural traditions that create a
large emigration potential can be identified in the case of female migration.
The aim of this section is to study the determinants and to identify the
mechanisms that condition female migration from MEDA countries to Europe
in a historical and comparative perspective, while examining the concourse
of circumstances that promotes female migrations.
This part comprises two chapters.
2 Our calculation.
58 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
The first and main chapter is devoted to the analysis of demographic,
economic, social and cultural differences between MEDA and EU countries,
while focusing on the inequalities that exist between European women and
those in MEDA countries.
The second chapter is an initial attempt to identify the main determinants
of female migration from MEDA countries to Europe.
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The European Union and the MENA region show differences, even fractures,
at all demographic, economic and socio-cultural levels, which may generate
and enhance the desire to emigrate.
The northern bloc that comprises the EU countries has the potential of a global
economic power. It has the three constituent elements of power, namely,
“the economic weight, the institutions and a governance doctrine geared to
multilateralism, the rule of law and sustainable development”.3 In July 2007,
the IMF underscored that the euro zone had resumed more balanced growth
and was no longer on the margins of world dynamism.4 However, the financial
crisis of 2008 was a real factor for the slowdown which European countries
are currently tackling with a great deal of firmness and vigilance.
The southern bloc comprises all the MEDA countries which fall under
the greater region known as MENA, i.e. the Middle East and North Africa,
plus Israel. All the Arab countries of the region are members of the Arab
League with a population of 280 million inhabitants -- countries marked by wide
disparities in terms of population, natural resource and level of development.
They nonetheless remain united through strong ties of language, religion and
the Muslim cultural heritage.
3 Thierry de Montbrial and Philippe Moreau Defargues. Ramses, L’Europe et le monde 2007.
“Ed Dunod 2009, p 67.”
4 L’économie mondiale 2009. “CEPII. La découverte, Paris 2009, p 23.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 59
 The MENA countries as a whole, as the Arab Human Development Report Maghreb and the Mashreq. Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories
2002 has shown, have made significant progress on human development in constitute exceptions in the region.7
recent decades. “Nevertheless, the predominant characteristic of the current
Arab reality seems to be the existence of deeply rooted shortcomings in the The size of the population is disproportionate from one bloc to the other.
Arab institutional structure. These shortcomings are an obstacle to building Whereas the nine European countries of our study had 354.7 million
human development. The report summarises them as three deficits relating to inhabitants in 2007, the Maghreb countries had only 75.2 million, and those
freedom, empowerment of women and knowledge”.5 of the Mashreq 110.7 million. Palestine has a very small population of some
4 million people. The state of war and persecutions since 1948 have caused
The MENA region has registered sustained economic growth since 2003, but is many Palestinians to flee as refugees or migrants to different countries and
still faced with the challenges of the rapid growth of its working population continents; all the more so as a large part of Palestine was annexed by Israel,
and the aforementioned deficits. Wars and ethnic or state conflicts, which have whose population has grown continuously to nearly 7 million in 2007. `
not ceased for more than half a century, and the tension between competing
ideologies (nationalism, Islamism or secularism) have moreover constituted Populations of different sizes
an obstacle to the economic and social development of the region. Soaring oil
prices have had a negative impact on the economy of non-producing countries Total population by country in millions of inhabitants (2007)
also, as the rise in energy and food prices has caused a deterioration of public 400
finances and the profitability of companies, creating widespread discontent 350
among the population”.6 300
250
200
&#:mVXZgWViZYYZbd\gVe]^X^bWVaVcXZWZilZZc 150
B:96VcY:jgdeZVcXdjcig^Zh 100
50
0
The demographic trends in EU and MEDA countries show major changes in Maghreb Mashreq Palestine Israël Countries in
the Mediterranean area. The 27 EU Member States are widely disparate in the North
terms of population in a Union that has 498.2 million inhabitants. Nevertheless,
Source: Human development report. UNDP. 2009. pp. 191-194
the development of demographic profiles points to similar behaviour and
a convergence towards a common demographic model, with very clear
affinities regarding the birth rate, fertility, infant mortality and life expectancy
at birth.

As in EU countries, the countries of the southern Mediterranean are

characterised by major differences in terms of population. The fact
remains that fast developing demographic profiles are highly variable. The
demographic behaviour changes are very distinct, be it in terms of birth rate,
or the prevalence of contraception, particularly between the countries of the
7 A grouping according to regions is needed to reduce redundancies. Three groups plus two
countries have been identified: the Maghreb, which comprises Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia,
and the Mashreq, which comprises Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and Egypt; the third group
5 Arab Human Development Report. “UNDP 2002.” comprises the 9 European countries of the study. The specific cases of Israel and Palestine
6 L’économie mondiale en 2009. “Op cit. p 55.” require particular treatment.

60 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 61
 '#I]Zcdgi]VcYhdji]h^YZhd[i]ZBZY^iZggVcZVc
Total population by country in millions of inhabitants (2007)
90
]VkZVci^i]Zi^XVaYZbd\gVe]^X\gdli]gViZh
80
70 Fertility and natural population growth rates point to different trends.
60
50
40 Fertility rates are down throughout the world, while family planning,
30 the improvement of living standards and education for women have
20
10 contributed extensively to a drop in the number of children per woman and
0 a change from the extended family to the nuclear family. A comparison of

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the groups of countries reveals that the fertility rate in European countries

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is below two children per woman, whereas in MEDA countries it ranges

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between 2.4 (Morocco) and 5.1 (Palestine), with the exception of Tunisia and

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Lebanon which have birth rates similar to that of France (1.9).
Source: Human development report. UNDP. 2009. P 191-194

Fertility rates 2005-2010

Among the European countries concerned, the four most populous countries
in the North are Germany, France, the United Kingdom and Italy, with a
Fertility rates 2005-2010
population between 60 and 80 million inhabitants. Four other countries have
6
relatively smaller populations between 8 and 11 million, i.e. Greece, Austria,
the Netherlands and Belgium. Spain, with its intermediate population of 5
44 million is between the two.
4
In 2007, Germany was the most populous EU Member State, with nearly
17% of the total population of the EU 27. When France, the United Kingdom 3
and Italy – countries with a population of a similar size – are added, the four
together account for nearly 54% of the total population of the EU 27. It is not 2
surprising therefore that these countries receive the major migration flows,
which rank them at the top of the EU. 1

For the countries in the South, only Egypt has a population as dense as that of 0
Occupied
the large European countries (80 million inhabitants). The two most populous Mashreq Maghreb Israël European
Palestinian
countries of the Maghreb, Morocco and Algeria, have a population of 31 and countries
Territories
34 million respectively, and Tunisia has 10 million inhabitants. Four countries
in the Middle East have smaller populations of 4 to 7 million inhabitants. Average according to our calculations based on UNDP data. Source: Human Development Report, 2009, pp.
Only Syria reaches 20 million inhabitants. 191-194.

62 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 63
 Mashreq countries have a relatively high fertility rate of 2.9 to 3.3; Israel has a
rate of 2.8, whereas Palestine has nearly double that figure at 5.1. The state of Natural growth rate 2005-2010
3,5
war with Israel and the absence of natural resources fan the development of a
3
high birth rate culture and an orientation to human capital – the only reliable 2,5
resource for the country. 2
1,5
Maghreb countries have the lowest birth rate in the region (1.9 to 2.4), given the 1
0,5
efforts made for education in general, family planning and the entry of women
0
into the labour force (Morocco and Tunisia). There is a close correlation -0,5
between the level of education of women and the fertility rate: the higher

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the level of education, the lower the fertility rate (UNFPA), and the larger

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the number of children in the family, the more a woman is constrained to stay

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at home. This correlation is not essentially unique to the Maghreb, but tends

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to be related to national social policies and the customs and traditions of
certain countries which tend to remove mothers of young children from Source: Human Development Report, UNDP, 2009, pp. 191-194

a working life.
Natural growth varies between 0.2 (Germany) and 0.4 (France), whereas it
The migration of women may also have an impact on the demographic ranges from 0.9 (Lebanon) to 2.5 (Syria) in MEDA countries, where it remains
behaviour of women in the countries of origin. Migrants tend to disseminate a below the international average (1.4%) (UNDP). The specific features
new image of family and show a serious concern about children, their needs, of Palestine and Israel, where the natural growth rate amounts to 3.2 and
education and social advancement. An innovative study by Philippe Fargues 1.5 respectively are also worth noting.
mentioned in the World Bank Report reaffirms the close connection between
Correlation between population growth and fertility rate
migration and fertility rate which is conveyed through the transmission of
ideas and behaviour patterns from the host country to the countries of origin
6
through migrants, particularly women. According to this author, “the migration 5
of Moroccan and Turkish women to Europe has led to a drop in the fertility 4
rate, whereas the migration of Egyptians to the more traditional societies of 3
the rich countries of the Gulf has checked the fertility trend”. 2
1
The high fertility rates in the graph below reveal a demarcation line between 0

Israël
Machreq

European
countries

Palestine
Maghreb
the countries in the north and those in the south of the Mediterranean.

Natural growth rate 1975-2005 Number of children per woman

Source: Our calculations based on data published by the UNDP, 2007-2008

64 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 65
 The trend that emerges in this graph shows strong demographic growth in
MEDA countries, with a young population as opposed to an ageing population
in Europe. Since the 1970s, the proportion of working age people in the EU
27 has been going down, whereas the number of people who retire has been
increasing.8 This decline in fertility may be an inducement for women to
migrate and to encourage naturalisation as an integration policy.
(#9^[[ZgZciV\ZengVb^YhVcYVldg`^c\
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average in 2005 of 28.3% of those under 15 and 7.3% of those over 65,9 whereas
in the MEDA countries the average of those under 15 is 33.5% and that of
older people only 4.7%.
A comparison of the population structures of MEDA and European countries
in 2005 and projections for 2015 show the demographic dynamism of the
Southern and Eastern Mediterranean which contrasts with the stability of the
European population which is hovering around a zero growth rate. We are
therefore entitled to ask whether this difference is not going to exert an
increasingly greater pressure on migration.

The age pyramids of MEDA and European countries show contrasting forms. Projections of the population under 15 and over 65 in MEDA and European
In the former countries, the pyramid has a rather large base and a narrow top, countries in 2015
indicating that the population is clearly younger with a strong proportion of
people under 15 years of age. In the latter, the pyramid is almost rectilinear, Under 15 Over 65
attesting to a certain homogeneity between the segments of the population 45
40
under 15 and those over 65.
35
30
Population under 15 and over 65 in MEDA and European Countries 25
20

Under 15 Over 65 15
10
50 5
45 0
40

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10 UNDP, Human Development Report, 2007/2008, pp 243-245.
5
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This demographic difference is going to persist in the years to come according
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to projections, even if the arrival of working young people on the labour

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market of southern Mediterranean countries is going to stabilise as of 2010,

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owing to the drop in the birth rate since the 1980s. Similarly, the longer life
expectancy is going to mean more people over 65 in proportion to those of
UNDP, Human Development Report, 2007/2008, pp 243-245.
working age.
Europe had the lowest proportion of young people (15.9%) and the highest
proportion of older people (17.1%). These rates exceed by far the international

8 Eurostat: l’Europe en chiffres 2009, “p. 133.” 9 Eurostat 2009, “p. 138.”

66 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 67
 Nevertheless, as Philippe Fargues has noted, “Until at least 2030, the
generation that has not reached working age will in MENA countries be
larger than that which arrives on the labour market, even if the number of the
new arrivals has stagnated and will tend to diminish slowly between 2015 and
2025. The size of the working age population will continue to increase in the
next two decades compared with the population of the European Union”.10
Is a demographic complementarity emerging between the north and the
south of the Mediterranean? Southern Mediterranean countries are offering
a young, working age population to their neighbours, which have a shortage
of labour force and skills, to be able to sustain international competitiveness
and meet the Lisbon Directives. “This apparent deficit that affects Europe can
be attenuated by migration from the countries in the south, whose population
is young, mobile, educated and far less attached to family responsibilities
than previous generations”.11
Serious imbalances are naturally exerting continuous migration pressures.
However, we should not jump to generalisations. In a comparative study,12
Hania Zlotnik had shown that there is no connection between demographic
growth and emigration rate. The correlation is even slightly negative, which
goes counter to the idea of demographic pressure.
This idea is also supported by Philippe Fargues, who confirms that the
demographic and economic situation in the MENA countries notwithstanding,
its strategic position is what makes that region a privileged source of
migration flows to Europe, the presence of an old population in the
North and a young population in the South is no guarantee for migration.
“The demographic realities must be correlated with the economic, political
and social situations”,13 all the more so as Europe is not the only destination
of all MEDA countries.
10 Philippe Fargues (2008), Emerging Demographic Patterns across the Mediterranean and
their Implications for Migration through 2030. “Washington DC. Migration Policy Institute.
www.migration-policy.org. P 5.”
11 Philippe Fargues (2008), Emerging Demographic Patterns across the Mediterranean and
their Implications for Migration through 2030. “Op cit.”
12 H. Zlotnik, International Migration 1965-96: an Overview, Population and Development
Review, “1998, 24, pp. 429-468.”
13 Phillipe Fargues, 2008, op cit
68 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
8]VeiZg>>#9^[[ZgZcXZh^c]ZVai]
A population can be an effective player in human development only if it
is in good health. Will health indicators enhance the already important
differences between MEDA and European countries? This is what we shall
examine presently.
The health index will be gauged from three variables: life expectancy at birth,
infant and maternal mortality, and health expenditures.
1. Life expectancy at birth is an indicator of the health and well-being
of the population
Life expectancy at birth in 2007
82
80
78
76
74
72
70
68
66
Source: Our calculations based on data relating to World Development, UNDP, Human Development Report, 2009,
pp. 191-194
A country-by-country analysis shows major differences between the MEDA
countries and the European countries of destination. Similarly, averages per
region reveal major differences. Life expectancy at birth varies between 70
and 74 in MEDA countries with a slight difference between Mashreq and
Maghreb countries, compared with 80 and 81 in European countries. Israel
has a similar rate as European countries with 80.7 years. For its part, Palestine
shows a life expectancy of 73.3, higher than that of the MEDA countries, with
the exception of Tunisia (73.8). In spite of the state of war, investments in
health continue to be sizeable in the occupied Palestinian territories, thanks to
international aid and the presence of regional NGOs working on the matter.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 69
 The life expectancy of women is generally higher than that of men, and the the two sides of the Mediterranean. There are large disparities between rural
calculations of the UNDP confirm as much.14 Even if there is quite a marked and urban areas, the periphery and the centre, and between social classes,
difference between MEDA countries and European countries concerning the revealing considerable inequality in the distribution of wealth and health
probability of survival of men and women until the age of 65, women have a services.
probability of survival of 6 to 10 years higher than that of men in countries in
the North, and 3 to 8 years in countries in the South. This difference, although Infant and maternal mortality per region15
minimal, can be explained by the maternal mortality rate, which is still high
in MEDA countries. 180
160
Maternal mortality poses a real challenge in most MEDA countries, apart 140
120
from Israel, where the figures are close to those of European countries. In the Infant mortality per 1000 children
100
graph below, six out of seven MEDA countries for which figures are available
80 Maternal mortality per 100,000 live
have a maternal mortality rate that exceeds 100 women per 100,000 living 60
births

births, and three countries have more than 150. The lowest maternal death 40
rate was actually registered in Jordan (62) and the highest in Morocco (240). 20
0
European
2. Persisting high infant and maternal mortality rates still constitute a major Maghreb Machreq Israël
countries
deficit in the South
Source: Our calculations based on data published by UNDP, World Development, 2007 /2008
300
250 The Maghreb region is evidently more affected than the Mashreq, in terms
200 of both maternal and infant mortality. The countries of the Maghreb remain
150 the poor relation in terms of material and infant mortality, with the exception
100 of Tunisia which ranks third in the region after Syria and Jordan. These two
50 aforementioned countries have registered considerable progress in Mashreq,
0 12 per thousand for infant mortality in Syria and 62 for 100,000 living births in
an

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Jordan. The centralisation of the State in Syria, and the presence of an efficient
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civil society in Jordan have shown their mettle.

Ne

Infant mortality per 1000 children Maternal mortality per 100,000 live births

Progress on the health front depends of course on the level of economic

Source: UNDP, World Development, 2007 /2008 p 261-263 development of a country and is directly affected by the allocated budgets
and investments in healthcare. The isolation of regions, elementary hospital
Furthermore, the infant mortality rate varies considerably between MEDA
facilities, along with social factors do to with the persistence of certain
and European countries: the latter have the lowest infant mortality rate of 3
medical traditions and the reliance on the expertise of midwives trained on
to 5 per thousand, compared with 12 to 34 per thousand for the former. The
the spot, may have a negative impact on the reproductive health of women.
differences are flagrant, reflecting the unequal level of development between

14 UNDP, La probabilité à la naissance de survie jusqu’à l’âge de 65. Rapport mondial sur le
développement humain 2007-2008. “p 263” 15 Palestine is not included in Mashreq countries because of lack of data.

70 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 71
 Illiteracy or the low level of education of women entails poor health
management for mother and child.
Precarious health conditions are relatively pronounced in countries in the
south. This situation can be explained by inadequate facilities, the lack of
health equipment in terms of hospitals, doctors and rudimentary living
conditions mainly in rural areas.
For the Maghreb countries, whereas Tunisia and Algeria have made
considerable progress on the medical front, with 134 and 113 doctors
respectively, Morocco lags behind with 51 doctors.
This situation is clarified further when government health expenditures are
analysed. Although sizeable and growing, such expenditures remain relatively
low in countries in the South.

Whereas European countries enjoy appropriate health coverage with a high Dépenses publiques dans la santé en % du PIB en 2004
number of doctors per 100,000 inhabitants (230 and 450), in countries in 9
the South medical assistance is very minimal compared to the countries in 8
7
the North. More specifically, the number of doctors per 100,000 inhabitants 6
never exceeds 99 in the Maghreb and 180 in the Mashreq, as opposed to an 5
4
average of more than 350 doctors in the countries in the North and more than 3
380 doctors in Israel. 2
1
0
3. The number of doctors and health expenditures are still insufficient

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Le

Pa
M

th
G

d
ite
Un
Number of doctors per 100,000 inhabitants 2000-2004
500 Source: UNDP, World Development, 2007 /2008
450
400
350
300
Health spending reflects the level of development of a country and the level
250
200
of physical well-being of the population. The graph below shows the wide
150
100
difference between MEDA and European countries. Health spending exceeds
50
0
7% of GNP in five European countries such as Germany and France (8.2%),
Austria (7.8%), Belgium and the United Kingdom (7%). Greece has the lowest
an

e
co

ce
a

in
ria

ia
on

m
ria

ly
pt

ël

nd

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m
ec
isi

a
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y

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Sy
an

st

do
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lla

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rate (4.2%). As to the MEDA countries, in spite of the efforts made by the
Is

Au
Jo

Tu
or

Fr
Al

Ho

U
Be

G
Le

States to boost their healthcare efficiency, public spending on healthcare in

Source: UNDP, World Development, 2007 /2008
Lebanon seems to be very well provided with healthcare staff: 325 doctors
per 100,000 inhabitants, a rate similar to that of certain European countries,
followed by Jordan with 203 doctors per 100,000 inhabitants. Egypt remains
the poor relation on this front, with only 54 doctors, whereas Syria ranks
somewhere in the middle with 140 doctors.
relation to GNP is still limited. The highest rate in the region is 3.2% (Lebanon)
and the lowest 1.7% (Morocco). Palestine has a sizeable budget for healthcare
– and with due reason – at 7.8%, whereas Israel’s budget is 6.1%.
The health system in MEDA countries is generally more developed in urban
than in rural areas. Studies have shown that the health and well-being of the
population improve as urbanisation progresses.

72 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 73
 Urbanisation rate of the population per region in 2005
Urban population in 2005

120 100
100 90
80
80
70
60
60
40 50
20 40
0 30
20

e
Pa cco

Ho e
Le an

M on

sia
ia

ria

Be ria
m

Fr n

m
Au y

Ki aly
Jo t

m l

G nd
G raë
yp

ec
in

c
ai
an
er

iu

do
an
rd

Sy

st
10

ni
st

lla
Sp

It
Eg

re
lg
ba
g

Is

ng
Tu
or

le
Al

er
0

eb

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eq
ite

ël

tin
ra

No tries
hr
Un

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es
Is
ag

as

l
Pa
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Co
Source: UNDP, World Development, 2007 /2008

Nearly 60% of the population of Mashreq and Maghreb is urbanised, compared
with more than 80% in countries in the North. The urbanisation levels are
ranked in three degrees in European countries:
1. Massive urbanisation, between 80% and 95% (Netherlands, UK and
Belgium);
2. Very advanced urbanisation of more than 75% (Austria, Spain and
France);
3. Progressive urbanisation, where the rates vary between 67% and 70%
(Austria, Italy and Greece).
e
Source: Our calculations based on UNDP data16
The same observation can be made for MEDA countries, even if the
urbanisation rates are lower than those of European countries. Consequently,
we can distinguish between:
1. Highly urbanised countries with rates between 70% and 88%
(Jordan, Lebanon and the occupied Palestinian territories);
2. Countries with sound urbanisation between 60% and 70%
(Tunisia and Algeria);
3. Countries in urban transition between 43% and 57%
(Egypt, Syria and Morocco);

4. Israel is the most urbanised country in the region with 91.7%.

For countries in the South, these urbanisation levels are the concurrent result
of natural population growth and rural exodus. The large cities of countries
in the South have undergone a real urban explosion, often not followed
by growth in urban jobs. Furthermore, this massive urbanisation which
occurred in a very short time frame has entailed a high concentration of the

16 The countries are grouped by region to facilitate comparison. Similarly, the urbanisation rate
of the countries in the North does not include Greece and Austria so that the calculations will
not be biased.

74 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 75
 population in the outskirts of the cities and an increase in impoverishment,
particularly of new migrants. It is worth pointing out that a rurality rate of
40% in countries in the South and persisting rudimentary living conditions
for a large fringe of the rural populations foster migration. Young people and
women are increasingly drawn to urban centres where living conditions are
clearly better.
This exodus to cities has destroyed the value system of the newly established
population, has introduced other standards and behaviour, and has at the
same time contributed to a reconstitution of the family. Accordingly, there
is a growing trend of women as heads of households in cities in the South,
where one third of all households are headed by women: these women are
among the poorest 10% segment of the population. As Eric Calpas pointed
out, women who are heads of households are the tip of the iceberg, the telltale
that indicates the problems of the most destitute and those of women.17
The cities in the MEDA countries afford an opportunity for women to work
and meet the needs of their children. They enable them to make up for the
incapacity of their husbands (ill, unemployed or deserters of the matrimonial
home) and to assume their role as head of household – a situation that motivates
women to engage in gradual mobility, from internal to external migration.
8]VeiZg>>>#;aV\gVciZXdcdb^X^cZfjVa^i^Zh
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During colonisation, a structural dependence characterised the economies
of southern countries and made them vulnerable. When they gained their
independence, they sought first to ensure the autonomy -- and assume the
management -- of their economies. The political and economic debate in
southern Mediterranean countries was naturally dominated by the dualist
notion of socialism versus capitalism.
Economic priority was given to the State that adopted industrial policies
to replace imports and introduced important trade protection mechanisms
17 Calpas Eric. (1996), Les femmes chefs de familles: spécificités du milieu urbain. “In femmes
du sud chef de familles.” (1996). “Jeannne Bissiliat, ed., Editions Khartala 1996. Pp. 109-118.”
76 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
so that local markets did not have to face international competition, while
proceeding to nationalise key sectors of the economy.
Massive state intervention in the economy sustained by a rather favourable
international context enabled countries in the MENA region to register
average annual growth of 3.7% between 1965 and 1985, ranking them among
the most dynamic economies of the planet.18 This moreover entailed a sizeable
reduction of poverty, extensive access to education, significant improvements
in health indicators (in maternal and child healthcare), a decline in certain
diseases, a decline in the birth rate and an increase of life expectancy from
47 to 62 years.
This development model nonetheless bore the seeds of numerous problems
which persist to this day, albeit to variable degrees, in the southern
Mediterranean countries. The domination of the State, as a repressive force
and engine of economic and social development, has cast a shadow on the
growth of the private sector, made the civil society more remote, and gave
free rein to the development of corruption.
The interior economic situation deteriorated rapidly. Thus, in the beginning
of the 1980s, the World Bank and the IMF sounded the alarm and called on
countries in difficulties to open up more to the private sector, reduce their
monopoly on the economy and promote greater citizen participation in the
management of economic affairs – whence the introduction of structural
adjustment programmes (SAPs).
The macroeconomic reforms of the 1980s under the SAPs brought about a
certain macroeconomic stability in many southern Mediterranean countries
with improvements in taxation and the balance of payment, as well as a
certain opening to the private sector. “Real per capita income increased very
little on the whole, ca. 0.5% per year” between 1990 and 1998, but managed to
curb poverty.19 The fact remains that the job creation deficit together with the
rapid population growth have contributed to an increase in unemployment
and underemployment, particularly among young people, many of whom
have a very high level of education. The structural adjustment programme
18 World Bank and the IBRD. Op.cit
19 It is estimated that less than 2.5% of the population in MENA countries lived below the
poverty threshold, i.e. less than a dollar a day. Richard Adams Jr. and John Page (2001),
Holding the Line: Poverty Reduction in the Middle East and North Africa, 1970-2000.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 77
 had exacerbated the economic difficulties, turning migration into a dimension
of economic policies, to the point of being included in bilateral agreements.
A new impetus for growth was registered between 2000 and 2007 thanks
to the major economic reforms initiated in many southern Mediterranean
countries. Nevertheless, the economic situation in Europe and the World has
a major impact on these countries. FEMISE underscored “The slowdown in
Europe has had a profound impact on Mediterranean countries inasmuch as
their economies rely largely on the European markets for outlets”.20
MEDA countries have highly diversified economies that can be very
complementary, if the political will is there. According to the World Bank, the
economies and growth in southern Mediterranean countries are conditioned
by four basic elements:
1. Oil and raw materials and their price variations;
2. Agricultural production and its hazards due to rainfall fluctuations;
3. The tourism sector which represents a growing percentage of GNP of over
10% in all MNCs; very susceptible to political stability and security 21;
4. Remittances from the national community abroad and their contribution
to the country’s economy. The importance of remittances is clearly visible
in the balance of payments. They constitute a large source of revenue
for many emerging economies. It is worth noting that remittances from
migrants to their country of origin doubled between 1995 and 2006, from
$8.2 billion to $20 billion. The contribution to GNP increased substantially
from 11.3% to 23% in Lebanon, and from 5% to 8% in Morocco and from
4% to 5% in Tunisia. In Egypt, where revenues from the Suez canal and
oil reserves remain important, remittances from migrants account for 5%
of GNP.22
20 Handoussa, Heba/Reiffers, Jean Louis (ed.), Rapport du Femise 2003 saur le partenariat
euro-méditerranéen. “p.13.”
21 Events such as the 9/11 attacks, followed by attacks in Luxor, Jerba and Casablanca have
reduced the inflow of tourists. The stability of the entire economy as well as the balance
of external accounts are compromised in fact. Chaponniere, Jean-Raphaël, Le tourisme,
enjeu économique en Méditerranée. “MINEFI – DREE, Paris 2.e
22 by Sergio Alessandrini, Full Professor of Political Economics at Modena and Reggio
University and Associate Professor of Corporate Finance in the University Boccioni
Accounting Department. Migration and Employment Strategies in the Southern
Mediterranean, World Economy 15/9/2008.
78 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Human capacity building and the use and effective contribution of such
capacities constitute an engine for sustainable growth and reduction of
poverty. Economic growth in turn enhances the possibilities for human
development, so sustained and fair growth is an essential factor for human
development.
&#<9E^cZfjVa^i^ZhWZilZZcCdgi]VcYHdji]
The economic inequalities between MEDA and European countries
are reflected in differences in terms of GDP, and employment and
unemployment rates.
The human development index developed by the UNDP for 2008 remains
an important factor for measuring the development of a country and for
ranking it on a world scale. The disparity in the rankings according to the
human development index between MEDA and European countries confirms
the major divergences already mentioned. The countries in the North are
ranked between 6th (Netherlands) and 25th (Greece), whereas the countries
in the South are ranked between 83rd and 130th and are very heterogeneous.
Israel constitutes an exception, as it is ranked 27th.
Although not sufficient to measure a country’s level of development, per capital
GDP 23 is nonetheless an indispensable indicator for comparing economic
situations in terms of revenue. The differences between the per capita GDP
of the southern Mediterranean countries and those of the North tend to
persist if not increase. In 2006, the average per capita income in countries
in the southern and eastern Mediterranean (ca. $6,000) was 4.5 times lower
than the average income in the seven Mediterranean countries of the EU27.
The Mediterranean countries of the EU27 account for more than 74% of the
Mediterranean GDP.24
Comparison of per capita GDP per region in 2005 25
23 The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is the value of all goods and services in a country in
the course of one year. The GDP can be calculated by adding all the revenue elements –
wages, interest, profits, rents – or, conversely, all the expenditure elements – consumption,
investments, public procurement, net exports (exports less imports) – of an Economy.
World Bank.
24 World Bank, World Development Indicators (WDI). GDP 2006, and average annual growth
rate from 1985 to 2006.
25 The graph shows the data per region, based on arithmetic averages.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 79
 The GDP disparities between North and South are very wide (from 7.5
35000
to 20.2), with former immigration countries registering the largest differences
30000
compared with new countries, such as Spain and Italy.
25000
20000
Per capita GDP differences between some of the main EU countries that receive
15000
migrants from Maghreb, and Central Maghreb 26
10000
5000 Countries Germany Belgium Spain France Italy Netherlands
0
Morocco 19.0 19.7 12.2 18.5 15.9 20.2

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Algeria 13.9 13.6 8.4 12.8 11.0 13.9

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Tunisia 11.3 11.7 7.25 11.0 9.5 12.0
Co
GDP per inhabitant
Source: Our table is based on 2002 data published by the “Bilan du Monde,” 2004. Le Monde.
Source: Our calculations based on data published by the UNDP, World Development, 2007/2008
In its last report on the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership in 2009, FEMISE
The graph below requires no further comment given a per capita GDP of provides a clear analysis of the impact the crisis has had on the Mediterranean,
$46,750 in the Netherlands and $1,729 in Egypt. Israel is again the exception and in particular the ways that the world economic crisis has been propagated
in the MEDA region with a per capita GDP of $22,835. to Mediterranean countries, which are not very exposed to financial risks. It
identifies four such risks, namely foreign trade, tourism, remittances from
GDP per inhabitant in US Dollars in 2007 migrant workers and direct foreign investment.
50000
45000
40000
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The employment rate of the population varies widely between countries in the
5000 North and in the South, from 59% (Italy) to 76% (Netherlands) in the North,
0 and 42.5% (Algeria) and 53.65 (Morocco) in the South. The employment rate
in Israel is 63.7%.
tor ed

th nce
Te ccu o

e
Le dan

Be ria
M non

sia
ria

n
Tu ia

G ds

m
m
Au y

ng y
t

Jo l

Sy s
ë
yp

ian O rocc

ec
ai
an

l
ie
r

do
iu

Ita
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ra

n
st
ge

ni

Sp
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Ne Fra

re
la
lg
r
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m
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Al

er
o

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les
Pa

Source: Human Development Report, UNDP, 2009, pp. 195-198.

26 Mehdi Lahlou. (2005). Migrations, causes et interactions avec le développement.

“Séminaire méditerranéen de l’OSCE. Rabat 8 / 9 September 2005.”

80 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 81
 rate in MENA31 as a whole, this region registered a higher increase in economic
Employment rate participation than other regions of the world during the years 1990 –2003, i.e.
80 19%, compared with 3% in the world.32
70
60 Employment rate by gender 200733
50
40
90
30 80
20
70
10
60
0
50

er e

e
G tine

Be ria

F in
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Au y
t
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c
40

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30

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10
0
Euro-Mediterranean statistics. Eurostat, 2009, p 88

Pa co

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ce
ria

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um

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Gr s
Au y

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On the labour market front, an enormous gap divides MEDA countries from

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countries in the North, as employment growth in countries in the South

d
ite
has not been able to withstand demographic pressures. More specifically,

the reforms introduced in the formal sector, the employment crisis, plus
the privatisations and redundancies they brought about and the slowness
of the private sector to absorb this growing workforce 27 have inevitably led
to a sizeable growth of the informal sector.28 Composed of very many tiny
companies, this informal sector remains the major provider of employment
and income, especially in urban areas. It is said to employ a considerable
proportion of the working population in non-agricultural sectors, between
43% and 50% respectively in Algeria, Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia. The lowest
percentage is in Syria (22%).29
The level of female employment in the South is lower than in the North. Only
28% of women aged 15 and over are gainfully employed on average, compared
with 48% of women in the North.30 Yet in spite of the low female employment
27 U. Barbak, H. Huitfeidt, J. Wahba. (2006).
28 (All economic activities carried out on the margin of the criminal, social and fiscal legislation,
or which escape the National Accounts).
29 UNDP, Arab Human Development Report 2009. “P 246.”
30 Our calculated averages, based on data published by the UNDP.
Un
Men Women
Source: Euro-Mediterranean statistics. Eurostat, 2009, p. 88.
The fertility rate has dropped considerably in MENA countries in recent years,
from 7 to 2.9 children per woman between 1960 and 200834, whilst marrying
age has gone up, as has access of women to secondary and higher education.
Aspirations for greater empowerment are developing so that demand for
employment exceeds supply among women. There is a close correlation
between the female employment rate and the fertility rate: in countries with
a high fertility rate, few women are gainfully employed.
31 The MENA region has the lowest economic participation rate by women in the world, i.e.
33.3%, whereas the world average is 55.6%. UNDP Arab Human Development Report 2005.
32 UNDP, Arab Human Development Report 2005. Towards the Rise of Women in the Arab
World. “Volume in Arabic, p. 84.”
33 The graph shows countries for which data are available.
34 UNDP, world population prospects: the 2006 revision population database (online, September
2007), http://esa.un.org/undp.

82 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 83
 The nature of the job is also an inducing variable. More specifically, female The proportion of women in services is very high in European countries,
employment is relatively pronounced in the agricultural sector in countries in exceeding that of men by 15% to 20%. This is a rapidly developing sector in
the South. This is particularly the case in Morocco, Syria, Egypt and Palestine, the MEDA countries, in Morocco and Egypt where the number of women in
where employment in agriculture remains a priority and exceeds 50%. The this sector exceeds that of men, due to the growing importance of tourism.
situation is completely different in other MEDA countries, where nearly
35% to 58% of women work in the agricultural sector, at times exceeding the The proportion of women senior civil servants is generally still lower than
male employment rate in Morocco, Syria, Egypt and Palestine. In countries that of women clerical workers, whether in the North or the South of the
where agriculture predominates, women are highly integrated as seasonal Mediterranean. The struggle of women to occupy positions of responsibility
agricultural workers, family helpers, with a tiny proportion having the status is shared by all women, and breaking the ceiling is taking time, given the
of farmer. resistance from and persistence of the patriarchical society at various degrees
in countries of the Mediterranean region.
Very few women in the North work in the agricultural sector. The highest
percentage is in Greece, where agriculture accounts for 14% of overall female Women in the South in senior positions of responsibility are rare, as shown by
employment (1% to 6% for the other EU countries). These data are illustrated the graph below. Fewer than 10% of women in the South occupy positions of
in the graph below. responsibility. Those who have a job usually execute tasks, whereas men are
better represented in conceptual and decision-making positions – particularly
Female employment per sector among the public authorities and political positions. The female workforce
that arrives on the labour market encounters numerous structural, cultural
100 and family-related obstacles. In a rather inefficient economy, with sexist
90 preconceptions of the roles in the family and in society (with the husband as
80
sole and unique provider for the needs of the family, and the wife relegated
70
to a reproductive role and the household chores; when a woman does work,
60
her salary is deemed as extra income and not as an effective contribution to
50
the household budget), economic integration is hindered in the very least, and
40
the unemployment rate among women and young people remains quite high.
30
20
10
0
e

Ho e

e
Pa co
M an

n
ia

ia

Be ia

m
m

ly
y
pt

nd
Jo l
ë

in

ec
ai
an
er

Ita

do
iu
y
ra

oc

an
rd

Sy

st
st

Sp

lla
Eg

re
lg
g

m
Au
Is

ng
le
or

Fr
Al

G
er

Ki
G

d
ite
Un

Agriculture
Industry
Service

Source: Human Development Report, 2007/2008

84 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 85
 Female employment per socio-professional category and per region35 The development of female entrepreneurship that provides women with
new opportunities to generate higher income is worth underscoring. A study
60
50
conducted by the World Bank in five MENA countries,36 Bahrain, Lebanon,
High-ranking female civil
40 servants and managers Jordan, Tunisia, and the UAE, i.e. concerning three MEDA countries, showed
30
20
that female entrepreneurship in its modern form is a completely recent
Female employees in the
10 professional and technical phenomenon, as only 13% of companies are managed by women. Lebanese
0 sectors women are the oldest in the business worlds, followed by Tunisian and

e
co

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t

ël
yp

in Jordanian women. Business women are involved as much as men in the

No i
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oc

e es
st
Eg

Is
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or

th tri
management of their businesses, they are aged between 35 and 54, have a high
Pa

un
M

Co
Source: Human Development Report, 2007/2008
The relatively high percentage of non-remunerated female employment in the
South reveals the vulnerability of certain sectors and the precarious nature
of female employment. The percentage of women working under precarious
conditions with low salaries and without social security is very high in
countries in the South, exceeding 34% on average, as opposed to only 3% in
countries in the North and 0.5% in Israel.
level of education and training, and are generally married: 72% in Tunisia, 61%
in Jordan and 56% in Lebanon.
The management of their businesses is identical to that of men,
but businesswomen seem to be closer to their employees than their male
colleagues. Three characteristics define female entrepreneurship in all MENA
countries, namely that most business women work in a family setting where
the influence of the entrepreneur father is more important than that of the
husband, recourse to bank loans tends to be more limited among women,
and finally most of the businesses created belong to the service sector.37

Vulnerable, non-remunerated female employment per region in 2006 Studies on an international scale show that the increase in female income
leads to high expenditure for the well-being of the family, the nutrition and
60
50
education of the children, in particular the girls. Similarly, unemployment
40 among women affects first the lifestyle of those most dependent in the family,
30
20
namely children and the elderly.
10
0 The unemployment rate of women as shown in the graph below is higher
than that of men for countries on both sides of the Mediterranean, but
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nonetheless higher for women in the South: more than 10% of these women
ng
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or

Fr
Al

G
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M

Ki
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are unemployed, compared with less than 6% of women in countries in

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Men the North.38 The variations between men and women vary widely, from
Women 0.2% (Germany) and 7.6% (Greece), to 0% (Morocco) to 15.3% (Jordan) and
14.1% (Syria).
Source: World Development Indicators, World Bank, 2008

36 IFC, International Finance Corporation. And CAWTAR, Center for Arab Women for Training
and Research. Women entrepreneurs in the middle East and North Africa.2007.www.ifc.org/
GEM
37 Aicha Belarbi. (2008). Quels rôles jouent les femmes d’affaires arabes dans le développement
35 The data are calculated from arithmetic averages according to information available. For économique. Congrès sur le rôle du secteur privé dans le développement et la promotion de
countries in the South, data are available only for Morocco, Egypt and Palestine. l’emploi. “Organisation Arabe du Travail, Rabat, 21-23 October 2008. 45 p.”
38 Our calculations based on the arithmetic average.
86 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 87
 Unemployment rate by gender 2007 Youth unemployment remains a major international concern. Upon
graduating from universities or training institutes, young people encounter
30 serious difficulties to find work, to join the ranks of the gainfully employed
25 and to get a job that corresponds to their training. This explains the deep
20
crisis of unemployed graduates which is assuming alarming proportions in
15
10 MEDA countries. Some alternative measures have been taken in European
5 and MEDA countries to remedy this situation, but the questions remains
0 particularly critical, especially in countries in the South.

om
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Unemployment among young people aged 15 to 24

Ne ran

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Men Women 35
30
Euro-Mediterranean statistics. Eurostat, 2009, p 90.
25

The case of Morocco remains specific, where female employment seems 20

high, given the development of the informal sector, family aid little if at all 15
remunerated in rural areas, and above all the constancy of seasonal female 10
workers which keep female unemployment down. 5
0
These virtually non-existent differences in countries like Morocco, or slight

Palestine
Algeria

Egypt

Morocco

France
Israël

Jordan

Lebanon

Germany

Austria

Belgium

Greece
Spain

Netherlands

Italy
United
Kingdom
Syria
differences in Algeria and Lebanon, tend to increase in Mashreq countries.
Israel is a special case, with an unemployment rate similar to that of European
countries (6.9%) and a minimal difference between men and women (1.1%).
Unemployment among young people aged 15 to 24

Women in MEDA countries suffer enormously from the deficit in access to

the labour market with an unemployment rate that reaches 25.6% in Jordan,
19.9% in Syria, 19.4% in the Palestinian territories, 18.6% in Egypt, 17.8% in
Tunisia and 14.4% in Algeria. The reasons for this high unemployment rate are
not completely identical in Mashreq and Maghreb.
Euro-Mediterranean statistics. Eurostat, 2009, p. 88.
In northern countries, these rates are between 8.5% (Austria) and 22.9%
(Greece). They vary in MEDA countries depending on the country: 17.2% in
Syria, 34.7% in Jordan, 17% in Morocco, 31.4% in Tunisia and 24.3% in Algeria.

In Maghreb, the weight of tradition remains dominant, along with inappropriate
legislative provisions (family code, labour code). Furthermore, the outlets and
the existence of inefficient economic structures continue to prevent married
women with small children from accessing the labour market. In Mashreq,
women comply more with the demands of tradition than women in Maghreb,
who are far more affected by the vagaries and discriminations of the market.
Young people aged 15 to 24 are the most vulnerable in Mashreq, where youth
unemployment can reach 35%, as in the Palestinian Territories and Jordan.
The state of war in Palestine and the proximity of Jordan in the conflict zone
remain a serious obstacle to the promotion of economic activity in these
countries. The many efforts taken by Jordan, such as cooperation with the
EU through the association agreement, the signing of a free trade agreement

88 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 89
 with the USA, have not managed to curb these high unemployment rates,
all the more so as the high fertility rate risks perpetuating the situation.
The growth of the working age population (i.e. people between 15-64) in
MEDA countries has put the governments before a new challenge. Either
because they had no development policy or because they lacked sufficient
resources, these governments could not manage the volume of new entrants
in the labour market. That is why the unemployment rate, especially among
young women, remains high.
Unemployment among young people aged 15 to 24
more particularly by the massive arrival of women of this age group on the
labour market once they graduate. Their knowledge and skills are put to little
use on the employment market in view of their studies (often literature),
the enhanced demand for work before marriage, the discrimination of young
women because of maternity, the pay inequalities which are more pronounced
in the private than in the public sector39 and a lack of childminding facilities.
Deprived of the means to earn a living and to join the world of work, these
young adults make up a class of disgruntled, anti-establishment people more
inclined to migrate.

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50 i]Z^g^beVXidc\ZcYZgY^hXg^b^cVi^dc
40
The economic differences between North and South are such that they are
30 evidenced increasingly in the field of education and access to technology.

20 Four variables seem pertinent in order to broach cultural factors and their
10 impact on the migration phenomenon: the degree of adult literacy, the level
of education by gender and level, government spending on education and
0
access to modern technology.
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Men Women

Euro-Mediterranean statistics. Eurostat, 2009, p. 90

The unemployment rate differences between men and women among the
former is eminently important, ranging from 0.7% in Tunisia, to 1% in Lebanon
and 2.4% in Morocco, compared with 30.7% in Egypt and 10.4% in Jordan. For
Algeria and Palestine, it is around 9%. These differences should nonetheless be
put into perspective with European countries by pointing out that the gender
gap is still sizeable in certain EU countries, such as Greece, where it stands
at 16.4%. In Israel, a breakdown by age class shows no serious disparities
between men and women in terms of unemployment – only 2%.
39 A World Bank study (2004) on the MENA region estimates that when a man earns $1,
Unemployment, which hits women aged 15 to 24 in MEDA countries harder, a woman earns $0.73, i.e. 27 cents less. This situation is explained by a difference in
qualifications or by gender discrimination. In Les femmes et le développement économique
and their lesser economic participation compared with men, are explained en méditerranée. “FEMISE, April 2006. P 13.”

90 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 91
 &#>aa^iZgVXngZbV^chegdcdjcXZYVbdc\ldbZc^c of women attend colleges and universities, and 100% attend primary and
secondary school.
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As shown in the graph below, access to higher education and, to a lesser
Literacy rate among adults aged 15 and over by gender extent, secondary education, is relatively limited for women in the South:
42% of women in Mashreq, and 22% of women in Maghreb have access to
120 higher education, compared with 75% of women in countries in the North.
100
80 Women’s education by level and by country
Women
60
40 Men Gross enrolment rate of women in primary education
20 Gross enrolment rate of women in secondary education
0
Gross enrolment rate of women in higher education
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Source: UNDP, World Development, 2007 /2008 100
80
60
Female literacy, a process nearly completed in European countries, is in full 40
development in the MEDA region. Yet in spite of the efforts made in recent 20
0
years on this front, progress remains limited and variable from one country

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to another. Lebanon, Jordan, Syria and Tunisia have gradually managed to

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eradicate illiteracy among the young generation of women, whereas Algeria,

Ne

Egypt and especially Morocco are lagging far behind.
In European countries, female illiteracy belongs to the history of the 19th
century, although there are some small lingering pockets, particularly in
Greece. The young generation has been spared. It is more in competition for
knowledge in the information and communication society and is engaged in a
struggle for another type of literacy, i.e. digital literacy.
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In spite of the success of Arab countries in girls’ education, by reducing
the differences between the sexes in the three levels of education, primary
education for girls is weak in the different MEDA countries, whereas their
access to secondary education shows considerable lag which worsens in
higher education. This disparity between the three levels of education is
small in countries in the North, especially in higher education, where 60%
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Source: UNDP, World Development, 2007 /2008
Nevertheless, in spite of the constant increase in the number of women
attending higher education, their studies are generally geared to literature and
the social sciences, and to a lesser extent to natural sciences and medicine.
These disciplines do not often open ways to employment. This characteristic
is not specific to MEDA or MENA countries, but assumes more sizeable
proportions since the most attractive professions for women are the civil
service, teaching and medicine.
Girls often perform better than boys in nearly all the MEDA countries,
at all levels.40 Parents in urban areas, especially the well to do, invest in the
education of and support their daughters throughout their degree course,
providing extra courses that become indispensable for obtaining conclusive

40 Human Development Report, “2005, op cit. pp. 75-78.”

92 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 93
 results. They therefore encourage them to choose the best courses which The World Bank Report44 shows that countries in the MENA region invest
were generally reserved for boys. Education is therefore turned into an a higher proportion of their gross domestic products in education than the
instrument for reinforcing the social stratification, but one geared to world’s other regions, but they must still acquire high quality education
eliminating gender discrimination. systems at all levels, and promote a system of continuing education and
training adapted to the needs of the market.
Gross enrolment rate for women per level and per region41
Government expenditures in education per country between 2002 and 2005
120
Gross enrolment
public expenditure on education in % of GDP 2002-2005
100 rate of women in 8
primary education
7
80 6
Gross enrolment 5
rate of women
60 in secondary 4
education 3
40 2
Gross enrolment 1
20 rate of women in 0

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higher education

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countries

Source: Our graph based on data published by the UNDP, World Development, 2007 /2008 Source: UNDP, World Development, 2007 /2008

Relatively few girl students study science, engineering or production and
construction in countries in the North and the South alike, ranging from
15% (Netherlands) to 31% (Greece), and 18% (Occupied Palestinian Territories)
to 24% (Lebanon). The rate in Israel is 38%.42
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The efforts made by the MEDA countries in education are explained by the
expenditures which have continued to rise since these countries gained
independence. The structural adjustment programmes have tended to stabilise
or reduce them, depending on the country. Nevertheless, expenditures in
education represent a near similar average in MEDA and European countries,
i.e. 5.3%43 and 5.1% of GDP respectively.
41 The calculations were based on the arithmetic average per region.
42 UNDP. World Human Development Report. “2007-2008. pp. 269-271.”
43 MEDA countries for which figures are available are Jordan , Lebanon, Morocco and Tunisia.
It must nonetheless be borne in mind that education and the acquisition
of knowledge in the information age are closely connected to technology.
The limits relating to technology may explain the difficulty of certain countries
to raise the level of attainments of the population. More specifically, the
educational disparities between the countries of the North and of the South
constitute one of the explanatory bases for the differences in access to
information and knowledge technologies, reflecting an elitist education that
affects both men and women.
The MEDA countries are making considerable efforts to catch up, but the high
cost of the infrastructure relating to knowledge highways, the persistence of
information control, the unequal sharing of knowledge, and the difficulties
relating to the freedom of communication simply widen the gap between
these countries and European countries. A favourable environment, a political
opening and democratisation of institutions as well as a fair justice system
are prerequisites to the establishment of the information society.
44 Dina El Naggar. World Bank. MENA 2008, “p 5”.

94 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 95
 8]VeiZgK#Eda^i^XVa^cZfjVa^i^Zh$
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“Good governance45 is perhaps the single most important factor in
eradicating poverty and promoting development”
Kofi Annan, US Secretary General.
The countries of the southern shore of the Mediterranean are still lagging far
behind in terms of democratisation and system of governance.
Furthermore, the persisting conflicts that rage in the region, particularly the
conflict between Israel and Palestine, have a decisive impact on the economic
development of MEDA countries, on the establishment of South-South
cooperation, and the efficiency of the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation. The
civil war in Lebanon (1975-1991) led to the collapse of modern integration
institutions.46 It aggravated ethnic and identity problems and caused economic
decline leading to a deterioration of the quality of life, in particular among the
middle classes and the poor, and emigration on a massive scale during this
period: the intellectual elite, men and women, businessmen, professional and
denominational groups.
In Maghreb, the conflict around the Sahara (Moroccan South) has flamed
tensions and rivalries between Algeria and Morocco for decades, preventing
the construction of the greater Maghreb and the development of horizontal
45 The concept of “governance:” definition and measure. Of Anglo-Saxon origin, the concept
of “governance”, unlike the conventional term of “government”, does not describe organic
institutions, but rather “the rules of the game”, processes, modes of organising decision-
making and public action. Its use refers to a new way of exercising power, in a new social and
institutional context, based on the appearance of new players in the public interest alongside
the State, the multiplication of the levels of negotiation, the questioning of the Nation-State,
i.e. the traditional framework for exercising popular sovereignty and political power. Finally,
this concept has a strong standard-setting dimension, because when the term “governance”
is used, what is often meant is “good governance”, drawing inspiration from «corporate
governance»: this is essentially a matter of applying, to the public sector, the organisational
principles that ensure economic efficiency in the private sector (evaluation, obligation of
result and not of means, etc.), in Calamé 2004, op cit, p 13.
46 Fatima Charafeddine (1996). The change in Lebanon after the recent war and prospects for
a solution (in Arabic). In Conférence sur la gestion des transformations sociales dans la
région des Etats arabes. ”Tunis 26-28 February 1996. UNESCO.”
96 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
cooperation.47 The violence in Algeria between 1989 and 1998 against men
(murders, assassinations, kidnappings, attacks) and women -- against those
women who allegedly transgress social standards or gender boundaries, have
been factors of instability and emigration.
The fight against terrorism and the sporadic attacks due to the rise of
Islamism in many MEDA countries – Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Egypt,
-- very hard conflicts for the region to support, have fractioned the budgets of
these countries, as a large part has been earmarked for defence,48 and have
hindered the economic and social development of the region.
The conflicts, development deficits, slow reforms, and the protectionist spirit
have led to the following main results:
1. Difficulties to create a large southern Mediterranean market, and the flight
of investors; and, for the case of Maghreb;
2. The development of a major migration flow in three directions: the Gulf
countries, the European countries, and North America;
3. Constant violations of human rights.
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Xdjcig^Zh/egdiZXi^dcd[]jbVcg^\]ih
Radical political changes have taken place in recent years in the way
governments in the MEDA countries operate. The political systems have
started to open up to greater democratisation, considerable progress has been
made in terms of participation in political life and the enhanced intervention
47 These conflicts preclude any prospects of establishing an integrated economic and political
area. The Mashreq countries have not managed to establish economic cooperation between
them, and efforts made by the Arab League since 1998 to create an Arab free trade area
have run into many obstacles due essentially to the protectionist spirit that prevails in Arab
countries. Great hopes were placed in the Agadir Declaration and the creation of a free
trade area between southern Mediterranean countries, but from the time that it was signed
in 2004 until today, only the four signatory countries -- Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt and Jordan
– have continued to negotiate without any opening to the other signatory countries of the
association agreement with the EU.
48 Defence spending continues to exceed spending on education or health in Lebanon (9% of
total spending), Israel (18% of total spending) and in Jordan (24% of total spending). In Egypt
and Morocco, it represented between 10% and 15% of overall spending. Calamé, op cit, p 23.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 97
 of the civil society through many initiatives, with a broadening of the public
space and the defence of fundamental freedoms.
The militancy of Arab intellectuals and the civil society, international
pressures, and the implementation of the Beijing platform have borne fruit to
goad governments to review and even change the family codes, advocate new
measures to get women to take part in the political life, and introduce new
mechanisms to deal with violence against women.
The debate on human rights is no longer taboo. It is part of governmental
programmes. Ministries, councils or other institutions of human rights have
been created.
Nevertheless, in spite of all these reforms and international commitments,
the reports of Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch or Arab institutes
of human rights attest to a constant violation of the rights of men and women,
workers, the civil society and above all of transit migrants who take up
temporary residence in southern Mediterranean territories whilst waiting to
cross to Europe.
98 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
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As regards the laws, equal rights are of course accorded to all citizens on both
sides of the Mediterranean, as all the countries of the region recognise such
rights without distinction as to race, gender or religion.
Many constitutions of MEDA countries include articles on equality between
men and women, equality at work, in education, political rights, and equality
in general in rights and obligations, focusing on equal opportunities. However,
there is a gap between these laws and the reality that women face.
The issue of the political participation of women has arrived far later in
MEDA countries than in Europe – certainly after these countries gained
independence and in the effervescence of nationalist movements, inspired
and guided by the dynamics of the Arab renaissance, that considered that
the suppression of male domination in the name of religion or tradition was a
condition sine qua non for the awakening of a people and its women.
The women’s movements in Mashreq, with Egypt in the vanguard,49 for the
emancipation and visibility of women, propagated in Syria and Lebanon
through the women’s press, and women in the Maghreb engaged in the
national liberation struggles, created the premises for Arab feminism –
guided initially by men and then taken over by women during their struggles
for liberation, democracy and human rights. The legislators in the Arab world
were consequently constrained to take account of the legitimate claims of
half the population and to grant women the first political rights, such as the
right to vote and stand for elected office. The three MEDA countries that
granted these rights to women were Lebanon in 1952, followed by Egypt in
1956 and Tunisia in 1959. In the beginning of the 1960s, Algeria and Morocco
followed suit, in 1962 and 1963 respectively; whereas Syria, which was the
first Arab country in favour of granting women the vote (1945), completed its
policy mix in 2003.
49 Duriyah Chafiq. An Egyptian feminist who conducted a major campaign for the political rights
of women. She organised a sit-in in front of the Parliament in 1951. Egyptian women obtained
the right to vote in 1956.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 99
 For the MEDA countries, whereas Egypt and Tunisia complied with the The graphs below require little comment:
principles of law, it took some time from the moment that the right to vote
was granted to a women being sent to Parliament: Syria and Morocco, where Proportion of women in Parliament in 2007
women gained the right to vote in 1945 and 1963 respectively, elected a
woman in 1973 and 1993. Women were of course more mobilised to elect Women in parliament
40
men, because very few of them stood for election. It is worth underscoring
35
that in many MEDA countries, the women’s vote has been manipulated by 30
the political parties and the public authorities to elect the male candidates of 25
20
their choice. They took advantage of their illiteracy and their level of poverty
15
to create a human mass in the service of politics in general. 10
5
For Algeria, the first woman in Parliament was appointed after the war in 0

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1962, when it was only fair for the public authorities to appoint a woman

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in Parliament in recognition of the contribution of women in the struggle

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for the liberation of their countries, whereas in Lebanon and Jordan, owing
to internal strife, the domination of a tribal spirit, and the management of Source: World Development Indicators, World Bank, 2008
multiple religious denominations, the choice has weighed more in favour of
appointing then electing women. Proportion of women in government in 2005

The case of Israel is exceptional, as from the moment the country was
established in the region, it opted for greater equality between men and Women sitting in government in 2005
women, as it received a multiethnic population that had lived mostly in 60
50
democratic countries.
40
30
It was nonetheless in the 1990s, and especially after the world conferences
20
on human rights in Vienna (1993) and in Beijing (1995) on women, that claims
10
for access to politics were stepped up in the North as well as in the South. 6
The European Charter of Human Rights insists on the fact that equality

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between men and women must be ensured in all areas (Article 23), and in

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the meantime, many European countries have opted for parity in political

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authorities. Other initiatives have been taken in MEDA countries, such as the
use of quotas and other positive action measures. Source: UNDP, Human Development Report, 2007/2008

In spite of all these measures and commitments, the number of women in the
parliaments and governments of the South, and even in the North, remains
relatively small.
The presence of women in decision-making posts, whether in the executive
or the legislative branch, does not often reflect a national policy in favour of
equality between men and women. Many MEDA countries are adapting to
the Beijing platform and are endeavouring to project a positive image as a
modern, democratic society. The New policy of the Middle East partnership

100 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 101

 Initiative (MEPI) is geared fully to the empowerment of women, as it
tends to impose a system of quotas and better representation of women in
political authorities.
Many women in decision-making positions are chosen from a certain elite and
in accordance with political obedience to the party or parties in government.
It is not easy to pave the way of women to come to power in tribal and
patriarchal societies.
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A democratic society is judged by the way it treats women. And the wager
of the place of women in Mediterranean societies is dissociable from the
challenge of democratic enhancement and the requirement of political, social
and cultural reforms.
Whereas the MEDA countries have opted for economic liberalism and have
become integrated in free trade areas, and are endeavouring to catch up in
world markets and to establish democracies, the choices relating to the legal
mechanism that governs the family and the status of women in society are
highly ambiguous.
The personal status codes in the MEDA countries draw inspiration from
the sacred text (the Koran), laws which were often deliberately interpreted
and codified by the omnipresent patriarchal system resolved to maintain
the domination over women. These texts have however been discussed
extensively in the recent decades by feminists and have come under many
national, regional and international pressures. Furthermore, the dawning of
the new century witnessed the introduction of reforms in legislations to put
an end to the inequality and discrimination suffered by women in the family.
Nevertheless, if the text is religiously inspired, the legislator must rely on the
most progressive and modernist interpretations, and resort to ijtihad to be
able to respond to the new status of women in contemporary society.
Tunisia was the first country in the Arab world to adopt, already in 1957,
a fairer personal status law, due to the secularisation processes initiated by
102 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
President Habib Bourguiba50 as soon as the country gained independence.
Morocco also introduced very bold changes with the reform of 2003 which
broached the question of the legal inequality between men and women and the
restoration of balance in relations in the family. In 2005, Algeria made certain
amendments to the family code of 1984. Syria, Egypt, Lebanon and Jordan,
which are faced with religious plurality in the codes, have endeavoured to
introduce amendments in recent years.
There is still a wide gap between the contents of the reform, their implementation
and their media coverage. “Far from the speeches of the state capitalising on
the role and functions of women and exhibiting their emancipation as a window
of modernity, the Tunisian women asked during a survey on the contrary
underscored the violence against them, which increases with their visibility
in the public space, highlighting the persisting conservatism in the private
sphere, discrimination of all sorts, and machismo.”51 If socio-cultural resistance
persists in Tunisia 50 years after the most progressive code was introduced in
the region, what is to be said about Morocco, with a relatively more traditional
social structure and a code that has existed for six years only?
It therefore appears that the changes to the rights of women in the MEDA
countries, and more particularly to the personal status code, address
the general concern to adapt legislative provisions to the social changes
that have occurred in recent decades; but they also reveal how complex it
is to extract family law from the Muslim legal framework, and continue to
run up against resistance: the expression of a society that fears to have its
foundations undermined by an aggressive modernity that touches its very
core, i.e. woman and the family.
In spite of this legal arsenal, the rights of women continue to be violated
and their personal freedom threatened. Women in the South live this drama
more intensely than in the North, because of the deficit of the rule of law and
the persistence of a tradition of silence the among women.
50 Sana’ Benachour (2007), Le code du statu personnel Tunisian 50 ans après. Les dimensions
de l’ambivalence in Année du Maghreb. Dossier femmes familles et droit. “Ed CNRS. Paris,
Dir karima Dirèche Slimani. pp. 55-70.”
51 Ilhem Marzouki (2007), La conquête de la banalisation par le code Tunisian du statut
personnel. “Année du Maghreb 2007, op cit. p. 71-96.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 103
 (#K^daZcXZV\V^childbZc!Vcdi]Zg
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Violence against women is a general phenomenon that has become a concern
for governments, the civil society and the international community.
Many different measures have been taken to make people aware that violence
against women is a form of discrimination that has to be countered.
Several types of violence against women have been recorded, including
poverty, especially in single-parent families, legislation (personal status
code and labour code), which legitimise the discrimination against women,
the trafficking of women and domestic abuse which are found on both sides
of the Mediterranean and affect rich and poor classes alike.
Up until recently, violence against women in the MEDA countries was still a
taboo issue. It was considered as something private. Studies on the subject
are still limited in many countries. Women intellectuals and women’s NGOs,
with international cooperation, have given the subject greater visibility and
have goaded governments to get involved.
Domestic abuse and violence are widespread in countries in the North and
the South. In Europe, one woman in five is a victim of domestic violence;
statistics are not available for the countries in the South.
Honour crimes as tribal traditions are still in force in certain MEDA countries
such as Jordan, Palestine, Lebanon and Egypt, such as the premeditated
murder of a woman by a father, brother or husband in case of behaviour
deemed immoral owing to rape, and especially a pregnancy outside marriage.
The law is often on the side of the murderer, who is frequently punished
lightly, because he is seen as a hero who restores the family honour. Statistics
available on the matter are rare, dispersed and often compiled by NGOs or
women’s tribunals. The Arab Human Development Report 200552 states that
between May 2004 and March 2005, twenty women were killed in Palestine,
in addition to 15 aborted attempts, while it indicates that there are 20 honour
crimes per year in Jordan. It is worth underscoring that these crimes often
mask incestuous acts or the interests of males to get a larger share of an
52 UNDP, op cit. p. 110.
104 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
inheritance (UNIFEM 2005). Fifty-two such crimes were recorded for Egypt
in 1995, and 12 in Lebanon in 1998.53
Excision, another form of violence against young girls and women, is a
dangerous act, in both physical and psychological terms. It is still common
practice in Egypt. In an opinion survey conducted in 2000, 80% of the women
interview, who have young girls, stated that they had them undergo an excision
operation54 or are preparing to do so. The main reasons for the perpetuation
of this phenomenon are illiteracy, residing in a rural area, and certain beliefs
in force. The aforementioned study specifies that eight rural women out of
ten believe and assert that men prefer women who have undergone excision,
compared with four urban women out of ten. The State certainly recognises
that this practice has nothing to do with Islam, as the Koran speaks of
circumcision, practised by Jews and Muslims, and not excision, which is
more of a Pharaonic tradition. In Egypt, the Council of State itself recognised
the danger of this practice in 1997, and recommended that the operation be
performed under medical supervision. It can be noted with satisfaction that a
prohibition of sexual mutilation act was adopted by the Egyptian Parliament
in 2008. But the most important work remains to be done, namely awareness-
raising campaigns, training and above all a far greater firmness against those
who continue to subject their little girls to the practice.
It is important to detect the violence against women in conflict areas.
Often subjected to a perpetual lack of healthcare, education and reproductive
health, and faced with the death of their loved ones from up close, Palestinian
women are hit hard. The war in Lebanon was a case in point that showed all
the aggressiveness against others, the most exposed being women.
Violence in Algeria between 1989 and 1998 has left indelible traces in the
country and in collective memory. Physical attacks on women began against
women students assaulted in university residence halls by armed young
people – a situation monitored by Algerian women activists, often French-
speaking, journalists, college students and even women workers and
charwomen. The victims tended to be women living alone, divorced, widows
or unmarried. Many young girls were abducted and held in Islamist maquis,
victims of alleged temporary marriages or marriages of enjoyment (al
53 UNDP, Arab Human Development Report 2009. “p 86.”
54 UNDP* AHDR, op. cit. p. 111.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 105
 mut’a).55 This terror continued between 1995 and 1996, even more savagely.
The women of Hassi Messaoud who were attacked collectively and killed are
the most significant example. Radical Islamists made the subject of women
their hobbyhorse by establishing strict boundaries between the sexes: no
mixing, the veil was imposed, confinement, and keeping women at home.
Another type of violence has to do with human trafficking – a very lucrative
business whose victims are essentially women and children who are dragged
through the most degrading forms of trafficking and servitude. The trafficking
of women is often used for domestic services, sexual exploitation and forced
labour. At the crossroads of Asia, Africa and Europe, the MEDA is a region
that receives, sends and handles the transit of such trafficking.
Migrant women in an irregular situation are often the victims of trafficking.
They remain very vulnerable and continue to suffer more than others from
male violence, and especially the violence of laws and practices, when they
wish to go to court or when they ask for financial or psychological assistance
or to initiate proceedings.
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The development of the status of women is one of the fundamental elements
that reflects the degree of democratisation of political regimes and the level of
economic and social development of a country. The problem of modernisation
of society in MEDA countries, and more particularly the status of women, is
in fact directly related to that of the construction of a modern state and the
political, economic and socio-cultural reforms implemented.
Tangible changes have occurred in recent years in MEDA countries and have
transformed the family structure, getting women to break their silence and to
assert claims for a better life. The drop in the fertility rate, access by women
to education and the labour market, their demands for the protection of their
rights, the establishment of gender equality, and the demand for political
participation have led to far-reaching reforms making women citizens
even more visible. Nevertheless, constraints persist and hinder the way
55 Camille Lacoste Dujardin, Violence en Algérie contre les femmes. In Masculin féminin au
Maghreb et en immigration. “Pp. 19- 31.”
106 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
charted by women, women’s NGOs and human rights for a modern, fair and
egalitarian society.
The drop in the fertility rate has not been accompanied by the other
economic and sociological indicators. The development of the nuclear
family, the postponing of marriage, and contraception have not introduced
major upheavals in the life of women and families. They have been integrated
slowly in the traditional way of life and have adapted well to the cultural and
religious conservatism. Having fewer children reflects a new pragmatism; it
is far more a way to lighten the burden of family expenditures, and to ensure
the well being of the family than a means to change marital relations.
The female population of the MEDA countries and Arab countries in general
has received far more education than previous generations. Nevertheless,
women do not embark on new fields of activity, but continue to focus on
literatures and professions connected more to maternity and childcare,
which enable them to be more available to attend to the domestic needs of
the family. Similarly, whereas they are called upon to work, negotiate and
mix with man at work, they do so always under the watchful eye of the men,
or with self-censorship that they have assumed fully.
For their part, the personal status codes are subjected to a permanent
political game which oscillates between positive law and Islamic orthodoxy.
The Arab governments which have proceeded with such changes in personal
status codes have always faced a dilemma: the most courageous among them
adopted the method of the ijtihad (Tunisia and Morocco), the others have
remained more prudent in their attempts at reform so as not to anger religious
movements and men in general. As a result, such issues as the suppression of
polygamy,56 equality for inheritance and the transmission of nationality from
the mother57 are not subject to discussion.
In politics, quotas have been granted to women, a positive action for which
they have fought long and hard, but it is the men of the parties that give the
green light for a woman to be elected, who control the careers of activists
and who at times exclude them because of nepotism and clientelism. Even if
56 The Tunisian Code does not recognise polygamy. The Moroccan code has simply introduced restrictions.
57 The right of transmission of nationality from a woman to her husband and children in case of
marriage with a foreigner is not granted to women in MEDA countries, with the exception of
Tunisia, Morocco and Egypt.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 107
 legislations have been questioned, the mentality has changed little, accepting
women more for their economic contribution than for control of their bodies,
encouraging them to take part in public life so as to be marshalled in their
own policies.

In brief, the many changes that have taken place in the life of women in
MEDA countries do not question the patriarchal structure of society. The new
behaviour has been re-interpreted for a better adaptation in societies in which
differential socialisation and the sexual division of labour are embedded.

To be sure, the strong demographic growth of the 1970s and 1980s, as well as
the increasing needs of the population and the democratic deficit weakened
the modernity project that developed after independence. It upset the
reconstruction of a coherent society project with a strong social content, where
woman was the node. Thus, religion becomes a unique and indispensable
means of protection against modernity and the invasive globalisation, and is
used to preserve the power of men.

Whereas the economic, political and socio-cultural differences between the

two sides of the Mediterranean are tangible and tend to grow wider, an elite
of both sexes with a Western education is growing in the different MEDA
countries. This elite does not need to emigrate because the gates of Europe,
whose standards and values it conveys in large measure, are open to it.
But what about the masses who are left on the side, who aspire to a strong
economic integration, to quality education and healthcare for themselves
and their children? They have looked for work for years after graduation,
then were resigned to seek another way of life and do something different
elsewhere. The phantom of migration hangs over them, shrouds them and
dangles the prospect of life being viable only elsewhere.

And yet, many women are not prompted to migrate by their own choice. In
societies where they are overprotected, they cannot take off this armour that
weighs on them and their fate and decide to go all on their own. They are
motivated to leave, and desire to discover other places, and in so doing escape
family constraints. But actually doing so is the hardest and most delicate part
of the undertaking. Why do they leave? This is a pertinent question that we
shall try to answer in the next chapter.

108 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
 EVgi>>>

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Introduction ........................................................................................114
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1. Principal international conventions on migration ......................115
g^\]ih^hcdii]ZVWhZcXZd[aVl!Wjii]Z
1.1. UN legal arsenal ................................................................................. 115
[V^ajgZd[hiViZhidgZheZXii]dhZXdckZci^dch!
V\gZZbZcihVcYYZXaVgVi^dchi]Vii]Zn]VkZ 1.1.1. International Convention on the Protection
[gZZanVXXZeiZY#<8>B!e#*. of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members
of their Families of 1990.......................................................... 116

1.2. ILO Conventions: old protection for migrant workers .................. 119

2. Regional legal arsenal: European and MEDA countries .............122

2.1. Common European migration policy ................................................. 122

2.2. MEDA countries: a migration policy focused on employment ....... 125

3. Migration in the agreements by and between EU and MEDA countries .131

4. Bilateral agreements on migration ..............................................134

4.1. Labour force agreements..................................................................... 135

4.2. Migration flow management agreements .......................................... 138

Conclusion ............................................................................................140

112 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 113

 >cigdYjXi^dc
Economic and socio-cultural factors determine migration in general, and
female migration in particular. In parallel with such factors, however, a large
number of institutions play a vital role in spurring and shaping the migration
flows.
These institutions, which produce laws, intervene in the negotiations and sign
cooperation agreements that tend to organise the migration flows, ensure the
integration of migrations in the production chains and in the host countries,
and guarantee their rights. Nevertheless, the imposing and rapidly changing
regulatory framework rarely draws a distinction between male and female
migrants, but treats human rights in general.

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In this part on the legal and regulatory aspect, an attempt will be made to
present the international treaties and conventions on the protection of the
rights of migrants submitted for ratification by the States, and the regulatory
framework (declarations, resolutions, communications and directives) which
regulate the management of migration flows, the reception of migrants and
their possible return.
The aim is not to conduct an exhaustive analysis of the international legislation

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that governs migration. Particular attention will be paid to the question of
family reunification, given the importance of this process in the migration of
women from MEDA countries, and the number of them that reach Europe.
The legislative and regulatory framework will be broached on three levels:
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the workforce.
114 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
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Important provisions on the rights of migrants are contained in the UN
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The UN has established seven instruments recognised as fundamental treaties
on human rights, consisting of two covenants and five conventions for the
protection of human rights at all levels and in all areas. These are the:
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The importance of these covenants and conventions1 lies first and foremost in
the general coverage of human rights that apply to migrants in the same away
as to all citizens and thus constitute the foundation of the rights of migrants.
Their implementation is surrounded by some confusion however, because
of their dispersion through different instruments, which makes it even more
difficult to articulate them.
1 It has actually been shown that the second part of these covenants and conventions was
signed and ratified by most European and MEDA countries.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 115
 The International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant
Workers and Members of their Families of 1990 is the only instrument
relating to the rights of migrants. This Convention does not define new rights
for migrant workers, but rather reiterates fundamental rights enshrined by
the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man and defined by international
conventions adopted by most States. The Convention is far more intended
to attract the attention of the international community on the precarious
situation of migrant workers and the neglect of their rights.
The protection of the rights of migrant workers and especially of members of
their families is at the core of this convention. The right to start a family is for
that matter one of the fundamental human rights recognised unconditionally
at the national and international levels. The major conventions on human
rights expressly establish a right to family reunion: the UN Convention on the
Rights of the Child of 1989 and the International Convention on the Protection
of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and Members of their Families.
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Whereas several international conventions confer rights on migrants and
protect them against all forms of abuse and discrimination, the International
convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrants and Members of
their Families is the most recent and most complete. It entered into force
on 1 July 2003, 13 years after it was adopted by the United Nations on
18 December 1990. It is the most complete international convention on the

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rights of migrants and their families. It defines international standards for
the treatment, living conditions and rights of such workers, irrespective of
their status, regular or irregular, and it also establishes the obligations and
responsibilities of the host countries.

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The convention guarantees the fundamental (civil and political) rights of all
migrant workers, protects them against torture and forced labour and aims
to ensure their rights for a fair treatment, security of person and freedom
of opinion and of religion. It grants migrants their economic, social and
cultural rights, in particular emergency medical care, education of the
children of migrants, and it confers on migrants the right of direct recourse
against employers and against the State. It considers the abusive confiscation
116 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
of passports and identity documents of migrants a criminal offence. The
convention calls for greater cooperation between States on the return of
irregular migrants and the regulation of return migrations.
The convention advocates the application of the fundamental rights of
migrant workers and members of their family, respect of fundamental
freedoms,2 and condemns slavery, servitude and forced and compulsory
labour (Article 13). It guarantees a fair procedure for migrant workers and
members of their family.3 The honour and reputation of a migrant worker
must be respected as must his privacy which extends to his home, family
and all his communications (Article 14). The principle of equality between
migrants and nationals at work4 must be ensured as must the remittance of
revenues and the right to information.5
As regards the family, Article 44 calls on the States Parties to recognise
that the family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is
entitled to protection by society and by the States. The States Parties must
therefore “take appropriate measures to ensure the protection of the unity of
the families of migrant workers.” Family reunification is accorded to regular
migrant workers, and the afore-cited article mentions two obligations of the
States Parties, namely to “take measures that they deem appropriate and
that fall within their competence to facilitate the reunification of migrant
workers” and “on humanitarian grounds, consider granting equal treatment
to other family members of migrant workers.”
Nevertheless, as complete as it is, this convention calls for two remarks: first,
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2 Freedom of thought, conscience and religion (Article 12) and the right to hold opinions
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tribunals must be respected. The arbitrary expulsion of migrant workers is prohibited (Art.
22).
4 Migrant workers shall enjoy treatment not less favourable than that which applies to
nationals of the State of employment in respect of remuneration and other conditions of
work (overtime, hours of work, weekly rest, holidays with pay, safety, health, termination of
the employment relationship, minimum age, restrictions of domestic work, etc. (Art. 25)).
Equal treatment between migrants and nationals extends also to social security benefits
(Article 27) and to emergency medical care (Article 28).
5 Migrants have the right to be informed by the country concerned about their rights arising
out of the present convention, the conditions of their admission, their rights and obligations
under the law of this State. Such adequate information must be provided to migrant workers
free of charge and in a language they are able to understand (Art. 33).
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 117
 accorded to the family as an institution, and not to the components of the
family, including the women.
1. The convention of 1990 has been ratified by only some forty States to
date, which do not include any EU Member State,6 any State of the Persian
Gulf, North America and Australia. Different reasons have been put forth
by the States, such as the similarity of provisions in other international
instruments, the complexity and scope of this convention, the obligations
it imposes on the States that have ratified it, and the lack of distinction
between regular and irregular migration. Some countries consider that
the provisions relative to non-discrimination made it more difficulty to
introduce a temporary migration programme which did not confer on
participants the same rights as other workers.7 This convention has been
ratified by four MEDA countries: Egypt in 1993, Syria in 2005, Morocco in
1993 and Algeria in 2005.
Two interesting studies analyse the refusal of States to ratify this convention.
The first was conducted by UNESCO in 2007. It identified the main causes
of resistance to ratification in seven European countries: France, Germany,
Italy, Norway, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom. On the legal front,
reticence tends to focus on the limitation of state sovereignty, in particular
control of access to the territory, and the fear that this Convention confers
a right to family reunification to all legal resident workers. The second
study was conducted by the Centre for Equal Opportunities and the Fight
against Racism in Belgium in 2008. It specifies that ratification would
show that the Belgian authorities were concerned about the conformity
of regulations concerning stay and regulations concerning employment of
foreign nationals. The launch of the economic migration project would be
an excellent opportunity for Belgium to assume a pioneering role towards
ratification among EU countries.
2. “The term ‘members of the family’ refers to persons married to migrant
workers or having with them a relationship that, according to applicable
law, produces effects equivalent to marriage, as well as their dependent
children and other dependent persons who are recognised as members of
6 The Flemish Government came out in favour of having this instrument ratified by Belgium
in May 2005. The UN ECOSOC committee was also in favour of such ratification in Opinion
2004/C302/12 of 1 July 2004.
7 GCIM. p 62.
118 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
the family by applicable legislation or applicable bilateral or multilateral
agreements between the States concerned” (Article 4).
The convention calls on the States to recognise that the family is the natural
and fundamental element of society and that it must be protected by society
and the State. The latter must take the measures needed to facilitate the
reunion of migrant workers with their spouse or with persons that have
relations of marriage or filiation with them, so as to enable the members
of the family of migrants workers to benefit from the same treatment
accorded to nationals in the State of employment in such areas as education,
training, access to social services and cultural participation (Article 45).
The words woman, wife, and female migrant are not used in the
convention, which deals with the rights of children and makes general
reference to members of the family.
The convention of 1990 is still the most efficient instrument for the
protection of migrant workers and members of their families. But even
States that have ratified it do not always manage to implement it, especially
after they go from a country of emigration to a transit and immigration
country.
Other, older UN organisations have endeavoured to defend the rights of
workers in general and those of migrants in particular like the International
Labour Organisation (ILO).
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ILO convention 143 on migrant workers of 1975 (Article 11) defines migrant
worker as “a person who migrates or who has migrated from one country to
another with a view to being employed otherwise than on his own account
and includes any person regularly admitted as a migrant worker.” This idea is
echoed in the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of all
Migrant Workers and Members of their Families.
The protection of workers employed in a country other than their country
of origin has always been a prime concern for the ILO. These are the people
most exposed to exploitation and the neglect of their rights, in particular
when they are irregular migrants. This organisation has consequently from
the outset endeavoured to protect the rights of migrant workers through the
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 119
 establishment of a system of international labour standards in the form of Ratification of Conventions no. 97 and no. 143 by European States.9
conventions, recommendations and compilations of practical directives.
Date of ratification of Date of ratification of
The two main instruments of the ILO that deal specifically with migrants Country
Convention no. 97 Convention no. 143
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Convention no. 143 on Migrations in Abusive Conditions and the Promotion Germany 1959 Not ratified
of Equality of Opportunity and the Treatment of Migrant Workers of 1975. Austria Not ratified Not ratified
Other ILO conventions deal with equal treatment (1925, 1962), labour clauses Belgium 1953 Not ratified
(1949), wages (1949, 1970), tripartite consultations (1976), health and safety Spain 1967 Not ratified
of workers (1981), maternity protection (2000) and health and safety in mines France 1954 Not ratified
and agriculture respectively (1995 and 2001). Greece Not ratified Not ratified
Italy 1952 1981
The ILO conventions are clear about the protection of the families of
migrants, but they are not precise about female migration and the protection Netherlands 1952 Not ratified
of the rights of women. Nevertheless, the use of a gendered vocabulary was United Kingdom 1951 Not ratified
perceptible in the instruments of 1949 and 1975. For instance, Article 6 of
Convention no. 97 refers to non discrimination in respect of sex.
Ratification of Conventions no. 97 and no. 143 by MEDA countries 10
Recommendation no. 86, paragraph 15 (3) stipulates that “the members of
the family of a migrant for employment should include his wife and minor
children.” Date of ratification of Date of ratification of
Country
Convention no. 97 Convention no. 143
Convention C183 on Maternity Protection of 2000,8 which clearly broaches
the problem and rights concerning the reproductive health of women workers Algeria 1962 Not ratified
in general, must in principle be applied for all working women, migrants Egypt Not ratified Not ratified
and non-migrants alike. It aims to ensure protection during pregnancy, after Israel 1953 Not ratified
childbirth and during the breast-feeding period, prohibiting any action that
Jordan Not ratified Not ratified
would harm their health or that of their child, as well as any redundancy
Lebanon Not ratified Not ratified
owing to pregnancy or related complications.
Morocco Not ratified Not ratified
The table below shows how many EU Member States have not yet ratified ILO Syria Not ratified Not ratified
Conventions 97 and 143 fifty years after they were adopted. Palestinian Territories - -
Tunisia Not ratified Not ratified

9 International Migration Report 2006. “Profiles by Country or Area. United Nations

8 Convention concerning the Revision of the Maternity Protection Convention (revised), Department of Economic and Social Affairs / Population Division”.
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120 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 121

 '#GZ\^dcVaaZ\VaVghZcVa/:jgdeZVc
VcYB:96Xdjcig^Zh
Legislation on migration has been drafted gradually and had long been
the prerogative of conventions between States before assuming a regional
character. MEDA countries have tended to opt for bilateral labour force
agreements either with other Arab countries or with European countries. The

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Arab Labour Organisation has played an important role in the consolidation
of migrant workers between countries in the region.
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In a Union where borders no longer exist, coordination by and between the
Member States to manage the migration flows has become a necessity. It
has therefore become imperative to set common conditions for entry in the
Schengen area.
Taking account of the migration situation has always been on the agenda of
Community policies, from the Treaty of Rome to the adoption of the Single
European Act which defines a European Community area without borders. In
1992, the Maastricht Treaty made the right to move, reside and work freely
one of the essential attributes of European citizenship (Article 8), thereby
drawing a distinction between Community and non-Community Europeans.
In 1997, the Amsterdam Treaty integrated the “Schengen acquis” in the Treaty
on European Union and provides for moving asylum and immigration from
the third inter-governmental pillar to the first EU pillar.
At the European Council meeting in Tampere (Finland) in October 1999, the
European leaders defined the basic principles of a common EU migration
policy. Since that summit, three recurrent principles attest to the European
determination to ensure better management of the migration flows, initiating
thus a global policy which takes due account of countries of destination,
of origin and of transit concurrently, focusing more and more on close
cooperation between the partners for:
122 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
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This approach was built up gradually by the Member States and was a
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global and balanced approach aimed at reinforcing and deepening international
cooperation and dialogue with the countries of origin and transit of migrations
in a comprehensive and balanced manner. The programme adopted by the
European Council in The Hague in November 2004 sets ten priorities, the first
three of which are geared to reinforcing fundamental and citizenship rights,
the fight against terrorism, and to defining a balanced approach regarding
migration.
The European Council of Brussels on 15 and 16 December 2005 stressed
the need to introduce a balanced, global and coherent approach including
policies to fight against illegal immigration and to engage in cooperation with
third countries so as to reap the benefits of legal immigration. The Council
considered it important to broach the deep causes of migration, for instance
by ensuring livelihoods and eradicating poverty in the countries and regions
of origin, opening up markets, and taking action to foster economic growth,
good governance and the defence of human rights.
The European Council of Luxembourg on 16 June 2008 underscored that the
priority actions on migration should be geared to reinforcing the connections
between migration and development by facilitating the participation of
migrants to the development of their country of origin. The advocated solutions
pertain to remittances and the cost of transferring them, the promotion and
use of remittances for development purposes (development of micro-credit
and support for SMEs, cooperation with the members of communities of the
diaspora to bolster their contribution and improve the investments made for
development purposes in the countries of origin). The question of skilled
migration was also on the agenda, i.e. the brain drain, gain and waste.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 123
 Programmes had to be implemented to support these decisions and resolutions,
so the European Commission prepared and launched several cooperation
projects with various international organisations, financed in particular by
the AENEAS programme as part of the European initiative for democracy
and human rights. In addition to the framework programme “Solidarity and
Management of Migration Flows” for the period 2007-2013 and the Thematic
Programme for Cooperation with Third Countries in the Areas of Migration and
Asylum, it granted sizeable funding to the Frontex Agency (€285.1 million), to
implement information systems on a grand scale (€900 million) and to create a
European Migration Observatory (€62.3 million).
The EU initiated two important directives on the management of migration
flows. The “return” directive (Directive 2008/115/EC of the European
Parliament and of the Council of 16 December 2008 on common
standards and procedures in Member States for returning illegally
staying third-country nationals)11 is an instrument geared essentially
to the return of irregular migrants. It thus legitimates the readmission
agreements and the entire arsenal, logistics and action of Frontex to deny
access to European territories to illegal migrants, and the outsourcing of
procedures and controls. The detention of illegal migrants is going to become
the normal method for managing migration in Europe, and the emergence of
camps and detention centres in Europe is a symptom of a global policy to cast
out illegal foreign nationals.
In addition to this restrictive directive for illegal migrants and the
implementation of this policy of dissuasion, the EU is looking for legal means
to encourage the skilled migration that it needs. Thus, a directive discussed
since 2007 was adopted in May 2009 on the ‘blue card’ (Council Directive
2009/50/EC of 25 May 2009 on the conditions of entry and residence of third-
country nationals for the purposes of highly qualified employment). At the
end of November 2009, the European Parliament gave the green light to this
new scheme for ‘highly qualified’ foreign nationals.
Based on the model of the American green card, this blue card is an
authorisation entitling the holder to reside and work legally on the territory
of the EU and to go from one Member State to the other to take up highly
11 http://eur-lex.europa.eu/JOIndex.do?ihmlang=fr
124 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
qualified employment, in accordance with the provisions defined by the
directive. It aims to attract up to 20 million highly qualified workers from third
countries. The example of Maghreb, as pointed out by Euro MEP Ewa Klamt,
is highly significant with 50% of qualified migrants who go to the United States
and Canada, compared with only 5.5% for Europe. This card would enable the
EU to compete with the United States, which attracts most of the qualified
persons from third countries and to fight against illegal immigration.12
Nevertheless, the benefits that the blue card confers on candidates with
degrees are still elementary compared to those offered by the green card.
This directive is hybrid in nature, as the Member States retain their capacity
to grant or to refuse a blue card to a candidate depending on the situation on
the national employment market.13
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For MEDA countries, migration had for many years been a subject of debate in
relations between the different countries of the southern Mediterranean. An
efficient legal arsenal was thus developed by and between the MEDA countries
and Arab oil-producing countries. In this context, the conventions concluded
by the Arab League try to organise migration through bilateral agreements
on labour migration. Created in 1965 by the Arab ministers of labour, the
Arab Labour Organisation (ALO) adopted the Arab Labour Charter in 1968,
which contains clauses that guarantee the fundamental rights of migrant
workers. This was the start of Arab cooperation to harmonise legislation on
employment and social security.
The three Maghreb countries ratified the Charter in 1974. The annual ALO
conference held in Algiers (February 2005) adopted a declaration on migrants.
This concern is not recent. Already in 1965, the Council of Arab Economic
Unity had adopted a resolution to facilitate the movement of Arab citizens
between the different countries of the region. The States even undertook
a commitment to encourage the employment of citizens from other Arab
12 Marie-Martine Buckens. Une “carte bleue” pour les cerveaux du tiers-monde. “Le courrier
ACP, N° IX”.
13 Hélène Zwick - 16 Avril 2009. La carte bleue, tentative européenne d’immigration choisie.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 125
 countries on their own territories by doing away with visa requirements
for Council countries and by renewing the residence permit when the work
permit expires.
The Council also set up a commission in cooperation with the ALO responsible
for the movement of workers between Arab countries. This commission
recommended that the countries concerned ratify the conventions on labour
migration by assuming their commitments to protect migrant workers and
encouraging such movements through family reunification and elementary
education for the children, whilst guaranteeing the fundamental freedoms of
workers in relation to the needs of economic development.14
There are many ALO conventions and they tend to protect the fundamental
rights of Arab migrants in Arab States and to regulate the movements of
people between the countries in the region. The aim of Convention no. 2
(1967) is to facilitate the movement of workers from one State to the other
by guaranteeing migrant workers the same rights and privileges as nationals
in the state of employment, especially as regards employment protection
(working hours, severance pay and social security).

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The freedom of movement of workers between Arab countries would be
an appropriate means to promote Arab unity. In this connection, the prime
objective of Convention no. 4 (1975) on the movement of workers is to achieve
such Arab unity by encouraging each country to adopt a migration policy in
the short- or long-term in line with its socio-economic needs, including the
right to family reunification and the right of the migrant’s family members to
reside in the host country.
The organisation of the migration of qualified workers caught the attention
of Arab decision-makers too. Convention no. 9 (1977) and Recommendation
no. 2 (1977) on the training of workers mentions the need to attract workers,
and to recruit young Arabs with skills and capacities so as to offset the lack of
qualified workers in Arab countries. A declaration of the Economic Council
of the Arab League in 1984 assures migrant workers and their families the
14 Mohamed Saïb Musette, in cooperation with Monia Benjemia, Khadija Elmadmad and Azzouz
Kerdoun. Report on Legislation concerning International Migration in Central Maghreb.
“International Labour Organization Report. 2006. p 26”.
126 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
same rights as nationals, and guarantees the most favourable conditions for
the return of skills in their country of origin.
It is nonetheless worth underscoring that it is not conventions and agreements
that are lacking in the Arab world. Instruments for the protection of migrant
workers exist, but they are often not ratified15 by many Arab countries that
import labour. Because they are not implemented, these conventions cannot
provide protection for migrant workers and their families.
Article 2 of the Treaty establishing the Maghreb Arab Union (known by the
French acronym UMA) in 1989, stipulates that the countries of the Arab
Maghreb must work together and endeavour to achieve gradually the free
moment of people, goods, services and capital, though this article has
come to nothing. No convention or agreement dealing with the question of
migration has been concluded to date. The UMA’s ambitious declarations
about the integration of the Maghreb countries have actually been put on
hold by political questions.
The Agadir Agreement ratified in February 2004 by four MEDA countries
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(AFTA) between these MEDA countries, which would be subsequently joined
by others. This free-trade area represents a market of 100 million consumers.
This agreement is geared to regional integration on the economic front with
no major concerns about questions as to the movements of people.
When the strategies of Arab countries, and more particularly, of the
governments of MEDA countries, on immigration are considered, they turn
out to be pragmatic and operational, with very beneficial consequences for
the country.
15 All these conventions have not been ratified by the Maghreb countries, with the exception of
Convention no. 14 (1981) concerning the right of Arab workers to social security, ratified by
Morocco in 1993. Mohamed Saïb Musette, op cit.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 127
 Migration policies: Emigration policies of the MEDA countries16
Establish bilateral agreements to manage labour migration better;
Strengthen ties with Algerians of the diaspora;
Algeria
Mobilise skills and capacities;
Protect the Algerian community abroad.
Prepare policies and plans of action to facilitate and encourage
plans for a successful migration;
Help the Egyptian community abroad and encourage it to establish
associations;
Provide the community abroad with cultural and media material for
contacts with the country of origin;
Egypt
Capitalise on the human potential abroad for development and
technology;
Encourage remittances;
Establish a database on Egyptians abroad, on the migration market
and on the migration legislation in the host countries;
Conclude bilateral agreements to manage labour migration.
Facilitate successful emigration;
Israel Establish and strengthen ties between Israel and the diaspora;
Prepare bilateral agreements relating to economic migration.
16 CARIM Mediterranean Migration Report 2008-2009. pp. 521-531.
128 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Facilitate successful emigration;
Develop policies geared to secure social security, healthcare, and
the protection of human rights for Jordanian migrants;
Jordan Establish bilateral agreements governing labour migration;
Establish ties with the Jordanian diaspora and encourage
remittances;
Prepare return policies.
Develop policies for successful emigration;
Consolidate ties among Moroccans and the diaspora;
Develop associations and establish institutions to strengthen
cultural and political ties with the diaspora;
Lebanon
Consider action plans for socio-economic, cultural and political
integration;
Consider regional and international partnerships in which
Moroccan migrants would be involved;
Sign bilateral agreements on economic emigration.
Develop policies for successful emigration;
Consolidate ties among Moroccans and the diaspora;
Develop associations and establish institutions to strengthen
cultural and political ties with the diaspora;
Morocco Consider action plans for socio-economic, cultural and political
integration;
Consider regional and international partnerships in which
Moroccan migrants would be involved;
Sign bilateral agreements on economic emigration.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 129

Develop policies relating to Syrian emigration;
Consolidate ties with the diaspora;
Syria Encourage remittances;
Capitalise on the potential of Syrians abroad for development and
technology.
Clarify the ties between the Palestinian diaspora and the
conceptualisation of the future Palestinian State;
Palestinian Develop governmental policies for family reunification;
Territories
Develop governmental policies for the return of the diaspora;
Develop policies for employment and labour emigration.
Consolidate the links with the Tunisian diaspora;
Capitalise on Tunisian potential abroad in higher education,
research and technology;
Develop a series of actions with migrants on the cultural front;
Tunisia Help achieve better integration of migrants in the host countries;
Encourage remittances;
Establish bilateral agreements on economic emigration;
Develop action plans to have emigration perceived as an integral
process of cooperation with the EU.
This table shows that MEDA countries are concerned to:
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create unions and associations to defend their interests in the host countries
and to facilitate contacts with the country of origin. The importance
130 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
attached to the diaspora lies in its contribution to the development of the
countries of origin through remittances and the mobilisation of skills and
capacities.
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international partnerships for which migrant participation was mentioned
only for Morocco.
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The agreements of the 1960s between the European Community and
Maghreb countries, and the cooperation agreements with the different MEDA
countries17 (1975, 1976 and 1977) under a global Mediterranean approach
were intended to bolster trade between the EEC and the MNC countries,
to promote agricultural and industrial development and to inject financial
resources in these countries in the form of aid or loans.18 These agreements
addressed also “the rights of migrant workers by ensuring treatment without
discrimination as regards working conditions, pay and social protection”.19
The cooperation agreements do not deal with migration proper, which is dealt
with in special ‘labour force agreements’ signed by and between Maghreb
countries after their independence and the main European countries,
including France, Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands. Issues concerning
the connection between migration and development emerged late, well after
the Barcelona conference and after lengthy maturation of migration policy
in the EU.
17 Cooperation agreements between the EEC and southern Mediterranean countries were
signed with Israel (1975), Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco (1976), Egypt, Jordan, Syria and
Lebanon in 1977.
une synthèse de la problématique. In Bishara Khader (2001). “(S /D). Le partenariat euro-
méditerranéen vu du Sud. Harmattan 2001. pp. 13-39, p 15”.
19 Bachir Hamdouch. La migration dans le partenariat euromaghrébin. In Bishara Khader, op
cit, pp. 133-147, p. 134.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 131
 In the association agreements signed with the different partners, migration
features always in the third section. The principles of non-discrimination
against and the social rights of third-country nationals are set out, and regular
dialogue focuses on the movement of workers, the working conditions of
migrant communities and illegal migration.
The Barcelona Declaration acknowledges the important role that migration
plays in relations between the North and the South of the Mediterranean and
calls for cooperation between the two sides to reduce the migration pressures
through vocational training programmes and assistance for job creation. This
declaration deals with the three dimensions of migration, without referring
specifically to the migration of women. And yet, the question of promoting
women in MEDA countries remains vital and a subject of debate during Euro-
Mediterranean conferences. Nevertheless, fifteen years after the launch of
the Barcelona process (1995), the situation of women in MEDA countries has
undergone profound changes due to internal pressure (democratisation of
institutions, development of the civil society, sustained claims by women) as
well as external pressure (United Nations, World Bank, Euro-Mediterranean
Process).
Such combined efforts to restore equality between men and women are far
from having produced results, even in Europe, if only in employment, wages,
political participation and the sharing of household chores. The EuroMed
Women’s conference in November 2005 20 stated in its final declaration that
“women in the Euro-Mediterranean area encounter difficulties to enjoy
their rights. The rights of women are frail, negotiable and vulnerable. One
of the decisive factors is patriarchy which affects also social, economic
and political structures in the North. Nevertheless, common denominators
must be found that go beyond the false debate between universal rights and
culture. The universality of human rights is not debatable, and even if cultural
differences must be taken into account, they must not stand in the way of
human rights.”
On the issue of migration, the declaration reiterates that the “issue of
immigration is central to the Euro-Mediterranean partnership and must also
include the gender approach.” As it is a policy issue, there is no mention
20 Barcelona + 10 24-25 November 2005.
132 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
that 50% of the migrants are women and that women are the ones most
marginalised.
The interest in migration is cyclical, connected to the holding of the Euro-
Mediterranean conference of women, the Euro-Mediterranean conference
being geared to the management of migration overall. The migration issue
had always been on the agenda of Euro-Mediterranean conferences and
its legal and illegal dimensions as well as migration and development are
still broached.
As of 2005, against the background of a growing inflow of illegal migrants
from Sub-Saharan Africa to Europe, the EU has taken a new step to broach
the question of migration with its southern Mediterranean and Sub-Saharan
African partners. The process initiated in Rabat in July 2006 21 aims to establish
a close partnership between the countries of origin, transit and destination,
to find a sustainable solution to the problem of controlling the migration
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on regular dialogue and efficient and operational cooperation between the
different partners. It will be based on a balanced approach combining research
and synergies between migration and development, the organisation of legal
migration and the fight against illegal migration.
Cooperation on migration in the Euro-Mediterranean area has been extended
to the large emigrant countries and more particularly to Sub-Saharan Africa.
The priority given to dialogue and consultation between countries of origin,
transit and destination consolidates the global approach adopted by the
European Union. In fact, the fight against clandestine immigration and co-
development policies are connected in the new immigration policies. Control
policies therefore benefit from the mobilisation of diplomacy (pressure
exerted on the transit states), logistics (patrols), techniques (help to improve
the technical control capacities of transit countries) and financial resources
(aid to transit countries).
As regards support for the counties of origin, the European policy has stated
its determination to strengthen development aid policies to try to alleviate
21 At the initiative chiefly of Spain, Morocco and France, the representatives of 58 European
and African countries met on 10 and 11 July in Rabat, Morocco, to discuss immigration, in
particular the fight against illegal immigration.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 133
 the migration pressures. Nevertheless, as we pointed out in Part II of this )#&#AVWdjg[dgXZV\gZZbZcih
study, aid from the EU Member States is being reduced and that from the EU
is growing slowly. The amount of remittances, although on the rise, cannot These are agreements concluded in the 1950s by and between European
replace development aid. Real funding for development projects is required states keen to rebuild their countries after World War II and countries in
to limit the adverse effects of migration. the South faced with growing unemployment and a largely underemployed
labour force. The aim of these agreements was to organise migration, prepare
Europe has also focused on circular migration, and more particularly for the arrival of new contingents and identify the needs of specific sectors
on skilled migration. On 16 May 2007, the Commission published a (industry, agriculture, mining, construction, etc.) where there was a labour
communication relating to circular migration and to partners for mobility shortage. In the mid 1970s, labour immigration to Europe came to a sudden
in order to facilitate and even encourage temporary migration. What is still halt due to the economic crisis and the first oil shock of 1973.
very worrisome, however, is the fear in MEDA countries of an accelerated
brain drain, that would compromise even more the chances of development The ACAs were renewed and restated over thirty years to control requests for
in those countries. employment and to organise labour force movements from the South to the
North in accordance with the economic fluctuations.
The most positive aspect of the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation is the
creation of an ongoing dialogue and consultation between the different parties Agreements signed by and between Maghreb and European countries
in the region on the most difficult issues. The management of migration flows
remains a common challenge for and a responsibility shared by all EU and Country Algeria Morocco Tunisia
MEDA countries. Its management nonetheless depends on policies developed Germany (FRG) 1968 1963 1965
by the European Union and the financing allocated to each of its dimensions Austria 1970
(legal labour migration, fight against illegal migration, and migration and Belgium 1970 1964 1969
development).22 Spain 1996
France 1963 1963
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Netherlands 1969 1971
A distinction must be drawn between two types of bilateral agreements: first
generation agreements, aimed essentially at the recruitment, establishment Between 1963 and 1971, Maghreb countries signed many labour force
and return of workers to their country of origin, and second generation agreements with European countries. Morocco signed the most such
agreements which tend to focus on migration management. agreements by far (seven) while Tunisia concluded five and Algeria two
agreements. This confirms yet again the strong migration waves from
Morocco to Europe. Nevertheless, the three Maghreb countries had
different approaches that reflected their policy choices, their guidelines for
22 In 2009, the Fund for the control of external borders was allocated €208 million, while the
development and the growth rate of their economies.
European Fund for the integration of third-country nationals received €11 million. For the
first time, the EU budget will provide funding for the European Police Office (Europol) In the case of Algeria, bilateral agreements were signed with France in Evian
to the tune of €80 million, while cooperation projects with third countries on migration
management and reception of asylum seekers will be allocated €53 million in commitments in 1962.23 They constitute the basis of new relations between Algeria and its
and €50 million in payments. The purpose of these projects will be the proper management
of migration flows, cooperation in the fight against illegal immigration and human
trafficking, as well the protection of migrants who are victims of exploitation and exclusion. 23 Rédha Malek, L’Algérie à Evian, histoire des négociations secrètes 1956-1962 “Editions du
Eu.logos 20.12.2009. Seuil, October 1995”.

134 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 135

 former coloniser. These agreements concern the movement of people and of
goods, and have been renegotiated on several occasions (1963, 1964, 1968,
1981, 1985). These agreements concerned social security, the same treatment
as that accorded nationals of the host country, and instruction in the language
and culture of the country of origin.
Agreements were signed with Belgium in 1969 on labour migration and one
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agreements with other European countries where the Algerian community
is very small, such as Germany and the United Kingdom. Algerian residents
in these countries are subject to the ordinary law applicable to all foreign
nationals.24

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Algeria has redirected its policy towards building new bridges between
immigrants and their countries of origin with the creation of the Coordination
and Monitoring Council in 1995, the aim of which is to defend the interests of
migrants abroad (with a special division for the Algerian community abroad in
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs). On the other hand, the national employment
agency was also created to direct Algerian workers to job offers abroad.
For its part, Tunisia encourages migration which provides a part of revenue
injected into the Tunisian economy, while retaining close ties with its
nationals. A strong relation binds the community with its country of origin,
and different programmes and measures have been taken by the government
in this sense (tax relief, banking facilities). The Tunisian investment code
considers members of the community as potential investors in their country
of origin. Other measures concerned the instruction of the language and
culture of origin and the participation in national elections. The Tunisian
Migration Office 25 plays an important role in providing support to migrants
abroad, with assistance to the communication and training programmes for
Tunisians and their families. It also helps to encourage the community abroad
to take part in promoting investments in their country of origin.
24 Mohamed Saïb Musette with the cooperation of Monia Benjemia, Khadija Elmadmad and
Azzouz Kerdoun. Report on Legislation concerning International Migration in Central
Maghreb. Copyright © International Labour Organisation 2006. “P 8. Same idea as in
Azzouz Kerdoum. The legal protection of Algerians in CARIM 2008”.
25 Le guide du Tunisian à l’étranger, 2003, “published by the Office of Tunisians Abroad and
the Ministry of Social Affairs and Solidarity”.
136 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Morocco’s choices are similar to those of Tunisia. Migration has provided
relief from the political crisis and the development deficits the country went
through between 1959 and 1975. The first labour conventions concluded
between 1963 and 1968 with different European countries concerned the
recruitment of labour, the situation of workers in the host countries and
social security.
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of Germany in May 1963.
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workers in the Netherlands in May 1969, with a social security clause in
1970.
These agreements tend essentially to organise the recruitment of Moroccan
workers and to recognise some of their rights as workers once they have
been admitted, such as equal treatment with nationals or the right to family
reunification. For its part, through these agreements, Morocco tended
to control the departure of its citizens and the good conduct in the host
countries, and to ensure remittances
The management of Moroccans residing abroad has been entrusted to the
Hassan II Foundation, an independent institution geared to strengthening ties
with the Moroccan community. The creation of a plethora of institutions 26
attests to the great interests that Morocco shows to its nationals living
abroad.
The management of the Maghreb community through the diplomatic and
consular structures continues to be limited to administrative aspects
26 Ministry of the Moroccan Community Abroad, Ministry of Human Rights, the Mohamed V
Foundation which conducts the annual campaign for return to the country during summer
holiday, and the Commission of Moroccans Abroad in the Advisory Committee on Human
Rights as well as the Council of the Moroccan Community abroad.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 137
 (registration of births, marriages and deaths, issuance of national passports,
and electoral matters).
Migration assumed another scope after the 1980s as individual, spontaneous
migration not controlled by the State emerged. Family networks of those
already established organise the new forms of migration. It is during this
period that the migration of women alone started to develop.
The association agreement deals with the three dimensions of the migration
phenomenon: legal migration, illegal migration, and migration and
development. Alongside the security concerns of admission agreements,
there is also a direction towards development of circular legal migration, in the
form of new agreements on seasonal and temporary migration. Agreements
of this type have been signed by and between Morocco and Spain, Egypt and
Italy, and Tunisia and France.

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(the AENEAS-CARTAYA Project 2006-2008) through ANAPEC has created
The second generation agreements were concluded in the 2000s, attesting
a specific mechanism for the recruitment of seasonal women workers for
to the development of migration policies in the region. They confirmed
Spain, with the assistance of the MEDA 2 project “Institutional Support for
the emergence of a new migration order -- no longer pertaining to labour
the Movement of People”. In 2005, nearly 1,370 women were recruited, 2,299
migration, but to the concerted management of migration flows. With the
in 2006, 5,115 in 2007, 12,030 in 2008 and 10,500 in 2009. The return rate has
entry into force of the association agreements between Europe and the
been estimated at nearly 97%.
MEDA countries, we are witnessing an institutionalisation of new regulatory
frameworks to control the flows better, in accordance with the Schengen In November 2005, Italy signed an agreement with Egypt. Italy introduced
agreement and with respect for the rights of migrant workers. a system of quotas to strengthen cooperation with the countries of origin
and of transit against illegal immigration, while meeting the labour force
Association agreements between the European Union and MEDA countries, and
needs of Italian companies. These quotas were set for young Egyptians who
their dates of entry into force
could work legally in Italy for three or four years in targeted sectors, such
as tourism or construction. In the same vein, Egypt has signed two other
Country Entry into force of the association agreements
agreements, one with Greece and the other with Cyprus.
Algeria 9/2005
The framework agreement between Tunisia and France comprises two parts:
Egypt 6/2004 the management of migration flows and mutually supportive development.
Vocational training is a priority in this agreement, which is aimed at preparing
Israel 2002
a skilled workforce. The question of return is stated explicitly: France has
Jordan 5/2002 undertaken to contribute to the effective return and to the reintegration into
society and work of migrants with a skills card and talents.
Lebanon 4/2006

Morocco 3/2000

Syria Concluded in 2003, not signed and not ratified

Palestinian Territories 7/1997 Interim agreement

Tunisia 1998

138 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 139

 8dcXajh^dc
Whereas international agreements protect the rights of migrants, regional
agreements operate in the field of the global management of migration, and
bilateral agreements regulate labour migration. The States avail themselves
of this legal arsenal to preserve their sovereignty and to benefit from the
labour force of migrants or their remittances. In short, the economic motive
of migration is one of the characteristics of such legislation. The question
then arises how this legislation includes migrant women, provides support
when they move, and helps and protects them when they take up residence.

It appears that the same determinants applied to men are transposed to

women, as if there were no specific feature that distinguished them. In
these agreements, the worker is asexual, the gender dimension is glossed
over, except for family reunification. Moreover, when referring to temporary
migration agreements, distinctions appear in the very wording of the text.
The agreement between Morocco and Spain on seasonal migration is geared
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quotas of young people, and yet, the areas of activities to which they are
assigned (construction and tourism) clearly shows that they refer to men.
The agreement between Tunisia and France is geared more to the vocational
training of young people before they emigrate, though such emigration is
often directed at male dominated sectors. In brief, the gender aspect has not
yet been integrated in these conventions and agreements.

140 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
 EVgi>K

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 Introduction ........................................................................................146 IV. Integration of migrant women in European countries ............. 206

1. Integration: lexical plurality ................................................................ 209

I. Main historical and legal references ............................................... 148
2. Integration: an inevitable or an optional process? ........................... 210
1. Why did Europe open up to labour migration? ................................. 149
3. From national to EU integration policy ............................................. 211
2. Development of European legislation ................................................ 151
4. Some parameters that promote integration ...................................... 213
II. Data on the legal migration of women from MEDA to European
countries ...................................................................................... 153 5. Some difficulties relating to integration ............................................ 216

1. Numbers of female migrants from MEDA countries in Europe ...... 153 6. Integration as a demand ...................................................................... 220

2. What about immigration of women in European countries? ........... 160 Conclusions ........................................................................................ 221

3. Immigrant women from MEDA countries: Annexes .............................................................................................. 223

socio-demographic data ....................................................................... 170

III. Immigrant women on the labour market ................................... 180

1. Access of immigrant women to the labour market .......................... 181

2. Sectors of the economy ....................................................................... 185

2.1. The service sector employs more than two-thirds of

working immigrant women ........................................................... 186

2.2. Seasonal workers in agriculture....................................................192

2.3 Immigrant women in international street vending

or pendular migration .................................................................... 193

2.4 Immigrant women in high-skilled occupations,

a breakthrough with irreversible consequences ........................ 196

3. Unemployment and underemployment ............................................. 203

4. Conclusion ............................................................................................ 205

144 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 145

 >cigdYjXi^dc
Taken relatively little into consideration in the discussion on the migration
dynamics, women have nonetheless played a role on many fronts. The relative
invisibility of their participation is due to the predominance of the patriarchal
family model, which considers the man, and thus the male migrant, as the
main provider of income for the family. In this model, the migrant woman,
confined to the private space, appears to be deprived of economic activity
outside the family home.
The absence of homogeneous and coherent data on the demographic and
socio-economic situation of migrant women in the different European
countries, which has been noted in this study, prevents an exhaustive
examination of the position of migrant women and a comparison between
host countries. The major trends in the activities of immigrant women were
thus identified by relying on the information available about the entire female
immigrant population, or the female population from Maghreb, for which
data are relatively more available, or on studies of specific cases concerning
one country or another.
The EU Member States have a high demand for labour in various sectors of
the economy. A study, conducted at the request of the European Commission
in 2006, shows that many Member States are faced with a shortage of skilled
workers, in particular in information technologies, healthcare professionals,
engineers, and personnel in education and social services. These shortages
not only hinder productivity and growth in the EU, but also risk undermining
the national and regional objectives in terms of health, education and social
services. There is also a high demand for unskilled labour, as Commission
figures show that there are some three million positions vacant throughout
Europe.
The economic nature of female migration becomes more apparent in the
1990s. A growing number of women in the foreign employed population was
thus registered in OECD countries.1 The emergence of migrant women on the
labour market is due essentially to an enhanced demand for unskilled labour
1 OECD (1990), Tendances des migrations internationales. “Rapport SOMEPI. Paris. OECD.”
146 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
in services, domestic and maintenance activities, all “social reproduction
activities”2 which are increasingly abandoned by the local population.
In the 1980s, a sizeable female migration for economic reasons took place
in southern Europe, particularly in Italy and Spain, as many women from
MEDA countries found work in the agriculture and hotel sectors. As Laura
Oso noted, “one of the distinctive characteristics of Spain as an immigration
country has been the sizeable presence of women who in the beginning of the
1990s accounted for half of all migrants with a work permit, of whom 32.2%
from Africa.”3 The male character of labour migration was thus questioned.
The image of the non-working spouse accompanying the husband or joining
him under family reunification was replaced by female labour emigration.
Stereotypes about women, who came to host countries for family reunification
and stay at home all the time, have also been questioned. It would appear, in
fact, that many of them have had to undertake gainful employment to meet
the needs and aspirations of parents and children. Whereas the integration
of migrant women in the world of work is not a recent phenomenon, it is
picking up pace and new forms nowadays, thanks to the education of women,
their desire for independence and the nascent restructuring of the traditional
society. Whereas essentially male at the outset, labour migration4 henceforth
concerns women as well. Furthermore, whereas conventional economic
analyses of migration tended to focus on the individual dimension of seeking
a job and earning a living, the new migration economy sees migration as a
collective choice of the household or the family.
Our study deals with female labour migration through four chapters.
After reviewing the main historical and legal elements, the first chapter
outlines the global framework of the work of migrant women, by drawing a
clear distinction between old and new immigration countries on the basis of
statistical data and analyses available.
2 Term used by Laura Oso to refer to all activities relating to household work, childminding and
caring for the elderly.
3 Laura Oso. (2000), L’immigration en Spain des femmes chefs de famille. “Les cahiers du
CEDREF. N° 8/9, p. 4 and table 2, p. 20.”
4 Labour migration is a sort of human migration generally juxtaposed to populating migration.
It consists of a population displacement to find work for a number of days, weeks, months or
years in the region of arrival, without however being considered definitive. Wikipedia.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 147
 The second chapter broaches the numbers of migrants from MEDA countries
residing in European countries and draws certain profiles of female migrants
to shed light on the impact that migration has on the development of their
demographic, economic, and socio-cultural attitudes and behaviours.
The third chapter deals with the activity of migrant women. It describes and
analyses the sectors and types of activity in which they work as well as the
rate of unemployment and underemployment.
The fourth chapter provides a tentative analysis of the integration of migrant
women in the host countries by considering female labour as an important
parameter for the integration of mothers and daughters.
8]VeiZg>#BV^c]^hidg^XVaVcY
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The different analyses conducted by the World Bank and the OECD explain
migration flows and numbers by the different opportunities of access to
employment offered in the host countries. Put another way, the pull process
turns out to be more decisive than its push counterpart. The prime objective
of migration from South to North has consequently always been access to
employment. Whether explicit or latent, this motive is vital in the decision to
emigrate, the choice of country and the channels and networks used. The first
migrants from MEDA countries to Europe were manual workers, mostly men,
working in such sectors as mining, construction and heavy industry. Hired
under contract, they stayed for as long as the contract could be renewed.
A radical change occurred in 1973 when European countries, opting for greater
stabilisation of the work force, opened their borders to the families of workers,
i.e. their women and children. The needs relating to family reunification
brought about a series of claims, especially from women, concerning their
own integration and that of their children, as the latter face an uncomfortable
dilemma between the education and socialisation standards handed down by
their parents, and those imparted in school and the host society. European
societies also experienced a ‘problem’ with their immigrants, as the workers of
yesteryear were turned into heads of families aspiring for a better life for their
families, i.e. higher wages, family allowances and access to employment for their
148 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
spouses. A single salary was no longer enough; it had to be doubled through the
employment of women. These demands forced European countries to consider
new migration formulas this last decade, more in line with the development of
their economies and less problematic for their societies.
&#L]nY^Y:jgdeZdeZcjeidaVWdjgb^\gVi^dc4
In addition to the ageing of the European population and the ensuing need to
recruit migrant workers to meet the requirements in terms of well-being, the
need to renew the migration policy is explained by the globalisation of the
economy. The opening up of trade, the free movement of goods and capital
boosted the demand for labour and greater mobility of the workforce, especially
highly skilled workers. The enlargement of the EU to the East is the second
factor that put labour migration in Europe back in the limelight. The accession of
new countries imposed a freedom of movement of workers that certain Member
States, fearful of social dumping, tried to limit by adapting restrictive transitional
measures. Nevertheless, irrespective of the timeframe of these measures, the
freedom of movement is a fundamental principle of the European Union. The
third explanatory factor has to do with a well-established diaspora in the host
countries that exerts a pull effect, especially for young people and women from
the countries of origin, given the continuing wide gaps of development between
North and South. A fourth, no less important factor, has to do with the need
of human capital to build a competitive European economy, which reinforces
competition between the States to attract the people with the best skills. The
introduction of a ‘European blue card’, or the French ‘skills and talents card’
are the most tangible examples. Whether at EU or national level, these workers
are granted “authorisation to work on the territory of the Union, whereas an
immigrant is authorised to work only in the host country.”5
Taken together, these factors show that labour migration has become one
of the most important parameters of the management of migration, which is
bound to intensify in the years to come, in the form of circular migration, with
the double aim of maintaining and amplifying growth in the host countries,
while contributing to the growth and development of the countries of origin.
Migration thus has a positive character, as both sides find themselves in a
win-win situation, without forgetting the third party in the equation, i.e. the
5 Cécile Jolly. (2007), Migrations de travail en Europe .”Idem”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 149
 migrant. The objective of the immigration policy chosen and implemented Owing to the geographic proximity and historical ties, Spain and Italy are
by the European countries through the Pact on Immigration and Asylum one of the first destinations for immigrants from Maghreb and Egypt. In
(2008) is to establish labour immigration that reduces, and even puts an end the case of Spain, Algeria comes in second, far behind Morocco, while
to, the flow of immigrants for family reunification. This may prove illusory, the numbers from other MEDA countries are low (between 1500 and 2500
since family reunification is an internationally recognised right ratified by a immigrants). In Italy, strong migration from Morocco has recently joined
European directive. What is more, this right is in itself a pull factor. For the the traditional migration of Tunisians and Egyptians. The flow of women
rest, the history of migration from the South to the North holds lessons for has acquired increasing importance in these movements in recent years.
us about the distinct development of population movements to old and new It entails labour migration of women alone, but also of women who are
immigration countries, particularly as regards female immigration. accompanied, attracted by seasonal work opportunities. This ‘new’ form
of female immigration is facilitated by the presence of a diaspora and
1. What are known as new European immigration countries, like Spain and to relatively undemanding social protection systems.
a lesser extent, Italy, have in the last three decades benefited economically
from a major contribution of labour, particularly female labour, from MEDA 2. In the old immigration countries, where women arrived for family
countries. Migrant workers contribute to the growth of these countries, to the reunification at a certain age, the net economic benefit of migration is
financing of social protection, and create themselves a flow of activity, not more limited, as many of these women are not gainfully employed or are
only by their production and consumption, but also by the specific needs that on unemployment benefit, and those who work are employed in domestic
they induce (network, supervision, training and support measures). In Spain services and other subordinate activities. The establishment of families of
and Italy, the numbers of migrants from Maghreb countries are booming. migrants in the host countries, and the education of the children, especially
the girls, have nonetheless led to the emergence of a new generation of
Table 1 / Numbers of immigrants from southern and eastern Mediterranean more active and more enterprising women in many sectors.
countries residing in Spain and Italy6
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Spain/Number of residents Italy/Number of residents
Country from MEDA countries from MEDA countries
Labour migration has always been a major concern for the European
on 1 January on 1 January 2006
legislator. The Maastricht Treaty enshrined the freedom to move, reside
Algeria 46,278 20,202 and work in the territory of the EU, while the Tempere Summit defined a
Egypt 2501 58,879 common immigration policy based on an analysis of the EU’s economic
Israel 1818 2195 and demographic needs and the situation of the countries of origin. The
Jordan 1297 2652 Thessalonica Council confirmed the development of a European policy
Lebanon 1442 3317 for the integration of third-party nationals residing legally in the EU. In
Morocco 511,294 319,537 November 2006, the Commission proposed to specify this global approach
Syria 2579 3120 and to include legal immigration and integration in the European internal and
external policies. Then, the European Council of December 2006 considered
Tunisia 1566 83,564
in its conclusions that migration, and in particular the reinforcement of legal
Source: Municipal statistics 1998-2005
migration, was one of the top priorities of the Union, and recommended that
a comprehensive European policy be charted to that end.
6 Philippe Fargues and Hervé le Bras, In Migrants et migrations dans le bassin de la
Méditerranée. “Les notes de l’IPEMED. N° 1 pp. 28-29.”

150 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 151

 Relying on the concept of “chosen immigration,” the Pact on Immigration and
Asylum thus advocates the organisation of legal and professional immigration
on the basis of the priorities, needs and reception capacities of each Member
State, and the reinforcement of the integration of third-country nationals by
granting rights comparable to those enjoyed by European natives. It also
adheres to the Commission’s proposal to create a ‘blue card’ so as to facilitate
the arrival and establishment of highly skilled workers. The pact moreover
underscores the need to improve the organisation of family immigration
in compliance with the European Convention for the Protection of Human
Rights and Freedoms and in accordance with the capacities of the Member
States for reception and of families for integration.
The global migration policy attests to the diversity of the immigrant population,
the multifaceted nature of labour migration and the plurality of the players
concerned. Immigrant women are included in all these categories, but with
their own specific characteristics. Four categories of migrant women can be
thus distinguished:
Resident migrants, who arrived for family reunification and who are established
permanently in the host countries (three generations: grandmothers, mothers
and their daughters), and those who arrived alone, initially for a limited
period, and who finally opted to live in the host country. The types of activity
of each group vary depending on the generations and the host country.
Seasonal migrants (seasonal work being considered as a particular form of
labour migration7), who constitute a workforce employed in certain sectors
like agriculture and tourism for a renewable specified period (3 months to
2 years).
Temporary migrants who arrived through skills migration, were recruited
under contract, and are supposed to return to their country after a specified
period.
Pendular migrants who come and go between the country of origin and the
country of destination for purely economic reasons.
7 Seasonal migration entails movements of workers caused by particular conditions of
employment that interest essentially the working population.
152 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
The management of migration, and in particular labour migration, which
constitutes an irreversible political and economic choice for an ageing Europe
facing keen economic competition, runs the risk of focusing attention on the
management of numbers of immigrants in the host countries to the detriment
of the management of flows. The particular attention paid to attracting highly
qualified workers may thus hide the general situations of migrant workers on
the labour market. Now, an analysis of the socio-demographic and economic
situation of the numbers of migrants established in Europe shows that the
questions of integration are just as – if not more – important, than those of
the management of flows.
8]VeiZg>>#9ViVdci]ZaZ\Vab^\gVi^dcd[
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Emigration from MEDA countries to Europe has become one of the essential
components of the Mediterranean landscape and an indispensable dimension
of the economic and social life of the countries in the region. This phenomenon
is explained by the importance of the South to North flows, in particular the
flows of women, and by the impact of emigration on the improvement of
the living standards of families of migrants as well as on the economy of
the countries of origin. In this chapter, we shall broach the distribution of
female migrants from MEDA countries as well as their socio-demographic
characteristics.
&#CjbWZghd[[ZbVaZb^\gVcih[gdbB:96
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The 2007-2008 report on migration in the Mediterranean8 concludes that the
migration flows from southern Mediterranean countries continued in 2008, as
confirmed by records from host countries and data from the SEM countries.
In Spain, for instance, municipal records show that the Moroccan immigrant
population went up by 73,397 people in 2007 (+13.2%). In Italy, that same
8 CARIM Publication-2007-2008.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 153
 year, the number of residence permits granted to Moroccan migrants was up actually characterised by two trends: migration from Maghreb is geared to
by 22,268 (+6.6%), compared with 4,700 (+5.3%) for Tunisian migrants and Europe, and that from Mashreq countries to the Gulf and Libya.
3,905 (+5.9%) for Egyptians.
Table 2 / Percentage of migrants from MEDA countries, per region of residence
Emigration from the occupied territories has continued to rise these last five
years: 12,000 people left in 2004 compared with 25,000 in 2006, more than
double in just two years. In Lebanon, especially after the reconstruction European Union Statistics Arab Rest of the
Country of origin
of host countries countries world
(after the war in 1990), emigration did not register any shift. The rates of
male migration, especially young people aged 20-29, remained nearly the Algeria 89.4 8.0 2.6
same between 1987-1999 and between 1997-2008, varying between 25.4 and Egypt 7.1 77.5 15.3
25.7 per 1,000.9 Lebanon 24.5 20.8 54.7
Morocco 82.2 11.0 6.8
The case of Israel is very particular: it is essentially an immigration country.
Tunisia 68.1 26.6 5.4
The number of new Jewish immigrants to Israel since the country was created
in 1947 amounted to 3,041,338 in 2008 (in a total population of 7,350,000). This Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, Stocks 2008, p 2.
is not immigration like others, but rather a “return to the promised land.”10
Percentage of migrants from MEDA countries per region of residence12
This populating immigration cannot however hide the recent reality that the
number of candidates for immigration is declining while that for emigration
is increasing sharply. 19,700 people immigrated to Israel in 2007, compared 100.0
with 21,000 in 2006, and more than 125,000 in 1991. This drop is all the more 90.0
precipitous, as it is accompanied by an increasingly rising number of people 80.0

leaving, as some 21,500 people emigrated in 2007. Between 1990 and 2005, 70.0

some 230,000 Israelis left the country, i.e. 3.5% of the population. 58% of these 60.0
50.0
emigrants were not born in Israel.”11
40.0
The rise in emigration from Mashreq countries is explained by the persisting 30.0

conflicts in the region which cause many young people to leave. It is also 20.0

due to the economic and social divide, which continues to widen between 10.0
0.0
countries of the North and of the South. In the eyes of young people, Europe
Algeria Egypt Lebanon Morocco Tunisia
is still an economic eldorado and an area of peace, security and freedom, in
EU/ Statistics of host countries Arab countries Rest of world
spite of the effects of the crisis or dissuasion through the border controls.
Statistics nonetheless show that migration from southern Mediterranean
Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, Stocks 2008, p 2.
countries is not geared exclusively to Europe. The MEDA countries are
In the 1970s, the world economy was characterised by growth in the
9 Robert and Choghing Kasparian. (2006), Émigration, emploi et conditions économiques. Le movement of labour, not only to industrialised countries, but also to the new,
cas du Lebanon. Rapporté par Migrations et Migrants. “Les notes de l’IPEMED.N° 1 .P 28.” oil-producing countries of the Middle East. Neighbouring Arab countries
10 Myriam Ambroselli, L’immigration en Israël en chiffres vendredi 18 décembre 2009 in Un écho
d’Israel. www.un-echo-israel.net
11 David Rosenfeld News: ISRAEL - L’IMMIGRATION vers Israel est au plus bas depuis près de
20 ans. 20 Mar 2008. www.israelvelley.com/news 12 Statistics for the other MEDA countries were still not available.

154 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 155

 were the first ones inclined to such migration; fraternal countries, sharing the in Maghreb countries by people in an irregular situation waiting to cross to
same language and religion -- Egypt, Syria, Lebanon and Jordan -- invested Europe, and labour migration or an influx of refugees in Mashreq countries.
rapidly this Arab immigration area.

Egyptians who went to the Gulf countries in search of work represent a very
high percentage (77.5%). The Lebanese took another route, emigrating to
different continents and countries throughout the world (54.7%), followed by Table 3 / Number of immigrants (in thousands) in MEDA countries in 2005 with
the Egyptians (15.3%) who form a sizeable diaspora in the USA and Australia, projection for 2010 and percentage of immigrants
whereas their presence in Europe is lower (7%) than the Lebanese (24.5%).
No statistics are available for Jordan and Syria, but a similar trend to that of % of the total
Egypt is observable. 2005 2010 population in 2005 % of women
Algeria 242,4 242,3 0.7 45.2
Migration from Maghreb is geared essentially to Europe, with nearly 90%
Egypt 246,7 244,7 0.3 46.7
of Algerians, 82.2% of Moroccans and 68.1% of Tunisians. Migration to Arab
Israel 2661,3 2 940,5 39.8 55.9
countries is still very low, with 8% for Algeria and 11% for Morocco. Tunisia
Jordan 2345,2 2 973,0 42.1 49.1
has sent the most important contingent from the Maghreb (26.6%). Emigration
from Maghreb to Europe, which started in the beginning of the 19th century Lebanon 721,2 758,8 17.7 49.1
and resumed massively in the 1950s, was strongly encouraged by the French Morocco 51 49,1 0.2 49.9
government and employers. The Algerians were the first to leave, followed Syria 1326,4 2 205,8 6.9 48.9
by the Moroccans and the Tunisians.13 In 1974, European countries put a stop Palestinian
1660,6 1 923,8 44.1 49.1
to immigration and adopted measures to encourage immigrants to return to Territories
their country of origin. This attitude was dictated by the world economic
Tunisia 34,9 33,6 0.4 49.5
crisis and the scope of unemployment in these countries at that time, as well
Source: Human Development Report, 2009, UNDP, pp 143-145
as by the “relatively high cost of social benefits for immigrants, which had
become unsustainable for these countries.”14
Number of immigrants in MEDA countries in 2005 in millions
This change of European attitude forced migrants from Maghreb to change
3 000
their destination and to turn to Libya and the Gulf countries, even if the 2 500
number of emigrants to that destination remains relatively modest for 2 000
Maghreb countries, the biggest beneficiaries being the Mashreq countries. It is 1 500
1 000
worth pointing out that MEDA countries, considered as emigration countries,
500
are nowadays transit, and especially immigration countries. The population 0
movements are such today that each country in the world has its share of

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13 Philippe Bernard, L’immigration. “Editions marabout 1993. P 22.” Source: Human Development Report, 2009, UNDP, pp 143-145
14 Mohamed Ayed, Les grandes étapes de l’émigration Tunisianne. “In Louis Di Comite
(ed.).1995 La migration du Maghreb, Cacucci Editore, Bari 1995. pp. 31-39. p. 33.”

156 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 157

 Mashreq countries received the highest number of immigrants in 2010: Table 4 / Main destination of migrants from Maghreb to OECD countries (units?)
2,973,000 in Jordan, 2,9470,000 in Israel, 2,200,000 in Syria and 1,923,000 in Proportion of Proportion of Proportion of
Palestine. Countries like Egypt and Algeria are home to 245,000 immigrants, Destinations
Algerians Moroccans Tunisians
while Tunisia and Morocco are practically at the margin of this process with
France 84.2% 38.9% 69.9%
33,000 to 50,000 immigrants, most often Sub-Saharan Africans on their way
Spain 3.3% 19.8% -
to Europe.
Netherlands - 13.5% -
In Jordan, immigrants, largely Palestinians established long ago, plus domestic Italy - 9.9% 12.2%
workers from Asia, account for 44% of the total population. In a first for the Belgium 1.8% 6.3% 2.2%
Middle East, in 2003 the Ministry of Labour introduced a minimum standard Germany - 3.9% 4.9%
contract15 for domestic workers. Lebanon is a destination of choice for USA 3.91% 2.7% 2.1%
Syrians, while the Sudanese are the most numerous immigrants in Egypt. The Total 93.2% 94.9% 93.32%
case of Algeria is very specific, as it plays host to sizeable labour migration
Source: Docquier and Marfouk (2005), calculated by the authors.
with a Chinese contingent working essentially in construction.
In general, migrants from Maghreb to Europe have a diversified destination
There is a sizeable proportion (between 45% and 55%) of immigrant women
with a higher concentration in France. The distribution per country remains
in these countries, reflecting the family aspect of this migration, and also the
highly variable. There is a predominance of Moroccans, in decreasing order,
mixed composition of labour migration. The sectors in which immigrants in
in France, Spain, the Netherlands, Italy, Belgium and finally Germany,
MEDA countries work are construction, cleaning, catering and, for women,
whereas Algerians tend to concentrate essentially in France (84.2%).
domestic work, a flourishing line for women migrants, especially those
Tunisian emigration is geared essentially to France, and secondly to Italy, an
from Asia.
old immigration country for Tunisia, even if it has faced competition from
A research study conducted by the OECD16 on the three Maghreb countries of Morocco since the end of the 1980s.
emigration shows that their community (Algerians, Tunisians and Moroccans)
There has been a sharp resumption of migration movements from Mashreq
in OECD countries went from 49% in 1990 to 56% in 2000. Whereas the number
countries to the West since the mid 1990s, mainly from Jordan and Lebanon
of Algerians and Tunisians has not changed substantially in France, the
and, as of 2000, from the Palestinian Territories. Unskilled Syrians migrate
Netherlands, Belgium and Germany, the number of Moroccans has increased
essentially to countries in the region, whereas their more skilled countrymen
everywhere thanks to family reunification and regularisation, especially in
head for OECD countries. The scope of these flows is reflected in the
Spain and Italy.
remittances from expatriate workers to the countries of origin.17

15 This contract recognises domestic work as productive work and domestic workers as wage
earners provided with recognised rights guaranteed by law. It includes insurance for workers
in case of illness and death, rest periods, the payment of wages on a fixed date, and the right
to be treated humanely, in compliance with international standards for human rights. In
Genre et migration, 16 October 2005.
17 Françoise De Bel-Air, Migrations et politique au Moyen-Orient: populations, territoires,
16 Flore Gubert and Christophe J. Nordman. (2008-2009), The future of International Migration
citoyennetés à l’aube du XXIe siècle.
to OECD countries. “Regional Note/ North Africa. Paris IRD, DIAC.”

158 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 159

 '#L]ViVWdji^bb^\gVi^dcd[ldbZc^c of Moroccan women (42.4%). The absolute figures show a strong presence of
Moroccan women, who represent more than double the number of Algerian
:jgdeZVcXdjcig^Zh4 women and more than four fifths of Tunisian women. The number of women
who emigrate from Mashreq countries to Europe on the other hand is
The statistics available, especially those of CARIM, inform us about the share
relatively low.
of this migration in the population movements from MEDA countries and the
distribution per emigration country. Female migration differs quantitatively The increased movement of women should be interpreted with caution, as
from male migration. The patriarchal structures of Arab Muslim countries many of them emigrate for family reunification or in a related or tribally
prohibit or hinder full participation of women in public life and control their affiliated group, which entails a permanent control of their freedom of
movement, especially of unmarried women. Emigration has a very particular movement. The lack of figures on women who emigrate alone does not allow
meaning for a woman, as it entails breaking a number of taboos to be able to an in-depth analysis of the issue.
leave alone without male supervision. The fact remains, however, that such
cultural constraints notwithstanding, female migration is booming. A cross-sectional analysis of the graph above shows that Moroccan women
account for more than half of women migrants (58.4%), followed by Algerian
Table 5 / Proportion of women in the total number of migrants from MEDA women (23.7%), while Tunisian women represent only 9.3%.
countries to 9 European countries18
Percentage of migrant women from MEDA countries to Europe per country of origin
Total number of Total number of % of women
Country
migrants women migrants migrants
Algeria 805,809 355,880 44.2
Egypt 168,138 47,274 28.1
Israel 43,558 16,003 36.7
Jordan 18,422 6,318 34.3
Lebanon 105,767 40,338 38.1
Morocco 2,088,942 886,425 42.4
Syria 65,021 22,697 34.9
Palestinian
4,505 521 11.6 Algeria Egypt Israel
Territories
Jordan Lebanon Morocco
Tunisia 362,071 141,107 39.0 Syria Palestinian Territories Tunisia

Our calculations based on CARIM data, 2008/2009. Pp 473-477.

For all MEDA countries, the proportion of migrant women in the overall
number of migrants is between 28% and 44%, except for the Palestinian
Territories, where it is only 11.6%. The proportion of Algerian women migrants
is the highest (44.2%), due to the very old migration, followed closely by that
18 Data from France on women migrants are not available for Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Syria and
the Palestinian Territories.
Source: Our table based on CARIM data, 2008/2009. Pp 473-477.
To summarise, in the nine European countries of our study, women from
Maghreb account for 91.4% of women migrants from MEDA countries, Europe
being the destination of choice of women from Mashreq. For the six MEDA
countries, there are only 8.6% women migrants from Mashreq, the majority of
whom from Egypt (3.1%) and Lebanon (2.6%). The percentages of immigrant
women from other countries amount to only 1.5% for Syria and 0.03% for the

160 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 161

 Palestinian Territories. The sustained feminisation of migration from Maghreb Distribution of Algerian migrants in Europe by country of destination
to Europe is due to the importance of family reunification (for Maghreb), and
the reduction of the number of migrants through naturalisation (for Europe).19 Percentage of Algerian migrant women in Europe

Women from Mashreq tend to emigrate to Arab countries. They include the 50.0
wives of migrants, and those who accompany women who leave alone to 45.0
40.0
study or to work. “In terms of numbers, they represent an important segment
35.0
of the migration movement. In Egypt, for example, they account for 30% 30.0
of the total number of migrants. They are not only university graduates or 25.0
women from well-to-do strata of society, but also illiterate, unskilled women 20.0
belonging to underprivileged segments of society.”20 15.0
10.0
An analysis of the figures of female migration from MEDA countries to 5.0
European countries is an important indicator of the freedom of movement 0.0

ia

ain

om
m

ce

ce

ds
ly
y
an

str
granted to women from the South. Data available on the presence of migrant

I ta
iu

an

ee

lan
Sp

gd
lg
rm

Au

Gr
Fr

er
Be

in
Ge
women from MEDA countries in European countries can be used to analyse

th

dK
Ne

ite
their economic and social situation, their degree of integration and the impact

Un
of migration on their attitudes and behaviour.

Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, p 473

Algerian women emigrate to two European countries, France and Belgium,

with rates that approach 50% (46.4% and 44.2%). The migration to these two
countries notwithstanding, there are other important destinations such as the
Netherlands, the United Kingdom and Italy, which plays host to more than
30% of immigrant women itself.

Egyptian migration is geared above all to Anglo-Saxon countries (more

than 30%), particularly to the United Kingdom, Germany and Austria. The
expansion of English in Egypt facilitates communication and encourages
many young people to emigrate in order to study or work. Italy remains a
traditional destination of choice because of proximity and especially of the
Mediterranean culture.

19 Abdellah Berrada, Les perspectives de retour des émigrés dans le cadre de la coopération
euro-maghrébine. “In Luigi DE Comite, op cit., pp. 55-74, p. 60.”
20 Aicha Bendiab. (1991), Femmes et migration vers les pays du golfe. “In G. Beauge et F.
Buttner (ed.) 1991. Les migrations dans le monde arabe. Editions du centre national de
recherche scientifique. “Paris. Pp. 110-122. p. 112.”

162 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 163

 Percentage of Egyptian migrant women in Europe Percentage of Israeli women migrants in Europe

50.0 50.0
45.0 45.0
40.0 40.0
35.0 35.0
30.0
30.0
25.0
20.0 25.0
15.0 20.0
10.0 15.0
5.0 10.0
0.0 5.0
Germany Austria Belgium Spain Greece Italy Netherlands United
Kingdom 0.0
Germany Austria Belgium Spain Greece Italy Netherlands United
Kingdom
Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006).

Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006)
Egyptian migration in Europe goes back to the beginning of the 19th century
when, after Napoleon’s campaign (1798-1801), Mohamed Ali sent the first
Egyptian missions of students: in Italy in 1813 to study printing and the arts; The data relating to Israeli women migrants in Europe show limited and
and in France in 1818 for military and naval training. In the 1960s, political, contrasting numbers: fewer than 25 women migrants in Greece, nearly 4,000
economic and social developments in Egypt prompted young people to in Germany and 6,000 in the United Kingdom. For their part, Jordanian
emigrate to Europe and the United States. According to CAMPAs data (2001), migrant women are established primarily in Germany (nearly 3,000), in Italy
824,000 Egyptians emigrated to destinations other than Arab countries, nearly and in the United Kingdom (with a little more than 1,000 women migrants).
80% of whom to the US, Canada, Italy, Australia and Greece. The remaining This is immigration for studies or to accompany a highly skilled spouse.
20% are dispersed in seven West European countries.21 Egyptians established
in OECD countries are generally more educated and more skilled than
those who emigrated to Arab countries. They constitute a sizeable scientific
community. The Egyptian Medical Society in London, for instance, has more
than 120 professors and researchers.22

21 Ayman Zohry. (2006) Egyptian Youth and the European Eldorado: Journeys of Hope
and Despair. “Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS. Working Paper no 2006/18.
Copenhagen.”
22 Ayman Zohry. (2006). Ibid.

164 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 165

 Morocco is a particular case. Immigration to Europe, which goes back a
Percentage of Jordanian migrant women in Europe long way, was initially male labour immigration, then female immigration,
4 5 .0
reinforced by permanent residence, and permanent emigration for studies
4 0 .0
has gone up in recent years. In absolute figures, the Moroccans established
3 5 .0
in the nine European countries of our study represent more than two million
3 0 .0
people, the largest community of MEDA countries in Europe. Women are not
2 5 .0
2 0 .0
in the margins, as their share reaches 42.4%. A distinction must nonetheless
1 5 .0 be drawn between traditional host countries, such as France, Germany,
1 0 .0 Belgium and the Netherlands, and countries that have received migrants in
5 .0 the last two decades to Italy and Spain. The number of Moroccan women
0 .0 in Spain (253,662) is approaching more and more the number of Moroccan

e
ria

in

m
m

ly
y

nd
women established in France (293,000).

ec
an

Ita

do
iu
st

Sp

re

rla
lg
m

Au

ng
Be

G
er

he

Ki
G

et

d
N

te
ni
U
Percentage of Moroccan migrant women in Europe
Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006) 50.0
45. 0
40. 0
There is a sizeable number of Lebanese migrant women in Europe. The effects 35. 0
30. 0
of the war and the existence of a rich and attractive Lebanese diaspora
25. 0
encourage many women to emigrate and to get established abroad. The highest 20. 0
number of migrant women is in Germany (15,769) and in France (14,000). 15. 0
10. 0
5. 0
Percentage of Lebanese migrant women in Europe 0. 0
70.0

e
a

m
y

ly

nd
nc

ec
tri

ai
an

iu

do
Ita
Sp
s

re
lg

rla
m

Au

ng
Fr
60.0

Be

G
er

he

Ki
G

et

d
N

te
50.0

ni
U
40.0

30.0 Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006)

20.0
Spain seems to be turning into the country of choice for Moroccan women.
10.0
The geographic and cultural proximity, the rapprochement of mentality, the
0.0
image that the Spanish convey in Morocco as being amiable and less arrogant
e

e
ria

um

om
n

s
y

ly

nd
nc

ec
ai
an

Ita

than the French feed the collective imagination and make Moroccans
st

Sp
i

gd
a

re
lg

rla
m

Au

Fr
Be

n
er

he

Ki
G

think that the Spanish are closer and more likely to accept and understand
et

d
N

te
ni
U

immigrants, all the more so as Spain is a former emigration country. A similar

Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008) reasoning can be made for Italy, where there are 150,000 migrant women
from Morocco.

166 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 167

 As to Syrian women, 44% of them are in Germany (12,471), but are feebly Tunisian migrant women are distributed evenly in the nine European countries,
represented in other countries, ranging from 3000 women in the Netherlands between 30% and 35%, the highest percentage being in France (42%). Historic
to 387 in Austria. It is above all an elite immigration of students or highly factors can explain the predilection for France, whereas other cultural
skilled persons. traditions justify the rise in migration from Tunisia to Italy, considered by
many Tunisians as a gentler, more friendly country without conflicts.
Percentage of Syrian women in Europe
50.0
45.0 Percentage of Tunisian women in Europe
40.0
45. 0
35.0 40. 0
30.0
35. 0
25.0
30. 0
20.0
25. 0
15.0
20. 0
10.0
15. 0
5.0
10. 0
0.0
5. 0
Germany Austria Belgium Spain Greece Italy United
0. 0
Kingdom

ce
n

s
ria

m
y

ly

nd
ai

ec
an

iu

do
Ita
an
st

Sp

re

rla
lg
m

Au

ng
Fr
Be

G
er

he

Ki
G

et

d
Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006)

te
ni
U
The migration figures for Palestinian woman in Europe seem infinitesimal, Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006).
all the more so as many European countries do not provide data on the
matter. The direction of the migration seems clear, with Belgium as the prime
In conclusion, women from MEDA countries are involved in the migration
destination, followed by Austria and Italy.
process to Europe. The number of immigrant women from Maghreb
countries is clearly higher in absolute figures than the number of immigrant
women from Mashreq, which shows a two-prongued trend in migration from
Percentage of Palestinian women in Europe
MEDA countries to Europe, where migration to the Gulf exceeds by far that
40. 0
to European countries. The direction of migration for language reasons is
35. 0
obvious: there are French-speaking immigrants in France and Belgium,
30. 0
25. 0
and English-speaking immigrants in the United Kingdom, Germany and
20. 0
Austria. The Netherlands is chosen as a destination because of the flexibility
15. 0 of the legislation on immigration.
10. 0
Gender not only crosses the migration landscape, but it is an important
5. 0
parameter that shapes and modifies it. The study of the socio-demographic
0. 0
Austria Belgium Greece Italy United Total characteristics (age, marital status, fertility, number of dependent children)
Kingdom of migrants in Europe will make it possible to gauge the development of the
migration process as well as the changes that have occurred in the lives of
Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006) immigrant women.

168 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 169

 (#>bb^\gVcildbZc[gdbB:96Xdjcig^Zh/ Proportion of migrants from MEDA countries in France by age group
hdX^d"YZbd\gVe]^XYViV
50
The age of immigrant women in Europe is an important parameter. Based on 45
existing data, this immigration population covers three generations:
40

t
5IF
UIJSE
HFOFSBUJPO
JF
DIJMESFO
VQ
UP

ZFBST
PG
BHF
BDDPSEJOH
UP
UIF
35

definition of the Convention on the Rights of the Child; 30

25 Algeria
t
5IF
TFDPOE
HFOFSBUJPO
DPNQSJTJOH
UIF
XPSLJOH
QPQVMBUJPO
CFUXFFO

BOE
20 Morocco
64 years of age; 15

10
t
5IF
mSTU
HFOFSBUJPO
JF
JOBDUJWF
BOE
SFUJSFE
QFPQMF
BHFE

BOE
PWFS

5

An examination of CARIM data for 2006-2007 concerning the distribution 0

of migrants from MEDA countries, by age and sex, to Europe, has led us 0 - 19 20 - 39 4 0- 6 4 65 and over

to select the host countries with available and significant figures. Three old
immigration countries, France, Germany and the United Kingdom, whose
Source: Mediterranean Migration Report 2006-2007, p 385.
figures by age are relatively important, were selected, along with two new
immigration countries, Italy and Spain, with emphasis placed on the presence The Algerian immigrant female population is ageing, with 17% of women
of Moroccan women in Spain and of Egyptian women in Italy. aged over 65, whereas children up to 19 years of age represent only 9.6%. Its
Moroccan counterpart is younger, with children accounting for 28.04% and
The figures available in France concern migrant women from Algeria and
the aged population only 4.8%. The Algerian female population of working age
Morocco. The distribution of migrant women by age from these two countries
is larger in the 40-64 age group (48.7%), compared with 38.7% for Moroccan
shows the seniority of Algerian immigration in France and the continuous
women of the same age group.
flows of Moroccan women to that country.
The first generation of immigrant women from Algeria is clearly more
Table 6 / Proportion of migrant women from MEDA countries in France by age group
numerous than the first generation of immigrant women from Morocco,
reflecting the seniority of Algerian female migration. For Moroccan women,
Algeria Morocco
it is the third generation that is growing, owing to the continuing arrivals in
0-19 9.60 28.04
France and the later family reunification in the 1970s and 1980s.
20-39 24.97 28.45
40-64 48.72 38.69
65 and over 16.69 4.80
Source: Mediterranean Migration Report 2006-2007, p 385.

170 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 171

 Table 7 / Proportion of migrants from MEDA countries in Germany by age group Table 8 / Proportion of migrants from MEDA countries in the United Kingdom
by age group
Algeria Egypt Israel Jordan Lebanon Morocco
Algeria Egypt Israel Jordan Lebanon Morocco
0-19 24.80 23.14 19.63 21.71 38.23 19.44
20-39 59.14 62.64 50.98 61.10 47.78 56.94 0-19 16.11 8.54 20.08 28.87 11.89 7.15

40-64 14.06 11.86 22.86 13.50 12.05 18.30 20-39 53.50 16.47 35.74 45.36 49.66 49.33

65 and over 2.00 2.37 11.36 3.70 1.94 5.32 40-64 24.74 45.73 36.54 24.40 31.14 39.49

Source: Mediterranean Migration Report 2006-2007, p389.

65 and over 5.65 29.26 7.63 1.37 7.31 4.04
Source: Mediterranean Migration Report 2006-2007, p.387.
The case of Germany is very instructive. 50% to 60% of women from MEDA
countries residing in that country are aged between 20 and 39, i.e. full working The Egyptian example attests to the old and close ties through history with
age, a number that tends to decline when approaching the 40-64 age group. the United Kingdom. It is in fact the first generation of women from Egypt
But the most striking aspect is the very low percentage of women aged 65 established in the UK that is the most numerous (75% are aged 40 to 65 and
and over (from 2% to 5%) except from migrant women from Israel, and the over), while children up to 19 account for only 8.5%. Conversely, the countries
high proportion of the children’s age group. Female migration from these five where the decreasing average age of the female population is the most visible
MEDA countries to Germany is therefore recent, with the first generation are Jordan, with 29% of children up to 19, Israel (20%) and Algeria (16%).
being relatively negligible in numbers, while the second and third are The youth of female immigration is explained by education, and by the arrival
growing. Women from Israel seem to have been long established in Germany, of young senior executives who take up residence with their family.
with more than 11% aged more than 65, whereas women from Lebanon tend
to be new arrivals, with a child population of 38%. The new Mediterranean migration model, characterised by the establishment
of women of working age, young, and with a relatively high level of education,
Women from MEDA countries established in the United Kingdom are mostly applies to European recent immigration countries, as tellingly illustrated by
of working age, i.e. between 20 and 64, albeit with significant variations from the Italian and Spanish examples.
country to country. For Morocco, Lebanon and Jordan, except for some
figures, the percentage of women in the 20-39 age bracket is higher than that Table 9 / Proportion of migrant women from MEDA countries in Italy by age group
of the 40-64 age bracket, a trend that increases for Algerian women, evens out
for their Israeli counterparts, and is totally reversed in the case of Egyptian Age group / country Algeria Egypt Morocco
women. This denotes recent immigration to the United Kingdom from the 0 - 19 26.3 40.4 37.8
Maghreb, geared more to France, very old for Egypt, and relatively balanced 20 – 39 54.3 43.0 45.7
for Israel. 40 – 64 16.0 13.1 14,5
65 and over 3,4 3,5 2.0
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0
Source: Mediterranean Migration Report 2006-2007, p.387.

Female immigration from MEDA countries in Italy is mostly from Morocco. In

absolute figures, there are 71,595 Moroccan immigrant women compared with
9,151 Egyptian and 2,735 Algerian women, whereas the figure is completely

172 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 173

 insignificant (fewer than 1,000 immigrant women) for countries like Lebanon A distinction can be drawn between three categories of female immigration
(977), Israel (654) and Jordan (569). in the host countries:

In spite of the variable figures, this table shows a certain homogeneity, 1. France has an ageing immigrant population where the first generation
attesting to the particular character of immigration to Italy. This concerns is predominant;
young women (more than 80% are between 0 and 39 years of age), i.e. single-
2. Germany and the United Kingdom play host to a sizeable immigrant
parent families or women alone. The 40-60 age bracket is not represented
population of working age (20-64 years old), which attests to the seniority
as much (13% to 16% of the overall total), and those over 65 represent a tiny
of female immigration;
proportion.
3. Italy and Spain, recent host countries, play host to a very young female
The distribution per sex within each nationality reflects the new importance
immigration: the proportion of 0-19 year olds is particularly important as is
of female migration to Italy, particularly from Algeria, with 27.5% women
the proportion of women entering the labour force (20-39 years old), which
compared with 72.5% men, whereas these rates amount to 33.5% against
attests to the existence of a relief potential.
66.5% for Egypt and 39.5% compared with 66.5% for Morocco.
Some demographic parameters: changes of attitudes on a cultural basis inmotion.
Table 10 / Proportion of migrants from MEDA countries in Spain by age group

7^gi]gViZ
Age group / country Algeria Morocco
0 - 19 32.5 33.4 This is an important parameter for gauging changes in the demographic
20 – 39 47.3 47.5 behaviour of migrants from MEDA countries. The massive arrival of women
40 – 64 16.2 17.1 in Europe for family reunification, in particular young women of reproductive
age, has disturbed the reference models of immigrant women confronted
65 and over 4.0 2.0
with a society that has different references. They are thus confronted directly,
Total 100.0 100.0
for the first time, with modernity through the dressing practices and behaviour
Source: Mediterranean Migration Report 2006-2007, p.387. of European women, the family structure and the employment of women.
During the 1980s, the burden of births tended to ease among immigrant
A similar tendency emerges for Algeria and Morocco, with the nuance
women, due to the precipitous drop in fertility in generations that reached
nonetheless that there are 170,498 Moroccan immigrant women in Spain as
the age of procreation.23 A comparison between the number of births in the
opposed to only 11,145 Algerian immigrants. Immigration from Algeria to
three communities during the 1980s shows the drop in fertility of immigrant
Spain has been opened up very recently, owing to the problem of language
women from Maghreb.
and the relatively tense political relations between the two countries during
the 1970s and 1980s.

23 Alain Nervez, Les femmes maghrébines en France. “In Khemais Taamallah.( 2005) (ed.) Les
dimensions socioculturelles des maghrébins émigrés en Europe. Publication université de
Tunis. pp 67-82.”

174 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 175

 Table 11 / Number of births by the woman’s nationality between 1980 and 1990
Annual average percentage Annual average percentage
Nationality
of births 1981-1982 of births 1989-1990
Algerian 2.63
Moroccan 2.10
Tunisian 0.92
Maghreb as a whole 5.65
Total 100.00
Source: INSEE, Desplanques Guy and Ismard Michel, Données sociales (Alain Nervez)
The most precipitous drop in birth rate was noted among Algerian and
Moroccan women. Tunisian women already had a lower birth rate compared
with other women from Maghreb, a difference which dropped even
more with migration. This drop in birth rate occurred at the same time as
that registered in the countries of origin. At the time, the fertility level of
women from Maghreb in France is between the French level and that of the
countries of origin. The birth rate tends to drop generally among daughters of
migrants, especially those who came at a young age or were born in France
(Alain Nevez). The daughters of migrants tend to adopt demographic habits
and behaviour similar to those of women in the host countries.
According to an INSEE study from the 1990s, the number of children per
woman has gone from 5.2 to 3.5 among Moroccans, from 5.3 to 3.9 for Tunisians,
and from 4.2 to 3.2 among Algerians. “Stemming from old immigration, Algerian
women are cast increasingly in the French mould, and with 3.2 children, they
are far below the 7 children per family in the country of origin.”24 The drop in
the fertility of immigrants seems to constitute a decisive factor in the size of
the immigrant family.
The rate of abortion, which has been authorised in France since 1975,
is higher among foreign than French women, i.e. 0.6% and 0.44% respectively.25
Abortion therefore occupies a particular place as a means for limiting births
24 Bakalti Souad, femmes méditerranéennes dans les migrations internationales, le cas de
la France. “In Mohamed CHAREF (2002), (sld). Les migrations au féminin. Les Editions Sud
Contact. Pp. 33-46, p 39.”
25 (A. Berrada) op cit.
176 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
in marriage, a phenomenon that is more pronounced among Spanish and
Italian women rather than among women from Maghreb.
8]^aYbdgiVa^in
1.96
1.96 The collapse of fertility among the migrants from Maghreb living in France in
0.73 the 1990s was a major occurrence that would dominate the future development
of the immigrant family and in part guide the demographic behaviour in the
4.65
countries of origin. Before the age of 20, Moroccan child mortality is close
100.00
to that of the host countries.26 Migration to France improves the survival of
Moroccan children, as the adaptation of the mothers to new sanitary and
nutritional conditions as well as medical healthcare for children play a major
role in preserving their health.
The period of residence of the parents is a fundamental adaptation criterion
that helps to adjust the mortality levels, as economic, social or cultural burdens
make way for the possibilities of preventive or curative healthcare offered
almost free of charge in the host country (Y. Courbage, p 116). Nevertheless,
the imprint of the country of origin persists, especially through the adoption
of certain attitudes regarding illness: the prevailing representations of the
child change very slowly, revealing traces of different treatment according to
sex, to the benefit of males. (Y. Courbage)
BVig^bdc^VahigjXijgZ
The matrimonial behaviour of immigrants has undergone major changes.
For instance, the age at marriage has been delayed and young couples live
together under more informal arrangements outside marriage. The 1990
census in France showed the new matrimonial trends of the Maghreb
communities. In view of their older contacts with France and French culture,
Algerian women seem more Europeanised. Two categories of Moroccan
women can be distinguished: the younger ones, who are trying to adopt
modes of behaviour close to those of Algerian women, and the older ones,
who remain attached to the patterns of the society of origin. For their part,
Tunisian women are adopting behaviour patterns not far removed from their
society of origin, but much more adapted to the host society. The fact is that
26 Youssef Courbage, Utilisation des données censitaires et d’état civil pour mesurer la mortalité
et l’émigration des Moroccoains en France. “In Luigi De Comite, op cit., pp. 113-130, p 115.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 177
 upon gaining independence in 1956, Tunisia adopted the most progressive
family code in the region and in the Islamic world, the impact of which on
mothers and daughters living in Tunisia has been crucial.
In the 1990s, the impact of the tradition of the country of origin was
perceptibly still alive among immigrant women living in Europe. Although
early marriages are clearly in decline, in particular among Algerian women,
and the fertility rate is down, nearly 60% of young single women continue
to live with their parents. Beyond the age of 35, most women from Maghreb
live in couples, generally with men of the same nationality as themselves
(Alain Nevez). The protection of young women remains in force and marriage
is still the only institution for the expression of sexuality and for reproduction.
Living together outside marriage, or with a Frenchman, expresses the degree
of liberation of women from Maghreb. The fact remains that this type of
arrangement is not rare, and that it is encountered most frequently among
Algerian women.
For the new immigration countries, especially Spain where there are many
women migrants, there is a considerable number of single, widowed or
divorced women. The table drawn up by Laura Oso on foreign female workers
according to marital status and main countries of origin (1995) shows that of
a total of 7,850 Moroccan women established legally and entitled to work,
53.2% were single, 36.7% were married, 4.55 were divorced and 5.5% were
widowed. These data confirm the dominance of working economic migrant
women in Spain who came alone, independently from men.
Other research studies (M. Khachani) confirm this result, as they show that
the Moroccan community in Spain is composed mainly of single people
(59% compared with 39% married people), a status slightly more prevalent
among women (62% single, 26% married, 7% divorced and 5% widowed).
“These data show that the typical profile of Moroccan immigrant women in
Spain is that of a woman who has not yet started a family, or who has broken
the marital bond and has decided to emigrating to work and rebuild her life.
On the whole, these women did not emigrate “by following their husband.”27
27 Mohamed Khachani and Mohamed Mghari. (2006), L’émigration marocaine en Espagne.
“CARIM Report 2006.”
178 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
This situation may explain the fact that, unlike their Asian counterparts,
women from Maghreb who emigrate alone do not leave marital situations
behind; they are usually single, widowed, divorced or disowned. Emigration
is then seen as a means to get another chance to build a new life in the host
country (Ramirez, 1999).
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The migration of workers from the South is often undertaken in accordance
with family strategy. The number of dependents is an important economic
indicator of the development of the family. It depends on the level of
education, the professional status and seniority in migration. Dependents
include the spouse, children, ascendents or collateral relatives living together
with the immigrant, as well as the other members of the family who remained
in the country of origin.
The study of Laura Oso has shown that a high proportion of immigrants have
dependents: 67% for Africans, 56% for Latin Americans, 60% for Asians. The
rate varies widely when dependents in the country of origin are involved:
56% for Africans, 33% for Latin Americans and 36% for Asians. The presence of
dependents in the country of origin indicates that migration is not necessarily
a family affair, while underscoring the strong ties of the system of mutual
assistance and the notion of duty to parents and the nearest family in societies
in the southern Mediterranean, and more particularly among women.
The number of dependents was sizeable in the 1990s among immigrants from
Maghreb. In Belgium, for instance, each immigrant worker has 5.25 dependents
to look after in addition to himself, a figure even higher among Moroccans
(5.7 dependents). This load seems far lower in France (1.8 people). In Spain it
is 0.7 people, due to the recent immigration movement in that country. In all,
each migrant from Maghreb established in a European country supports
2.2 people, whereas he was virtually alone in the 1970s (A. Berrada, p 61).
As regards the distribution of dependents according to sex, economic
responsibility is generally assumed by men, in spite of the development of
and increase in the number of women as heads of household (63% for men,
compared with 57% for women). As most of these women have dependents in
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 179
 the country of origin, they provide the main economic support. The number of
single Moroccan immigrant women in Spain, and their double responsibility
with regard to the family that has stayed in Morocco and the family which
they start later in the immigration country, are worth underscoring.
Divorced or widowed women are those who declare they no longer have
dependents, far more than their male counterparts (Laura Oso), which
reveals the fact that in the case of a family breakdown, immigrant women
are economically involved in the household to a greater degree, and their
economic responsibility increases.
Overall, the socio-demographic analysis shows that women from Maghreb
living in Europe are involved in a greater dynamic of social change, and adopt
new social and reproductive modes of behaviour. This dynamic mobilises
generational relations between young women, who are more receptive
and better integrated in the system, and older women who have helped to
establish other forms of sociability. There is a perceptible trend towards
greater convergence and complementarity between mothers and daughters
than divergences. The changes on the reproductive front are going to be
accelerated and reinforced as immigrant women access the labour market
and gainful employment that will make them independent, no longer having to
rely on husbands, but able to contribute to the expenditures of the household
and to the family budget.
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aVWdjgbVg`Zi
Gainful employment is becoming increasingly feminised in the world,
including among immigrant women (from 34% in 1993 to 40% in 2003).28
The data available show that immigrant women are increasingly seeking to
get integrated in the world of work. They also show that the rate of working
women is higher in countries of recent immigration such as Spain or Italy,
as the women who arrive in those countries are young, independent, and
have their own migration project, the focal point of which is employment.
28 Claudine Blasco. Forum social med. op cit.
180 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Studying the situation of migrant women in the world of work in nine
countries in Europe is a challenge given the lack of statistical and
sociological data. More specifically, few studies are available on immigrant
women in the economic area and when they exist, they are often
incomplete, partial and fragmentary. The lack of a major global survey on
immigrant women in the world of work stands in the way of conducting a
comparative analysis and limits the undertaking to observing broad trends.
The deficit in quantitative and qualitative data can be explained by the fact that
access by women to the economic area in host countries was late, and also by
the fact that immigrant women were often employed in the informal sector.
With the arrival of daughters of migrants in the economic field in the 1980s (as
wage earners or self-employed workers), greater interest has been focused
on the employment of migrant women, as they are no longer considered only
from the cultural angle as the glue to the social cohesion of the family, but
also as effective economic players.
In spite of the information gaps, we are trying to give a general overview of the
situation of migrant women from MEDA countries on the EU labour market,
by underscoring the main characteristics of the participation of migrant
women in the labour force (level and sector of employment, unemployment
and underemployment), and by drawing a distinction between old and new
immigration countries.
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Female migration is multi-dimensional: young and old, single and married,
heads of household and housewives, immigrant women from the 1970s and
from the 2000s. One common element unites them: the search for and exercise
of an occupation, or where needed, the projection of a better integration in
the economic channels of host countries for their daughters.
The first immigrants in Europe from MEDA countries came to accompany
their husbands and to look after their children. The justificatory discourse
of family reunification raises questions about the balance of the family, the
comfort of immigrant workers so as to be more productive, and above all,
greater integration in the host society. The employment of migrant women
was not on the agenda. Nevertheless, family burdens, new needs created by
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 181
 the change of residence, the education of children and the support of families In the old immigration countries (France, Belgium, the Netherlands,
that have stayed in the country of origin could not be satisfied with the the United Kingdom and, to a lesser degree, Austria), the participation rates
husband’s earnings only. The need to work outside the home increased for of women in the labour force are considerably lower compared with the
women who had hitherto been used to live in the family cocoon and to work new immigration countries, especially for the first generation. Furthermore,
for their families only. in the old host countries, the participation rates of immigrant women in
economic activity were very low for the first 5 to 10 years after their arrival.
Up until the 1980s, Maghreb women were very marginal in the production These initial deficits have been reduced or disappeared with time spent
process, and registered the lowest participation in the employment rate among in the host country. The participation rates of immigrant women in the
working women of foreign origin. The feminisation of the migrant working labour market in countries such as the Netherlands, Belgium, France and
population from Maghreb started only in the 1990s, following the integration the United Kingdom are nonetheless 15% lower than that of nationals with
and adaptation of more and more immigrants in the production system of the comparable socio-demographic characteristics. In the 1990s, women from
host countries as well as the arrival of educated young women on the labour Maghreb residing in France had relatively low employment rates; they lived
market with the required qualifications to occupy high-level positions. It is in a situation of transition with flagrant differences between the first and
worth adding that developments in the situation of women in the countries of second generations.
origin, urbanisation, education and advancements in women’s participation
in the world of work, helped to destroy the taboo that it is shameful for Table 12 / Employment rates of women from Maghreb in France by age and
women – and especially married women -- to work, interpreted as a sign nationality in 1990
that the husband was not able to assume his responsibilities as the head of
the household. Employment has become the norm for migrant women from Nationality
MEDA countries, and inactivity, or staying at home, the exception, including Algerian Moroccan Tunisian Maghreb as a whole France as a whole
Age
for married women who have children. For single, widowed or divorced
15-19 7.5 7.3 6.5 7.3 9.0
women, employment is a constant.
20-24 51.0 49.4 41.5 49.0 59.8
Most immigrant women from MEDA countries reveal this wish, this need to 25 – 29 57.2 41.8 44.7 49.2 80.0
work, to get a salary and be autonomous and independent of their husbands. 30-34 50.3 28.9 33.0 38.6 76.2
Access to the labour market is not easy, however. Whereas better educated 34-39 36.3 28.0 33.4 32.7 75.5
women encounter fewer problems, illiterate women or those with very low
40-44 29.3 28.9 32.6 29.6 75.6
skills have to cope with very hard conditions, low salaries, and especially
45-49 26.3 26.5 35.7 27.3 71.6
uncertainty in work.
Source: INSEE. Recensement DE 1990
The different profiles of immigrants in the new and old immigration countries
determine in a certain way the level of access to and integration in the world Two important facts emerge from the table: the first concerns the difference
of work. Motivation for work is certainly the manifest or latent cause or of employment rates according to the nationality of Maghreb women;
consequence of migration. The fact remains that immigrant women are faced the second shows the gap between access to the labour market by French
with a way and a world of work that are new, which they try to manage with and by immigrant women. In fact, of the three Maghreb countries, Algerians
their cultural and educational potential. seem to be the most integrated, in particular for the population aged 24 to
39. Employment has become an important dimension in the life of the new
generation of women; it is no longer taboo, but has become a necessity of

182 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 183

 modern living – all the more so as the aim of education and training for women
is no longer a good match for marriage, but rather to become economically
independent from parents and husbands.
Tunisian women come in second, with a nearly identical distribution by age
group where, for women aged 30 to 49, the employment rate is between
33% and 36%. The peaks were noted among younger women, aged 20 to 29.
For their part, Moroccan women have the lowest employment rate in the 30-
49 age bracket (26%-29%), while the figure for younger women aged 20 to 29 is
nearly identical to that of the other Maghreb countries. The first generation of
migrants, often illiterate and from rural backgrounds, could not really manage
to get integrated in the European world of work. The greatest approximation
among women from Maghreb is the higher employment rate among young
women aged 20 to 24, which is explained by the nearly compulsory schooling
for girls, their education and their desire to integrate. Before the age of 20-24,
the employment rates have become constant because of schooling.
The main causes that explain these low rates of employment among
first generation immigrant women are varied, and include having young
children29, lack of familiarity with how institutions function in host countries,
apprehension about the alien outside world, and the arrival of successive
waves of migrants. All the more so as the mentality of the husbands was not
yet ready to accept their wives working outside the home and see them leave
every day, leaving household work and children behind.
There are pronounced differences in employment rates between French and
Maghreb women, showing different itineraries and life projects, making the
lag of women from Maghreb, especially from Morocco, in joining the world
of work, all the more flagrant. Furthermore, in France, the labour market has
been invaded by the baby-boom generations. In 1990, women aged close to 50
had an employment rate of 71.6%.
A ‘new migration model’ emerged in the new immigration countries of southern
Europe, quite different from that in northern Europe. An unorganised,
29 Migrant women from third countries are far more inclined to have young children in their
families than are women nationals. In Jennifer Rubin, Michael S. Rendall, Lila Rabinovich,
Flavia Tsang, Barbara Janta Constantijn van Oranje-Nassau. (2008). Migrant Women in the
Eu Labour Force. Summary of Findings. Commissioned by the European Commission,
Directorate General for Employment, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities. 2008.
184 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Mediterranean model, where migration occurs spontaneously to meet an
explicit or implicit demand for labour in booming sectors, particularly in the
informal economy.
In these southern European countries (Greece, Italy and Spain), the
participation rate of immigrant women in the labour force is clearly higher,
as migrant women are on average younger and have work experience in their
country. They are often literate, with varied levels of education, and are above
all suffused by the culture of employment and the independence it provides.
Young, single, widowed or divorced, these women actually migrated in order
to work.
Women alone, from MEDA countries, and in particular from Morocco, living
in Italy and especially in Spain, migrated solely in order to find work. The
market demand for foreign workers is constantly up, establishing thus
a migration dynamic that includes not only migrant women but several
social players, including the families, networks, agencies and the State. The
economic integration of new arrivals occurred in major sectors such as
services, agriculture and hotel and catering.
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Migrant men are distributed in many different sectors of the economy,
whereas migrant women, irrespective of their nationality, tend to be more
concentrated in the service sector, which employs nearly three-fourths of
foreign women. Other sectors have emerged in recent years, such as trade
and interpreting. In the old immigration countries, migrant women used to
be very present in industry. But changes have occurred in the secondary
sector, in particular textiles, which led to a reduction of nearly 20% of the
workforce.30 A much reduced number of immigrants works in the agricultural
sector. The search for low-paid, docile workers prepared to perform chores
led to the recruitment of women to replace men in the agricultural tasks.
Migrant women are still marginally present in mines and construction.
Domestic work is the sector where demand for immigrant female labour is
30 Souad Bakalti, Femmes Méditerranéennes dans les migrations internationales. Le cas de
la France. In les migrations au féminin. Collectif, coordination par Mohamed Charef. “Ed Sud
Contact. 2002 . pp33-46. p. 42.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 185
 on the rise, particularly in southern European countries – where jobs are decisive than that of seniority in the host country, and even the acquisition
considered stable, compared to the situation in certain occupations. of nationality.

Studies show that immigrant women who create businesses are still rare, but Table 13 / Occupational concentration among native and third-country women
the sector is growing. In the case of France, the number of migrant women in certain sectors, 2005 32
entrepreneurs nearly doubled between 1982 and 1990, from 6,532 to 14,109.31
The businesses created concern essentially commercial services and trade: Types of migrant women Native migrant women Migrant women from
hotel and catering, hairdressing, foods, clothing shops, and retail, especially and sectors in the EU Total 57% third countries. Total 65%
in the informal sector. The schooling of girls, their learning and success at
Sales and elementary services 16% 25%
school, and the duration of immigration have enabled an orientation shift to
other types of employment, such as in commercial services, administration, Assistants and care providers 14% 18%
teaching, entrepreneurship or community services and cultural activities.
Even domestic services (housekeepers) have tended to diminish for the Clerical employees 13% 9%
benefit of new services in cleaning and maintenance firms (S. Bakalti). Other assistant positions 8% 6%
We may deduce from the foregoing that migrant women work in many
different sectors. They vary depending on the country of residence and the Teachers 6% 6%
legislation in force. Nevertheless, given the dearth of harmonised data, it is Models, salesgirls, hostesses 6% 5%
difficult to conduct a detailed analysis of the many occupations. We shall
therefore limit our attention to sectors where the migrant women are present Source: Données de l’Enquête sur les forces de travail de l’UE (EU LFS or LabourForce Survey) de 2005.33

in large numbers (services, including housekeeping, and small shops) and

those in which they have scarcely broken through (trade, the professions and
the business world).
'#&#I]ZhZgk^XZhZXidgZbeadnhbdgZi]Vcild"i]^gYhd[
ldg`^c\^bb^\gVcildbZc
The documentation devoted to the employment of migrant women shows that
they are passively present in the service sector. The percentages fluctuate
between 60% and 70% of immigrant women working in hotel and catering,
housekeeping, and the care sector.
The concentration of immigrant women in certain sectors speaks volumes on
the length of residence in the host country, their level of education and their
partial or total integration in the economy of the host country. A comparison
between the occupations of native immigrants and those of third countries is
scarcely perceptible, indicating that the status of immigrant women is more
31 Souad Bakalti.op cit .p 42.
In fact, for all occupations which require a certain level of education and
training, such as teachers, assistants, and sales staff, the rates remain almost
the same for the two categories of immigrant women. The only major
difference appears in sales jobs and elementary and healthcare services, which
are increasingly being deserted by natives (who tend to focus more on office
work). The fact remains that the service sector in general, and housekeeping
work in particular, comes in first place for women from third countries.
Housekeeping sector: Multiple forms of housekeeping work
Housekeeping services comprise the largest proportion of foreign women
from third countries. In the old immigration countries, first generation women
performed this type of work because they were not prepared for other types
of employment. They saw their work as helping women in the host country
with certain household tasks. Such work was often carried out on a part-
32 Notes: The data concern Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Greece,
Hungary, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom.
33 In Jennifer Rubin, Michael S. Rendall, Lila Rabinovich, Flavia Tsang, Barbara Janta
Constantijn van Oranje-Nassau. (2008), op. cit., p 7.

186 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 187

 time basis to have time to look after the family. Nowadays, women who do
this type of work are relatively educated, some having been schooled in their
country of origin. The fact remains that they work in this sector because it
is the only one available and the most attractive financially for new arrivals,
whilst facilitating the regularisation of their situation.
Data for 1995 on immigrant women working in Spain, irrespective of their
nationality, show that most of them are employed in housekeeping tasks
(64%). Gender thus emerges as the principal variable that determines the
integration in the labour market, far more than origin, whereas employment
of male immigrants is more diversified with a predominance for specialisation
according to the nationality of origin (Laura Oso).
Group discussions held by Laura Oso with working women and women
at home from upper classes, who employ domestic help, have shown that
immigrant women are categorised according to singular characteristics.
Polish women are thus closer to their female employers, given their high
level of education. Filipino women are much appreciated because of their
submissive nature and because they are hard working, and Latin American
women reproduce the submissive situation they knew in their country,
while the shared language brings them closer to their female employers.
African women are purportedly the most prone to problems, often to do with
delinquency, where difference in race and religion makes communication --
and by extension their integration – difficult. Apart from the stereotypical
overall representation, female employers seem to be satisfied with their
employees from the South, they think that the latter do their work well,
and have friendly personal relations.
Employment in services has been encouraged by the administrative
authorities through a policy of quotas and regularisation. The State thus
participates in this female migration dynamic. During the 2005 regularisation
in Spain, two-fifths of the 700,000 applicants for regularisation were women,
188 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
most of whom were employed in the housekeeping sector. The initial impact
of the programme was therefore in large measure to regularise migrant
women with a housekeeping job, although there were certain indications to
the effect that the regularisation would enable some migrant women to get
better paying jobs. In Italy, terms used to refer to immigrant women working
in the housekeeping sector are most telling. They are referred to not only
colf,34 in the sense of help at home with kitchen chores and the children,
but also badanti,35 i.e. care providers for the elderly. The same phenomenon
is observed in Greece and in Spain. “Furthermore, the major female migration
flows from Eastern Europe and the Balkans after 1989 and the fall of the
Berlin Wall were geared to such tasks. Women from Maghreb started to
replace them by flocking to this sector36”.
This new phenomenon has attracted the interest of researchers, who stepped
up their work on the subject to grasp and understand the reasons for the
growth in demand for housekeeping work in post-industrial societies. Women
sociologists in southern Europe have looked into the paradox of ‘liberating
one women to serve another one’. Other scholars such as the Italian sociologist
Laura Balbo (1994) or Sonia Parella Rubio (2000) and Angeles Ramirez37 in
Spain, but also from the English-speaking world such as Jacqueline Andall
(2000, 2002), have tried to analyse and to understand this entanglement of
demographic, political, economic, and social factors at the origin of this
societal phenomenon that recourse to housekeeping help has become.
It is worth bearing in mind that whereas radical changes have occurred in
European society and have turned the life of women completely upside
down – such as access to employment, expansion of schooling, the drop
in the fertility rate, the impact of liberation movements, etc. – the vision of
tasks and of roles in the family has scarcely moved. As Laura Balbo (1994)38
has aptly put it, in spite of everything, men have managed to keep their
contribution exclusively to the labour market, whereas women have to put
in a double day, with organisational arrangements that are not compatible,
34 Colf is an abbreviation of “collaboratrice familiare,” or “home helper.”
35 Badanti, from the verb “badare” to look after, to care care of, carer
36 Giovanna Campani, Genre et migration. “Université de Florence. www.unive.it pdf”
37 Les migrations internationales et les rapports de sexe: femmes marocaines en Espagne.
“In (S/D) Mohamed Charef. Les migrations au féminin. Editions Sud Contact 2002. pp. 85-100.”
38 Balbo, L. (1981), Women’s Access to Intellectual Work. The case of Italy. “ Signs, Journal of
Women in Culture and society, 6 n.4, pp.763-769.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 189
 and suffer psychological stress brought about by this situation, known as
“double presence”. Even if the new male generations are a little more aware
of the fact that they must contribute to the work in the house, their attitude is
limited to providing occasional work, as the woman always has to point out
what has to be done and how. “We may therefore conclude that the greatest
contribution of women in production presupposes a reduction of the number
of hours at home, without a comparable reduction in household tasks.”39
Minding children and looking after the elderly are the heaviest household
tasks, often performed by women, given the ageing of the population and the
welfare system deficit in certain European countries.
Jacqueline Andall (1998, 2000)40 has pointed out that governments in southern
Europe have not managed to adapt welfare services to the new situation.
She has moreover observed that the women’s movements have not managed
to change the traditional gender division of household labour. As a result,
women who work prefer to pay themselves for childminding and care for the
elderly, as these tasks are still considered as being exclusively for women.
Furthermore, “in this patriarchal context, many European families consider
the poorly paid and undeclared work of migrant women as a solution to have
both a professional and a family life.”41 The demand for immigrant women in
household tasks is the result of the difficulty that European women have in
reconciling family life with working life, and of the adoption of measures by
the States relating to the equality of the sexes, which are applied mainly to
native women.
Migrant women employed in this sector are still vulnerable. It is nonetheless
worth pointing out that for the Spanish legislation, the granting of a work
permit to foreign nationals depends on the employment situation of Spanish
workers. Work permits are issued only for jobs in fields where there is
a need for a labour force or that have been refused by Spanish workers42
-- all the more so as the Special System for Housekeeping Workers does
not include unemployment benefits, compulsory written contracts or the
39 Parella Rubio, S. (2003), Mujer, immigrante y trabachadora, La triple discrimination.
“Barcelone, Anthropos Cited by Giovanna Campani. P 282.”
40 Andall, J. (2000) Gender, Migration and Domestic Service: The Politics of Black Women in
Italy, Hampshire, Ashgate Publishing.”
41 Attac, (2003), Quand les femmes se heurtent à la mondialisation. Paris les milles et une
nuit.
42 M. Khachani et M. Mghari l’immigration Moroccoaine en Spain. Op cit.
190 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
recognition of occupational diseases and accidents. The example of Spain
can be extended to numerous European countries. The governments
generally exclude domestic workers from the protection granted to other
occupational categories, do not manage to regulate the recruitment
practices, and are often ill-informed about the working conditions.
Household tasks continue to be socially undervalued in many European
countries. They are often not considered as real work to obtain a work or a
residence permit, or as proof for regularisation. When regularisation takes
place, as in Greece, Italy or Spain, female domestic workers are considered as
temporary employees and are consequently not authorised to apply for family
reunification. Female domestic workers are also faced with a vast range of
very serious abuses and are systematically exploited at work. In a new report
published on 27 July 2006,43 Human Rights Watch (HRW), which includes
Morocco as a MEDA country in its analysis, declared that such mistreatment
includes physical and sexual abuse, sequestration, the non-payment of their
salaries, privation of food and medical care, excessively long working hours
and no rest days. In 2004, when the UN Commission examined the report on
the human rights of migrants, the special rapporteur on the rights of migrants
Gabriela Rodriguez Pizarro called for the regulation of the sector of migrant
women working as domestic staff. In her report, she described the dramatic
conditions of women working in the domestic service sector, the abusive
working conditions, and the violence on the part of their employers. Her main
recommendation was not to have the administrative situation of these women
depend solely on the contractual relationship with the employer, in order to
limit dependence and submission that prevent migrants to lodge complaints
with the authorities. She moreover recommended that all States ratify the
convention on migrant workers and their families.
For its part, Human Rights Watch called on governments to extend the main
occupational protection to female domestic workers, to establish minimum
regional standards on employment so as to prevent any unhealthy competition
and to guarantee that the employers and agents are held responsible for any
perpetrated abuses.
43 The 93-page report entitled Swept Under the Rug: Abuses Against Domestic Workers Around
the World summarises the research studies conducted by HRW since 2001 on the abuse of
women and children working as domestic staff from El Salvador, Guatemala, Indonesia,
Malaysia, Morocco, the Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Togo, the United
States, or who work in those countries.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 191
 The roles traditionally devolved to the mistress of the house are assumed by
immigrant women. Thus, the linkage between gender, ethnic origin and class
becomes the most appropriate formula for analysing female migration and
for examining gender equality and the distribution of male and female roles
in Western societies. Major advancements have been made, but it is worth
pointing out that women are progressing faster than men, and that their
cultural and occupational advancement has led them to take up positions
generally reserved for men, but without any profound reconsideration of the
division of labour in the family. In short, whereas female domestic workers
have liberated the native women, seasonal employment has liberated native
and immigrant men.
'#'#HZVhdcValdg`Zgh^cV\g^XjaijgZ
Seasonal migration has always existed. It concerned essentially men working
in agriculture, such as the examples from the Bouches du Rhône and
those who went to Spain to work in the greenhouses. Starting in the 2000s,
the question of circular migration has been on the agenda, i.e. the migration
of labour employed for one season, at the end of which the migrants return to
the country of origin. The people most concerned are women from Maghreb,
most of whom are of Moroccan origin.
The most tangible example, which has received wide media coverage, is that
of Moroccan seasonal migrant women -- a movement in force since 2005,
established by an agreement between Morocco (through the national agency
for the promotion of employment and skills, known by the French acronym
ANAPEC) and Spain, and more particularly the municipality of Huelva in
Andalusia. Financed by the MEDA II Programme “institutional support for
the movement of persons,” this project is described as an initial experiment to
implement a cooperation programme for the management of legal migration
flows between Morocco and Europe. This programme concerns essentially
women who are recruited for three months to pick strawberries. Under this
programme, part of the migrants return to Spain every year in a regulated
192 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
framework managed by the partners. They are paid €33.3 a day, and their
costs are assumed for the duration of their stay, except for food.
The women are chosen in Morocco on the basis of criteria set by the two
parties. They are selected in accordance with the region, marital status and
number of children. They are in principle poor, married, widowed or divorced
women with a dependent family. The impact of such migration for the
promotion of the family and well-being is far from negligible, and remittances
certainly help in the fight to eradicate poverty in the locality and even the
region. The partners have indicated that they are very satisfied. They have
announced to all and sundry the success of this programme and its beneficial
consequences, including the income saved by the female workers and the social
rights that they enjoy in Spain. Their 95% return rate attests to the quality of the
performance.44 Nevertheless, these positive assessments conceal the distress
of women living far from their families and young children. Their primary aim
is to meet the needs of their families and improve their situation. Women must
adapt to very difficult working conditions on pain of losing their job and being
no longer selected. The president of Huelva Acoge (an association for the
rights of migrants) is very watchful about the conditions of accommodation
for female workers, nonetheless declaring that the “women who come under
this type of contract are at times poorly housed and paid less than Spanish
women. The working conditions are also very hard. Spending a whole day
bent over to pick strawberries carefully and put them gingerly in a crate calls
for exhausting physical positions and a great deal of energy, with adverse
repercussions on the health of these women, most of whom suffer constantly
from back ailments and other joint disorders when they go back to their
country.45 Alongside this seasonal migration, a new sort of pendular migration
has been developing in recent years: women residing in a MEDA country,
in particular in Maghreb, travel to different European countries to engage
in trade, an activity that can be described as international street vending.”
'#(>bb^\gVcildbZc^c^ciZgcVi^dcVahigZZikZcY^c\dg
eZcYjaVgb^\gVi^dc
44 AENEAS, explains that Moroccan women do not run away because some farmers keep the
passport of their workers during their entire stay, as well as the fact that they must learn
Spanish and that they are made aware of the dangers of illegal migration.
45 Petites mains marocaines pour la fraise espagnole. www.algerie-dz.cm/forums/archive.
10/05/2008_
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 193
 Another relatively recent form of mobility for working women connected
to the facilitation of transport and the gradual elimination of customs
duties between MEDA and European countries is acquiring more and
more importance nowadays. This is a movement back and forth by young
women, often married with children, who engage in a lucrative activity in
international mobility. The wives of migrants for Maghreb were the first to
engage in this practice when they returned to their country for holidays or
other reasons. They were considered as ‘passive active women’, who needed
their husband’s financial support to start the business and his consent to
travel. This was an additional activity that Michel Péraldi mentions when he
talks about the contingents of women, domiciled in Maghreb in particular,
who regularly travelled abroad to make purchases.46 Algerian women headed
for Turkey, Tunisian women for Italy (Naples) and Moroccan women for the
south of Spain (Algéciras, Ceuta and Melilla).
Such movement is consequently no longer reserved for migrants who have
taken up permanent residence in Europe. Migration of women alone has
developed, breaking the traditional image of the spouse and mother who
follows her husband for family reunification (Campani, 1995; Ramirez, 1999).
The feminisation of commercial movements in the Mediterranean area is
admittedly still a little known phenomenon. The study by Camille Schmoll
draws attention to this aspect of female migration.47 This is nonetheless a
micro-network which is not always geared to Europe; most Tunisian women
who engage in this activity get their supplies in Libya, Morocco, Turkey and
Syria, while their Algerian counterparts go to Turkey for that purpose.
Unlike working migrants in Europe, these women do not meet any demand
for work from European companies, but are more in line with trends on the
labour market in Maghreb, characterised by a feminisation of certain activities
ordinarily reserved for men, such as trade. They are at the heart of the current
changes in Maghreb societies. For women, such movement is capitalised
on for socio-economic mobility strategies but also for empowerment and
independence. Unlike Sub-Saharan Africa, there is no tradition of female trade
46 Michel Péraldi (2005) (in press), Routes algeriennes, in Anteby Lisa, Berthomière William,
Sheffer Gabriel Éds., 2000 ans de Diasporas. “Rennes, Presses Universitaires de Rennes.”
47 Camille Schmollp (2005), Pratiques spatiales transnationales et stratégies de mobilité des
commerçantes Tunisiannes. Revue européenne des migrations internationales. “Vol. 21 -
n°1 / 2005, pp 131-154.” The study is based on research carried out among a group of Tunisian
women from the city of Sousse, who travel frequently to Naples to make purchases.
194 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
in public spaces in Maghreb. In rural areas, women used to sell their products
in the souks. In Morocco, in the Rif region, there were even essentially female
souks, where men were not entitled to enter. ‘The suitcase trade’, although
tolerated, is not considered a very legitimate activity (Péraldi, 2001), especially
when it involves women who are the head of the household. Nevertheless, this
type of travel in no way disrupts family or married life, in as much as “a large
part of the investments and the decisions relating to migration are discussed
and arranged within the household.”48 The wife engages in trade outside,
leaves the home for a few days and returns to resume her domestic tasks.
As Moroccan women travel to Ceuta and Melilla almost every day, they are
never far from their family, and keep constantly in touch with their traditional
tasks thanks to the mobile telephone. Furthermore, the success of this female
commercial entrepreneurship is based on striking a balance for the married
couple and the family. Whereas migration leads to a redefinition of roles on
the productive end, the changes in the reproductive sphere are somewhat less
clear, as the woman continues to assume the roles of mother and perfect wife,
or young woman at home, for those who are still living with their parents.
The choice of such travel back and forth is not made solely to address an
economic need. The women who take part in it belong to different socio-
economic circles, and international street vending is often part of a family
project for upward social mobility and the education of the children. The
products sold stem mainly from such sectors as clothing, jewellery, household
appliances, baby clothes and trousseaux. These women know the tastes of
their clientele and its infatuation with Western fashion (the consumption of
foreign products is a sign of distinction for young people from the middle or
underprivileged classes), all the more so as the prices charged are relatively
more attractive than those charged in the shops.
The diverse movement is put to the test by this specifically feminine knack of
knowing one’s way around, through the use of a network of ‘female friends’,
the pooling of resources and the learning of negotiating techniques. The
networks of such female traders reproduce in part the traditional forms
of sociability of the cities in Maghreb, where female territoriality is guided
above all by family and neighbourhood ties, as well as a common regional
48 Camille Schmollp (2005), Pratiques spatiales transnationales et stratégies de mobilité des
commerçantes Tunisiannes. “op cit.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 195
 origin (Berry-Chikhaoui, 2000). Femininity becomes a tactic when crossing
foreign areas or with customs inspectors. In Ceuta, Melilla or Algéciras, in
Naples or in Rome, Paris or Marseille, women traders travel legally, purchase
supplies, know the ideal business spots, the quality of the goods, the periods
of the sales, and have their established networks, who inform them about
and guide them to good deals. The fact remains that such movement, albeit
negotiated, affords them an opportunity for greater independence, the means
and resources to reshape their status, and a wide variety of relations to
capitalise on multiple benefits from this mobility.
'#)>bb^\gVcildbZc^c]^\]"h`^aaZYdXXjeVi^dch!
VWgZV`i]gdj\]l^i]^ggZkZgh^WaZXdchZfjZcXZh
When we broach the question of skills, it is necessary to draw a distinction
between the children of second and third generation migrants who, through
education and training, have gained access to high status occupations, and
those who engage in circular migration between the South and the North,
thereby responding to a demand of a labour market greedy for skills.
Highly skilled migrants are a minority, even if their numbers have continued
to grow these last decades. The number of female employees in multinational
companies or international institutions, those working in the professions,
senior executives, university professors or entrepreneurs is still limited.
The reasons for these trifling percentages have to do essentially with the level
of education of immigrant women, their predominantly literary education,
and the non-recognition of diplomas between the country of origin and of
destination, and segregationist policies that do not enable them to access
positions that correspond to their degrees.
There are very few highly skilled positions occupied by immigrant women
in Spain (1.9%), but there is a perceptibly sizeable qualitative development,
as 12.7% of them now belong to the skilled category, compared with 3.75% in
1993. Nevertheless, in 1999, 78.5% of Moroccans were doing unskilled jobs,
of which 41.6% in agriculture, and 14.7% in domestic services.49
The circular immigration of highly skilled workers has in turn become an
important element in economic development and in the innovation policies
49 M. Khachani and M. Mghari, (2006).op cit.
196 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
of industrialised nations in recent years. A report published in 2009 by
the Arab League’s department of population and migration policies,50 lists
nearly 100,000 scientists, scholars, doctors and engineers who leave Tunisia,
Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, Egypt, Morocco and Algeria each year.51
Thus, nearly 70,000 Arab university graduates emigrate every year to seek
employment abroad. Some 54% of Arab students leave to earn higher degrees
abroad and never return to their country of origin; 70% of scientists do
not return. Nearly 50% of doctors, 23% of engineers and 15% of scientists
emigrate to Europe, the United States and Canada. According to the report,
the discontinuation of such emigration of skills on a large scale would enable
Arab ‘skill exporting’ countries to save $1.57 billion per year. The report
calls on countries such as Egypt, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan to stop this
haemorrhage by taking appropriate measures to create new, well paid jobs
and investment opportunities so as to stem the massive departure of young
talents and enable them to foster the social and economic development of
their country of origin.
The mobility of highly skilled workers has been rising in the last two decades
worldwide. This development is explained by an increase in European – and
now world – demand for skills, owing to the advances of globalisation and the
unrelenting development of information and communication technologies.
The emigration of the elites educated in the countries of the South poses
many problems which have not yet been solved. The flight of skills is highly
paradoxical: some scholarly studies conclude that they stifle -- others that they
accelerate -- the development of the countries of origin, stressing nonetheless
that consultation and negotiation are needed by and between the country
of origin and the country of destination for such departures to be beneficial
for all stakeholders. Given the importance assumed by this type of migration
nowadays, we may well inquire about the degree of participation by women
as well as the areas in which they are the most represented.
Whereas data on the matter are rare and disparate, some research studies
consider possibilities for subsequent research studies. For instance,
the emigration of students is a pre-existing factor of the brain drain. The
50 Cf. Business News of 07 September 09.
51 The report refers to statistics obtained from the Arab League, the International Labour
Organisation (ILO), UNESCO and other Arab and international organisations.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 197
 OECD underscored that in 2000, nearly 1.5 million foreign students were Table 14 / Distribution of skilled Tunisians abroad by area of specialisation (2007)
enrolled in higher education in its Member States, and that more than half of
these were from countries outside the OECD. There were 223,000 students in Area of specialisation Men Women Total
the United Kingdom and 187,000 in Germany.52 The share of women among Teachers and researchers 1563 299 1862
the students who opt for permanent residence is far from negligible, of Engineers and architects 1668 141 1809
course. Recent studies by Docquier, Lowell and Marfouk (2007)53 confirm the Doctors and pharmacists 699 166 865
feminisation of the migration of skills while showing that the emigration rate
Information Technology
of skilled women exceeds that of skilled men. In 2000, the number of qualified 299 32 331
specialists
emigrants from MENA countries compared with emigrants established in
Lawyers 53 19 72
other regions of the world was very high for both sexes: 28.3% for women
Other executives 1635 137 1772
and 33.5% for men.54 In this respect, training and expertise, and not gender,
are what counts for the choice of skills. The authors provide figures for Businessmen 1029 49 1078
these same MENA countries that challenge fully the current stereotypes Total 6946 843 7789
about highly skilled women from the region, because they show that in 2000, Source: Office of Tunisians Abroad, file of Tunisian skills abroad, January 2007
the emigration rate of female skills compared to the overall migration was
9.7%, as opposed to 8.7% for men. The education and training imparted to The nearly 8,000 skilled Tunisians throughout the world concern particularly
the female elite in MENA countries have given those women the means to teaching and research, engineering, business and senior executives in the
break with tradition to a certain degree, to free themselves from societal and public sector. The share of skilled women is low (10.8%) with a pronounced
patriarchal constraints, leading to greater self-assurance and self-esteem, presence in teaching and research, i.e. 35.5%. “The presence of skilled women
and therefore greater autonomy. The authors nonetheless point out that the is explained by the integration of Tunisian women abroad in the school
traditional economic determinants of emigration differ according to gender, system of the European host countries, as well as the increase in the number
with women being more inclined to follow their husband than vice-versa. of women graduates in universities in Tunisia.”55

As regards the countries of destination, highly skilled women from Mashreq
countries tend to head for Anglo-Saxon countries, in particular Egyptian
women. For the Maghreb countries, the highest concentration is in Europe,
although there is a skilled diaspora also in the USA, Canada and the Gulf
countries. This is particularly the case of Tunisia. The classification per
sex, according to the areas of specialisation on the list of skills of Tunisian
emigrant women, drawn up by the Office of Tunisians Abroad, shows the
scope of this movement, especially for women.
Highly skilled women work in traditionally female sectors such as healthcare,
teaching and research. There are also expertise lines in industry or information
technology. The feminisation of migration, especially the migration of skills,
raises specific economic problems. There are many studies, in fact, that insist
on the role of education of women in economic and social development,
confirming that the male-female gap in education is an obstacle for sustainable
development. These countries are therefore in the process of losing part of
the major growth potential represented by women.

52 International Labour Office. Towards a Fair Deal for Migrant Workers in the Global Economy.
International labour Conference, 92nd session, 2004. p. 23.
53 Frederic Docquier (FNRS, UCL), Abdeslam Marfouk (ULB), Sara Salomone (UCL, Tor Vergata
University) and Khalid Sekkat (ULB), Are Skilled Women more Migratory than Skilled Men?.
“October 2008, online.” 55 Abderazak Bek Haj Zekri, Les compétences Tunisiannes à l’étranger. “CARIM. Rapport
54 Table drawn up by Docquier, Lowell and Marfouk ( 2007), ibid., p. 5. 2009.”

198 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 199

 FjVa^ÒXVi^dcVcYZYjXVi^dc Table 16 / Distribution of the immigrant population from the South Eastern
Mediterranean by host country and level of education (Population aged 15 and older).
Immigrant women with a high level of education and qualification are generally
employed in sectors that correspond to their level of skills. An examination Country/Level of Primary at least Secondary Higher
of the relation between education and employment nonetheless reveals that
Austria 80.3 17.1 2.6
a significant minority of highly educated migrant women are employed in
France 46.0 32.5 21.6
unskilled jobs.56 By comparison with native women of equivalent education,
Spain 29.2 70.0 0.8
highly educated migrant women run a ‘higher risk’ of being underemployed,
i.e. doing a job requiring a lower level of education than theirs.57 Germany 24.3 73.0 2.7
USA 17.7 21.0 61.3
Table 15 / Distribution of highly qualified native women, migrant women born in Source: Les notes de l’IPEMED N° 1, p. 26
the EU, and migrant women from third countries by occupation.
Whereas the proportion of women in services is generally high, it does not
Migrant Migrant women reflect the level of education of women. The proportion of illiterates and
Category women – Level I Native
women born in from third holders of a primary school diploma among the immigrant population from
qualification women
the EU countries Southern and Eastern Mediterranean countries predominates in old host
Employment in highly skilled countries (Austria and France), whereas it tends to drop in countries like
52% 54% 41.5
occupations Germany (without Turkey) and Spain, where the immigrant population
Employment in medium skilled seems more literate. This means that the ageing immigrant female population
38% 33% 32% living in France has a relatively low education level compared with a younger
occupations
population, with secondary education, established in Spain. As indicated
Employment in low skilled
10% 13% 27% above, there are many immigrant women in Spain working in services
occupations
(especially domestic work) and in agriculture, doing jobs that require
Source, EU LFS 2005. no qualification, whereas two-thirds of them went to secondary school.
A comparison between Maghreb immigrant, foreign and French women
Immigrant women from third countries with a high level of education are
shows that illiteracy predominates among women from Maghreb, whilst their
twice as likely to be underemployed than native women or migrant women
daughters are gradually gaining access to education.
born in the EU. Many immigrants, and especially women, are sacrificed in
occupations which do not correspond to their qualification, like in the service
sector. Illegal immigrant women are more exposed to this type of exploitation
and encounter many difficulties to change jobs or to be promoted. The
distribution of immigrant women by level of education often does not reflect
their distribution by occupation, in particular when comparing old and new
immigration countries.

56 Analysis of data from “2005 EU LFS.”

57 Jennifer

200 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 201

 Table 17 / Percentage of female population aged 15 and over by nationality and Today, more than half of Mediterranean migrants work. They make a
highest diploma in 1990. considerable contribution to the economic development of their country
through remittances and to the development of the host country by working
Nationality Diploma French Foreign Maghreb and spending there. Their concentration in low skilled sectors and their low
No diploma 29.1 61.4 70.9 qualification limit their rights as female workers as well as their mobility on
C E P (basic school the labour market hinders opportunities for career advancement and their
21.3 11.6 8.3 chances to develop their human capital. This means that their integration in the
leaving qualification)
BEPC (basic school EU’s work force is partial at best; they have jobs, but they lack several rights
11.9 5.7 5.7
leaving qualification) and opportunities that are indispensable for full integration. This situation
CAP or BEP reveals the fragile status of the working immigrant women. “Even when they
15.9 7.2 8.4
(apprenticeship) actually work, the quality of their job tends to be poor, exposing them to
Baccalaureat or higher 21.8 14.1 6.7 social and economic vulnerability.59 This vulnerability is clearly expressed by
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 their unemployment and underemployment rates.”

Source. INSEE figures, 1990

In the old immigration countries, women from Maghreb were concentrated
in the service sector because they had no preparation to do other jobs, and
they did not have the training or language skills that would enable them to
get better paying jobs. According to CNAV data, 23.5% of Moroccan women
in 2003 spoke very poor if any French at all, compared with 7% of the men.
The advancement of new generations through schools enabled them to
work in higher paying jobs in other sectors of the economy. According to a
CNAV survey, 37.7% of the women speak French fluently, compared with 51%
of the men.
(#JcZbeadnbZciVcYjcYZgZbeadnbZci
Unemployment, part-time employment and employment under a temporary
contract tend to affect to a greater degree unskilled or low-skilled people
in developed societies. Immigrant women fall under this category.
The feminisation of the working population is thus also characterised by the
rise of unemployment in Europe in the 1980s which affects immigrants60 in
general, including those from Maghreb.
Table 18 / Unemployment rate by nationality (in percentage)

Prostitution is also an occupation that immigrant women engage in. There French Total foreign Non-EU
EU nationals
are no figures, but it would appear that the number of prostitutes from nationals nationals nationals
southern Mediterranean countries in Europe has increased, or at least they
Men 7.0 14.8 7.3 19.6
have become more visible. Many of them, from the northeast shores of the
Women 8.0 18.3 8.9 26.1
Mediterranean, were tricked by promises of marriages or employment in the
Total 7.5 16.3 8.1 22.2
eldorado of Western Europe, or got caught in the nets of Mafia trafficking
rings. In Italy, half of the 50,000 prostitutes are foreign and the police estimate Source: INSEE, Employment survey from the 1st to the 4th quarter 2007. European Union of 27 countries.
that they generate €50 million per year. In France, half of the prostitutes are Metropolitan France, working people aged 15 and over (age at the time of the survey).
thought to be foreign and generate an annual turnover of €1.5 billion.58

59 Jennifer Rubin, Michael S. Rendall, Lila Rabinovich, Flavia Tsang, Barbara Janta Constantijn
58 Claudine Blasco. ATTAC France, Commission on Women, Gender and Globalisation. van Oranje-Nassau. (2008), op. cit.
“December 2003.” 60 Abdallah Berrada, op cit.

202 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 203

 This table calls for two remarks. The first concerns the unemployment of
foreign nationals, which is higher than that of French nationals – twice as high,
in fact. The second concerns the unemployment of EU and non-EU nationals,
which is three times as high in the case of the latter, indicating a wide gap
between the two groups. An EU national working in another European country
is less affected by unemployment than a third-country national, all the more
so as non-EU nationals are not eligible for a certain number of public jobs,
which are subject to national or European conditionalities. Having European
nationality may spare workers from the tribulations of unemployment or the
constant search for another job.
The dividing line in migration is even more pronounced for women. Not only
is the unemployment rate of immigrant women higher than that of men (26.1%
to 19.6%) but compared to that of French and EU women, the unemployment
of third-country migrants is higher (26.1% to 8% and 8.9%). It can thus be
argued that the two major obstacles to the employment of migrant women
are gender and migrant status. Women are thus doubly harmed compared to
migrant men (gender) and to native women (migration). A third disadvantage
has to do with residence in the European Union, which puts migrants of both
sexes in a clearly less favourable situation, with an unemployment rate of
22.2% compared with only 8% for EU nationals.
Underemployment (part-time employment) and short-term employment
(short-term contract) must also be taken into consideration, as it affects
migrant women more. This phenomenon is even more acute in new
immigration countries where the availability of employment before the
financial crisis of 2008 was such that it was possible to change jobs frequently,
particularly for unskilled or low-skilled workers. Thus, these two forms of
employment are common in these countries. They are also uniformly more
widespread among immigrants from third countries than among nationals
of the country of employment. More than one migrant woman out of three
works part time. Irrespective of the socio-occupational category, immigrant
women are employed part time more frequently than other working women
(34% to 28%). Women manual labourers are particularly concerned: 37%
of migrant women work part time, compared with 27% for the others. For
immigrant women from South-East Asia, this rate is only 23% (INSEE 2007).
Employment under temporary contract is another source of disadvantage
that affects migrants in general and migrant women in particular. The highest
204 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
proportions of temporary employment contracts are concluded with working
migrant women, more particularly in the new immigration countries. In Spain,
more than half of the working migrant women are under temporary contracts.
Undeclared work, which has always existed for both men and women,
nonetheless lends itself to certain types of tasks more than others, in particular
domestic work, which is generally the purview of women. Restrictions to
employment have not prevented women from working, of course, but they
have forced them to undertake undeclared work, in jobs that seem easier to
access. In addition to domestic services, fast food outlets and outsourced
cleaning manage to evade the regulations.
The development of an underground economy stands in the way of the
integration of women in the labour market and violates their rights. It
contributes to a concentration of women in unskilled branches without
social protection. Migration leads to numerous disadvantages, including
unemployment and underemployment, not to mention the difference in pay.
The principle of ‘equal pay for equal work’ is undermined because the status
of migrant women does not confer on them the same privileges enjoyed by
native women. Being a woman and a migrant from a third country makes
access to employment, especially on a full time basis, even more difficult.61
)#8dcXajh^dc
The situation of migrant women from MEDA countries in Europe has to be
analysed from a multi-dimensional, national, generational, and class-related
perspective. The daughters of immigrants belonging to well-to-do families
adopted the standards and values of the host society rapidly thanks to the
acculturation process through the school, the media and their occupation.
They hold jobs that require a high level of education, unlike women who
belong to underprivileged social strata, and have been rejected by the school
system to be employed in services or the social care sector. The new waves of
migrant women, who left on their own to find work, wound up doing domestic
work or providing help for the elderly. Their only aim and hope is to be able to
61 Jennifer Rubin, Michael S. Rendall, Lila Rabinovich, Flavia Tsang, Barbara Janta Constantijn
van Oranje-Nassau. (2008). op. cit.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 205
 reside in the host country to earn a better living and, where possible, return
to their country of origin.
An analysis of the situation of immigrant women on the labour market reveals
a growing need for integration policies which take due consideration of the
specific nature of their situation and are geared to their full economic and
social integration in the host country. This requires a reassessment of the
contribution they make to the host economies and a reconsideration of their
increasingly more significant capacities.
8]VeiZg>K#>ciZ\gVi^dcd[b^\gVcildbZc
^c:jgdeZVcXdjcig^Zh
“The fact that a first mover, born abroad to foreign parents, arrives in the
country without knowing a word of French, can become Vice-President of
the National Assembly, a general counsel or mayor of a large city, would
suggest that there is finally an efficient integration model the French way.”62
Arthur Paecht63
Integration is a fundamental element in the processes put in motion by legal
migration. Nevertheless, the question asked since the 1980s concerns the
ways to integrate migrants established with their families that do not plan to
go back to their country of origin. Immigrants of course do various jobs, but
they are not very integrated in the host society. Women who came through
family reunification get integrated only slowly and gradually in the economic
and social structures of the host country, whereas their children tend to get
integrated more easily, because they were born or arrived in the host country
when they were very young, all the more so as the school plays an important
role on the cultural socialisation front. The integration of women who came
alone for economic reasons proceeds separately; it depends on their level of
education, the occupation carried out, and the degree of integration in the
world of work.
62 Arthur Paecht, Revaloriser l’assimilation. In M. Pelissier and A. Paecht, Les modèles
d’intégration en question, “Ed IRIS/PUF. 2004.”
63 Arthur Paecht. Was at the time the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Institut des
Relations Internationales et Stratégiques (IRIS) and was formerly the Vice-President of the
National Assembly.
206 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
A successful case of integration of a Moroccan family in France points to
the different parameters that are in favour of real integration of migrants.
An article by Laetitia van Eeckhout, entitled “Rencontre avec la famille
Amri, marocains de France, d’Europe et du Morocco,” 64 tells the story of
Mohamed Amri, a former skilled worker at Renault, now retired, who decided
to stay in France while maintaining close ties with Morocco, his country of
origin, where he spends the holidays in his own apartment.
He arrived in France in 1964 at the age of 24, with a school certificate in hand
to “seek a better future”, and has taken root. He married in Morocco, brought
his wife to France, had three daughters, and the entire family acquired French
nationality. All three daughters went on to higher education in France, and do
not want to hear about integration. They consider themselves “both French
and Moroccan”, and impugn the term “young people with an immigrant
background”. Soraya, 28 years old, has considerable experience on her CV
gained in “France, Germany and the United States”. She has gone back to
school to earn a master’s degree (she already holds a bachelor’s degree in
international marketing). Yasmina, the eldest, aged 30, is a business unit
manager in a large office automation company, and is married to a Frenchman
of Portuguese origin. The father respects the choices his daughters have made.
Naturally, he passed on to them his religious culture, but that of an “Islam of
tolerance and open-mindedness”. Yasmina would not dream of asserting that
she observes Ramadan, does not eat pork and does not drink alcohol. For her,
“religion is a strictly personal matter”. She deplores “all these debates about
Islam from the veil to the burqa, finding them surrealistic.”
The father never imposed on his daughters the annual ritual of travelling to
Morocco, preferring to ‘tighten the belt’ so that they could discover France
during their holidays. Like many second generation Moroccans residing in
France, Mr Amri’s daughters do not exclude that they might move to Morocco
one day. “If a professional opportunity arises…not in order to get back to
their roots.” They are French, but remain attached to the Moroccan traditions
handed down to them. They have dual nationality, but nonetheless live in a
more cosmopolitan environment than merely Moroccan or even French.
64 Meeting the Amri family, Moroccans of France, Europe and the World. “Le Monde, 18 July 09.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 207
 This very telling case shows that once the conditions of integration have been
fulfilled, the process becomes easier to the point of being self-evident for
those who go through it. The father, who came looking for a better future, i.e.
an improvement in his material and social situation, was mentally prepared
for integration. His level of education helped, and he had no problems of
communication with the natives. His involvement in the trade union brought
him in closer contact with the world of work and of politics. A well integrated
father, who opted for modernity, became the engine and facilitator of his
family’s integration. School also plays a major role in integration in the
host society. It provides this necessary vantage point for selecting the most
appropriate aspects in line with the immigrant’s life project to create a space
of understanding and conviviality between people and cultures. Work is
another integration factor. Integration in the world of world, particularly
when holding positions of responsibility, and the desire for a career, are
added factors for good integration.
A general observation concerning the cultural aspect, supported by the Amri
case, shows the cultural predisposition for integration and its consequences
for the immigrant’s culture. More specifically, the more immigrants are
integrated in the host society, the more that religion becomes a personal
matter. They practice their religion in harmony with themselves and the
principles of the society in which they live, without going overboard, without
any demonstrative effect, and without dogmatism. The other is accepted as
being different, and this enables the immigrant to live his double culture, and
more particularly to readapt the culture of origin to that of the host country,
while maintaining a solid attachment to socio-cultural ties with his origins.
In light of the foregoing, the integration of migrants can be said to require a
global policy aimed at both migrants and natives to ensure adherence to the
laws and culture of the host country among immigrants, whilst getting natives
to accept the immigrant and his culture. It presupposes a re-socialisation of
the migrant and the native alike for the sake of mutual understanding and
acceptance of the other with his difference and singularity.
208 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
&#>ciZ\gVi^dc/aZm^XVaeajgVa^in
The notion of integration belongs to various fields of knowledge. Nevertheless,
its misuse and its many paradoxes call for a consolidated definition that
would remove many ambiguities and place the issue within the framework of
European national policies, bearing in mind that there is no European common
integration policy.
Since the mid 1970s, the notion of integration has become the dominant term of the
discourse on the stakes entailed by the presence of migrant populations in European
countries. Most scholarly works that compare the rationale behind policy decisions
and measures taken by the different countries to ‘integrate immigrants’ point to the
double effort needed from the public authorities and the immigrants themselves,
and consider the traditions and cultures as key explanatory variables.
First of all, it is necessary to dispel any confusion between the notions of
assimilation, insertion and integration. Whereas the first has been pushed aside,
the second held sway for a certain period of time before being replaced by the
third. These three terms – assimilation, integration or insertion – are not neutral.
They are based on very different philosophies and on various disciplines:
anthropology and sociology, psychology and economics. The spontaneous
apprehensions of these three modes of receiving immigrants in the host
community put them in a sort of scale ranging from the most ‘dominating’
attitude of the host society, in the case of assimilation65, to a more respectful
attitude towards the other, as in the case of insertion66 and integration.67
65 Assimilation is defined as full adherence by the migrants to the standards of the host
society, where the expression of their identity and socio-cultural specific characteristics are
abandoned, or remain confined to the private sphere only.
66 According to the Petit Larousse dictionary, insertion means placing one thing among others and
finding a place in a whole. Insertion is a minimalist objective geared to the reception of individuals
who have a tendency to return to themselves, whence the emphasis on preserving the migrant’s
identity ties with his culture of origin, and even the possibility of returning, as one of the normal
prospects of immigration. Danièle Lochak. (2006), L’intégration comme injonction. Enjeux
idéologiques et politiques liés à l’immigration , Cultures & Conflits, “N° 64, Winter 2006, pp. 131-
147. [Online], 06 March 2007. URL: http://www.conflits.org/index2136.html.”
67 In the introduction of the Commission’s Report entitled Measurement and Indicators of
Integration (1998), the authors underscored that the vision of French-style integration and
its British or Dutch interpretation is altogether close to assimilation, where individuals are
absorbed in the nation, even if they can preserve their traditions, a style of living from their
country of origin. It is expected that in a few generations, their children and grandchildren will
blend in completely with the population, in what is referred to successful integration, which
entails a peaceful and harmonious coexistence with the respect for their differences and a public
recognition of said differences. Jean Claude Monod, Quelle politique d’intégration au sein de
l’UE. In Questions d’Europe. “N° 53, 5 March 2007. P 1.” Integration is always and everywhere
actually a mixture of assimilation and accommodation of the cultural diversity. (Monod, 2007).
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 209
 The term integration has managed to generate another notion, that of
discrimination, which appeared in the ordinary lexicon of public action in
France68 at the end of the 1990s. The fight against discrimination has become
one of the main lines of the integration policy. ‘Discrimination’ understood as
‘unfavourable treatment owing to a real or supposed origin’ of people has since
been discussed extensively in intellectual, political and associative circles,
and has led to surveys by journalists and scholarly work. The fight against
discrimination has thus been enshrined in public policies and has become the
most mobilising watchword by comparison with the hackneyed slogans of
‘citizenship’ and ‘integration’.69 The fight against social exclusion has become
an appendix to the struggle against discrimination, with a particular agenda
that encounters difficulties to be put in practice.
'#>ciZ\gVi^dc/Vc^cZk^iVWaZdgVcdei^dcVaegdXZhh4
In the mid 1970s, political, ideological and legal stakes developed around
the idea of integration. Awareness that labour migration, previously seen as
temporary, was changing to immigration with permanent residence, turned
the question of integration into one of the main concerns of the public
authorities and a subject of political debate.
The family reunification policy naturally heightened the problem of integrating
immigrants in the host societies, particularly for the old immigration countries.
Nevertheless, its implementation remains contingent on ‘controlling migration
flows, and the regulation of stay and repatriation’. The fact remains, however,
that the integration effort is a shared responsibility incumbent, albeit to
different degrees, upon the public authorities of the countries of origin and of
destination, NGOs, and the migrants themselves.
(#;gdbcVi^dcVaid:J^ciZ\gVi^dceda^Xn
68 Didier Fassin (op cit. p. 404) underscores, by way of (significant) example, an analysis of
the general table of contents in the fifteen years of the Revue européenne des migrations
internationales which shows that not only the term “discrimination” no longer appears in a
single title of an article, whereas “racism” or “segregation” occurs many times in such titles.
69 Nacira Guénif-Souilamas, (2001), L’intégration, une idée épuisée, in Libération, “12 July
2001:” and Michel Wiewiorka, Faut-il en finir avec l’intégration? Cahiers de la Sécurité
Intérieure. “45, 2001, pp. 9-20.”
210 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
‘Europeanising’ the question of integration of migrants has always been on
the European agenda, even before the Maastricht Treaty.70 The European
Commission has since 1985 taken measures71 in particular to improve access
to rights for all foreign residents. In 1987, it also decided to establish a
prior consultation procedure for all new policies concerning third-country
nationals.72 A European integration policy has emerged since the Tempere
Council in 1999 which takes account of different national traditions and has
introduced new mechanisms to facilitate the implementation of a common
integration policy. Accordingly, as of the 2000s, European measures to counter
discrimination were adopted by the Council of Ministers, such as:
Council Directive 2000/43/EC of 29 June 2000 implementing the principle
of equal treatment between persons irrespective of racial or ethnic origin73,
based on Article 13 of the Amsterdam Treaty adopted in 1997. Known as the
“race directive,” it had to be transposed by the Member States by July 2003;
Council Directive 2000/78/EC of 27 November 2000 establishing a general
framework for equal treatment in employment and occupation,74 which
introduces protection against discrimination based on religion or belief,
disability, age or sexual orientation;
The EU instrument includes an incentive section which materialised in
November 2000 with the publication of a programme for the fight against
discrimination for the period 2001-2006;
The directive that provides protection against discrimination based on race or
ethnic origin is very important in several respects. It establishes a vast system
of protection against direct and indirect discrimination and even provides for
affirmative action.75 It is applied to areas where there was no EU competence
70
71
CIG of 1991.
Commission Européenne. 1985, Orientations pour une politique communautaire des
migrations. “COM(85) 48 def. Bruxelles: CEC, 1985.”
72 Five Member States had immediately objected, and the Court of Justice of the European
Communities (CJEC) ruled in their favour in 1987 by overturning the decision: there was no
Community competence on integration policy for third-country nationals.
73 Directive 2000/43/EC of 28 June 2000 (Official Journal of the European Communities L 180 of
19 July 2000).
74 Directive 2000/78/EC of 27 November 2000 (OJEC L 303 of 2 December 2000) and Council
Decision of 27 November 2000 (OJEC L 303/23 of 2 December 2000).
75 The directive actually stipulates that “the prohibition of discrimination should be without
prejudice to the maintenance or adoption of measures intended to prevent or compensate for
disadvantages suffered by a group of persons of a particular racial or ethnic origin.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 211
 such as housing. Finally, the transposition of the directive requires many
adaptations in States where the protection system was insufficient or non-
existent.
The adoption of the European Pact76 on Immigration and Asylum by the
Council on 15 and 16 October 2008 was followed by a ministerial conference
on integration held in Vichy on 3 and 4 November. At this high-level meeting,
the 27 EU Member States were unanimous on the objectives and a common
timeframe, based on three priorities, namely proficiency in the language of
the host country, knowledge and practice of the country’s values and access
to employment. Other commitments undertaken include the promotion
of diversity in the world of work, the fight against discrimination, and the
contribution to promote the role of immigrant women, in particular the fight
against violence which they may face.
)#HdbZeVgVbZiZghi]ViegdbdiZ^ciZ\gVi^dc
Family migration has clearly raised the question of integration by showcasing
the problems of housing, reproductive health, schooling for the children and
work for women. The different components of these problems were identified
around the 1980s to square up directly or indirectly to the realities faced by
migrants. Institutions such as the High Commissioner for Immigration in
France, the Centre for Equal Opportunities in Belgium, etc. were created as
well as NGOs to tackle the integration of migrants. Particular attention was
paid to women as pillars of the family, guardians of culture, principle agents of
socialisation for the children and the persons most receptive to modernity.
Facilitating the acquisition of citizenship is an important means for
integrating migrants. The criteria for granting nationality differ from
one European country to the next: for some, it is the ius soli; for
others the ius sanguini. The fact remains that nationality grants
migrants, independent of their origins, the same rights as natives.
76 As regards integration, this pact stresses:
1 / the importance of adopting a policy that enables fair treatment of migrants and their
harmonious integration into the societies of their host countries (with emphasis on
language learning and access to employment);
2 / the need to combat any forms of discrimination to which migrants may be exposed.
212 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Desegregated housing is just as important a factor. Diversity comprising
migrants and natives in neighbourhoods and buildings has always been
considered as a fundamental parameter of the integration of the foreign
population. Education includes the schooling of children and adult education,
particularly language learning. The school is the main channel through which
young people absorb the standards and values of the new society and adopt
the dominant culture. It is also a springboard for entering the world of work
and a means of social mobility. Enormous efforts have been made by host
countries to school the children of migrants, facilitate their integration in
school and limit the drop-out rates. European states being aware children
cannot be integrated better by rejecting their culture of origin, the language
and culture of origin were introduced either as part of the school curriculum
or in special time slots.77
Migrant children in general, but especially girls, have an exceptional mission:
they must be better educated than their parents to be better integrated in
the host society. Parents, and mothers in particular, put great store in their
daughters who show, through school, that they are the ones most capable to
make their mother’s new dream come true, namely by speaking the language
of the country, and being integrated into the world of work through better
and higher paying jobs. Some mothers go as far as to allow a mixed marriage
with a foreign national, provided the latter converts to Islam; others allow
even de facto unions.
Adult education is the most efficient path to integration, especially for
migrant women. The State, social services of certain cities, and many NGOs
intervene in this sense, starting with the principle that migrants can integrate
only by learning how to speak and write the language of the host country.
The education of migrant women undertaken by certain NGOs such as Caritas
includes basic instruction plus a second section of minimum vocational
training (sewing, cooking, child care). These courses also serve as places
for sociability, meetings between women and exchanges, creating ties and
breaking the isolation to which these women were subjected. In Spain, for
example, official social action plans for migrants appeared in 1993, “initiated
77 In France, the instruction of the language of origin in public schools is non-existent, whereas
in Germany, some cities give priority to rapid integration in school where emphasis is put on
success, while others try to maintain the cultural identity of young migrants through bilingual
classes.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 213
 by NGOs with more or less substantial financial support from public bodies.
Several municipalities have undertaken such actions.”78
Integration in work entails better occupational integration through the fight
against discrimination in employment and the development of additional
training courses and placement schemes geared essentially to young people.
Various European countries have established a practical vocational training
scheme for young people to fight against discrimination in employment and
to develop affirmative action for young migrants, from which young girls
have benefited extensively.
In the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, young people from ethnic
minorities have been entered in vocational training schemes, with specific
placement programmes, organised generally by the local authorities
that try to reconnect the economic sector with training organisations.
These countries have also taken affirmative action measures (based on
quotas) for employment, even if in reality such measures do not seem to be
able to solve indirect discrimination and the misgivings of the private sector.
Young women are not marginalised, but are gradually entering the labour
market, through vocational training sectors leading to qualification. They also
take part in the trade union movement. In point of fact, marriages between
migrant women and foreign nationals and de facto unions are quite common.
The schooling of girls and the acquisition of the language and culture of the
host country encourage them to adhere to models of native women, even if
it means shocking their parents and the migrant community. Living together,
which is completely prohibited by Islam, is becoming a new parameter for
naturalisation, but also for defying the family circle or for asserting one’s
personal experience. The mixed marriage rate of Algerian women, the oldest
of migrants, is relatively higher than that of other women from Maghreb, even if
these young educated women tend to prefer to marry a Muslim born in the host
country, who seems closer to them than native men from their country of origin.
Local and national associations of migrants are emerging in all European
countries. Mechanisms for support, learning and transmitting culture,
they are a key means of transmission between government policies and
78 Elisabeth Maluquier, La femme immigrée maghrébine en tant que sujet d’intervention sociale
dans la province de Barcelone. “In 1996, Actes du colloque femmes et migrations, op cit, p. 138”.
214 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
the migrant population. These associations are organised on a community
or intra-community basis, taking into consideration very specific categories
such as young people, women and elderly people. Apart from numerous
services provided for migrants, these associations act as pressure groups to
defend their rights and interests.
Women from Maghreb, irrespective of their age, social level or education,
are getting more and more organised at all levels and for all issues (women’s
rights, legal counselling, language courses, sewing and embroidery, cooking,
traditional crafts, music and dance, etc.). They intervene (especially the
mothers) in emergency situations, when things get heated up in their
neighbourhoods, to restore peace and quiet, to avoid violence or racism.
They get politically engaged in local, national and European elections
(France, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands). In Belgium, for instance, since the
last elections, several dozen women from Maghreb are municipal councillors,
alderwomen or regional deputies. In France, for a decade or so now, they
have been policy makers in various movements and elected officials. Through
their participation in local and political life, migrant women are breathing
new life to new and participatory democracy. Their political and associative
commitment has made it possible to bring migrant women out of the shadows
and make them visible with respect to national and European institutions,
thereby promoting recognition for them as potential and effective players for
development and as cultural intermediaries that can be counted on.
In spite of all these attainments and advancements, the integration of migrant
women remains a slow process full of pitfalls. Whereas European integration
policies are multiplying, they are still difficult to be implemented, whilst
coming up considerable resistance from the migrant women themselves.
*#HdbZY^[ÒXjai^ZhgZaVi^c\id^ciZ\gVi^dc
The acquisition of nationality grants different rights and prerogatives to
migrant women. Many women from Maghreb have dual nationality through
filiation, by being born in the country, or through automatic or voluntary
acquisition. They at times find themselves in contradictory situations: as
nationals of the country of residence, they fall under the legislation of the host
country; as citizens of the EU, they are subject to the rights and obligations
of the European Union; as migrants, they submit to the personal status of
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 215
 their country of origin which may interfere with other legislation and, in some
cases, contradict it. Subject to a legal status that is different from that of its
country of origin, the migrant family takes time to assimilate, integrate and
appropriate that status. Women are more receptive because of the respect
of their political, civil and economic rights. The application of this right to
migrant families creates upheavals in their midst, due to the incompatibility
between personal status, which remains subject to the legislation of the
country of origin and Sharia law, with the values of equality and freedom
enshrined in European legislation and international law.
In a general manner, women from Maghreb who arrive under family
reunification, the only form of legal immigration, benefit only from rights
derived from and dependent on their husbands for family and personal rights,
even if administrative independence is acquired (in France since 1986) thanks
to the mobilisation and work of migrant women and NGOs. Many institutions
intervene to facilitate the integration of the migrant family, and to help
women and young girls to free themselves from the constraints imposed by
family life. But these institutions are stigmatised by the migrants, in particular
shelters for women who flee their homes because of violence, and serious
misunderstandings with their husbands, fathers or older brothers. Created at
the end of the 1980s in the Netherlands, where they are called darna, these
shelters that provide protection for women and children are considered an
affront or a threat because they are institutions outside the family, alien to
its problems, and must not interfere in the affairs of the household and in
relations between parents and children. Migrants are often shocked to see
women and children live in culturally alien settings. The husbands or fathers
are offended to be considered as louts who beat their women, lock them up in
the home, and even deny them food. They claim that these are lies used by the
Dutch press to wrest their women and daughters from their control.79 Women
who leave their home for such a shelter return only rarely if ever to resume
their married life. The dominant Western mode of the family that the migrant
family is supposed to adopt does not appeal to all women. There are those
who accept it fully, others who deem it necessary but excessive, and others
yet who refuse. Some see these centres as a model for emancipation, others
79 Aicha Belarbi, (1994), op cit.
216 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
consider them with suspicion because they allow unnatural (de facto) unions,
are lax about adultery and lead to the early sexual liberation of young girls.80
It is a telling case of contradiction between legislation that liberates and
protects women and children, and a traditional family model which tends
to be revived by immigration. It is worth bearing in mind that nearly all the
Moroccan migrant population in the Netherlands comes from Rif, a region
in the north of Morocco, known for its conservatism, which is reflected in
the overprotection of women who are kept in the home far from the eyes of
men, preventing young girls going to school and refusing female instructors
out of fear that women who come into contact with them will see them as
role models.81
Furthermore, whereas housing and territorial diversity between migrant
and native population constitute a factor of integration, the fact remains
that current housing trends are not in that direction. In certain countries,
the creation of suburbs has contributed to the spatial concentration of the
migrant population, the very term ‘suburb’ having become emblematic of the
presence of migrants on the margin of the host society.82
In France, for example, the first migrants, often hired to work in industry
or the mines, settled close to their workplace around towns. When their
families arrived, most lived in precarious housing for years, living through
harsh winters without heating and through hot and dusty summers, waiting
for their applications for housing to be approved -- as the development of the
council estates could not meet the demand of migrants and many providers of
social housing were reticent to house large families.83 This housing problem
created the drift of the suburbs. Since the 1990, it has been an emotionally
charged issue, symbolising the fears raised by migrants, the concentration
of social exclusion, delinquency, violence, and the ‘rotations’. The media
refer to them as no-go areas. In the chaos of these suburbs, young girls and
women seem to be the ones most removed, most quiet and least enterprising.
80 Aicha Belarbi, Rapport de mission sur les femmes marocaines en Hollande, migration
féminine et retour aux traditions. Training session for female welfare workers. “Amsterdam
Town Hall, May 1994.”
81 Aicha Belarbi. (1998), Projet sur l’éducation des filles dans cinq provinces marocaines, le
cas de la région d’Alhuceima. “USAID.”[
82 Jacques Barou, Trajectoires résidentielles: du bidonville au logement social. In S/ D Philippe
Dewitte. (1999) Immigration et intégration. Éditions la découverte. pp. “185-195. p. 193.”
83 Laetitia Van Eeckhout. (2007), Débat public sur l’immigration. “Ed. Odile Jacob, p. 146.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 217
 The aggressors are essentially young males, the result of educational wastage
and unemployment. They are violent with those around them, including girls,
and natives. In these upheavals, women constitute “a strategic group from
which emerge women activists that endeavour to restore a balance in relations
and fight against deviance”,84 relays and mediators for greater stability in the
suburbs, and contributors to the restoration of law and order.85
It goes without saying that generations born and raised in these
neighbourhoods are the ones hardest hit by school failure, unemployment
and underemployment, and cannot manage to chart a residential mobility
project. Social housing becomes for them the only possible horizon and
the space of the council estates, likewise the only living space possible,
ends up being claimed as their ‘identity territory’.86 The isolation and spatial
marginalisation of migrants develop a sense of belonging to a community and
reinforce identities. The suburb is turned from a space delimiting social ties to
a lawless area that leaves room for the emergence of the role of ‘big brothers’
or caids (young men who make the law in the neighbourhoods, subjecting
young girls to excessive control, constraints and acute violence).87
School and work play their integrating role for only a minority of migrant
men and women. Integration through education is problematic; the children
of migrants are considered as a difficult group with high drop-out rates.
Most of those who succeed are geared to vocational training rather then
long general education. A study by Vallet and Caille88 concludes that a slight
advantage in favour of children of both sexes from an immigrant background
was noted during the orientation in the third year of secondary school – an
advantage that is not linked to indulgence on the part of the teachers, nor
to the competence of the students, but rather to greater mobility by the
families who have higher aspirations for the education of their children.
84 Françoise Gaspard, L’émergence des migrantes et leurs filles dans l’espace français. “In
1996, Actes du colloque femmes et migrations, op cit, pp 17-34. P 28.”
85 L’express 1-7 February 1996.
86 Jacques Barou,(1999), territoires résidentielles, “op cit p 194.”
87 Voir le roman de Samira Bellil. (2003), Dans l’enfer des tournantes. “Editions Denoel.”
88 L. A. Vallet et J.P.Caille, (1996), Les élèves étrangers ou issus de l’immigration dans l’école
et le collège français. Dossier d’éducation et de formations, N° 67, April 1997. “Men, Paris.
Houria Alami MCHICHI.” Femmes immigrées maghrébines en France: questions de rôles. In
1996, Actes du colloque femmes et migrations. “op cit, pp35-42, p 3.”
218 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Whereas NGOs participate actively in the integration of migrant women,
the disillusionment brought about by the daily living experience of migrants
has led to the development of religious associations intended not only to
provide economic and spiritual support for migrants, but also to prevent
Muslim women from falling into ‘irreversible Westernisation’. Religious
affiliation becomes a handicap for integration, not because migrants are more
religious and sectarian, but because of the new view of Islam in the West as
a violent and intolerant religion. Since the end of the 1980s, Muslim migrants
from MEDA countries have burst on the public stage and made headlines on
the television news and political discussions, solely because of their religious
affiliation. The polemic about polygamy and especially girls wearing the veil
at school has contributed to make them increasingly more visible and more
present on the public stage. This is the debate that revealed the difficulties
of the cultural integration of migrants from Maghreb, a debate that assumed
a political tone linked to national identity and secularism in France. In 1984
and 1994, the veil in school revived a latent image of migrants. These young
girls, seen prior to the veil affair as harbingers of hope for integration and
intermediaries to convey the culture and values of the host country in their
families and their communities, were considered as a pitfall to integration.
The rise of radical Islamism actually gave a new meaning to the veil and
those who wear it. The veil of mothers and grandmothers, which continues
to be worn in the suburbs, never bothered anyone, whereas that of educated
young girls has become a sign of Islamism and fundamentalism. Owing to
serious misunderstanding and a wrong interpretation, young girls who wear
the veil are considered as victims of the community’s culture. The veil is seen
as a symbol of the enslavement of women and an affront to their dignity.
In reply, the migrant community from Maghreb asserts that wearing the veil
guarantees the dignity of women, as it is the symbol of freedom of religious
conviction.89 In this ambivalence, women represent a major political stake:
for some, they are the most apt for change; for others, they are the ones most
capable of preserving the religious aspect of the culture of origin.
Religion can be invoked to justify the violation of the human rights of women,
as a religious interpretation is conferred on cultural practices and traditions
89 Houria Alami MCHICHI. Femmes immigrées maghrébines en France: questions de rôles.
“In 1996, Actes du colloque femmes et migrations, op cit, pp35-42, p 3.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 219
 that violate human rights. A return to a religious attitude can be perceived
that may at times have an influence on European policies, which undermines
the principle of gender equality. In Europe, “freedom of religion cannot be
accepted as a pretext to justify violations of women’s rights, be they open or
subtle, legal or illegal, practised with or without the nominal consent of the
victims – women.”90
+#>ciZ\gVi^dcVhVYZbVcY
From the mid 1980s, migrants themselves began to become aware of a question
concerning themselves: Who are we? What are we doing here, in European
countries, whereas we are mentally and emotionally linked to our country of
origin? How can we achieve real integration and become stakeholders and
not simply be on the receiving end of government policies?
The arrival of young, second and even third generation migrants, with a
new perception of migration and their role as nationals from southern
Mediterranean, particularly Muslim countries, with different traditions,
questioned the dominant miserabilist and victimised mindset, and showed
both a greater motivation to integrate and a greater concern for the respect
of fundamental rights.
90 Resolution of the Council of Europe. Women and Religion in Europe. 15 September 2005.
220 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
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The migration of men caused a crack in families that stayed, because migration
under family reunification entails a risk of completing and deepening that
crack started by the emigration of men. Placed between the two, migrants are
trying to integrate in the host society while maintaining ties with the country
of origin. An ambiguous situation that has to be settled by giving priority to one
nationality over the other. “I am French of Moroccan origin,” Yasmina Amri
said. Being French entails not only being successfully integrated, but also
assimilating fully the standards and values of the host country. This cannot
be achieved by acquiring the nationality but through the desire and effort
to become a fully-fledged member, by the absence of a distinction between
native and migrant, the reference to the origins being an emotional bond that
is loosened through the generations.
As Abdelamlek Sayad aptly put it, “the immigration of families entails
assimilation, irrespective of the terms and various euphemisms”91 used to
refer to this social reality (adaptation, integration, insertion). In a process of
separating from one society and merging with another, the frames of reference
of the country of origin disintegrate to make room for the adoption of new
ones, more adapted to the host country and its expectations, thereby shaping
the behaviour of migrants who merge with society and are recognised only by
the family name or the colour of their skin.
The case of Rachida Dati is telling. A woman of Moroccan-Algerian origin,
she made great strides to emerge as a French woman who acknowledges
her origins but rejects completely the basic reference to Maghreb. Minister
for Justice, she acknowledges her origins whilst deliberately circumventing
them. An entire media circus grew around her pregnancy, delivery and the
name of her companion. Her situation would be inadmissible for a woman in
public life in Maghreb living in a Muslim country, where religion and customs
leave no room for relations outside marriage. Whereas certain social strata are
becoming permissive about relations outside marriage, a child must remain
hidden until a legal solution is found. The choice made by Mrs Dati is clear:
She is French, she lives under French legislation where living together is one
91 Abdelmalek Sayad, (1999), La double absence. “Paris, Editions Seuil, p 111.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 221
 matrimonial arrangement among others and children born out of wedlock 6ccZmZh
are just as legitimate as the children of a conventional couple. Integration
is a process that gains momentum the longer the migrants stay in the host Distribution of migrants from MEDA countries by region of residence: figures in 2008
country: living in decent housing among natives, having access to education
and training, working in associations, having a job, getting promoted and European Union /Statistics of the Arab Rest of the
Total
pursuing a career, participating in the management of public affairs, etc. are host countries countries World
assets that promote the integration of migrants, men and women, in the host country of origin
country. Women want to become literate and to learn the language and work.
Algeria 811,826 72,887 23,491 908,204
To be integrated, they need the means of communication and access to the
labour market, two major criteria for their personal development. Egypte 177,674 1,928,160 381,400 2,487,234
Israel 47,750 NA NA 47,750
Many obstacles to the integration of migrants, especially women migrants,
remain however, against which rises the prejudice of double subordination in Jordan 20,531 NA NA 20,531
more or less explicit terms: being poor, with little if any education, relegated Lebanon 145,807 123,966 325,604 595,377
to domestic services, they are under the control of their husbands.
Morocco 2,102,534 281,631 173,312 2,557,477
The high unemployment rates of migrant women, and the part-time or Syria 100,137 NA NA 100,137
undeclared employment in which they engage in sectors that remain invisible,
Palestinian
cannot help them to integrate in European societies. When the residential 4,195 NA NA 4,195
Territories
marginalisation is added, it becomes clear that migrant women live among
themselves, preserve their habits and traditions, speak their language, Tunisia 365,003 142,655 28,715 536,373
watch the television stations of the country of origin, and have little contact Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, p 2.
with natives. “They not only live in the periphery, they are at the periphery
of everything.” Percentage of migrants from MEDA countries, per region of residence 92

Country of European Union /Statistics of the

Arab countries Rest of the World
origin host countries
Algeria 89.4 8.0 2.6
Egypt 7.1 77.5 15.3
Lebanon 24.5 20.8 54.7
Morocco 82.2 11.0 6.8
Tunisia 68.1 26.6 5.4
Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, Stocks 2008, p 2.

92 Statistics were not always available for the other MEDA countries

222 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 223

 Percentage of MEDA migrants in the European Union Distribution of Algerian migrant women in Europe according to statistics
of the host countries
Algeria 21.5
Egypt 4.7 Total Women Percentage of Algerian
Total Migrants
Israel 1.3 Migrants Women Migrants
Jordan 0.5 Germany 13,148 3,635 27.6
Lebanon 3.9 Austria 990 228 23.0
Morocco 55.7 Belgium 20,295 8,975 44.2
Syria 2.7 Spain 55,726 16,565 29.7
Palestinian Territories 0.1 France 679,000 315,000 46.4
Tunisia 9.7 Greece 188 46 24.5
Total 100 Italy 22,672 6922 30.5
Source: Percentages calculated on the basis of CARIM data, 2008/2009, p 2. Netherlands 3,790 1,356 35.8
United Kingdom 10,000 3,153 31.5
Percentage of women migrants from MEDA countries in Europe per country of origin
Total 805,809 355,880 44.2
Total number of women Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent Data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006),
% of women migrants
migrants
Algeria 355,880 23.47 Distribution of Egyptian migrant women in Europe according to statistics
Egypt 47,274 3.12 of the host countries
Israel 16,003 1.06
Jordan 6,318 0.42 Total Women Percentage of Egyptian
Total Migrants
Migrants Women Migrants in Europe
Lebanon 40,339 2.66
Morocco 886,425 58.45 Germany 11623 3,771 32.4
Syria 22,697 1.50 Austria 12,878 4,695 36.5
Palestinian Territories 521 0.03 Belgium 2746 873 31.8
Tunisia 141,107 9.30 Spain 3,680 982 26.7
Total 1,516,564 100 France 20,000 NA NA

Source: Our table based on CARIM data, 2008/2009. pp 473-477.

Greece 9,461 1,168 12.3
Italy 69,572 20,492 29.5
Netherlands 11,178 3,293 29,5
United Kingdom 27,000 12,000 44.4
Total 168,138 47,274 28.1
Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006),

224 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 225

 Distribution of Israeli migrant women in Europe according to statistics Distribution of migrant Lebanese women in Europe according to statistics
of the host countries of the host countries

Total Total Women Percentage of Israeli Migrant Total Women Percentage of Lebanese
Total Migrants
Migrants Migrants Women in Europe Migrants migrant
Germany 9,798 3,854 39.3 Germany 38,028 15,769 41.5
Austria 2,280 1,015 44.5 Austria 1,062 640 60.3
Belgium 3,325 1,433 43.1 Belgium 4652 1,780 38.3
Spain 2,660 982 36.9 Spain 3,065 969 31.6
France 4,281 NA NA France 33,000 14,000 42.4
Greece 102 24 23.5 Greece 550 236 42.9
Italy 2,332 887 38.0 Italy 3,471 1,230 35.4
Netherlands 4,780 2,067 43.2 Netherlands 2,939 1216 41.4
United Kingdom 14,000 5,741 41.0 United Kingdom 19,000 4,499 23.7
Total 43,558 16,003 36.7 Total 105,767 40,339 38.1

Distribution of Jordanian migrant women in Europe according to statistics Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006),

of the host countries Distribution of Moroccan migrant women in Europe according to statistics
of the host countries
Total Total Women Percentage of Jordanian
Migrants Migrants Women in Europe
Total Women Percentage of Moroccan
Germany 7,716 2,857 37.0 Total Migrants
Migrants migrant women in Europe
Austria 644 209 32.5
Germany 66,189 28722 43.4
Belgium 682 228 33.4
Austria 1563 699 44.7
Spain 2,097 488 23.3
Belgium 163,626 76,676 46.9
France 686 NA NA
Spain 683,102 253662 37.1
Greece 8 2 25.0
France 625,000 293,000 46.9
Italy 2680 1,032 38.5
Greece 491 111 22.6
Netherlands 804 308 38.3
Italy 365,908 149,391 40.8
United Kingdom 3,105 1,194 38.5
Netherlands 167,063 78,524 47.0
Total 18422 6,318 34.3
United Kingdom 16,000 5640 35.3
Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006),
Total 2,088,942 886,425 42.4
Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006),

226 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 227

 Distribution of Syrian migrant women in Europe according to statistics Distribution of Tunisian migrant women in Europe according to statistics
of the host countries of the host countries

Total Women Percentage of Syrian Total Women Percentage of Tunisian

Total Migrants Total Migrants
Migrants migrant women in Europe Migrants migrant women in Europe
Germany 28,459 12,471 43.8 Germany 23,142 7,467 32.3
Austria 2587 387 15.0 Austria 3,079 923 30.0
Belgium 3,726 1,485 39.9 Belgium 10,480 3,649 34,8
Spain 4,796 1346 28.1 Spain 2,384 739 31.0
France 12,000 NA NA France 222,000 93,000 41.9
Greece 5,747 988 17.2 Greece 217 21 9.7
Italy 3,539 1,336 37.8 Italy 93,601 32,812 35.1
Netherlands NA 2997 NA Netherlands 4,098 1,404 34.3
United Kingdom 4167 1,687 40.5 United Kingdom 3,070 1,092 35.6
Total 65,021 22,697 34.9 Total 362,071 141,107 39.0
Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006) Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006).

Distribution of Palestinian migrant women in Europe according to statistics Percentage of migrant women from MEDA countries in Europe by country of origin
of the host countries
Total Migrants % of Women Migrants
Total Women Percentage of Palestinian Algeria 355,880 23.47
Total Migrants
Migrants migrant women in Europe
Egypt 47,274 3.12
Germany NA NA NA Israel 16,003 1.06
Austria 188 57 30.3 Jordan 6,318 0.42
Belgium 137 46 33.6 Lebanon 40,339 2.66
Spain NA NA NA Morocco 886,425 58.45
France 620 NA NA Syria 22,697 1.50
Greece 754 229 30.4 Palestinian Territories 521 0.03
Italy 316 88 27.8 Tunisia 141,107 9.30
Netherlands NA NA NA Total 1,516,564 100
United Kingdom 2490 101 4.1
Source: Our table based on CARIM data, 2008/2009. pp 473-477.
Total 4,505 521 11.6
Source: CARIM, 2008/2009, pp 473-477. Recent data (2008), except for France (2005) and Greece (2006).

228 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 229

 Migrant women from MEDA countries in France by age group Proportion of migrant women from MEDA countries in Germany by age group

Algeria Morocco Algeria Egypt Israel Jordan Lebanon Morocco

0-19 26,096 77,336 0-19 24.80 23.14 19.63 21.71 38.23 19.44
20-39 67,890 78,467 20-39 59.14 62.64 50.98 61.10 47.78 56.94
40-64 132,439 106,685 40-64 14.06 11.86 22.86 13.50 12.05 18.30
65 and over 45,387 13,254 65 and over 2.00 2.37 11.36 3.70 1.94 5.32
Total 271,812 275,742
Source: Mediterranean Migration Report 2006-2007, p389.
Source: Mediterranean Migration Report 2006-2007, p 385.
Migrant women from MEDA countries in the United Kingdom by age group
Proportion of migrant women from MEDA countries in France by age group
Algeria Egypt Israel Jordan Lebanon Morocco
Algeria Morocco
0-19 508 972 1153 336 535 403
0-19 9.60 28.04
20-39 1,687 1,875 2,052 528 2,234 2,782
20-39 24.97 28.45
40-64 780 5,206 2,098 284 1,401 2,227
40-64 48.72 38.69
65 and over 178 3,331 438 16 329 228
65 and over 16.69 4.80
Source: Mediterranean Migration Report 2006-2007, p387.
Source: Mediterranean Migration Report 2006-2007, p 385.
Proportion of migrant women from MEDA countries in the United Kingdom by
Migrant women from MEDA countries in Germany by age group age group
Algeria Egypt Israel Jordan Lebanon Morocco
Algeria Egypt Israel Jordan Lebanon Morocco
0-19 866 714 557 616 6,291 5,701
0-19 16.11 8.54 20.08 28.87 11.89 7.15
20-39 2,065 1,933 1,920 1,734 7,863 16,695
20-39 53.50 16.47 35.74 45.36 49.66 49.33
40-64 491 366 861 383 1,983 5,364
40-64 24.74 45.73 36.54 24.40 31.14 39.49
65 and over 70 73 428 105 319 1,559
65 and over 5.65 29.26 7.63 1.37 7.31 4.04
Total 3,492 3,086 3,766 2,838 16,456 29,319
Source: Mediterranean Migration Report 2006-2007, p387.
Source: Mediterranean Migration Report 2006-2007, p389.

230 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 231

 EVgiK

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 Introduction ........................................................................................ 236 3.1.4. The female diaspora of the MEDA countries in Europe:
I. The overall context - migration and development: a new contribution to development
the positive aspect of migration in the of the countries of origin ................................................................284
Euro-Mediterranean region ......................................................... 241
3.1.5. Partnership and cooperation between associations
1.1. Development, a fast-changing concept ........................................... 242 of immigrants and European nationals ......................................286

1.2. Migration and development: a global, positive approach to IV. The impact of migration on empowerment of women
migration .............................................................................................. 243 and the evolution of the family ................................................... 289

1.3. The integration of women in the development of 4.1. Migration of women from MEDA countries to Europe:
MEDA countries: Contribution of the Barcelona process ............. 252 liberation and resistance .................................................................... 292

II. Remittances sent to the countries of origin: 4.1.1. Migration of women as a factor of social transformation .... 294
what participation for migrant women? ..................................... 261
4.1.2. Zones of resistance to change .................................................. 298
2.1. Individual transfers to improve living conditions of the family .... 264
4.2. The daughters of migrants, with youth comes change................... 301
2.2. Remittances invested in real estate
or entrepreneurial activities .............................................................. 266 4.2.1. Parent-child relations ................................................................ 301

2.3. Remittances and investments ............................................................ 267
2.4. Channels of transmission ................................................................... 268
III. Role of the diaspora in the development
of the country of origin .......................................................................270
4.3. Migrant women and religious practice:
religion coming to the rescue of lost identity .................................. 307
4.4. Migrant women and European women, an ambivalent relation ... 311
Conclusions ......................................................................................... 315

3.1. The associative movement: background and evolution ................. 273

3.1.1. The 1970s: the forerunners –

associations of militant women .............................................. 274

3.1.2. The 1980’s:

the young generation of migrants joins the movement:
a new dynamic created by young women
from immigrant families...............................................................278

3.1.3. The 1990’s:

The integration process gave great impetus to diaspora
associations to organise and defend their rights
in the countries of origin and destination. .............................. 281

234 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 235

 >cigdYjXi^dc permanent return gives rise to the development of new skills, new actions
and other networks of relationships that constitute first class assets for the
Migration and development have become a central issue in European, Euro- economic development of the country and the construction of a society based
Mediterranean and worldwide migration policy. The countries of destination on knowledge and technology.
and of origin benefit from the various contributions of migrants in the context
Until recent years, the strategies for national development and poverty
of their respective economic and social development. Migrations thus show
reduction in developing countries have tended to ignore the economic
strong potential in terms of development, and the migrant has become an
potential of mobility and only to take account of it partially in planning.
effective actor in promoting development and fighting poverty. For example,
Today, the ties between mobility and development are increasingly visible
“South-North migrations are no longer perceived in their individual aspect but
and firmly established in recent national and international reports on human
rather as strategies for economic, national, regional growth in the developed
development. The contribution of migrants is therefore well incorporated in
and the developing worlds”.1 In fact, several regional and bilateral international
national development strategies, in both the host countries in the countries
conventions have adopted a specific section on migration and development,
of origin.
focusing on the positive aspects of migration. European legislation has taken
the same road, particularly after the Tampere Council when the question of Migrants from MEDA countries bring Europe what it lacks: they fill the gap of
co-development became much more meaningful, and is now an integral part of declining demography, represent an important source of inexpensive labour that
global migration policy, an option supported by a whole arsenal of regulations maintains the competitive position of businesses, and constitute a pool of skills
and recommendations at Euro-Mediterranean level. that can manage, promote and support the dynamics of an economic activity
based on free trade. Growing awareness of the contribution of immigrants to
No doubt, migration creates job opportunities that can improve integration in
the development of host countries is increasingly outspoken, and immigrants,
economic circuits. Migration for work is in fact a means of balancing economic
moreover, can see this clearly. In France, the demonstration on 1 March 2010
needs of the places of origin and destination, offering job openings to workers
“24 hours without us, a day without immigrants” was symbolic, but still it marks
with different levels of qualification, and optimising the advantages for the
the borderline between yesterday’s and today’s immigrants. The organisers
country of origin by means of remittances, skills learned, and availability of
called for mobilisation to show the indispensable contribution of immigration
immigrant national expertise.
to France. This initiative was also taken in Italy and in Greece that tried to cast a
On a worldwide scale, recent discussions in United Nations organisations and new light on the migratory phenomenon - that is generally perceived as a threat -
at regional level, particularly in the context of the European Union, emphasise in an attempt to increase the visibility of immigrants’ effective contribution to the
the positive relation between migration and development in the countries of economic and social development in the country of destination.
departure. These reports and studies attest to the countless contributions
As we have shown in the previous chapters, the main cause of departure of migrants
(economic, social and cultural) of immigrants to their countries of origin.
is economic. It stems from the hope of gaining access to a decent job, better living
The funds that they send home play a precious role in reducing poverty and
conditions for themselves, the members of their families accompanying them
consolidating the development process. They are active today, more than in
or who stayed in the home country, whom they generally continue to support
the past, individually, collectively and by means of associative movements
financially. Their remittances have attracted growing attention2 in recent years –
in making financial investments and backing economic and social projects
assessments and case studies have shown the importance of these transfers for
on various scales. They also constitute a network of skills and expertise that
families and the States in the country of departure.
can support the development of the country, particularly since temporary or

2 Studies and reports of the United Nations, the World Bank, OECD, the European
1 Report of the Global International Migration Commission (2005). “p 25.” Commission, the European Parliament, the African Development Bank, Euro-African
conferences, etc.

236 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 237

 The immigrants’ contribution, formerly assimilated to a simple transfer of
wages, is taking on a new dimension today and a new significance, with the
involvement of civil society and the diaspora of MEDA countries established
in Europe. Indeed, the economic role of immigrants is not limited to their
financial contribution; they are agents of sustainable development, training,
technology transfer, and they initiate economic, social-economic and health
projects that first and foremost target an improvement in living conditions of
the local population, and profound economic and social transformations in
the society of origin.
Relations between migration and development have been studied globally,
however, without reference to the gender dimension. Women have always
been effective actors of development, nevertheless - whether their actions
were visible or invisible – they were always stakeholders in economic and
social change. The household work they accomplish, the many chores they
take on, often with little or no remuneration, the professional activities they
have integrated, the informal sectors they work in, express their important
contribution to the labour market and the welfare of the population.
For several decades, questions pertaining to the integration of women in
economic and social development have become current issues all over
the world, as their quest for broad economic, political and social-cultural
participation continually changes shape. Migrant women, with their
specificity, carry this universal aspiration as they work to integrate better in
the host country and reinforce ties with the society of origin.
No doubt the MEDA countries have made great efforts in the field of promotion
of women. International cooperation, and more particularly the Barcelona
process in the case of the Euro-Mediterranean region, has given a strong
impetus to the integration of women in economic and social development.
On the other hand, migration of women, the contribution of immigrants and
particularly the new generations, have reinforced their role in development.
Everywhere in Europe, migrant women, wherever they may come from,
actively contribute to the economic and social-cultural life of the countries of
origin and destination. Their involvement in civil society now constitutes an
undeniable dimension of the immigrant associative movement, both in setting
up mechanisms to facilitate integration in the host country, and in initiating
238 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
international solidarity and local development projects. However, no official
statistics show the major contribution of these actions to development,
particularly since women’s work is still imperceptible and not recorded in
figures, so its effects are only perceived in the very long term.
The impact of migration on development of the countries of origin has a direct
effect on the households that remained in the home country, the community of
origin, the region of departure and the issuing State. The repercussion of the
migration of women is of a special kind – despite its diffuse, indirect and often
informal nature, its effects on families, gender relations and compatriots who
have not left the country are very tangible. Dress codes, cooking, and models
of relations are transposed in the more traditionalist regions, imported by
migrants and their daughters and supported by the migrants themselves.
The community of origin takes inspiration from them and adopts some of the
aspects initially, and then remodels them and re-adapts them to the situation
in the country. In this case, it could be said that women are the drivers and
the transmitters of social change. When a woman gains confidence in her
capacities, often an entire family or social group is affected and will be able
to develop their own capacities over several generations.
The extent and duration of female migration movements tend to modify
relations between the sexes within the family, and within the institutions of
the countries of origin. When women emigrate, traditional roles are upset,
particularly those that deal with the concept of the head of the household,
and in the case of men migrating, women who stay in the home country gain
independence and participation in decision taking within the community.
In addition, social standards in force in the host country are adopted in the
country of origin, as is shown by later marriages, the use of contraception and
low birth rates. Ambitions are also higher for the education of daughters and
their access to the labour market. But beyond the direct impact on families,
migration can have great effects on societal and cultural evolution, causing
political transformations on a different scale.
In the part on legal migration, we dealt with the general contribution of female
immigrants to the development of the host country; in this part we will try
to show how immigrant women from MEDA countries constitute a financial
reserve and a pool of skills, serving their countries of origin. Governments
in MEDA countries are very much aware of the issues and the contribution
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 239
 of immigrants, and they are adopting policies to reinforce links with their
communities in Europe to encourage men and women immigrants to invest
in the development of their countries of origin and to maintain cultural and
emotional ties with the new generations.
Studying how migrant women participate in development of the countries
of origin is really a challenge, given the limited statistical data, the lack of
overall studies, and the small number of case studies -- these do not allow for
a comprehensive view of the question and do not help develop a comparative
analysis between the host countries and the countries of origin. Nevertheless,
we have painstakingly collected the data and gathered the cases studies
available for the region, making certain adjustments with situations outside
the region, supported by personal experience and observation of migration
in the field.
This part is broken down into four chapters.
The first chapter describes the general issue of the ties between migration
and development, highlighting the theoretical, legal and political aspects
behind their interaction.
The second chapter deals with the question of remittances and the major
issues pertaining to them, which tend to increase visibility of the remittances
made by migrants and the way they are used.
The third chapter deals with the diaspora of MEDA countries living in Europe
and the dual role of women’s associations, including the fight for democracy,
human rights and the promotion of women in the country of origin, and the
accompaniment of immigrant women for their insertion in economic sectors
and their integration in the host countries.
The fourth chapter stresses the impact of migration on immigrant women,
and the transformations it brings in their family and professional lives, and
their social representations. Migration is not only a process of acculturation,
it means a reinterpretation of cultures and reorganisation of life to reconcile
norms that at first seem contradictory.
240 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
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The subject ‘Migration and Development’ is very much on international,
regional and national agendas. This new approach is part of an effort to
cope with chaotic migration and to re-establish a certain balance between
excessive development of illegal migration, uncertain returns and fast
growing residential migration. So the ‘migration and development’ approach
has proven to be effective in terms of cooperation with issuing countries.
It allows for mutual assistance in controlling borders, with a certain
compensation consisting of co-development programmes, which on one
hand provide aid for the return of migrants in irregular situations, and on the
other, facilitate intervention procedures for migrant associations that want
to establish development projects in their countries of origin and organise
repatriation of remittances.
Migration and development have always maintained a trade-off relationship:
migration serves development and development is considered as a means to
reduce movements of persons. When the concept of gender is introduced,
we realise however that the question of development is what predominates.
Women, like men, are agents of development and migration is a process that
contributes to development for the various protagonists.
Three major questions arise that we will try to answer throughout this section.
1. How are women from MEDA countries contributing to the development of
their countries, and how has the Barcelona process increased the role of
women from the region in development? No doubt, as we have shown in
the previous chapter, the actions carried out in this field by governments of
southern countries and international institutions have given considerable
impetus to the integration of women in development.
2. To what extent do migrant women, most of whom work in relatively low
yield, low wage sectors, effectively participate in the development of their
countries of origin since their remittances are lower? In fact, the first
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 241
 generation, consisting of women with little or average education, made
a limited contribution to development projects. As for the second and
third generations, often better and more thoroughly integrated in the host
countries, they tend to develop increasingly close ties with the countries
of origin.
3. Are migrant women effective agents of social change? Does migration
transform gender relations profoundly or superficially in the immigrant
community?
Before going into the heart of the subject, we first need a definition of
development in the context of migration.
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The parameters used to attempt to measure the level of development of a
country are based on various indicators, designed to describe the average
welfare of the population. While the traditional approach used income per
capita as an indicator of economic development, we see that the Human
Development Index (HDI) used by United Nations organisation since the
1990s considers three central dimensions instead: health and life expectancy,
access to education and a decent level of living.3
Beyond these three criteria, development as defined in the most recent UNDP
report in 2009 gives a broader meaning to the concept by introducing “freedom
of persons to live the lives they choose”. This concept is based on the work
of Amartya Sen and his approach geared to “capacities and opportunities”,
which in fact stresses freedom to be and act according to one’s preferences.
In the context of migration, the possibility of the place of residence is a
principle of human freedom which was already present in classical philosophy.
As Confucius wrote, “a good government can be recognised by the fact that
those nearby are content and those far away, come of their own initiative”.4
In fact, approaches that try to measure development often refer to the
economic dimension, sidestepping the aspect of the welfare of the population.
This question was raised in the last Human Development Report 5 that makes a
3 UNDP Report 2009. “p 16.”
4 UNDP, Human Development Report 2009. “p 26.”
5 UNDP, Human Development Report 2009. “p 14.”
242 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
distinction between human development of peoples and human development
of countries. For example, rather than measuring the average level of human
development of the population living in Morocco, it measures the average
level of human development of all persons born in Morocco, independently
of their new place of residence. This new measurement has a strong impact
on the understanding of human welfare. The UNDP study shows that in
13 of the 100 nations for which this index was calculated, the HDI of the
population was at least 10% higher than the HDI of the country; for nine more,
the difference was between 5% and 10%. The HDI of Ugandans, for example,
was almost three times higher than the HDI of Uganda.6
Despite these multiple definitions and their theoretical importance, we will
use a multidimensional approach that attempts to measure development by
the economic, social and cultural level of the population living in a given
territory, by its capacity to intervene in development and the opportunities
offered to it, or that it creates, to contribute to development. Consequently,
the criteria that define integration of women in development are: access to
health care, education and a decent job, and political participation plus the
level of equality of men and women within society.
&#'#B^\gVi^dcVcYYZkZadebZci/
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All over the world, interest in the issues of migration and development
continues to grow at the level of States, communities of origin, international
organisations, NGOs and researchers. Networking of activities, the drafting
of action plans and strategies adapted to the specificities of migration in
the countries of origin and in the countries of destination, make it possible
to optimise the value added of migration for development, and construct
positive attitudes with regard to the movements of persons. Nevertheless,
very few studies go into the question of participation of migrant women in
the development of their countries of origin. Consequently, we will focus our
efforts on analysing the contribution of migration to development in general,
while stressing the way women contribute to it.
6 Idem p 14.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 243
 &#'#&#I]ZZ[[ZXihd[b^\gVi^dcdci]ZYZkZadebZcid[Xdjcig^Zh
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Migration is closely related to economic and social development of the country
of origin. Indeed, the first objective of migration is to reduce unemployment
that is rampant in developing countries. It is also a means of bringing hard
currencies into the country and reinforcing the balance of payments. Thirdly,
it provides support to issuing countries by means of development projects
and a supply of expertise that is inexpensive, when not totally free of charge,
derived from mobilising skills and experts working in Europe, but originating
from the South.
Because it is a source of wealth and development, MEDA countries give great
importance to their communities outside the country.
European migration policy and that of the Member States have focused
drastically on this new parameter of migration and development. Since
Tampere, global migration policy has tended to create new partnerships
with the countries of origin to fight poverty, improve living conditions and
employment possibilities, prevent conflicts, consolidate democratic States
and monitor respect of human rights, particularly those of minorities and
women, and favour co-development. The contribution of migrants is a
central dimension. All the European summits emphasise cooperation with
third countries by integrating migration questions in the relations between
the European Union and those countries and by insisting on the creation of
partnerships with the countries of origin and of transit that promote synergies
between migration and development.
In this commitment, the European Union has recalled its attachment to
the global approach to migrations, in order to meet the double challenge
of migration: the first, by means of developing partnerships between the
countries of destination, origin and transit, targets implementation of the
common European approach to co-development and aid to development.
The second targets promoting solidarity through development actions that
enable migrants to take part in the development of their countries of origin.
The Euro-African ministerial conferences on migration and development
(Rabat, July 2006 and Paris, October 2007) have confirmed this orientation.
244 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
This convergence around co-development objectives appears in an entire
section on the declaration of the 5+5 Conference organised in 2002 in Tunis.
Its objective is to “recognise the economic, social and cultural contribution of
migration and the countries of the Western Mediterranean and to improve the
conditions that enable migrants to satisfactorily play their legitimate role in
the development of their countries of origin, in particular via their economies
and investments”.7
The High Level Dialogue on migration and development initiated by the United
Nations in 2006, and the world forums on migration organised subsequently,
all underlined “the contribution of international migrants to the countries
of destination, where they fill the labour go and enrich local cultures”.
Consequently, international migration is intrinsically tied to development
and human rights. Respect of fundamental migrants’ rights is crucial for the
various protagonists to benefit fully from migration.
The joint initiative for migration and development coordinated by the United
Nations and the European Commission reflects the growing recognition of
and interest in activities linking migration and development. The objectives
of the JMDI (Joint Migration and Development Initiative) are to support civil
society organisations and the local authorities in order to contribute and
reinforce the link between migration and development. In fact, the idea is to
encourage the diasporas to participate in the social-economic development
of their countries of origin, to reduce the brain drain, to facilitate remittances
and the return of migrants who decide to go back.
Remittances and their use in the countries of origin is a major concern both
for the issuing and receiving countries, so various provisions on a national
or institutional scale have been taken to manage these remittances better.
Banking the immigrants’ money can transform these funds into productive
investment for the countries of origin. The flows are generally consumed
locally, in the food and health fields, to the detriment of financing income-
producing activities.
The use of the funds for development has been the subject of considerable
thought by international organisations and national institutions that have
undertaken to find more pertinent, operational schemes to encourage
7 Points 13 and 14 of the declaration. www.iom.int/en/know/dialogue5+5/index.shtml.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 245
 migrants to put their money into development projects whose effects will be
very positive for the local population of the country of origin. “Thus, the co-
development savings account (CEC) was created in France in 2008 in favour
of migrant workers. It gives them the right to a 25% tax exemption of the
amount saved up to € 20,000. This measure is intended for investments in a
development project in the country of origin”.8
The French Economic and Social Council also looked into the means
of making productive use of this financial windfall for co-development,
by seeking more adequate means to mobilise these savings. In a study on
the question, Monique Bourven, a member of the financial section of the
Economic and Social Council, considered that “remittances of migrants to
their countries of origin represent large volumes of capital in France and
in the world that considerably exceed the amounts of public development
aid”.9 The study estimates that channelling these funds through the banking
system is a crucial issue for the development of the countries of origin.
Mobilisation of migrant’s savings, valorised by adapted products, transferred
via reliable circuits under good price conditions is a crucial economic, social
and political issue. These savings should benefit the local economies first
of all, and the welfare of the populations in terms of health, education and
vocational training, and then the growth of these economies by productive
investment”.10
France, Spain and Italy use many co-development practices. France is a
special case, however, because of its different experience and a context that
has made progress in the field at the initiative of the central government,
whereas in Italy and Spain, co-development experiences are in the hands
of the regions. Legislation of the autonomous communities and practices
of local authorities recognise the obvious relationship between migration
and development. Nevertheless in Spain and Italy too, certain practices are
employed by the central government, particularly in the field of temporary
migration. An example is the signature of the “Labour Agreement” between
Spain and Morocco in 2001 to manage seasonal migration and the “Integrated
8 Une cagnotte très convoitée. Al-khiyal. Janvier 2006. www.Algeria.com/forum/al-khiyal/html.
9 The World Bank estimated these remittances at 240 billion dollars in 2007, whereas PDA
represented only 103 billion dollars for the same year.
10 Report of the French CES. 16 May 2008. L’argent des migrants au service du
codéveloppement.
246 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Migration Information System Project” between Egypt and Italy that began
in June 2001.11
Given the important role played by remittances in the development of
countries of origin, both at the macroeconomic level and to meet family needs,
in 2004 the G8 launched a worldwide initiative on the transfer of remittances.
This initiative targets “improving data collection, making regulations more
propitious, reducing the cost of transfers and the weight of the informal
sector, and increasing the impact of remittances in terms of development”.12
It should be emphasised that the European co-development approach has
begun to influence world forums such as the G8. At the Sea Island Forum
(June 2004) a document was produced for the first time dealing specifically
with remittances, mentioning a few French and Italian pilot projects in
Morocco as specifically Mediterranean experiments.13
The Luxembourg Group, created in 2006, has the mission of piloting
international activities on data collection and aid to countries to improve
their estimates concerning remittances. The Bretton Woods and Eurostat
institutions are part of it. Thanks to this initiative, data collection on
remittances is improving and the economic role of migrants and the diasporas
is increasingly visible and acknowledged.
As for the policies of countries in the South concerning immigration,
these are influenced by economic and social agendas. These countries
generally recognise that the departure of surplus labour abroad can only
improve pressure on the domestic labour market, and indirectly on the State.
Their position with regard to immigration wavers between encouraging it
and laisser-faire. It also varies with the level of qualification of the emigrants,
as governments are more inclined to encourage low skilled emigration and
to get alarmed at emigration of people with a higher education. But given
the extent of unemployment of graduates in Egypt, Morocco, Algeria, etc.,
a trend in the opposite direction is taking shape.
11 Med 2005, p 227.
12 African Development Bank (ADB) Group. March, 2009, The Bank’s approach to migrants’
remittances. Migration and development initiative. “p 4.”
13 Med 2005, L’année 2004 dans l’espace euro-méditerranéen. “CIDOB Foundation. Barcelona.
p 226.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 247
 As from the 1960s (Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria) and the 1970s (Egypt, Jordan)
governments have facilitated immigration of their nationals, and some of them
have made this an integral part of their growth strategies announced in their
development plans. Morocco, as from the 1968 five-year plan, set the largest
possible number of emigrants as an objective so as to keep the number of
jobless as small as possible, and to attract maximum financial resources into
the national economy via their savings. The same policy is enacted in Tunisia
and other MEDA countries. Emigration is also considered as an export to be
promoted for the benefit of the issuing country.
As for Algeria, which unilaterally suspended its emigration in 1973, it has
long straddled two positions – on the strength of its oil and gas wealth,
compared to which emigrant remittances are insignificant, and concerned
with being the avant-garde of anti-imperialism, the government denounced
emigration more than once as a form of post-colonial dependence. At the
same time, since it cannot ensure full employment on a labour market that
is literally undermined by a rate of joblessness varying between 20% and 30%
from Independence to date, it has taken care not to organise the return of its
emigrants.14
Lebanon, for its part, is somewhat concerned about being bled dry by
emigration – they did not stop at the end of the Civil War (1975-1989) and
accelerated with the war of 2006. Between 1987 and 1996, nearly one-fifth
of adults (21.5% of men and 14.6% of women between 25 and 40) emigrated,
and in the following five years, one out of ten left the country.15 Given these
massive departures, Lebanon is still more receptive to the contribution of
migrants to national construction.
The effects of migration on the countries of origin are many. After remittances,
which appear to be fundamental to improve the balance of payments
and reduction of poverty, we also see diversification in the participation
of migrants, as development projects are set up on a local level and they
contribute direct investment that is beginning to grow. The States in the
South are very much aware of the contribution of this financial windfall for
14 Philippe Fargues. Notes IPEMED, op cit.
15 Robert Kasparian and Choghig Kasparian, Émigration, emploi et conditions économiques.
Le cas du Liban, paper presented to a seminar on Forecasting Economic International
Migration in the Euro-Mediterranean Area, 2005-2025, Istanbul, 2006. (To be published on
www.carim.org).
248 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
its development projects. They make enormous efforts to safeguard and
reinforce ties with their communities living abroad.
Remittances: the first contribution to development
Mobility of labour and migrants’ remittances all create a dynamic that
can have a definite impact on the development of the countries of origin.
Remittances of wages of emigrant workers substantially contribute to income
in hard currencies and constitute a major complement to the gross domestic
product. World Bank (WB) data attest that “on a world scale, remittances
represent more than twice total development aid and, for many countries,
are their main source of foreign currencies”.
Traditionally, in countries south of the Mediterranean, half the commercial
deficit is compensated by services and remittances of emigrant workers.
Countries on the southern shores of the Mediterranean are in fact very
dependent on emigration, as a result of the considerable extent of remittances
from emigrants. Already in 1993-94, the amount of transfers of incomes of
Egyptian emigrants ($6 billion) was 12 times higher than Direct Foreign
Investments (DFI).16
In the case of the Maghreb, Morocco and Tunisia are tending to become
increasingly dependent on remittances from migrants, while Algeria
has adopted a more standoffish attitude with regard to its community,
whose numbers are falling as a result of naturalisations, but a new trend is
growing with the return of migrants and a net growth in remittances has been
observed in recent years.17 Consequently, the role of the diaspora proves to be
fundamental for the development of the countries of origin through financial,
economic, technological and social transfers.
Diaspora: an effective player in the development of countries of origin
Today, the diaspora contributes greatly to the development of countries of
origin. It takes part not only via remittances but also by its expertise and the
initiation of development projects. This does not mean, however, that the
migrants go back. They become a bridge between the host country and the
16 Femise Report 2002.
17 Mohamed Saib Musette. 13 March 2008. Les transferts de devises plus importants que les
investissements (IDE). www.Algeria.com/forum/al-khiyal/html.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 249
 country of origin, particularly as a result of the new policy adopted by the EU
to promote circular migration.
A general consensus has been found in the Euro-Mediterranean policies,
agreements and large conferences of the MEDA countries and the EU on
the need to promote mobility of migrants, so that they can contribute to the
development of the countries of origin. The idea of co-development is slowly
progressing. However, there is a question: the migrants’ funds, the development
projects that they set up, the expertise they offer to the countries of origin
– can these suffice on their own to settle development problems or are they
one of the reliable parameters alongside DFI and PDA, good governance and
participative democracy in the countries of origin?
Contribution to development and maintaining and reinforcing ties
with the emigrant community by the countries of origin
All MEDA countries experiencing significant migration to Europe have set
up institutions, often ministries, centres, councils and offices to organise
their relations with their expatriates. These institutions adopt two major
guidelines, one economic and the other cultural.18 The economic guideline
consists of maximising the benefit that the country can draw from the
diaspora. The idea is to encourage emigrants to transfer a large part of their
savings to the country of origin and to make as many investments as possible.
In all countries of emigration, this has encouraged the adoption of banking
and tax reforms, liberalising circulation and investment of funds.
The cultural guideline responds to the concern of the countries of origin
and of the migrants themselves to maintain solid ties with each other. If the
first generation has remained attached to the standards and values of its
country of origin, the arrival of the second and third generations has meant a
major cultural transition within the family due to the intervention of school,
the media and other institutions. Ministries and public institutions responsible
for emigration have developed a series of activities allowing each generation
to revive its national and Arab identity (language courses, holidays in the
home country, cultural centres in the host country, and they appointment of
Arabic language teachers in host countries), and Moslem identity (religious
18 Philippe Fargues CARIM, IUE and Hervé Le Bras EHESS, INED.
IPMED Notes N°1, September 2009.
250 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
supervision, sending of Imams during Ramadan and religious holidays and
religious education in mosques).
This overview of migration and development serves as a framework to better
situate and analyse the participation of migrant women in the development of
their countries of origin. Consequently, we need to say a word about the real
situation pertaining to the three aspects of this question: women, the Euro-
Mediterranean region, and the North-South Mediterranean partnership.
1. The economic, social and cultural situation of women in MEDA is in an
upheaval. The efforts made by the States and international organisations
have given women a new place on the political, economic and social
scenes of these countries. However, in 2002, the first UNPD report on the
Arab world defined the difficult condition of women as one of the major
obstacles to development in the geographic area.19 How has migration been
able to give women a new status as contributing to development in the
countries of origin?
2. The Euro-Mediterranean region includes two shores that appear to be
strongly contradictory. On the one side the European Union, a highly
developed geographic, political and economic entity and on the southern
side of the Mediterranean a series of independent States, without horizontal
cooperation, that are generally considered as developing or emerging
countries. The number of immigrants is growing continually: how does
this massive mobility express women’s aspirations in MEDA countries and
their capacity to be true agents of development?
3. The Euro-Mediterranean partnership began in 1995 with great ambitions, but it
dealt timidly and ambiguously with the promotion of women and women’s rights.
It took several years, nearly a decade,20 for the promotion of women’s rights to
be considered an essential instrument for development in the region. How did
the Euro-Mediterranean partnership put an end to this delay and invest directly
in a gender strategy to improve the integration of women in the development
of MEDA countries, the only alternative to ensure the promotion of women in
neighbouring countries and, consequently, reduce illegal migration of women?
19 See UNDP, Arab Human Development Report 2002: Creating Opportunities for Future
Generations. “New York, Oxford University Press, 2002.”
20 See Euro-Mediterranean Women’s Conference in 2005.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 251
 Several institutions joined MEDA countries to contribute financing, of the gender dimension, are deemed to be fundamental elements of European
expertise and know-how (UN, World Bank, etc.). The Barcelona Declaration construction.
is only one of many elements of the North-South partnership that targets
In the context of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP), promotion
improving the situation of women, the application of their fundamental
of women has always been referred to as an important lever in the social
rights and their integration in development. The importance of this
development process and the general improvement of standards of living
partnership lies in the fact that it is the most intensive, most effective and
in partner Mediterranean countries. This assertion has been verified both
most concrete cooperation platform.
as concerns the content of the cooperation strategies implemented and the
&#(#I]Z^ciZ\gVi^dcd[ldbZc^ci]ZYZkZadebZcid[B:96 indicative national programmes of partner countries where the question of
gender is integrated. Taking account of human rights is a fundamental point
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of the partnership. The governments present at the 1995 conference affirmed
The objective of the Barcelona process is to make the Mediterranean a zone that achieving this objective means reinforcing democracy and compliance
of peace, security and shared prosperity. The construction of this area as with human rights as they are universally recognised, of course including
defined cannot be done without the effective contribution of women in the women’s rights.
region, without continual mutual support of the various players, and without
The EMP has also allowed significant cooperation between women from the
an investment of the States of the region for the effective promotion of the
North and the South, offering them resources, albeit limited, to mobilise for
political, economic, legal and social situation of women. The contribution
the defence of their political, economic and social rights, for the fight against
of the Barcelona process, which we will consider in greater depth, is found
discrimination and violence and for the development of collective strategies
in its explicit, albeit timid, will to integrate the question of women in the
in the short, medium and long-term to alleviate poverty, fight illiteracy and
declaration itself. Integration of the civil society and the gender dimension
achieve equality of women and men in their countries. However, equality
among its priorities for development programmes and projects have given
remains a touchy question. Its effective implementation, which depends
greater impetus to the integration of women.
as much on current law in the field as on actual practice, is far from being
The Barcelona Declaration recognises the role of women in development and achieved in the South, or even in Europe itself, if only in terms of jobs and
undertook to promote active participation of women in social-economic life salaries.21
and job promotion. The specific point of the Barcelona declaration, drawing
The intention expressed by the Barcelona Declaration to contribute to the
inspiration from certain parts of the conclusions of the United Nations
integration of women in economic and social development has gradually
Conference on Women held in Beijing in June 1995, is marked by a strongly
taken the shape of a series of conferences and meetings whose objective is to
economic penchant. Moreover it stresses the “role of women in development
develop ties and solidarity between women belonging to different cultures and
and the need to encourage their active participation in economic and social
civilisations, particularly by establishing economic relations, the cornerstone
life by the creation of jobs”. In fact, the objectives of the Euro-Mediterranean
of any development strategy.
partnership cannot be achieved without full participation of women around
the Mediterranean basin in the economic, social, cultural and political lives
of their respective societies.

This participation came earlier in the European Union where large efforts
have been made to promote equal opportunities between men and women in
economic, social and civil life. Participation in decision taking, consideration 21 Aïcha Belarbi, March 2002. La contribution des femmes dans le partenariat euro-
méditerranéen. “Thé de Médéa. Bruxelles.”

252 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 253

 1. The first conference for the participation of women in economic and social effective new approach in the field of education and vocational training.
life was organised in Portugal (Ericeira Conference) in November 1998. In addition, for the first time, the touchy question of equal opportunities
It gave a second wind to the social and cultural partnership, which includes was referred to in a Euro-Mediterranean conference.
a women’s dimension. The Ericeira declaration came out in favour of a
The conclusions of that Forum were presented by the Belgian presidency
strong political commitment from governments to encourage the access
of the EU at the meeting of the 27 Ministers of Foreign Affairs in Brussels
of women to vocational training and education, a decisive step to improve
in November 2001. The main new factor was the drafting of a “women’s”
qualifications.
Euro-Mediterranean programme that was independent, at least financially,
2. The interministerial encounters organised in the context of the EPM from regional programmes under the Barcelona process.
(Barcelona in 1996, Stuttgart and Valencia 1999, Marseille in 2000) also
The main lesson to be drawn from the series of Euro-Mediterranean
refer to the defence of women’s rights. For example, the conclusions of
conferences on the role of women is the focus on the economic issue
the Marseille Council mention the Ministers’ recommendation to set up
(entrepreneurship and women’s jobs and training). Nevertheless it is crucial
“a regional programme on the promotion of the role of women in economic
to take account of the political dimension of global development of the
development”. The specific programme was to be launched in 2002 with a
countries in the southern Mediterranean when dealing with the integration
budget of 8 to 10 million euros in the context of international cooperation
of women. Fledgling democracy, economic crises, the weight of debt and
for 2000-2006, to enable women to gain access to the partnership and to
demographic pressure are all elements that block promotion of women’s
“help them and encourage them to set up projects that will be financed by
rights in MEDA countries, maintaining underqualification of women, and
Europe”.
that seem to consolidate gender inequality and the growing proportion of
3. The Euro-Mediterranean Conference on the Promotion of Women in female poor.
Economic and Social Development, which took place in Brussels on
5. An important step was taken in the Euro-Mediterranean Conference on
24-25 March 2000, showed the same spirit as the International Conference
women, held in Barcelona on 24 and 25 number 2005. For the first time,
on Women and Development organised in November 2000 in Casablanca,
gender questions were at the heart of cooperation on the two sides of the
and that of Ericeira, by focusing mainly on female entrepreneurship, the
Mediterranean. After ten years of partnership, the importance of women in
creation of businesses by women and access of women to the labour
the construction of this geopolitical area was finally recognised. At least in
market. Participants agreed to set up a Euro-Mediterranean network for
principle, it was affirmed that it is not possible to talk about economic and
sustainable development and integration of women in economic and social
political development or democracy without the participation of women.22
life. The ministerial conference of Marseille in November 2000 stressed the
need to set up a “women’s” regional programme integrated in the social 6. Further to the recommendation of Barcelona+10 to organise a Euro-Med
pillar of the Barcelona process. ministerial conference on women’s rights, representatives of the Member
4. The Forum of July 2001, which corresponds to the continuation of the States of the EU and the Mediterranean partners met in Istanbul in 2006 to
initiative of the Belgian NGO AIM, developed three main lines: access discuss the “reinforcement of the role of women in society”. They agreed on
and participation of women in the labour market, creation of businesses the creation of a common regional platform, currently called the Istanbul
and education and professional training. The objectives of this Forum Action Plan, for the promotion of gender equality and women’s rights in
corresponded to the logic of increasing participation of Euro-Mediterranean the Euro-Med region. This five-year plan for the period 2006-2010 includes
women in the decision taking process, recognition of work of women,
particularly in the informal sector and identification of a targeted, more
22 Women’s Conference Conclusions: Euromed.

254 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 255

 presentation of an annual report with a final report for the ministerial
meeting in 2009.
These recommendations, based on an evaluation of the implementation of
the ministerial conclusions and the reinforcement of the role of women in
society, are commonly referred to as the Istanbul Action Plan (IAP). The
adoption of the IAP in 2006 by the European Union Member States and
the Mediterranean partners was welcomed by the Euro-Mediterranean civil
society as an effective regional tool to make headway in gender equality,
despite a few weak points.
7. The Istanbul conference of 24-25 October 2009 grouped civil society
organisations for the defence of human rights and women’s rights
from Mediterranean countries and European countries to prepare
recommendations for the Euro-Mediterranean ministerial meeting on
reinforcing the role of women in society that was held in Marrakesh on
11-12 November 2009.
8. The Ministers of Foreign Affairs of 43 countries of the Union for the
Mediterranean (UfM), who met in Marrakesh, repeated their commitment to
reinforce the role of women in society, pleading in favour of implementing
gender equality in priority UfM projects, kand the promotion of substantial
financing and coordination of projects. They also proposed to create
a Women’s Foundation for the Mediterranean, a project supported by
France, Jordan, Morocco and Lebanon. This foundation is one of the
concrete projects proposed by UfM. It takes the form of a meeting place for
initiatives, exchanges and sharing of local experience, with the objective of
affirming the role of women as essential actors of social development.
Cooperation between the two sides of the Mediterranean for the promotion
of women and their integration in development, although it is described only
briefly in the Barcelona Declaration because of reticence from countries
in the South, has gradually made progress with the support of civil society.
So the gender question has been integrated in development programmes
and projects and has become the subject of increased financing in recent
years. The MEDA I and MEDA II programmes gave a still limited but not
insignificant place to women, making the principle of equality of men and
women the groundwork of their projects. In the context of MEDA I, specific
256 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
actions focused on education, particularly access of girls to basic education,
integration and maintenance of girls in the school system,23 access of women
to health, particularly maternal and infantile health,24 rounded off by a few
actions to promote family planning.25 As for income generating activities
for women, the first generation of social funds for development provided
for micro-credits to promote access to financing and reinforcement of
management capacities.26
The financial resources devoted by the Union to specifically “women’s”
projects are an important indicator. Five specific programmes or projects
for women launched under MEDA II represent € 24-25 million according to
the figures of the European Commission, which is more than under MEDA I.
This effort is still weak, however, considering that MEDA II mobilised about
€ 5.3 billion for the 2000-2006 period.27 In MEDA II, emphasis was put on
integrating women in economic life and on women’s rights, particularly since
2004. The following examples of projects illustrate the interest of the Union
for promoting women in countries of the South.
Case of Morocco
“Support to human development and social integration” project (Morocco,
€ 5 million) institutional support to the Secretary of State in charge of the
family, solidarity and social action (SEFSAS).
“Argan tree” project (Morocco, €6 million) for rural development that targets
promoting exploitation of the argan tree, improving working and living
conditions of women exploiting argan trees so they can effectively participate
in local economic development and contribute to protection and sustainable
management of this resource.
23 Basic education programme in Morocco (40 million euros destined particularly for the
construction of schools for boys and girls
24 Mother and child health programme in Morocco (€ 6.5 million)
25 Family planning programme in Egypt (€ 9.2 million) for the construction of family planning
centres, vocational training of girls for health professions.
26 - Social fund in Egypt, a programme for a total of € 155 million, of which 88 million are
to support small business, 30 % of beneficiaries being women (of all activities to support
income-producing activities, 20 million devoted to microcredits and benefitting women to a
large extent);- Economic development fund in Jordan (€ 4.6 million) part of which is intended
for women. Source, Rabéa Naciri et Nusair Isis« L’intégration des droits des femmes du
Moyen-Orient et de l’Afrique du Nord dans le partenariat euro-méditerranéen », Réseau
euro-méditerranéen des droits de l’homme, May 2003.
27 Naciri Rabéa and Nusair Isis. (2003) op.cit.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 257
 Case of Egypt
“Girls education” project (€ 6.5 million) for the project;
“Support of girls who run the risk of being victims of excision” project;
“Role of women in economic life” regional programme (€5 million).
Case of Tunisia
The “Maghreb women: full-fledged citizens” project (2004-2007) targets
reinforcing mechanisms and provisions to defend women who are victims of
violence. It supports independent women’s NGOs that encounter difficulties
in the exercise of their actions in Tunisia. A listening centre has been
created for women victims of violence within the Tunisian Association of
Democratic women.
Case of Israel
This is a very special case given the level of social-economic development
found in Israel. Nevertheless this country is eligible for various Euro-Med
programmes which are not specifically dedicated to the place of women,
but nevertheless promote their integration. For example, the “Partnership for
Peace” programme, which attempts to improve relations between the Arab
and Jewish populations in the region, is more specifically geared to Israeli
Arab women in its application in Israel.28
Bilateral MEDA actions to promote women have been supported by the
European Parliament under the European Initiative for Democracy and Human
Rights. Budgets ranging from € 50,000 - € 1 million per country have been
allocated in the form of micro-projects managed by European delegations set
up in the countries concerned. Several NGOs from the Maghreb and Machreq
have benefited from these to contribute to promoting women’s rights in their
respective countries.
Despite this investment by the European Union and efforts at cooperation
that take the gender dimension into consideration, it has been seen that
the Barcelona process was not able to reach the anticipated results, i.e. the
28 Rabéa Naciri and Nusair Isis, op cit.
258 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
integration of women in development. The report on civil society shows a very
modest implementation of the IAP and the limited impact of the promotion
of equality and women’s rights in the region. The potential of the IAP to
effectively develop a gender integration policy has been considerably slowed
down by the absence of tangible provisions and binding measures. For the
moment, IAP is very much a programme of declaration of good intentions.
As a demonstration of this, at the Declaration of the Summit of Paris on
13 July 2008 that marked the launching of the Union for the Mediterranean,
there was a significant omission of the promotion of equality between men
and women and women’s rights among the priorities. Similarly, political, civil,
social, economic and cultural rights were not integrated in the Agreements of
Association between the EU and its Partners, nor were they included in the
Action plans for the European Neighbourhood Policy.
Several factors constitute obstacles to the creation of equal rights in the
region. The economic crisis and its effects on personal security, the Israeli
occupation, armed conflicts, gaps in democracy and fundamental liberties,
restrictive immigration policies, the rise in religious fundamentalism, and the
deep-rooted patriarchal system are all factors that considerably increase the
vulnerability of women. The lack of political determination in the South and
a real interest in the North strongly affect progress in equality between men
and women in the region and the implementation of the IAP.
The final report of the Euro-Med Conference on women (2005) summarises
the situation in a few lines emphasising that “there is still a long way to to to
improve the condition of women in the region and it is full of obstacles. In fact
there is a great difference between men and women in the fundamental sectors
of education, work, health, and sometimes even in lifestyles”.29 Violence too,
both physical and moral, is on the agenda and discrimination persists with
reference to personal status codes, penal code, nationality codes, without
forgetting the aggravation of the women’s rights situation in the entire region,
particularly as a result of wars.
The final report of the Marrakesh conference (2009) mentions that “women
encounter limits to full recognition of their effective rights, and equal
opportunities between men and women still seem far from being reached”.
29 Op. cit.: Euromed women’s conference conclusions.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 259
 The conference underlined that the main instruments for changing the state
of things are access to work and fair pay, the fight against illiteracy and a
rise in the level of instruction of women. In addition, it proposed to insert an
explicit clause for promoting women’s rights in the Association agreements
and in the European neighbourhood policy and all other agreements that
pertain to relations between the two sides of the Mediterranean.
The Euro-Mediterranean process, despite declarations of intent to safeguard
civil and political rights, pays only relative attention to women, and to
immigrants. In the Barcelona Declaration, there is only one reference
to the importance of the role of women. The Association Agreements say
nothing about women’s rights. The credits allocated to the gender question
under the MEDA programme are limited too. In the documents describing
the international Euro-Mediterranean strategies, and national indicative
programmes, and in the Neighbourhood Action Plans, the condition of
women is not integrated in a coherent way. In fact “political and economic
proposals for growth in the region paid little consideration to the fact that
discrimination against women profoundly reduces economic and political
growth in the region”.30
Under-representation of women in the Euro-Mediterranean decision taking
process, during the negotiations, and their marginalisation in conflict solving,
jeopardise the fundamental principles of human rights and are contrary to
the implementation of international conventions and the European Charter
of Fundamental Rights.
This situation raises questions about the degree of participation of women
originally from the MEDA living in Europe, in the development of their country
of origin: Effective or partial participation, participation that takes account of
their skills and capacities or that separates them into special niches reserved
for persons of their sex? How can migrants who left the country of origin
in the context of family grouping or economic migration become first-class
development agents for the country of departure? Are they a real force or are
they presented as raw potential whose effectiveness can only be shown in
years to come?
30 Renata Pepicelli. Les femmes et le partenariat euro-méditerranéen. Confluences, nº60,
winter 2006-2007.
260 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
8]VeiZg>>#GZb^iiVcXZhhZciidi]Z
Xdjcig^Zhd[dg^\^c/l]VieVgi^X^eVi^dc
[dgb^\gVcildbZc4
Before considering remittances31 from migrant men and women, the question
should be situated in the world context. Transfers from migrants have evolved
considerably in the last decade. The volume, that was 99 billion US dollars in
2002, has tripled to $308 billion in 2008. This has drawn interest from several
protagonists (financial, political and economic), international financial
institutions having begun to imagine solutions to orient these transfers of
funds to financing the economy and investing in the country of origin.
In recent decades, remittances to the country of origin, and particularly to
the town or region of birth, have increased significantly. According to World
Bank statistics for 2008, $28.5 billion of funds were sent through official
channels by migrants to their countries of origin in the Middle-East-North-
Africa zone as compared to $12.9 billion in 2000. The ten countries in Middle-
East-North-Africa zone that benefited from most remittances in 2007 were
Egypt ($5.9 billion), Morocco ($5.7 billion) Lebanon ($5.5 billion), Jordan
($2.9 billion), Algeria ($2.9 billion) Tunisia ($1.7 billion) Yemen ($1.3 billion),
Iran ($1.1 billion), Syria ($0.8 billion), West Bank and Gaza ($0.6 billion).
In many MEDA countries, remittances are the main and most stable source of
capital flows. In certain cases, the financial resources exceed direct foreign
investment and public aid. The examples of Morocco and Egypt are very
significant. For Morocco in 2007, remittances represented 637% of DFI and
452% of PDA. In Egypt, they represent 467% of DFI and 225% of PDA.32
The top ten countries benefiting from remittances in 2006 (in percentage of
GDP) were Lebanon (22.8%), Jordan (20.3%), West Bank and Gaza (14.7%),
Morocco (9.5%), Yemen (6.7%), Tunisia (5%), Egypt (5%), Djibouti (3.8%),
Syria (2.3%) and Algeria (2.2%).
In 2004, the World Bank estimated formal payments to poor countries
made by migrants working in rich countries at US$ 126 billion (World Bank
31 Remittances refer to recurrent cross-border transfers of relatively small amounts made by
workers in favour of their families in the countries of origin.
32 ADB Group. March 2009, op cit, p 7.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 261
 Report, 2005). These remittances have been growing sharply, since they
were 116 million in 2003 and 99 billion in 2002. This is the second source of
financing for developing countries after direct financial investment. Public
development aid ($79 billion) comes only third.
As we mentioned earlier, in many MEDA countries, migration is a State and
family strategy before it is an individual one. First of all, it targets reducing
unemployment, improving the standard of living and perspectives for the
future, not just for the person who emigrates, but also for the entire family.
Consequently, remittances have several functions: they are used to meet
immediate consumer needs and social protection of families who stayed in
the country of origin, they are invested in real estate, and they are used for
development projects on a local, regional or even national scale.
The concept of sending funds as underlined in a study of the ADB does not
refer only to simple individual operations, but corresponds to an integrated,
dynamic system where each player, in this case the migrant, the beneficiary,
the government, the formal financial intermediaries and the informal
operator, has his own motivations and strategies. The contribution and use of
remittances favours the trend to emigration. In the context of globalisation,
it is observed that migration of women is often promoted and facilitated by
families and governments of issuing countries, as the migrant women are
recognised for their great propensity to send back money.33 This is true despite
the fact that their incomes are lower than those of men, a good proportion of
their wages is dedicated not only to their parents, their spouses and children,
but also to various members of the family, whereas men generally send funds
to their parents or their wives.
Many studies show that migration of women has become a family strategy for
getting out of poverty. The World Bank study “Moving out of Poverty” done
in 2007 shows that in communities that accept migration of women, several
households benefit from remittances, thus proving that the integration of
women on the labour market is crucial to get households out of poverty.
It also underlines that even the most traditionalist households want to send
33 Carlota Raminez, Mar Garcia Dominguez, and Julia Miguez Maorais. (2005), Crossing
borders: remittances, gender and development. “INSTRAW. United Nations international
research and training Institute for the advancement of women. 2005.”
262 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
young women to work abroad, as they are presumed to send back more
money to their parents than young men do.
The amounts of remittances sent by migrant women in the MEDA are not
often available as the statistics on existing remittances do not take into
consideration a breakdown by gender, and data on the differences in male
and female behaviour as concerns remittances are essentially nonexistent.
Studies done in Asia and Latin America do show some possibilities for
analysis. Thus for example, the study done in 2000 by INSTRAW and IOM
shows that women in Bangladesh who work in the Middle East send home
more than 72% of their earnings. A Latin America study dating from 2001 that
says that 87% of women from Nicaragua who immigrated to Costa Rica send
money back to their families as compared to 57% of men.
While remittances from migrant women are important, they are nevertheless
hard to determine. The real volume and regularity of these remittances
from female immigrants to their countries of origin are still quantitatively
little-known, due to the many channels they go through, be they official
circuits, repatriation by the immigrants themselves or by informal means.
Remittances express the social and economic success of migrants of both
sexes. A woman migrant who regularly or irregularly sends funds to her
family proves that her departure and her installation in a foreign country
were successful. The positive image of migration that she carries often helps
develop the culture of migration in younger women of the family or from the
same area. The Saadia El Hariri study on female Moroccan immigrants in the
Paris area, although it dealt with a limited sample, shows their determination
to be present both here and there. The first observation is that all the female
migrants send remittances to the country of origin. The amount sent back is
relatively small, varying between € 75 and € 90, while some women admit that
they send much less. These are essentially women who came in the context
of family regrouping, who do not work or have a part-time job. The fact that
life is expensive, that transport and housing costs are high, the presence of
young children and in certain cases the husband’s unemployment are what
is behind these very small monetary flows. The women say that they reduce
their expenditures to put together a small amount. “These tiny remittances
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 263
 take the form of aid to the family who stayed back home”.34 This practice,
which is common for Moroccans, is also well known for women from the
Maghreb and Africa.35
'#&#>cY^k^YjVaigVch[Zghid^begdkZa^k^c\XdcY^i^dch
d[i]Z[Vb^an
The first contribution of this money transferred by migrants is to help improve
the living conditions of families who stayed at home. On this subject, several
authors consider that these remittances reduce poverty and make it easier to
cope with the ups and downs of the business climate. “These funds constitute
one of the regulating elements of the crisis and one of the poverty reducing
factors. Even if the durability of this system of survival raises questions, its
contribution to the survival of the population is real.” Various studies agree
to recognise that a 10% increase in migrants’ remittances would contribute to
reducing the rate of poverty by 1.5% (World Bank).
A large proportion of income transferred by migrants is used for everyday
expenditures. For some communities in MEDA countries, remittances
constitute the only source of family income. The money is consequently used
for basic needs such as food, clothing, health care and education, as well
as for consumer goods (washing machine, TV, etc.) and for various events
(engagements, weddings, birth, funerals, religious holidays, etc.). In 2007,
the ADB studied remittances in four African countries including Morocco.
It showed that most of these resources benefit poor families, essentially in the
most isolated areas, enabling them to acquire imported goods and services.
In the countries covered by the ADB study, the remittances benefited poor
families that made up 80% of beneficiaries, and were essentially geared
to consumption: food, education and healthcare. Unlike foreign aid, the
remittances are paid directly to the families in areas that are often hard to
reach in the context of development aid.36 The idea has already been discussed
by Fall (2003, p. 13) who observes that “the money from the immigrants has
34 Saadia Hariri, Les transferts monétaires et commerciaux des femmes marocaines et le
développement local au Maroc. “In : M. Charef et Patrick Gonin.(2005): Emigrés, immigrés
dans le développement. local, Editions sud contact. PP 117-131. p 118.”
35 Vermande, 1994, p 74.
36 ADB Group. Op cit , p 8 -9.
264 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
the advantage of reaching the right destination, which often is not the case of
Public Development Aid”.
Many empirical studies37 have confirmed the positive effects of the transfers
of international funds on the welfare of households in the countries of
origin, on diversification of sources of income and on protection of families
in the case of hard times (disease, shocks due to economic downturns or
uncertain weather). Men and women migrants have different preferences
with the regard to the type of expenditure for which the remittances are
used. Women prefer to see the money sent spent on health and education of
children, whereas men tend to prefer to invest in the construction of a house
or more advantageous projects.38 In keeping with the social construction of
gender, women feel more responsible for improving the living conditions of
the family, whereas men are geared more to savings and investment (Raminez
et al., 2005).39
It goes without saying that the contribution of remittances in financing
consumer expenditures must not be underestimated given that consumption
has an intrinsic value and long-term effects comparable to those of
investment, particularly in poor communities. The improvement of nutrition
and other items of consumption considerably increase the human capital,
and consequently future income.
Similarly, expenditures for education are often a priority for families who
receive funds, because they improve perspectives for the future of the
young generation. Most of the forms of expenditures, particularly for labour-
intensive goods and services like construction of housing, will also benefit
the local economy and can have multiplier effects. It appears that the family
having a member who emigrated is more likely to send their children, and
particularly the girls, to school, by using the money from remittances to pay
for schooling and other costs. The result is a reduction in child labour and
prohibition of sending girls out to work as “little maids”.
37 UNPD Human Development Report 2009, World Bank reports 2005, 2007;
“FNUAP report 2006.”
38 Catalina Herrera, Nora Dudwick, and Edmundo Murrigarra. (2008), Remittances gender
and children welfare outcomes in Morocco. The EC-Funded World Bank programme of
international migration from MENA and Poverty reduction strategies. “September.”
39 Catalina Herrera, Nora Dudwick, and Edmundo Murrigarra. (2008). Op cit, p 6.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 265
 Most economic female migrants testify that their departure is often motivated
to provide a better life than their own for their children, particularly their
female children, which can only be ensured by schooling and prolonging years
of studies. Children of migrants are more likely to finish their schooling; since
the broader perspectives associated with migration have an impact on social
standards and incentives. However, the cost of the absence of mothers can
be very high and have a negative impact on the psychological development
of the child, and on the schooling of little girls who are sometimes obliged
to take on the household work. For lack of data, the effect of the absence of
mothers on the child’s success in school and psycho-emotional development
cannot be assessed.
'#'#GZb^iiVcXZh^ckZhiZY^cgZVaZhiViZdg
ZcigZegZcZjg^VaVXi^k^i^Zh
A portion of the migrants’ funds are also intended for investments in real
estate (construction, purchase or modernisation of housing). This indeed
is an important sector of investment for the migrant. Fitting out a place to
live in the country of origin enables the migrant to move from one area to
another and from one space to the other, without problem. In a rural area,
migrants have become the main real estate investor, because they are among
the rare people who can acquire a lot or a house, given the high prices of real
estate. In this context, the migrant contributes to improving and modernising
housing, which, on the other hand, results in a rise in the real estate market
that can become hardly affordable for local populations. Real estate has a
dual advantage: it represents a sure investment, provides an income from
the invested funds, particularly since it is relatively simple and inexpensive
to manage. For certain migrants, these investments prepare a possible return
and add a solid basis for the attachment to their society of origin.
The ADB study showed the importance of resources allocated to investment
in real estate or in the productive sector. The volume varies between 25% and
60% of total remittances, depending on the social-economic profiles of the
senders. The most qualified and best paid migrants allocate more resources to
investments in real estate or other productive activities. Women have begun
to invest in real estate, although it is not possible to give a figure. It is probable
that the higher the incomes, the more women construct or purchase housing
in their countries of origin. The situation is easier for single women than for
266 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
married women with children. The example of Morocco is significant. At the
Real Estate Trade Fair (“Le Salon de l’Immobilier”) SMAP, that is present in
certain host countries like France, many immigrant women, men and couples
were encouraged to acquire property in the country of origin. Members of
the community from all neighbouring countries came to visit a market that is
flourishing even in recession times. Despite the amounts, the non-productive
nature of investments in real estate is often denounced. Nevertheless this
sector is recognised for its driving role in the economy and for creating
job openings. Migrants also choose to invest part of their savings in small
initiatives that managed by the family. These actions such as transport (taxis,
coaches, or used cars, importing vehicles and parts, or commercial activities)
are more likely to get a parent or member of the clan out of unemployment.
The participation of women in these kinds of actions cannot be estimated
-- some cases can be identified but not generalised.
This kind of project is a source of personal satisfaction for the migrant,
male or female, and even an expression of his/her success that gives him/
her a name in the field in the country of origin and a reputation outside it.
Financially speaking, this is often presented as a type of savings, but on the
whole, it is in fact really a way of structuring the immigrants’ life straddling
the country of origin and the host country.40
'#(#GZb^iiVcXZhVcY^ckZhibZcih
The funds are also used for projects for basic infrastructure, such as the
construction of sections of roads, bridges, setting up drinking water schemes,
drilling wells, installing electric and telephone lines and other public works
such as construction or restoring of a mosque or a cemetery, or putting a football
field back into shape. Sometimes, these projects are co-financed in the context
of cooperation between civil society and international organisations.41 In the
absence of research that makes this contribution financially visible, it is more
than probable that the contribution of women to this type of investment is at
a basic stage, given the still recent character of female economic migration,
40 Thomas Lacroix, Les organisations de solidarité internationale issues de l’immigration
marocaines : les motifs transnationaux du développement local. “In: M. Charef and Patrick
Gonin.(2005).” Emigrés, immigrés dans le développement local. “Editions Sud contact.
pp 191-205. p 195.”
41 UNDP 2009, “p 90.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 267
 the low qualifications of women and their incomes that are barely sufficient that the commissions charged are between 5% and 20%. Migrants’ money
to meet their needs and those of their families. is less subject to great speculation since it often is transferred via informal
channels. Many immigrants do not trust banks, due to their illiteracy, lack
'#)#8]VccZahd[igVchb^hh^dc of information on the banking system, small amounts saved, or simply the
‘hoarding’ habits that are still very much alive with women. According to the
In fact, these are only the formal figures,42 which no doubt are far from the
World Bank, the informal channel is still the preferred means in many African
real figures, since remittances are transmitted via informal channels in many
countries, including the Maghreb, and various studies have shown that the
countries,43 and are consequently hard to estimate. Experts nevertheless
remittances made via these informal channels may represent at least half of
suppose that their total value is between 40% and 100%.44 In certain countries,
the estimated amount of 320 billion dollars in 2007.
particularly in Africa south of the Sahara, more than half of the remittances
are transmitted by informal means. In MEDA countries, where the diaspora A large number of migrant women use informal channels to send money to
is estimated at 3.6 million people in the nine European countries of our study, their country of origin due to the fact that they have trouble gaining access
these financial flows are of crucial importance and at times constitute the to financial services adapted to their needs (linguistic, cultural and social-
main source of financing in certain regions. economic obstacles). To try to avoid these informal channels that have the
reputation of not being reliable services and of charging very high prices for
Total entries of funds in MEDA countries in millions of US dollars in 2007
these women with modest incomes, they prefer to make use of members of
Country Remittances the family, or friends who are going to the country of origin, particularly for
Egypt 7.656 migrants in a regular situation in Spain.
Morocco 6.730
In the study by Saadia Hariri, nearly 40% of the sample of Moroccan women
Lebanon 5.769
sent their money via official channels – all of them were from urban
Jordan 3.434
environments and their remittances were irregular; whereas nearly 60% had
Algeria 2.120
never used official channels, and took a large part of their savings with them.
Tunisia 1.716 Those savings were derived from a professional activity in formal or informal
Israel 1.041 sectors, part of the wages of children who exercise a professional activity or
Syria 824 skimping on the family budget without letting the husband know. In addition
Palestinian territories 598 they all declare that their husbands are not aware of the amount that they
Source. UNDP Report on human development 2009. pp 177-180 have taken back with them when returning to Morocco.45 But even when the
women transfer their money by an official channel, they take part of their
Since the 1990s, migrants’ remittances have been monopolised by companies savings with them when they go back home. They do not want to feel short
like Western Union or Money Express, an advantageous market knowing of money, or be unable to respond to a request for help from a brother or a
relation – they must appear to be financially comfortable and generous with
42 Formal transfers are compatible with data from large companies specialised in money
regard to the community.
transfers like Western Union or MoneyGram. They also take account of transfers made in
commercial banks, post offices, exchange brokers, mutual loan societies, and sometimes No doubt, with the new economic recession, the increase in unemployment
Internet.
43 Informal remittances are made via friends or the migrants themselves or via traditional and underemployment of immigrants, incomes have become insufficient or
networks. For migrants who do not have official documents, the informal system is often the
only one used.
44 Chantale Doucet and Louis Favreau. Les diasporas ouest africaines, agents de
développement. http://www.uqo.ca/observer September 2006. 45 Saadia Hariri, 2002, op cit. pp 120-121.

268 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 269

 barely sufficient to meet needs of the immediate family. Many immigrant
women no longer dare return home, and when they do, they stay for a long
time waiting for their husbands to find work or for the situation to improve
for them (case of female Moroccan immigrants in Spain). Remittances
to developing countries logically dropped from $308 million in 2008 to
$293 billion in 2009.46
The impact of remittances can have a distorted effect on economic and
social development of the country, since the funds sent from abroad,
considered to be an economic rent can discourage productive efforts, and
incite members of the family not to work and to live totally dependent on the
migrant. The sustainability of an economy that is too dependent on financial
remittances is uncertain.47 These remittances are known to be cyclical – they
peak a few years after the arrival of the migrant and then fall gradually as he
sets up in the host country. For the second and third generation, remittances
are more limited.48 However, and despite all of the ups and downs, the
amount of these remittances has given the diaspora an important place on
the economic scene of the countries of origin. They have become the key
factor on which the countries of origin base all their hopes. These citizens
from both here and there are considered to be agents of development and
vectors of modernity.
8]VeiZg>>>#GdaZd[i]ZY^VhedgV^ci]Z
YZkZadebZcid[i]ZXdjcignd[dg^\^c
Diasporas are groups that share a common memory, culture and religion.
They capitalise a set of standards, values and practices in the economic, social
and cultural fields. The classical approach to diasporas uses the existence of
a strong community conscious as the basic criterion. Today, ‘diaspora’ has
become a synonym of ‘population of national origin living abroad’. However,
the diaspora is far from being a consistent, coherent community because it is
divided into distinct social groups, depending on the social-economic, social
and cultural levels and membership in a territory.
46 UNPD Human Development Report 2009, “p 8.”
47 Philippe Fargues CARIM, IUE and Hervé Le Bras.
48 Philippe Fargues CARIM, IUE and Hervé Le Bras, op cit.
270 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
The role of the expatriate communities, or diasporas, in the development
of the countries of departure continues to grow and is today considered as
an essential driver in the process of constructing the national economy and
sustainable development. This approach has gained more global interest
since the beginning of the 1990s, a period that indeed marks the beginning
of an economic and political transformation, with attempts to confine, if not
to settle conflicts, particularly the Israeli-Palestinian question that has upset
the Euro-Mediterranean region for decades, causing massive immigration
movements of refugees. The importance given to the growing participation
of the diasporas shows the increasing cross-influence between the territory
and the national population, as well as a ‘de-territorialisation’ (Basch et al.
1994) of politics, without necessarily leading to the disappearance of States
as political actors, nor other institutions as vectors of participation/exclusion
of expatriates who back alternative national projects.49
The participation of women in development is generally a condition of their
access to spatial mobility. Women, be they migrants or no, have been subjected
to confinement and control of their space of action, due to the dominant norms
and values in southern Mediterranean societies. However, the migration of
women and the creation of an increasing number of associations to promote
women in the countries of origin and the host countries have enabled them
to benefit from new contexts for their actions, to deploy initiatives and to
take over space that previously was barely accessible or closed. The female
diaspora now presents a new aspect: more resourceful, more dynamic,
working with limited resources but great conviction and confidence.
At a crossroads of immigration movements and women’s movements,
actors and witnesses of the transformation of European societies and the
mobilisation of women in host countries in political, economic and civil life,
diaspora women’s movements have given greater visibility to foreign women,
and a greater echo to their actions. They have also changed perceptions
with regard to them, as passive agents they have become effective actors of
development. However, their actions are often still veiled and the memory of
them tends to deteriorate because of dispersion of their initiatives, the lack of
access to resources and poor documentation.A historical work to safeguard
this memory, preserve and enhance records and reinterpret the history of
immigrant women’s movements is indispensable.
49 Françoise De Bel-Air. Populations, territoires, citoyennetés à l’aube du XXIe siècle.
In Migrations et politique au Moyen-Orient.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 271
 The study of origins and evolution of these movements shows the
preoccupations, demands and actions supported by migrant women to
gain their place in the host country and reinforce ties with the country of
origin, thus creating a dynamic that changes with the issues, the contexts
and migratory policies. These movements can be considered not only social
movements but also political movements that have given impetus to a
generation of militants, giving rise to demands for migrant women’s rights and
their integration in development. Personal paths, collective commitments,
testify to the preservation and maintenance of ties between generations of
immigrants and between immigrants with their compatriots in the country of
origin. At the intersection of the feminist combat and the fight for democracy
and human rights, these movements have shown migrant men’s and women’s
strength and capacity to act and innovate.
The example of France is very pertinent, an example that can be generalised
to other European countries. Migrants from MEDA countries, essentially
from the Maghreb, have created several types of associations50 for the fight
for women’s rights, undocumented immigrants, access to jobs and the right of
free movement. These organisations are growing in number to build solidarity
between the country of origin in the host country, and between associations of
migrants and local associations. The number and diversity of women’s NGOs
has resulted in the creation of women’s networks or Euro-Mediterranean
women’s networks to which migrants have contributed significantly. A
tangible example is the Mediterranean Women’s Forum, focusing on the
promotion of women’s creativity in literature and crafts, which has enabled
the development of a women’s economic network around the Mediterranean,
particularly valorising the work and creativity of immigrant women.
The creation of these associations has pooled actions and brought together
various skills needed to start collective projects on a large scale for the
community and to create a new dynamic within the host country. A study by
Daum (2000) lists 720 migrant associations in France working in 32 different
countries. This is an initial estimate and apparently there are in fact still more.
In recent years, immigrant women have initiated or participated in collective
development projects with very positive effects for the country of origin. The
50 (Groupe femmes algériennes, collectif femmes immigrées, collectif des femmes du
Maghreb, les Yeux Ouverts, les nanas beurs, etc.)
272 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
diasporas are not simply service providers to families who stayed in the home
country – they are beginning to be real institutions for economic development,
and organisations for the struggle for migrant women’s rights and for equality,
democracy and respect of human rights in the countries of origin.
Our objective in this chapter is to throw a certain light on the history of
immigrant women’s movements comprising women originating from MEDA
countries, by answering the following questions: how did immigrant women
get involved in the associative movement? What was their contribution to the
development of their country of origin and their contribution to improved living
conditions of members of their families, their towns or regions? What was
their contribution to social change and more particularly to empowerment of
migrant women or women who stayed in their countries of origin?
(#&#I]ZVhhdX^Vi^kZbdkZbZci/WVX`\gdjcYVcYZkdaji^dc
The birth and evolution of movements of immigrant women and the paths
of their leaders cannot be analysed outside their sociological and political
context, and their interaction with other social movements.51
We can identify four major stages52 in recent decades.
1. The 1970s, birth of immigrant women’s associations: actions of militant
intellectuals.
2. The 1980s, a new dynamic introduced by the second generation: immigrants’
daughters join the movements.
3. The 1990s, immigrant women take action to defend their rights in the
countries of origin and destination.
4. The years 2000, growth of associations for development.
51 Claudie Lesselier: Aux origines des mouvements de femmes de l’immigration. Conference :
Histoire, genre et migrations (March 2006)
http://www.femmes-histoire-immigration.org/claudie.
52 In the article above, Claude Lesselier identifies three major periods, that we have revisited
and reinterpreted, adding a fourth one starting in 2000.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 273
 (#&#&#I]Z&.,%Éh/ associations, concern for the situation of immigrant women was not absent,
but it was not a priority either. Those responsible for these institutions were
i]Z[dgZgjccZghÄVhhdX^Vi^dchd[b^a^iVcildbZc
more concerned with the state of human rights and democracy than with the
In the 1970s, the first groups of foreign women originating from the MEDA situation of women in the countries of origin. Discussions and contributions
countries and particularly the Maghreb were constituted. They consisted particularly dealt with organisational problems, autonomy of movements, the
mainly of students, young intellectuals, women in exile for political reasons possibility for women to speak out independently of parties, women’s rights
and leftist militants. They were inspired both by the national and international in all countries, denouncing their belittlement and their instrumentalisation.
situation – a context of protest was prevalent in Europe and particularly in
In the countries in the Maghreb in the 1970s, and particularly Morocco which
France (support of national liberation movements, student revolt, the rise
chose a multiparty system from the very first years of its independence,
of feminism) – and supported political and social struggles going forward
leftist political parties created women’s sections in their structures. In these
in their countries of origin. These movements were mainly militant and
sections, particularly in the USFP53, for the first time women discussed
concerned with politics; the situation of immigrant women came in second
main and secondary contradictions (Althusser), strongly criticising keeping
place. In the wake of May 1968, whose effects were felt all over Europe, new
women in the background. The fight for democracy, sharing of power and
political agents appeared on the public scene, taking their place in a dynamic
distribution of wealth were their priorities. The women’s rights question was
of autonomy and self-management outside the institutional political context.
sidestepped and would only be considered after these problems of national
The condition of immigrants, race violence, the growing number of women
policy had been settled.
who were migrating via family regrouping, became major issues and solidarity
actions were organised by leftist political groups and many associations. The World Conference on Women (Mexico, July 1975) and the International
Conference on Women (East Berlin, October 1975) drew the line between the
This is the context of the creation of immigrant workers’ associations,
battles of State women’s associations and progressive women’s associations.
adhesion of immigrants in trade unions and the constitution of movements of
The former emphasised reproductive health, women’s education and income
opposition to political regimes and the system of governance in countries of
producing jobs, whereas the second were geared to political struggles,
origin. The struggles for independence, that were still fresh in people’s minds,
the fight for liberation, the institution of democracy and the fight for equality
inspired a combat by women who demanded full participation in the public
and against patriarchy of every kind. Militant Maghreb women who had
sphere and criticised political forces that gave militant women second-class
immigrated or were still living in the home countries openly denounced the
status once the war for liberation was over. The clearest example is that of
enrolment of women in the women’s organisations created in the 1970s by
the Groupe femmes algériennes (1977-1981).
the single-party or the government, like UNFA54 in Algeria, UNFM in Morocco
The daily associative life of women from the Maghreb became much more and UNFT in Tunisia.
political, as they became more independent, expressing themselves in
The women’s movement had strong support across the world. It also had a
the first-person, and starting research on women’s issues associated with
strong international sensitivity, creating a spirit of solidarity between women
women’s liberation. These movements brought women forward as political
of the entire world that gave great impetus to many initiatives55 in which
subjects in a protest that took many forms against a patriarchal, capitalistic
foreign women living in Europe, particularly in France, took part. This was
and authoritarian society. It promoted new themes for the struggle, breaking
down the distinction between private and public space, affirming the power
of women over their own bodies. It refused to see the issues of women’s 53 USFP = Union Socialiste des Forces Populaires.
54 UNFA = Union Nationale des Femmes Algériennes. UNFM = Union Nationale des Femmes
freedom and rights pushed to the background as secondary to the issue Marocaines. UNFT = Union nationale des Femmes Tunisiennes.
55 Solidarity meetings with Moroccan women after death of Saida Menebhi from a hunger strike
of class struggle (Claudie Lesselier (2006)). In the programmes of these in prison, with the support of Éditions des femmes in 1978.

274 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 275

 the beginning of networks, informal movements, strengthening of the place
of immigrant women who found themselves “in a position between two
worlds, with a space to conquer” as Leila Sebbar described it. These migrant
and foreign women were not only agents of solidarity, they were also opinion
makers and active players in discussions of ideas. The militant movement
of Maghreb women gained strong inspiration from the political and feminist
trends in Europe, particularly in France, in an international situation where
the question of liberation was crucial – liberation of the territory, individuals
and culture. Militant political groups such as the Association des femmes
marocaines (1972-1978) or the Groupe des femmes marocaines (GFM, 1979-
1982), consisting of female students, members of the Union Nationale des
Etudiants Marocains and of the USFP, PPS, opposition parties in Morocco
fighting repression in the country and struggling for changes in the code of
personal status and women’s rights, as they had been fought in the national
combats in the Arab world. Maghreb women were intensely active in
associations of Maghreb workers in France, in a dual combat for immigrants’
rights in general and the defence of women’s rights in particular. These active
groups of Maghreb women published brochures, newsletters, took part
in demonstrations, like the ones on 8 March and 1 May with slogans that
enhanced their visibility. This was the case of the demonstration organised on
1 July 1978 by the Groupe Femmes Algériennes in support of Dalila Maschino
who was kidnapped abroad by her brother; their main demand was “respect
of the fundamental rights of Algerian women”.
The demand for emancipation by militant women, in a context of democracy
and equality, was the main claim of these groups. Women were militant outside
their countries with the objective of transforming the situation of women, and
more generally the political, economic and social situation in the countries of
origin where they wanted to live, as their residence in Europe was considered
temporary. The Groupe des femmes algériennes made contact with the first
feminist groups that were being created at the time in Algeria to harmonise
their militant actions. Moroccans analysed the situation of women in their
country, protesting against the code of personal status, the Moudawana,
and the preliminary drafts of the family code.56 According to testimony of
feminist leaders, the question of religion or religious reference was hardly
56 Le GFM and GFA constituted coordination of women from the Maghreb (October 1980) then
an ‘Association women from the Maghreb’, ‘Les Yeux ouverts’ early ‘83.
276 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
touched on. Some texts published by these associations were critical about
the appearance and the rise of Islamism, however.
It should be mentioned that the women who came via family regrouping, and
economic migrants, who were still relatively rare, had little chance to stand up
as collective political players at the time. They remained, or were maintained,
on the sidelines of immigrant struggles: workers’ strikes, movements in
foyers. Few women played an important role in immigrant organisations. On
the whole, the idea of an ‘immigrant worker’ referred to a man, and women, at
best, were considered workers’ ‘wives’. Thus legal and statistical distinctions
between ‘workers’ and ‘members of the family’, that tended to assign women
to the private domain, and men to the public sphere, were not questioned.57
At the time, however, immigrant women were far from non-existent since
according to censuses they made up 40% of the foreign population in 1975.
This population consisted to a large extent of Spanish and Italian women,
women from the Maghreb being only the third group at the time. But the
dissymmetry between men and women was still more apparent in certain
foreign populations, however, particularly within the Maghreb population
from Morocco and Tunisia, where there were twice as many men as women
in the over 25 category.58
While the first associations of Maghreb women were geared more to political
action, fighting for development, democracy and defending the rights of their
compatriots in their countries of origin, those that began in the 1980s were
supported by a second generation of women, who were migrants’ daughters.
They were more aggressive, more aware of the situation of immigrant women
as compared to that of European women, and claimed their basic rights to
health, education and work.
57 On legislation at the time, see: GISTI, Le petit livre juridique des travailleurs immigrés,
Maspero, 1975; GISTI, L’immigration familiale, 1979 (1 and 2). In Des femmes immigrées
parlent, Paris, L’Harmattan, 1978.
58 In 1975, when the global rate of employment of women in France was 30%, it was 7.6% for
Algerian women, 13.8% for Moroccan women, but 30.8% for Portuguese women, 21% for
women from Mali. Claudie Lesselier. (2006).
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 277
 (#&#'#I]Z&.-%Éh/
i]Zndjc\\ZcZgVi^dcd[b^\gVcih_d^chi]ZbdkZbZci/VcZl
YncVb^XXgZViZYWnndjc\ldbZc[gdb^bb^\gVci[Vb^a^Zh#
Girls from immigrant families, educated in schools, secondary schools and
universities of the host country, who showed perseverance and even obstinacy
to make their way, to succeed differently from their parents, despite their
vulnerability and the family’s fragile economic position, very quickly became
aware of their potential and the job that lay before them to defend the interests
and rights of immigrant youth, and particularly women. A new generation
appeared, a militant generation aspiring to equality, refusing segregation and
discrimination. They fought expulsions, denounced race crimes and police
violence. Their isolation in social housing in working class suburbs encouraged
them to try still harder, to take more initiatives to get out of isolation and
exclusion and bring their families with them. The number of neighbourhood
and sector associations (in arts or sports) or other social-professional groups
grew with the increasing involvement of women. Young women organised
within ethnic or multicultural associations, or neighbourhood associations,
that enabled them to develop and gain recognition as militant women entitled
to speak their minds, with the conviviality and solidarity among women that
was part of the cultural heritage of their families, and above all to support
immigrant women to help them adapt to the overall societal context – in other
words as militants for women’s rights fighting their precarious situation,
while constructing their own cultural identity. As from the 1980s, they took
their place in collective groups, feminist movements, the movement against
racism, to defend immigrants from the inside. Although this commitment
affected only an elite of women, for the first time it grouped many migrant
women around new themes more specific to female immigration.
With regard to the political context that created this dynamic, it should be
emphasised that the 1980s were marked by a profound change in the French
political environment. Their arrival of the left in power in 1981 carried
great promise and opened perspectives for wide-sweeping political action.
The restrictive provisions applied to foreign associations were rescinded
and associations obtained more resources, particularly by means of the FAS
(Fond pour l’Action Sociale (Social Action Fund)) and a Ministry for Women’s
Rights entrusted to Yvette Roudy.
278 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Taking advantage of this new situation, the women’s immigrant associative
movement grew, encouraged in its approach by the dissemination of feminist
ideas and the involvement of migrant youth movements in their demands
for civil rights (demonstrations for equality by so called Beurs march),
without mentioning the major industrial reorganisation at the time that
eliminated hundreds of thousands of jobs traditionally for men (automobile,
steel industries etc.), and encouraged women to take up different types of
activities. These combined elements gave more visibility to the female side
of immigration from the Maghreb – as immigrants who had come to stay,
durably and even definitively. Young adults of immigrant parents, both men
and women, spoke out as a major political player proposing new issues based
on citizenship, equal rights and a multicultural society – they wanted to
conquer their place in French society. Issues pertaining to vocational training
and integration, legal and administrative status, place in society, moved to the
fore. In addition, because of economic transformation, many issues shifted
from the work place to urban areas, facilitating involvement of women,
because these areas could be considered as an extension of their domestic
space where actions undertaken pertained to their concrete, daily concerns.
The 1973 march against racism and for equality, as well as other collective
initiatives saw the light. Young women hosted and organised these marches
with enormous energy.59 They were at the very forefront, like in the “Forum
Justice”, that denounced race crimes. Leila Sebbar, who published several
novels, wrote of runaway girl protagonists, facing family violence in
their families and in the street. She gives them a voice, lets them express
themselves with regard to their identity, their relations with their parents
or brothers, their aspirations to freedom. “The girls emphasised the social,
family dimensions, their difficulties and personal aspirations, their forms of
resistance”.60 The theatre troupe Kahina, created in 1976, to a large extent by
women, staged new plays, recounting the daily life of an immigrant family,
the relations between parents and children, and brothers and sisters. Other
groups of girls put on theatre to describe all aspects of their experience,
the problems they encounter within the family and society. The work of
Nawal Saadaoui, in Egypt, on discrimination against women, that of Fatima
59 The Collectif jeune de Paris (1983) and the Regroupement des associations jeunes d’Ile de
France (1985).
60 SEBBAR Leila, Fatima ou les Algériennes au square, “Stock, 1981 ; Sebbar Leila, Shérazade,
Stock, 1982.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 279
 Mernissi in Morocco on “Islam, démocratie, modernité” (Islam, democracy,
modernity) denouncing the patriarchy that takes different forms in Moslem
countries, gave young women a boost to continue their combat.
The fight for immigrant women’ rights began to take shape and to grow.
Participation of women, both in the collective combat of immigration and
the fight for their rights as women is a constant factor. Women’s associations
became more aware of the growing role of women, the special problems they
encounter and their still unachieved aspirations. This favoured the constitution
of women’s committees and networks such as Cimade that organised a
national encounter of immigrant women in Strasbourg (June 1983). New
issues took priority such as the place of migrant women in society, equal
French/immigrant rights, racism, women’s rights and how to gain access to
independence. The questions of identity, relations with the family, the place
of women in the city, were also on the agenda. Women were committed in this
field to the fight against all forms of violence (Collectif des mères d’enfants
victimes de crimes racistes, les Nanas Beurs, Femmes sans Frontières, la
Nahda, etc.). Other groups appeared such as the Collective de soutien des
femmes sans papiers (for the support of undocumented women immigrants)
that in 1983 became the Collective des femmes immigrées. It groups young
immigrant women, French, Latin American and African women. These
women, who came to join their families without going through the procedures
of family regrouping, domestic help without contracts, divorced women or
victims of prostitution, women forced to follow their fathers or husbands
if they were denied admittance or deported, had great problems obtaining
residence status. The group maintained a help desk and did awareness
campaigns with solidarity associations on problems specific to women. It
also claimed regularisation of these women and the award of independent
status, “not dependent on the father or husband”.
280 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
(#&#(#I]Z&..%Éh#/
I]Z^ciZ\gVi^dcegdXZhh\VkZ\gZVi^beZijhidY^VhedgV
VhhdX^Vi^dchiddg\Vc^hZVcYYZ[ZcYi]Z^gg^\]ih^ci]ZXdjcig^Zh
d[dg^\^cVcYYZhi^cVi^dc#
In the 1990s, the objectives and scale of the action of women’s groups and
associations varied. They focused on three subjects: rights of migrant women
with regard to their integration in the host country, accompaniment of the
women’s struggle in the countries of origin, and reinforcement of relations
between women’s movements. The principle of solidarity took on its full
scope, particularly with the massive ‘departure-exile’ of Algerian women to
other European countries fleeing Islamic persecution, and the mobilisation
of Maghreb women, particularly Moroccans and Algerians, for a fairer, non-
discriminatory family code. These associations moved along very diverse
paths, pushing their roots into urban areas and carrying out neighbourhood
action, with a large capacity to deal with the real, daily problems encountered
by women, combining social, cultural, economic and political dimensions.
There was a strong social impetus to create social centres, literacy courses,
vocational integration projects by professionally active women or volunteers
in these sectors, an impetus that resulted in initiatives and projects –
for example the Nahda61 (rebirth) Association that began in Nanterre – defined
and managed, more or less independently, by women. Networks developed.
Yvette Roudy brought African women together, particularly doctors and
lawyers, to create GAMS (Groupe pour l’abolition des mutilations sexuelles -
Group for the abolition of sexual mutilation). Training programmes and social
actions targeting immigrant women became more common and less geared
to family management that maintained women in traditional roles. These
groups tried to combine action in several forms, without losing the social
aspect (information, help with administrative formalities, legal advice), the
cultural aspect (workshops, debates, writing, theatre, cinema clubs, dances),
the professional aspect (job creation/restaurants, hairdressers, seamstresses,
61 Nahda Association in Nanterre – Nahda means “effort”, “renaissance” – created in 1981-1982,
tried to show the Islam is not synonymous with obscurantism; Islam is a religion of dialogue,
friendliness and tolerance. The association considers itself to be a bridge between the North
African community and the institutions in the host country. Nahda also stresses creation of
jobs. Nadia Châabane. L’émergence des mouvements de femmes dans l’immigration des
années quatre-vingt. Round table 11 March 2004. http://www.femmes-histoire-immigration.
org/liste.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 281
 vocational training and literacy) and conviviality (parties, meals in common,
activities for children). From these actions came the will to be able to speak
out as women, who define their own claims and apply, or demand, treatment
of their concerns by the appropriate services.
Nedjma Belhadj62 explains that militants in these movements and associations
very often described themselves as ‘bridges’, linking the individual and
the collective movement, creating an inter-action between emancipating
dynamics of women and other aspirations for social change. The “Solidarity,
interpersonal exchanges, mutual support, self management” dimension
is extremely appreciated in women’s groups; in fact, this is what enables
them to break out of their isolation, to get out of the domestic sphere
into a broader public space that helps them understand that the so-called
‘private’ problems of each person are an integral part of collective and social
problems. Consequently, the Association gives participants a window to the
world, to other cultures, and the acquisition of new skills – this is a space
for valorisation and recognition. Here is what Alima Boumediene declares:
“making a link between advocating as a woman and as someone from the
Maghreb means upsetting the traditions of the society of origin and those
of the surrounding society and gaining recognition of the emerging cultural
wealth of this multiple identity”.63
At the beginning of the 1990s, these groups and initiatives focused in
priority on issues in society, access to rights and integration in the country
of immigration, but concern about the women’s or the parents’ country of
origin did not disappear. New juxtapositions were at work and showed,
for example, in the demands of Algerian and Moroccan women for a code
of personal status providing effective equality between men and women.
The intersection of the paths of all these immigrant women shows the
similarity of their concerns and their combat. In fact, these women, citizens
of Europe, were still under the thumb of the personal status code of their
country of origin. The Moudawana, that governs relations within the family,
is often in contradiction with the laws in the host country, a situation that
eventually causes human disasters of which women are the first victims.
Beyond this contradiction, migrant women could not remain indifferent to
62 Nadia Châabane L’émergence des mouvements de femmes dans l’immigration des années
quatre-vingt. “Round Table 11 March 2004.” http://www.femmes-histoire-immigration.org/liste.
63 Interviews of Alima Thiery-Boumediene. 1991. Hommes et migrations, n°1141, March 1991.
282 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
what was happening to their compatriots residing in Morocco. Consequently,
the fight for equal rights in Europe could not be envisaged without connecting
it to the fight for women’s rights in the countries of origin. Direct actions
carried out by associations of Algerian and Moroccan women gained
considerable following. The partial reform of the code of personal status that
was decided in Morocco in 1993 removed any taboo about the review of the
text. Despite its religious inspiration, it was submitted to a review to update
it and adapt it to the situation of the contemporary family. Algerian women,
who were dissatisfied with the law that governs the family in their country,
began a think-tank and started making demands as early as the 1980s, a trend
that accelerated with the arrival of Islam fundamentalists who challenged
modernity and want to impose the return to Islamic tradition.
This was the context in which the caravan for equal rights between men and
women was organised, even before the last modifications of the Moudawana
in Morocco in 2003. Initiated by immigrant women and women’s associations
in Morocco, it toured the Netherlands, Belgium, France and Spain in turn
and finally arrived in Morocco. Algerian women, in their own country or of
immigrant parents, took different initiatives to demand a more equalitarian
family law. In March 2003, at the time of the celebration of the 20th year of
the Algerian family code a group called Collectif 20ans Barakat (20 years
is enough) was constituted in Algeria, organising a campaign to denounce
the code as discriminatory and demanding its repeal. This initiative spread
and a collective group based on solidarity sprung up in the Paris region in
July 2003 whose objective was to relay the Algerian campaign and support it
by lobbying actions. This campaign banked on media coverage of the cause
of Algerian women around two demands: repeal of the Algerian family code
and adoption of an equalitarian law; denunciation of the bilateral Franco-
Algerian agreements allowing the application of the family code in France.
The campaign took the form of awareness actions to rally as many groups as
possible to the cause and to get maximum coverage in the media.64
Women’s associations continued to spring up and put down roots, to diversify
as new problems arose, increasing the number of issues. Women and girls
in the suburbs and undocumented migrants led initiatives daily against
64 Mujeres mediterraneas. http//www.mediterraneas.org Round Table: September 2005.
Cordoba. Las otras españolas)
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 283
 exclusion and violence and for access to rights. They also built up cross-
national solidarity and brought all the militant forces of the host country with
them. These women’s movements maintain a dynamic that is due on one hand
to their strong relation to concrete reality in daily life and the paths of women
in all their diversity. On the other hand, they show their capacity to cope
with the difficulties, inequality and violence women are confronted with.
The activities of the diaspora in the years 2000 would continue to reinforce
this trend, with the appearance and development of new activities geared
essentially to development of the countries of origin.
(#&#)#I]Z[ZbVaZY^VhedgVd[i]ZB:96Xdjcig^Zh^c:jgdeZ/
VcZlXdcig^Wji^dcidYZkZadebZcid[i]ZXdjcig^Zhd[dg^\^c
The contribution of the diaspora to the development of the countries of origin
takes different forms – participation in development projects in the countries
of origin is not the least. Whether women instigated, collaborated or carried
out these projects, they played a very important role alongside male migrants.
Because of the absence of data in the field, we cannot make a distinction
between female and male projects, or identify the fields where women are
more enterprising. Documents testify to the presence of women, particularly
those who have acquired expertise in a given field, or who have political power
(members of political parties and recognised migrant leaders). Development
actions are often mixed or initiated by women and addressed to other women.
They may also integrate men or work in a partnership with a men’s NGO.
The essential purpose is to succeed with a major project in favour of a large
number of beneficiaries. Growing awareness of the gender dimension is also
due to male associations. The vulnerability of women, particularly in rural
and semi urban areas in the MEDA region is undeniable – no action can get
around the important dimension of promoting women and girls.
Most of the time associations were formed at the initiative of a few migrants,
men or women, who came from well established communities in the host
country and were linked by solid social networks. They generally carry
out collective development actions in their place of origin, often on a local
scale. Federations of associations are also emerging, some of them cross-
national. Links are being made between migrant associations and European
associations (case of France, Belgium and the Netherlands) that intervene in
284 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
the same community. Diaspora associations are involved in development at
several levels. Some cooperate in emergency situations in the event of natural
disasters, others intervene preventively by sending vaccines or medicines or
purchasing ambulances, still others adopt a more long-term logic by setting
up development projects in income-creating fields. Social projects are
particularly appreciated by the diaspora, and above all by women, such as
projects pertaining to education and literacy, particularly of girls, but also to
health, facilities, management of schools, educational residential institutions
or orphanages. With regard to projects of an economic nature, female and
male immigrants are involved in varying degrees in local entrepreneurial
activities, private or collective, banks, crafts, production cooperatives, micro
financing structures, etc. These multiple actions undertaken by the diaspora
in the village or town of origin have been catalysts that led to the creation
of new associations by the local population to ensure local management of
their achievements. These village associations set up new areas for taking
decisions and contribute to the emergence of new social players, including
young people and women, who become members of the village council
where they rarely had the right to take initiatives and had little access to
responsibilities.
Alongside these collective actions, as from the years 2000 a growing number of
associations of Maghreb women can be observed, but each tends to mobilise
the women in its own community. Nevertheless, certain actions and similar
demands bring them together. An acute national awareness is coming to women,
and governments are there to support their actions by means of financing or
integration in institutions. Associations of Moroccan, Algerian and Tunisian
women are being created all over Europe. They carry out various activities
that correspond to the situation and needs of immigrants in the host country.
In Spain and in Italy, women’s associations work to provide major support,
assisting illiterate immigrants in a precarious situation and undocumented
women. In France and Belgium, Tunisian associations, that enjoy better support
from the government, had already initiated a project in 2001 that targeted
publicising movements of immigrant women and valorising their contributions,
as well as fighting prejudice and representations of which they are often
victims. The objective is to contribute to restoring the history of immigrant
women’s movements as players in political, social, cultural and economic fields.
Promoting remembrance, safeguarding heritage, and beyond that gaining a good
understanding of the lay-out of the immigrant population are the issues.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 285
 Projects set up in this context do not correspond to commercial logic –
they are based on the values of cooperation and solidarity. A new logic is
emerging, one of social transformation that does not seek profit; it targets
development of local communities, the safeguard of threatened heritage and
the creation of new resources and means of redistribution. The diasporas
in general, and female diasporas in particular, have an undeniable asset:
their familiarity with both the real situation in the country of origin (local
conditions, issues, local languages, culture, structures, networks, people,
etc.) and that of the host country. Consequently they are better able to adapt
the projects to those situations and specificities of the environment, to
facilitate acceptance of the projects by the local population and to create a
real dynamic of social change.
(#&#*#EVgicZgh]^eVcYXddeZgVi^dcWZilZZcVhhdX^Vi^dchd[^bb^\gVcih
VcY:jgdeZVccVi^dcVah
A few significant aspects of the dynamic of migrant women can be identified
from this brief exposé. Despite their many and varied difficulties and the
fact that their contribution is often unsung, they have remained present,
combative, battling within associations or collective groups for equal rights,
dignity and independence. No doubt the national and international context
shapes the migrants’ life and brings out new priorities. In this context,
the structures decided to group within a collective body in order to pool
resources to improve the visibility of their struggles and their solidarity with
women who are victims of violence, exiled women in precarious situations
and undocumented immigrants. These collective groups and forums of
women, on a national or Mediterranean scale, group women from here and
elsewhere, all working for the same cause: rehabilitating women’s rights,
recovering the right to residence, fighting twofold violence. They openly
discuss questions of integration. These groups have managed to set up
collective dynamics, to broaden the dialogue between various communities,
to fight fundamentalism, misinterpretations of Islam and stereotypes against
Moslem women.
The project coordinated by IMED is a significant example. It is enacted by
means of an active partnership between women’s associations, trade unions
and NGOs in the Maghreb (Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia). It targets promoting
286 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
women’s rights and democratic development of Maghreb society by means
of reinforcing the potential for the work, action and communication of civil
society organisations active in these fields. The project is carrying out various
actions in facilities for women in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, supplying
information, advice and legal and psychological assistance, encounters,
courses and vocational training on specific themes and awareness activities
on women’s rights. The project means to contribute to the recognition of
women as full fledged citizens and the construction of a democratic, modern
society that insures women’s basic rights. Stricter legislation on immigration,
both in France and in Europe, hits women hard. More and more tried to flee
their countries (fundamentalist pressure in the case of Algeria, armed conflict
in the case of countries neighbouring Israel, and unequal and sexist laws,
traditionalist families, poverty in many MEDA countries). So inter-association
action committees were created on “women’s rights, the right to residence,
against double violence”, another collective group tackled questions of forced
marriage and other types of violence65 (polygamy, sexual mutilation, rape,
etc.). This ancient phenomenon is taking a new dimension that gives cause
for concern. The first victims are women from the Maghreb, Turkey and south
of the Sahara.
Other attempts are part of an effort to exchange with countries in the South.
An experiment is being done by FCI (Femmes Contre les Intégrismes - Women
Against Fundamentalism) in Lyon that took inspiration from the experience of
the Caravan for equal rights, organised at the initiative of Moroccan women,
that has toured various regions in Morocco every year since 2001 under the
auspices of the Democratic League of Women’s Rights (Ligue démocratique
des droits des femmes - LDDF). This action was renewed in 2006 with other
associations in several regions in France. The FCI stands behind the principle
of equal rights and treatment for men and women, in France and in the
Maghreb. It particularly denounces the application of discriminatory codes
of personal status on both sides of the Mediterranean.
The development of the woman’s associative movement in the Mediterranean,
particularly by means of the Euro-Mediterranean Network for human rights
65 GAMS (groupe pour l’abolition des mutilations sexuelles – group for abolition of sexual
mutilation). This group chose to intervene with school audiences and public authorities to
wage awareness and prevention campaigns, in addition to taking care of and accompanying
victims.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 287
 (Réseau euro-méditerranéen des droits de l’homme (REMDH)), the Euro-
Mediterranean platform for civil society, (la Plate-forme de la société civile
euro-méditerranéenne), the other Euro-Mediterranean networks, MEDA-
Démocratie, have given a new boost to promotion of awareness of women
in the Mediterranean and greater visibility to the action of women in the
region. Women first mobilised to meet their own needs, and to find practical
solutions to some of their problems; they are trying to get together to form
a critical mass that can defend the interests and rights of women in regional
and international forums.
Female MPs are also very active. Meetings and encounters between European
Members of Parliament and those of countries in the South are becoming
increasingly frequent, thus contributing to a better understanding and
helping develop a common strategy to eliminate all types of discrimination
against women. A dynamic relationship between associations in the South
and those of the North has been created to group the skills of women
immigrants, encouraging them to realise the need to mobilise continually
in order to fight together against all obstacles to equality, and particularly
against fundamentalism.
Diaspora associations have become indispensable agents for the development
of the community of origin today. They have shown that they are effective,
efficient and durable. It must be recalled that financing of projects comes both
from savings of migrants and the support of governments and local NGOs.
The workshops of experts organised by the Council of Europe in 2004-200566
identified the capacity to make its beneficiaries independent and the capacity
of projects to reproduce themselves, as factors for the success of migrant
initiatives, and the sustainability of the projects.
66 The Council of Europe, in cooperation with the Centre Européen pour l’interdépendance
et la solidarité mondiales, organised a series of workshops in 2004 and 2005 on the general
theme of ‘Migration and co-development’. The objective was to provide support to the
Council of Europe’s policy platform on migration and particularly to stimulate cooperation
with governments, MPs, local authorities and NGOs in many African countries that maintain
close migrant relations with Europe. These workshops looked into concrete questions
of cooperation, exchanges of ‘good practices’, particularly in the field of microprojects,
and drafting recommendations and proposals.
288 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
8]VeiZg>K#I]Z^beVXid[b^\gVi^dc
dcZbedlZgbZcid[ldbZcVcYi]Z
Zkdaji^dcd[i]Z[Vb^an
The history of immigrant women is bound related to spatial mobility and
overtaking of exterior space. These movements, whatever their conditions
or duration, have a strong impact on family and societal life, particularly
since the varied, different and even contradictory spaces in which they are
active continue to expand as women move into the host country. Leaving
the countries in the southern Mediterranean and their developing economies,
where the forces of tradition are still deep-rooted and very strong, where
promotion of women is slowly making progress but still encounters
considerable resistance, immigrant women gained access to developed,
modern and democratic Europe, where women’s liberation is not a taboo or
slogan, but tangible reality. No doubt they were apprehensive as they accosted
a strange new world.
True, by emigrating in the context of family grouping women had to face the
unknown, and slowly but surely broaden their limits, disturbing established
spatial and gender relations as they went. They moved out of the home,
to which they were still directly attached, to enter a very attractive and
coveted public sphere. Far from the influence of the enlarged family, they
no longer had to report to anyone on their outings and their movements. The
husband was at work all day long, so they had the possibility to discover this
new space, which appeared rough and inhospitable to them on arrival, but
that they gradually assimilated, integrating it into their schemes of thought to
finally conquer it in their own way.
Communication developed between immigrants in the same family or clan,
and extended to neighbours and other women sharing the same language,
and finally gave rise to the creation of networks of women who came
into contact within an associative movement. The evolution of relations
between immigrant women was gradual, from the central family core to the
constitution of a group of companions of different nationalities, who felt the
same effects being isolated in a strange environment. Relations with a few
European women would develop later.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 289
 In this way, solid relations were woven between women who shared the same
building or the same neighbourhood, as the system of solidarity grew, giving
rise to a very strong feeling of ownership of the space. After the neighbourhood,
the first living area, women began to spend time in supermarkets, places of
worship, markets and hospitals. They would go out more and more, so places
of leisure became places for resocialisation. In other words, going to these
places broadened the zones of contacts even if this mobility was motivated
by family and economic reasons. Women acquired a certain independence67,
due to their daily contacts with the host society (administrative procedures,
school, errands, potentially a job). After a period of isolation, they managed
to integrate many, increasingly broad networks.
By mean of this mobility, these women found themselves in a whirlwind
of modernity. Wives became less afraid of the authority of their husbands
who grew increasingly permissive because of concern with their jobs, there
were many tasks they could not assume – caring for the children and school,
and the way the family functioned on a daily basis. Access to the labour world
became a must for some women. No doubt they had low-level jobs, but they
contributed to the family budget, and helped meet the children’s growing
needs and aspirations. The household jobs they carried out brought them into
European homes, and they realised the gap between European lifestyles and
their own. The use of space, the type of food, family relations – all came under
pressure. The family order was questioned wordlessly with certain bitterness:
European women had more privileges than immigrants, were more respected
by their husbands, and less subject to domestic chores.68 Paths opened for
immigrant women, but the women could not take them up directly for lack of
means of communication. Not knowing the language of the host country, they
observed and interpreted things in their own way. Their efforts to acquire the
language were difficult. Some of them learned as they went, others relied on
their children at school, and a third category first learned the language within
associations.
The first immigrant women made the effort to meet all these challenges.
They were pioneers, and proud to be so. They were immigrants and had
67 Bouamama. S and Sad Saoud. H. (1996), Familles maghrébines de France. “Paris, Editions
Desclée de Brouwer p. 74-82.”
68 Aicha Belarbi, Biographies de femmes migrantes marocaines en Belgique. “December 2004.
Not published.”
290 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
confidence in the host country. They were aware of cultural differences, but
were still conscious of their roles and their attributions in the new society.
Many young immigrants of the second and third generation, both men and
women, owe a great deal to their mothers who, in their illiteracy with a
traditional upbringing, fought a silent battle to live and evolve in their place
of residence. They suffered to acquire their initial knowledge of the language,
and banked everything on the education of their children – promoting the
girls was their major hope and their own success.
So the traditional model based on the representation of the Maghreb Moslem
woman who immigrated to Europe, living in subordination as the ‘migrant’s
wife’, stuck in the suburbs, obedient and passive, breaks down in the complex
situations that researchers have encountered in the European context.
The second and third generations of migrant women, who attended school
in the host country, who were educated and had access to better jobs on the
labour market, moved easily with self-assurance in their country of residence.
They share the language with the Europeans, and can relate to them – they
no longer live on the outskirts of their milieu; they enter it directly. This
is when they felt the first resistance of the host society that accepts them
hesitantly and integrates them timidly into its structures without listening to
their complaints.
The realisation of this reality comes hard. This environment, that accepted
their parents as temporary labour, does not seem willing to accept them
definitively. Protest movements are organised, young women and men demand
respect of their rights as children of immigrants; they demand status and a
comfortable professional and social position in the host country. Supported
by other progressive social movements, they go on to question integration
policies and denounce all forms of racism and xenophobia concerning them.
The countries of origin tried to channel this energy in their own favour
by maintaining closer ties with the new generation. The ‘migration and
development’ approach became the leitmotiv of various protagonists. Migrant
women, players both here and there, became active agents of the dynamic of
social change.
No doubt, migrations influence and shape the life of migrants, as has been
shown in the previous chapters. Gender determines who migrates, why and
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 291
 how the decision is taken. This has a lasting impact on relations between
sexes, either by reinforcing inequalities and traditional roles, or by questioning
and transforming them. The impact of migration not only affects the migrants
themselves, but also their families, their regions of origin and of destination.
Migration has ambivalent effects on migrant women. It can have very positive
consequences on most women as a result of the actual shift from one place to
another, from one culture to another. This creates a situation of acculturation
that the women cannot avoid. Migration also gives women an experience of
work and economic independence, offering women more possibilities for
literacy and vocational training, and thereby freeing them from the roles
they are traditionally given. Consequently, it can give them greater control
over their own bodies and their lives, as they develop greater self-confidence
and self-esteem that favours their independence.69 These effects can also be
observed in women who stay at home, whose husbands, parents or members
of the community emigrate and bring back not only gifts and funds, but new
models, other behaviours and attitudes.
For some migrant women, migration may further isolate them. Incomplete
integration, a low-level of education, a precarious professional situation
can encourage migrant women to take refuge in the culture of origin or in
the traditional religious culture. Gender structures are not automatically
questioned by the process of migration. The niches of activity particularly
reserved to migrant women (household services, small businesses, care of
the elderly or sexual services) sometimes maintain women in a situation of
subordination. However, migration can be an occasion for these women to
discover other geographic and social places, other value systems. So female
migration can be liberating for some and exacerbate dependency of others.
It can also change gender relations to varying degrees within the couple, the
family and society.
)#&#B^\gVi^dcd[ldbZc[gdbB:96Xdjcig^Zhid:jgdeZ/
a^WZgVi^dcVcYgZh^hiVcXZ
It is not possible to live in an environment without being steeped in its
culture, without being marked by new behaviours and attitudes. As they
69 Organisation internationale des migrations, «Gender and Migration. [http://www.iom.int/
DOCUMENTS/PUBLICATION/EN/GIC_Factsheetscreen.pdf], (5 août 2003).
292 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
move, human beings carry social change, in-depth or superficial, of which
they are the first beneficiaries, and whose impact can also be significant
on their immediate and even national entourage. While immigrants of both
sexes originating from MEDA countries established in European countries,
which enabled them to innovate, review their habits and act on the family
structure, nevertheless to varying degrees and depending on gender and
social-economic levels, they still embodied the traditions of the countries of
origin. They stood between the two, accepting modernity and change when
it pertained to the family model, and referring to the norms and values of the
countries of origin in marital relations and the roles and attributions of various
members of the family. This paradoxical situation put women, particularly,
at the centre of conflicts. As the educators of children and the guardians of
the household, they were considered responsible for any malfunctioning in
the home, and the actions of the children, particularly daughters, while, on
the other hand, their children would complain about their traditionalism
and their acceptance-submission to marital authority. In migration, women
found their emancipation, discovered a neglected potential capacity, put their
hidden predispositions to work. The wives of migrants who had stayed in the
village were one of the first concerns of researchers on migrant women –
women that 19th-century Italy called ‘white widows’. In the 1970s and 1980s,
these Moroccan, Tunisian, Algerian, Egyptian women were front-page news.
Those women lived a suspended life, experiencing not only the negative effects
of the dislocation of the family, but also to a certain extent, the emancipating
action of migration via their husbands. No doubt, the wives and members of
the migrant’s family benefited from funds that he could send back to them.
These funds constituted additional income which contributed significantly
to the family income and welfare and, consequently, to enhancing the place
of the wife who became the effective head of the household in the absence
of her husband. Migration, particularly of women, could upset standards and
values of the local culture. The decrease in the birth rate, the adoption of a
new concept of children, the demand to have access to the labour market
and respect of fundamental women’s rights, the adoption of outer signs of
modernity are the most plausible consequences.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 293
 )#&#&#B^\gVi^dcd[ldbZcVhV[VXidgd[hdX^VaigVch[dgbVi^dc
Immigration tends to transform the structure of the family: from an enlarged
family, including parents and siblings, to which the emigrant belongs, with a
high birth rate for women, to a nuclear family where parents and siblings have
little or no place. A new concept of children develops within the immigrant
communities. Children are no longer the gift of God that come with their own
assets; they become a cost to be paid for maintenance, health care, schooling
and leisure. Even in large families, letting women join the labour market is
a necessity as additional income becomes an emergency even. These large
transformations in the family structure were part of the process of putting
down roots for the population born from immigration. The anchoring of
immigrant women in a capitalist society tends to reduce family and clan
solidarity and means that every service corresponds to a cost. Consequently,
for example, the passage of Maghreb families ‘in’ France to Maghreb families
‘from’ France,70 with the emergence of a new family structure that differs
from the traditional family model in the country of origin, as well as that of
the host country. But this nuclearisation of the family in a migrant situation,
with the rise in individualism and women’s heightened aspirations to
change and greater freedom, tends to produce a certain malfunctioning in
the distribution of roles within the family that result from the weakening of
the man’s traditional role. He loses his prerogatives as the exclusive head of
the family. Women, conversely, particularly when they are working, acquire
greater authority and power within the home. In this dynamic of change,
women and children are still under the fathers’ authority, which does not fail
to cause friction, necessitate negotiations, compromise and adjustments in
relations of couples and between generations.
The access of migrant women to the labour world constitutes an important
factor of social mutation of women’s status. From a domestic subject she
has become an economic subject. The integration of migrant women into
economics circuits has had positive effects on the condition of their families.
It has also contributed to their emancipation from ties and constraints that the
traditional family imposed, as they shift to models of modernity and equality.
Wages are the essential means of achieving this independence. Studies done
70 Bouamama. S. and Sad Saoud. H. (1996), Familles maghrébines de France. “Paris, Editions
Desclée de Brouwer.”
294 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
in the countries of origin show the same effects of working for a salary on the
liberation and independence of women. Since they no longer depend on their
husbands, and take part themselves in the family budget, the management
of the household, and the choice of investments and savings, their decision
taking power increases and their mobility in space expands.
For certain communities, such as the Moroccans from the Rif who set up
in the Netherlands or in Germany, the work of women immigrants was a
real revolution. They were known for their conservatism and conformism.
They refused to have their wives leave the house for whatever reason, but
when the households were suffering from serious shortages, the husbands
had to make many concessions to allow their wives to go to work.71 This
feeling of independence is still greater for single women, and is confirmed for
women working in liberal professions or entrepreneurship.
The study on Moroccan women in Veneto is significant. While the majority of
women emigrated in the context of family regrouping, they did not correspond
to the stereotypes of Maghreb women immigrating to Europe, living passively
in migration, and undergoing a cultural breach.72 But nevertheless the breach
does exist, as women try to find a common ground, to negotiate their new
place on the social chequerboard of the host countries, adapting to situations
that arose for them and turning them to the advantage of their families, they
showed courage, perseverance and skill. For most of these young women,
school is a place of liberty. Not all of them had had the possibility to study at
length, as parents, particularly fathers, did not see the interest in giving girls
an education and stopped as soon as legislation of the host country allowed
it. Other parents, on the contrary, encouraged their daughters to study and
projected their ambitions in their daughters’ success.
Integration in the society of the host country presents advantages and
satisfaction that are hard to give up. In her surveys, Françoise Gaspard
71 Mohamed Khachani. (1996) La femme marocaine immigrée dans l’espace économique du
pays d’accueil, : quelques repères. In Femmes et Migrations. Revue juridique, politique et
économique du Maroc. Special issue. “pp 161-183, p 178.”
72 Chantal Saint-Blancat. (1998), “Les Marocaines en Vénétie”, in Migrations-Société, n° 55,
vol 10, pp 107-115, Jan. – Feb. This article presents the results of two surveys done with
the female immigrant population in the Veneto region (Italy). One is qualitative on female
strategies in the migration process based on in-depth interviews of Moroccan women (about
30 interviews). The other is a quantitative analysis of religious and cultural dimensions
of Islam in Veneto, based on a questionnaire submitted to 400 Maghreb and Senegalese
immigrants (of whom 21.5 % were women, particularly Moroccans).
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 295
 observed nostalgia with regard to the country of origin that was more
marked for men than for women, and the same difference in attitude was
found with children. “The boys are more likely to affirm that their country is
that of their parents and that they plan to go back, whereas the girls, while
expressing loyalty to their families and the culture of their country, excluded
any return. Mixed marriage could also be a means of liberation of migrant
women. In migrant communities from MEDA countries, marriage is often
endogamous, specially for young women. The first choice is marriage with a
close member of the family, or the clan, the second is to marry a compatriot
from the country of origin. Marrying a Moslem comes third, giving priority
to someone from the Maghreb rather than an Arab. Asian Moslems are not
often tolerated because of the language handicap. Christians are forbidden
by religion unless they adhere to Islam.73 Some girls prefer a mixed marriage,
particularly marriage of Maghreb girls with foreigners and particularly
non-Moslems, which can be another indicator confirming the degree of
integration. This type of match is high for Algerians (+113%) and Tunisians
(+88%) but still low for Moroccans (+ 22%),74 a trend that expresses the
modern lifestyle of young Algerian women born in immigration, whereas
Moroccans are still very reserved, not daring to infringe their parents’ law.
Another phenomenon is cohabitation of a couple outside marriage, a situation
that is still limited in the countries of origin, but is spreading in migration,
for both daughters of migrants and economic migrant women. The latter are
exposed to several hazards – they have recourse to cohabitation to share
expenses of rent, to live with a person who knows the country well, to gain
access to new networks, and above all to have someone to talk to and to be
listened to in difficult times. Certain immigrant women cohabit with men from
their country of origin or with foreigners, a phenomenon that causes major
problems in the long run, particularly if a child is born. Birth of the child in
the context of cohabitation is considered illegitimate in Islamic countries,
and entirely legitimate in European Union countries. The occurrence of this
event can result in rejection of immigrant women by the community of the
country of origin and the family.
73 Aicha Belarbi. (2004).Biographies de femmes migrantes, op cit.
74 André Leban. (1993) Immigration et présence étrangère en France. Le bilan d’une année,
1992-1993. DPM. Ministry of Social Affairs, health and the city. Paris, November 1993, 44.
Quoted by Françoise Gaspard, op-cit, p 32.
296 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
No doubt in countries in the EU, living with a companion is entirely normal.
This is one type of couple among others that does not bind the partners by
marriage vows. It is an alternative to the institution of marriage. Unions that
seem pragmatic are in fact determined for migrants by the duration of a job,
housing or by regularisation. For some, remaining single is a strategy to avoid
traditional marriage and to gain emancipation, whereas others, on the contrary,
choose an arranged marriage that they then break off by divorce. These women
are very critical with regard to young male Maghreb immigrants whom they
consider “reticent to changes in male-female relations”. The women feel that
the men adopt different attitudes with regard to French women whom they
“seduce Western-style” and Maghreb women with whom they behave in a
traditional way. The latter, contrary to foreigners, constitute potential wives
according to the principle of endogamous marriage. Generally speaking,
these women are trying to find a way to make collective honour and individual
happiness compatible, and are relatively reconciled to with their parents’
opinions, although they refuse early marriage and will not have their partner
chosen for them. Continuing school is often an alibi to delay marriage. They
look forward to a real relationship in a couple based on love, understanding
and mutual support. However, they consider that they are fulfilled both in
motherhood and professional activity, adopting the aspirations of all French
girls, even if “their childbearing activity is compromised more, because the
many real difficulties they encounter in marrying also jeopardise the chances
of marital stability and motherhood”.75
For economic migrants, the strategies are differentiated given marital status,
even if the goal is the same: finding a job and earning more. Married women are
much more interested in making a living and providing welfare and promoting
their children. For single women, migration goes beyond a family project, and
supposes a certain degree of independence. Emigrating means getting out of
networks of dependence on parents and the family circle, and gaining access
to a broader public area both professionally and in terms of leisure (cafés,
bars, discotheques). Going back home, apart from the pleasure of seeing the
family, represents only a hindrance to personal liberty. Certain single women,
particularly those who exercise activities with low or barely average pay,
consider getting married to a foreigner or remaining single. Moroccan men
are thought to be too authoritarian and conservative.Those who think about
75 Camille Lacoste Dujardin (1992), Yasmina et les autres, de Nanterre et d’ailleurs, filles de
parents maghrébins en France. …op cit, p 211.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 297
 marrying a compatriot find themselves faced with the dilemma of the economic
instability of the migrant and his role as the head of the household. A person
from her country will be a further burden because he will not take charge of
housework, or take care of the children, without forgetting the constraints of
working and paying for the household alone, as well as bad treatment from
the husband. “For a single immigrant woman, marrying a Moroccan means
deteriorating her social-economic status. She switches from a live-in maid to
hired help. She will be living in uncertain housing and her wages will not be
sufficient to maintain an independent home. The money she earns cannot be
saved or sent, but will be spent in entirety. Nevertheless giving up marriage is
one thing, but giving up motherhood is harder, particularly for women living
in a society where motherhood and mothers are privileged (Laura Oso).
)#&#'#OdcZhd[gZh^hiVcXZidX]Vc\Z
The men-women relations in migration or in MEDA countries both refer to
the Islamic concept of a couple that is legally set down in the personal status
code. Family relations are organised in contexts and spaces that combine
zones of dependence and independence, creating gaps between men and
women that are based on anthropological and religious segmentation that in
fact can introduce differentiations.76
Immigrant men and women who come to work in Europe are confronted
with other models and other categories of differentiation, defined by other
criteria. In this context, misunderstandings between the standards and values
of the countries of origin and host countries appear. Reception and integration
organisations in Europe perceive these differentiations as discriminating against
Maghreb women. To compensate them, they carry out actions for integration
and adaptation that are more egalitarian and democratic with regard to women.
But these actions upset the traditional order and get in the way of acculturation
which tends to make adjustments by aligning models from the country of origin
to European models, so they produce new distortions with regard to both men
and women originating from the Maghreb.
76 Barbara Augustin (1998), Différenciation hommes/ femmes dans les populations
immigrées , “in Lacoste–Dujardin Camille and Virolle Marie,” Femmes et Hommes du
Maghreb. La frontière des genres en question.Etudes sociologiques et anthropologiques.
“Paris, Publisud.”
298 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Now there is a contradiction between Moslem family law where women
have a status that is dependent on that of the man, and legal practice in
Europe, where equality of men and women is a fundamental legal principle.
The French-Moroccan and French-Algerian agreements submit immigrants
from these two countries living in France to the family law in force in the
country of origin, which goes counter to the integration process. In fact, the
family with its various components plays a preponderant role, and there is a
huge gap between Moroccan law and social reality in France,77 which is an
obstacle to this process from the start.
On the other hand, women’s work, which becomes a necessity for survival in
the evolution of an immigrant family and a factor of liberation for the woman,
must not upset by the order of the family hierarchy. Surveys show that while
professional activity for migrant women constitutes an economic necessity,
it is not always considered a means of emancipation. Work, considered as a
mark of independence compared to the standard of the group, disturbs the
family structure and relations, which leads to a reinterpretation of traditional
values of the country of origin, but without a break from them, and particularly
without questioning their foundation based on religion. Moreover, in gender
relations, the juxtaposition of religion, culture and social attitudes proves to
be very complex, particularly since women play a crucial role. By combining
patriarchal organisation and religious norms, this juxtaposition tends to take a
central place in perpetuating the patriarchy and religious practice and beliefs.
It must be recognised that the rigid scheme of standards and values in
MEDA countries is generally reproduced in the host countries, particularly
since distance and separation create a kind of nostalgia about everything
pertaining to origins. The rituals that mark the seasons and the rites of
passage constitute one of the clearest signs of the survival of the traditions
of the countries of origin, and are a way of safeguarding and reinforcing ties
as well as marking one’s membership in the group and one’s difference with
regard to the host society.
The perpetuation of certain traditional Maghreb values is often interpreted
in the context of migration. Celebrations associated with rites of passage,
including circumcision and marriage, are a favourite field for analysing the
77 Abouani A. (1995), La femme marocaine en France : justice civile et processus
d’intégration. “Doctoral thesis, Paris VIII-Vincennes-Saint-Denis.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 299
 persistence of traditional schemes that provide comfort particularly for
women in migration. An ethnographic analysis of marriage, observed from
the standpoint of women by Noria Boukhobza in a survey done in Toulouse
with Moroccan and Algerian women, attests to the perpetuation of the value
given to marriage by various generations of women and the mechanisms for
transmitting it.78
The ethnographic description of the ritual of marriage in a migration context
gives an account of the activation of marriage customs that are tending to
disappear in the Maghreb (for example the rite of loss of virginity), and the
importance of the role of women during the marriage celebration: women’s
celebrations (non-religious and based on jokes about men’s virility and
dances with highly sexual connotations, contrast strongly with the bride’s
passive attitude), dominate the religious ceremony (reading the Fathira at the
mosque) by men, which traditionally is considered to be what legitimises the
marital union. In a migration context, women are at the centre of the marriage
celebration according to a specific female hierarchy: married women affirm
their authority over other women, particularly girls, whose virginity must at
all costs be maintained -- the honour of their mother depends on it.
Despite all of these constraints, and the forces of resistance to perpetuate
male domination, many migrant women are slowly and discreetly making
their way out of it. The position of immigrant women in society, the culture
and the impact of the image of the European woman and the media tend to
create cracks in this family structure that help migrant women make more or
less profound changes in their daily lives.
Moderate female emancipation is visible on the horizon. This takes the form
of aspiration to greater equality within the couple, a fairer share of the roles
and responsibilities, rejection of polygamy and the exaggerated importance
of virginity. However, marriage and female behaviours in keeping with
marital status constitute an aspect of their identity and sense of belonging for
a majority of immigrant women, and a reaffirmation of their social function.
78 Boukhobza Noria (1997), La noce au féminin : transmission des valeurs culturelles féminines
dans le contexte migratoire maghrébin. “pp 53-61, in Migrations Société, vol 9, n° 52.”
300 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Migration is a real family strategy for emancipation of women, for those who
migrate alone or in the context of the family grouping. Remittances79 remain
crucial to cover various projects associated with survival, children’s education,
improving the social-economic level of the family. Women become de facto
heads of households, provide remittances and implement development
projects. The husband’s agreement is requested, but is not indispensable if he
stands in the way of collective projects.
In certain cases, migration of the spouse can reinforce traditional family
values. For example, the additional income available through remittances
decreases the need for the wife to work outside the home. The migration of
men can then act as a conservative force, reinforcing patriarchal culture and
the traditional roles of each gender. The situation tends to accentuate the
husband’s authority and that of the father within the family.
)#'#I]ZYVj\]iZghd[b^\gVcih!l^i]ndji]XdbZhX]Vc\Z
Daughters of Maghreb immigrants are not on the offensive; they are not
wallflowers, not organised, not dependent … like others, they take on the faces
of social diversity. Their path winds between two possibilities: integration
as an expression of identity, communitarism as a fiction written in exile.
Between light and dark, they set the tone in unexpected ways, consisting of
temperance and self limits”.80
The recent surveys done by Camille Lacoste-Dujardin and by Nacira Guenif-
Souilamas are the first works devoted exclusively to daughters of Maghreb
immigrants in France. The sedentarisation of immigrant men and women
changes the relations between parents and children, and more specifically
the transmission between generations.
)#'#&#EVgZci"X]^aYgZaVi^dch
The children of North African immigrants found themselves in a particular
situation. Although many of them were born in European countries where they
spent most of their lives, these young people were treated rather as immigrants
79 Insertion on the labour market, even for menial activities in the case of housework, enables
immigrant women to save money, so they can benefit from a large part or their entire wages
(servants live at the employer’s home).
80 Nacira Guénif Souilamas. (2000), Les beurettes. “Editions Grasset et Fasquelle. p 15l.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 301
 than as French citizens. “With the Bonnet law in 1980, the fear of deportation
was often part of the daily lives of young people, who were threatened to
be deported to a country where they had never lived”. The frustration of
immigrants increased -- they felt rejected and their identities denied. The
problems pertaining to integration were acute. No doubt, the arrival of people
from the Maghreb into France introduced a religious, patriarchal people
within a nation that promotes secular education and equality. As a result, the
children of immigrants from the Maghreb had to define their place in France
themselves.
Belonging to two different and even opposed cultures, that of the parents,
based on lines of thought and behaviours inspired by religion and tradition,
and those of modern equality in the host country, girls born to immigrant
parents aspired to more modernity, and further still to liberation from family
and community constraints. Parent-child conflicts, whether open or latent,
were at the root of this relational context.
With regard to parent-child relations, a survey done with Maghreb girls81 in
France showed that their relations with their parents were tense, and even
conflicting, due to a dual distance – between generations, which imposes
respect as is demanded by tradition, and in education, due to the educational
gap between parents and children. This created difficulties in communicating
and exchanging with parents. One might also add that relations within the
couple were often marked by a certain gap, but did not give rise to any
emotional demonstration – relations but took the form of domination-
submission, even though the migrant situation encouraged the adoption of
a marital model.
Some fathers, by clinging to traditional attitudes and ‘resisting in conservatism’,
widened the gap with their daughters, whereas mothers, depending on
whether they supported the authority of their husbands or opposed it,
adopted an extremely conservative or more permissive attitude.
It was observed, however, that in most situations, parents were increasingly
strict with girls as they reached puberty, due to the danger that could threaten
81 Camille Lacoste-Dujardin (1992), Yasmina et les autres, de Nanterre et d’ailleurs, filles de
parents maghrébins en France. “Paris, La Découverte.” Results of a survey done in 1987 in
1990, with 21 young women, daughters of Maghreb immigrants in France, between 18 and 28.
302 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
the honour of the family, that being the loss of virginity in sexual relations
outside marriage, particularly with a non-Moslem. In addition to parental
pressure, there was pressure from the community when young women lived
in neighbourhoods where the Maghreb population is concentrated.
Consequently, parents were very strict with their daughters about going out,
outside activities, and their friends. Girls easily had access to leisure like
reading, which can be enjoyed in the home, but rarely had permission to go
to the movies or out for an evening. For most of them, there was no question
of going to cafés or going to parties organised by girl friends from Europe or
of immigrant parents, and all of them had to comply with the prohibition of
having boyfriends.
All of these restrictions gave rise to incomprehension between parents,
particularly fathers, and their daughters, and between girls born to immigrants
and Europeans, the former repeated the arguments of their parents,
who considered European girls to be easy and immoral. The Maghreb girls,
who did not comply with this reference model corresponding to standards
and values of their social group of origin, were considered westernised, loose
or even heretic. European girls considered the immigrant girls to be shy and
traditionalist.
Their relationship to the other sex remained complex for these girls who
had been raised in a strict separation of the sexes both in terms of relations
and space. But if these girls questioned traditional marriage, characterised
by the absence of choice of a spouse, in practice for the most part, and
symbolically for some of them, they were more attached to keeping their
virginity, a principle that it would be hard for them to transgress. It might
be underlined that the principle of religious endogamy, meaning that in the
Koran a Moslem woman cannot marry a non-Moslem man (who does not
convert) is almost the norm.
This restricted situation in which the daughters of first-generation immigrants
lived, could not continue as such. The revolt against the patriarchal society
was no doubt difficult for these girls, so they laid their claims in the host
country, demanding more liberty and respect of their fundamental rights,
which encouraged them to participate massively in the beur movement.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 303
 In 1983, a march began in Marseille with the objective of “equal rights and
against racism”. From 15 October to 3 December the Marche des beurs
attracted about 100,000 children of Maghreb immigrants. It finished in Paris
with a meeting with François Mitterrand, who was president at that time,
who awarded them with a ten-year residence card. This demonstration is
considered as the launch of the beur movement of the 1980s. It was followed
by the creation of several associations, the two best known of which are SOS-
Racisme82 and France-Plus.83
At that time, one category of the immigrant population constituted the
burgeoning ‘beurgoisie’84 ; this was a group of migrants who had completed
their integration process and moved away from the delinquent neo-proletariat
faction, even if they regretted that they themselves were not able to take part
in that kind of process.85
For that matter, the beur movement showed its adhesion to the culture of
the host country. It euphorically expressed itself in marches, demonstrations,
encounters, etc. Young women in this group felt that they were not victims of
racism, or only very exceptionally. It seems that they had resolved the cultural
ambivalence resulting from their double cultural reference, and the French
culture overcame the North African culture. In an agreement between parents
and their daughters on this half truth, they acted ‘as if’ to save appearances,
so the profound meaning, which was in fact different for each of the parties,
could remain hidden under this apparent agreement”.86
Women from the Maghreb were very active in the leadership of this beur
movement. For example, Algerians Djida Tazdaït founded JALB, Jeunes
arabes de Lyon et banlieues, and Kaïssa Titous initiated Radio Beur. Other
women used the movement to integrate feminist principles in associations
82 SOS Racisme, created in 1984 with Harlem Désir as the leader, served to fight racism. Among
its first successful campaigns was the slogan “touche pas à mon pote” (hands off my buddy)
and another march for equality “Convergences 1984”.
83 France-Plus, founded in 1985 and presided at the time by Arezki Dahmani, had the objective of
getting young people born to immigrant families to take part in civil life, and particularly elections.
84 ‘Beurgeoisie’ is a neologism referring to the French elite born in immigrant Maghreb families.
In consists of immigrants and their children who have succeeded in their professional lives.
The expression was first cited by researcher Catherine Wihtol de Wenden; it was created
from the word beur, French slang for “Arab”, used as a familiar reference to children born in
France with North African immigrant parents, and the word ‘bourgeois’. Wikipedia
85 Wihtol de Wenden, Catherine, and Remy Levee, La beurgeoisie: Les trois âges de la vie
associative issue de l’immigration. “France: CNRS Editions, 2001.”
86 Idem, p 247.
304 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
concerned with the rights of women of Maghreb origin. Others tried to
support and defend women undergoing violence, Nanas beurs, founded in
1985, had the objective of helping girls resolve family problems, cases of
forced marriages, being taken out of school or runaways after violence from a
father or brother. Other groups tackled support and comfort to women in the
suburbs by providing legal counselling, literacy courses, help with homework
for the youngest, and cultural outings.
Most of the activists in this movement came from families that already had a
certain educational, financial or militant background and sometimes from mixed
couples, sensitised to the question of immigration, racism and others, with a
militant past in their countries of origin that came to Europe and particularly to
France to undertake or continue studies.87 Another part came from a working-
class environment; for them, they adhered to the beur movement to improve
their situation. These young French adults of Maghreb origin mobilised by
means of demonstrations and created associations to demand their rights.
They explicitly spoke out to refuse the injustice that their parents have suffered
from -- they wanted to be the equals of French citizens.
A quarter of a century after the Marche des Beurs, a whole generation of
children of Maghreb immigrants were able to climb the social ladder,
sometimes at lightning speed. Innovative men and women emerged,
very different from the clichés in the media and opposed to racist violence.
The children and grandchildren of immigrants occupied preponderant places
in the host countries. In competition or in agreement with the European
elites, another form of ‘cultural revolution’ took place for recognition and
management of identities within a multicultural society.
Whether the origin was Algerian, Moroccan or Tunisian, this new social class
took off. Despite discrimination and ambient Islamophobia, it can only be said
that the “Republican integration model” works -- a remarkable feat, in one or
two generations, the sons of working-class immigrants reached the higher
classes to occupy key posts in French society. Be they doctors, businessmen,
professors, lawyers, computer scientists, journalists or artists, they had to
fight society to succeed, and to climb the social ladder. This new category
counts, and is beginning to have economic weight.
87 Wihtol de Wenden, Catherine, and Rémy Leveau. Op cit, p 138.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 305
 In this context, the host countries strongly backed girls with immigrant
parents. Great hopes were placed in their capacity to adapt and in their effort
to integrate and to mobilise integration of their parents. They were educated
steeped in Western culture, and were considered to be a vector of social
change and local cultural intermediaries. Living between two cultures with a
growing aspiration to modernity, they constitute a strategic group in the fight
against deviance and to recover balance in the relations between immigrant
families and host societies.
Alongside or in the shadow of the figure of the brother, girls were supposed to be
less open to temptation, driven by determination to succeed along sometimes
uncertain paths to integration, enjoying a favourable preconceived impression
due to the conviction that they have an undeniable hope of emancipation.88
With higher performances than their brothers and good results in school, they
are motivated by the desire to succeed which is considered to be a symbol of
acquisition of freedom.89
In fact, immigrant girls, looking for a valorising identity, have been able to
create negotiation strategies to set themselves apart from their mothers,
without denying their cultural origin entirely, in an effort to enter modernity
without breaking down the family order by forging a hybrid lifestyle that
attests to their membership in a community and on the other hand their
“integration without assimilation”.90
Various studies show that women in immigration are less ethnically singled
out than men, they appear less on the public scene to disturb the usual
order; they are perceived as players in a peaceful integration (Naira Guenif
Souilanar, p 87). As they live under parental control and that of the male
community, they try with determination to fit into the new society without
disturbing the established order, they appear to be more serene, try harder
to succeed in their studies and achieve social promotion rather than “battling
the neighbourhood as their brothers do”.
88 Nacira Guénif –Souilamas. Les beurettes, “op cit p 23.”
89 Conference on the integration of girls born to Maghreb immigrants. At the Senate in
November 1988. Quoted by Houria ALAMI Machichi. Femmes maghrébines immigrées en
France (1996) in Femmes et migrations revu juridique ….”pp 35-42, p 37”
90 Expression used by Françoise Gaspard and Anette Goldberg-Salinas in Femmes et Migrations
op cit, pp 43-60
306 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
So a sometimes very clear-cut distinction is made between the image of
the brothers and sisters in the family, young men and young women in the
community. The former are presented as troublemakers, the themes of
delinquency and violence in the suburbs identify them as harmful, while the
girls are catalysts who seem to be above suspicion. This one-sided image of
gender relations in the Maghreb immigrant community is very reductionist.
It reflects relations in conflict, brothers who order their sisters around and
sisters who calm and defend their brothers, whereas the actual situations are
varied and more complex.
But the studious girls who are described as calm are the ones who would
emerge on the public scene, particularly in France, to make headlines,
contribute to political discourse and lead discussions in the streets at the end
of the 1980s. Demanding their right to difference and respect of difference,
they disturbed the Republican order even in the educational institutions that
are the pillars of the Republic.91 The polemic on the question of the Moslem
headscarf in schools in France, and beyond in other European countries,
helped make these Moslem adolescents more visible. The question of
integration by school was questioned. For that matter, in 1989 and 1994
the demand expressed by teenage girls to wear the headscarf in school
created a very heated public, political debate that went all the way to the
Conceal d’état.
)#(#B^\gVcildbZcVcYgZa^\^djhegVXi^XZ/gZa^\^dcXdb^c\
idi]ZgZhXjZd[adhi^YZci^in
The question of the headscarf triggered a national polemic in France, and even in
Europe, which raised the major question that had been sidestepped for years on the
role of Islam and Moslem identity in Europe. In fact, very few studies have been done
on the religious life of Maghreb immigrant women, despite the growing number of
sociological studies on Islam in France and Europe. Islam as it was practised by the
first generation of immigrant women is an Islam that is interiorised, often invisible
and hard to pinpoint for researchers. Religious practice of men is better known,
because of its institutionalisation (mosques, associations, etc.). In addition, media
coverage of the question of the headscarf in schools monopolised researchers’
91 Rabah Aït-Hamadouche, La “beurgeoisie” d’origine algérienne, ou les débuts d’une
intégration à marche forcée. Hommes et migrations. “N° 1244 – July – August 2003 pp 47-53”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 307
 attention as they tried to study the phenomenon, by considering not only the fact
of wearing a headscarf in a secular context, but the reactions of hostile public
opinion reflect a position that is specific to Islam and Moslem immigrants.
In the countries hosting immigration, collective female religious practice is a
phenomenon that has been studied little to date. This practice has been the
subject of surveys, but by and large they are done inside places of worship,
and are based only on interviews of women with regard to their representation
of Islam and their religious practice. But religious practice goes beyond places
of worship and religious schooling, it is increasingly diffuse in the life of the
community and is an occasion to create a sentiment of collective identity and
to develop new forms of sociability.
The history of female migration testifies to the singular evolution of religious
practice that has taken place over three generations of migrant women.
Women in the first generation had a particular relationship with Islam. By and
large they were illiterate and tended to practise a popular Islam in comparison
to orthodox Islam. Andizhan Susie in 198192 showed that the practice of Islam
by Algerian women in France highlights intense religious activity among
women, and took on specific forms of practice, such as reference to marabous
or worship of saints. Many women joined the religious brotherhood of the
Isaac. Both women and men have access to it, but they meet separately for
religious practice.
In the years 1970 – 1980, immigrant women formed a religious group to pray
collectively; this was open to all Moslem women, even those who did not
belong to the brotherhood. Outside the ordinary sessions, women in the
group met for rights of passage (circumcision, marriage, death, etc.), religious
celebrations (Ramadan), when offering sacrifices to saints to thank them for
fulfilling their prayers, and the annual visit of the Sheik. Women hoped to find
remedies from the marabou or his representatives for physical and moral
problems corresponding to their isolation.
These spiritual meetings would also cover social practices related to
therapy, economic exchanges, and a very dense set of relationships. Their
92 Andezian Sossie,(1981), Appartenance religieuse et appartenance communautaire :
l’exemple d’un groupe d’immigrés algériens en France. “pp 259-266, in A.A.N (Annuaire
d’Afrique du Nord), CNRS, Paris.”
308 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
function is cathartic insofar as, by letting themselves go, women could get
rid of the tensions inherent to their migrant situation, talk about marital
problems, the problems their children encountered, particularly the girls.
These meetings were really an exercise of social control of the community by
women. “Everything seems to happen as if religion made sacred and therefore
legitimised aspects of social life”.93
The religiousness of these women, who were called ritualistic, was expressed
in a limited family or neighbourhood environment. It shows emancipation
with regard to the community group; women maintained an interior relation
to religion and stayed away from community and institutionalised religious
manifestations while respecting the rules on food and generally the normative
rules of Islam. They actively took part in transmitting religious values
associated with traditions to the entire family, focusing more on girls, as boys
were by and large out of their control.
Religious practices of migrant women of the first generation gave them an
opportunity to reinforce their social status within the family and community
structure, and take on a new realm of expression and communication.
Concerning the second generation, from a religious standpoint, most young
women consider themselves Moslem by inheritance or affiliation.
Nevertheless, they can no longer practise their religion in a profound way,
since they are not familiar with the Koran, and are totally or partially ignorant
of religious practices particularly because of their relatively poor Arabic.
However, they respect many rituals, like fasting during Ramadan or other
religious celebrations. Their perception of religion is ambiguous -- they often
confuse traditions and religion.
Despite this deficit in their knowledge of dogma, young immigrant women,
educated in a culture of equality and democracy, do not adhere to male
domination that their families justified by means of Moslem precepts.
They reject the headscarf and so-called religious prohibitions pertaining to
clothing and behaviour that are argued by their fathers to keep daughters in
line. Consequently, their interest for Islam is not of the same type as that of
93 Andezian Sossie,(1981), op cit.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 309
 their parents, who practise a popular Islam – and are unable to respond to
their daughters’ desire for a more philosophical knowledge of their religion.94
Religious education is needed – sections of the mosque are reserved for
women of all ages, courses in the Arabic language and religious education
are given to the young; sexual segregation banished in school is reinforced in
places of worship. Boys often complain, particularly in small European towns
that they cannot talk to or get to know girls from the community, or under
parental control and particularly that male control weighs heavily on youth –
and this in the name of tradition and religion.95 The mosque becomes a place
for exchanges and construction of solidarity. As pointed out by Ruba Salish
(2001, 2003),96 immigrant women who met in mosques managed to establish
cross national networks of solidarity by focusing on Moslem identity.
The third generation, particularly those who had had trouble with the
integration process, and who found themselves helpless in the fight against
the racism and xenophobia they encountered, took refuge in a more orthodox
Islam that helps them recover their identity, crystallising on wearing the
headscarf. For that matter, “in most cases, the headscarf expresses a desire
of integration of girls who find no other means to negotiate and handle the
distance between the community of their parents and French society. This is
a desire for integration without assimilation, and aspiration to be French and
Moslem. Finally, this is an expression to recover their dignity in reaction to
the xenophobia of the French.97
The reaction against the headscarf symbolises both the presence of Islam
in a national society that was not conscious of it 98 and the growth of radical
Islamism. No doubt the «mothers’ and grandmothers’ headscarf, which was
quite present in the suburbs, hardly disturbed anyone. It belongs to immigrants.
It meant that these women continued to live in keeping with the customs
of the country, to which they still envisaged returning. A headscarf worn by
94 Camille Lacoste-Dujardin (1992), Yasmina et les autres, de Nanterre et d’ailleurs, filles de
parents maghrébins en France. “Paris, La Découverte.”
95 Phenomenon observed in many neighbourhoods in Brussels with a fairly large Moslem
population.
96 Ruba Salih, a Palestinian woman who grew up in Italy. She did a doctorate in UK on
Moroccan women in Italy.
97 Gaspard F. and Khosrokhavar F. (1995), Le foulard et la République. “Paris, La Découverte.”
98 Françoise Gaspard.(1996). L’émergence des migrantes et leurs filles dans l’espace public
français. “In Femmes et Migrations revue p 17-34, p 24.”
310 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
girls, often born and living in France, or in other European countries, posed
a more important question to those countries, that of integration and the
presence of different religions and cultures in public space”.99 Consequently,
the headscarf issue was an opportunity to launch a major debate on the place
of Islam in France.
The attitude with regard to the headscarf concerned Moslem girls in secondary
school and it varied from one European country to another. France seems to
be the most rigid country that firmly rejects religious symbols in secondary
schools. Prohibition of the burqa in France and in Belgium tends to revive the
debate on orthodox Islam and Europeanisation of Islam.
For these practising Moslem women, emancipation is based on the values of
original Islam at a time when women wore headscarves and also had a role in
local affairs. They reject western-style emancipation which in their opinion
leads to ‘masculinisation’ of women and reduces women to the status of a
sexual object. Wearing the hijâb, in this context is a means to take a place in
a ‘non-erotic’ social space.100
)#)#B^\gVcildbZcVcY:jgdeZVcldbZc!
VcVbW^kVaZcigZaVi^dc
From the description made by a journalist for the Figaro101, of a centre where
Africans and Turks live, one realises how the images and stereotypes that are
broadcast about immigrants can generate negative attitudes concerning them:
“It’s an Arab town. A little town. It’s absolutely charming. Basking in the
sunshine along the canal. Today is market day. The souk is organised on
the quay. It’s very friendly, women in Moroccan wool dresses, with tattooed
faces, their arms laden with children, make a ruckus around the green grocer:
old men wearing gandura chat in the corner about the bets they are about to
place on the ‘tiercé’, young people give themselves airs of a casbah Mafia in
patched up jackets with their caps backwards, revving their bikes for fun.”
99 Françoise Gaspart (1996), op cit , p 25.
100 WEIBEL Nadine B.(1995), L’Islam-action au féminin ou une redéfinition de l’identité de
genre. “pp 391-412, in Studia Religiosa Helvetica, n° 1.”
101 Figaro, 4 April 1996.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 311
 Migrants are described using clichés – a picturesque description that talks about
tattooed women carrying children, constantly bickering, useless old men who
are still hoping to get lucky by playing the races, and small-time punks who
terrorise the suburbs. With this kind of description, the immigrant community
loses all value, as the materially and culturally poor in a society sparkling with
modernity. These stereotypes have a considerable impact on the European
population and on the marginalisation of the immigrant community.
For that matter, migrant women are perceived and described as poor and
illiterate, understanding nothing of modern life and constantly looking askance
at other women’s freedom of dress and the ease with which they move their
bodies in public space. Europeans consider them to be victims of customs
and traditions of the country of origin that imposes rules and standards that
censuring bodily freedom and any expression of pleasure. The exaggerated
control of men over the women’s body expresses only domination by men and
submission of women. Consequently women put all their hopes on successful
integration in the host country, giving particular interest to education and
social promotion of their children, and specially the girls.
This sketchy perception clouds the diverse situations in which Maghreb
immigrant women live. It carries a double risk, that of seeing women who
present some of the aspects of traditional women (wife not working, mother
of a large family and/or dressed in a traditional way etc.) develop an incapacity
to react outside of the roles described by tradition, and on the other hand,
and that of questioning the capacity of women to be actors of social change.
The immigrant woman has a status that clearly sets her apart, whatever her
class, from the women in the host country. Immigration creates a hierarchy
among women themselves. The newcomers try to adapt their behaviours,
which could have an influence on their relations with their milieus of origin.
Some migrations are considered to be strategies for independence that
restore women to their roles as actors fully responsible for their own lives.
The arrival of migrant women in the 1970s did not seem to disturb public
order. They were hardly visible in daily life and in statistics. They were barely
seen, but nevertheless they had no relations with European woman, living
in separate neighbourhoods, going to different places, gaining access to
separate places of work and sectors of activity and leisure, with a language
312 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
gap that cut off any communication. This contributed to creating stereotypes
on both sides. Europeans considered immigrant women to be women who
belong to the traditions of their ancestors, passive, obedient, ordered by their
husbands and on the other hand immigrants considered Europeans to be
loose, adopting male behaviour (smoking, drinking wine or sitting in a café)
an idea that was spread by migrant men.
The question of the relation between immigrant women and European women
has in fact come up in recent years. Common perspectives are hard to establish
since the two groups live separately. But the feminist movement in southern
Mediterranean countries at the beginning of the 1990s was concerned very
little with migration of women.102 For that matter, women from southern
Europe are still fighting the very solid vestiges of a patriarchal society and the
emancipation process is gradually moving forward. On the southern shores,
the presence of immigrant women in menial activities, particularly household
work raises questions about the foundations of European society and the
fragile participation of European women in active life.
In fact, the problem goes well past confrontation of Western and non-Western
women on the question of the meaning of emancipation; the question that
arises is the very possibility of emancipation in relation to migration. As a
result, there is a breach between immigrant women and southern European
women, revealing a contradiction in the feminist perspective of a struggle
common to all women for equality and against discrimination.
However in the relations between ‘Western’ women and immigrant women,
there is not only a difference in models for possible emancipation, thought
must also be given to the gender division of work and the future of household
work in Europe. Skilled work represents liberation for European women
while household work is relegated to immigrant women. To a certain extent,
immigrant women have provided a temporary solution to solve a structural
contradiction associated with gender and male-female relations in immigrant
and European families. As Giovanna Vicarelli wrote in 1994: “the work of
immigrant women seems to soften or solve typical social contradictions and
imbalances in contemporary Western societies”.103
102 Genre et migration. “Giovanna Campani Université de Florence 20 p. Migration pdf.”
103 Giovanna Vicarelli, 1994, “p.9.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 313
 European women and immigrant women are interlinked in forms of reciprocal 8dcXajh^dch
dependence, the emancipation of the former means maintaining the latter in
activities traditionally left to women. In an optimistic vision, household work Migration is considered today as an essential factor of development and a
can be a strategy of women to succeed their migration project, based on vector of social change. The countries of origin are perceived as the first
savings, remittances to the country of origin, and particularly – thanks to the beneficiaries. References and statistical data, despite their limits, show
large income gaps – the possibilities of cultural promotion in the host country. that the contribution of female migrants to development of their countries
of origin is growing, and actions of the diaspora are becoming increasingly
In the name of modern culture, institutions are beginning to take a foothold
numerous and visible. Nevertheless it must be recalled that remittances made
in family life, trying to protect women and children, thus disclosing private
by migrant women are relatively small, reflecting their status as workers
life to condemn it in the name of the principles of human rights, while
who are still poorly integrated in the host countries. However, despite these
simply ignoring the immigrants’ basic culture. “All the moralising, normative
limited transfers of funds as compared to those sent by man, women greatly
discourse on families not assuming their role” is nothing but an affirmation
contribute to improving living conditions of families who remain in the
of a literal and abusive viewpoint that strangely enough is exercised against
country of origin. They also show all their generosity by means of donations
families from a working-class environment, and among those, particularly
and gifts that prove their economic and social success in the host country.
immigrant families. It spares the middle classes, which are supposed to have
a natural sense of balance between innovation and self-control.104 For that matter, remittances that have grown in recent years with the
emergence and development of associations, meaning that the contribution
By making a distinction between migrant men and migrant women, by describing
of the diaspora to the development of the country of origin is increasingly
them as abusive on one hand and victims on the other, by supporting the
acknowledged by various development players and is gaining increasing
so-called victims via associations, support groups and training, social institutions
interest. By proposing innovating alternatives to the development model in
and the host society tend to make a gender selection by marginalising men
their countries of origin, migrants’ associations are at the very heart of the
and backing women. Immigrant men become a background issue as compared
struggle for democracy, human rights and sustainable development. As crucial
to the women. But this over-emphasis on women and this under-emphasis on
actors of development and cooperation between the countries of the South,
men can destabilise the existing borders between male and female, and cause
the female diaspora has gained important experience in this field.
a fixation on obsolete male and female identities, creating an obstacle to the
process of social change with regard to migration. It is clear that migrants play several roles: they are workers, savers,
activists, investors, entrepreneurs – in other words agents of development.
Migration of women, considered as a means of social change and access
They have become essentially indispensable for the development of the
to identity, must be analysed globally, by taking into consideration the
country, to ensure the survival and welfare of their families and to initiate
transformations of attitudes and behaviours among male migrants also.
development projects, mobilise funds and gain access to modern expertise.
The influence of the society of origin, which is strong for first-generation
Women contribute greatly in keeping with their level of instruction and the
migrants, tends to diminish and to change, as it takes on aspects more adapted
type of activity they exercise.
to the host society. Resistance based on identity, exacerbated by the media,
only develops on a small scale as compared to those who aspire to insertion Migration determines a change in the traditional role of women based on
and integration in the host society. motherhood and reproduction. Immigrant women leave the private sphere
to take on the role of producers and financial support of the household.
This new situation demands recognition of women, their contributions, their
fundamental rights and their authority.
104 Nacira Guenif – Souilamas. (2000), Les beurettes, “op cit , p 72.”

314 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 315

 Young migrant women are moving increasingly to front lines as social actors
in the changes taking place in the family and the community. “As teenagers,
they react like their brothers, but in different ways to the different forms of
discrimination they suffer from. With their headscarves they are more visible
in public space, particularly in school institutions, as graduates they are
taking their place on the market of professional skills and contribute to social
promotion of their families, development of the host country and the country
of origin. As partners or wives they take part in introducing new relations
and couples. As Moslems, they are no longer afraid to show their religious
practices, as immigrants or daughters of immigrants they say they are proud.
As women they demand equal rights, refuse arranged marriages and reject
polygamy. They also show their cultural uniqueness, refusing imposed, non-
consensual integration and traditions that could maintain them under male
domination.

These women take their stance with regard to culture, to religion, in favour
of modernity that takes account of various cultural parameters, demanding
access to school and work, excluding any non-emancipating aspects of
tradition. By rejecting a patriarchal ideology, these religiously active women
also make claims to recover their dignity. The relations between tradition
and modernity, which are often fluctuating, can also become a haphazard
combination of value systems with different references, causing ruptures,
cracks and stopgap measures that make it possible to live in a multicultural
world. If men and women are to benefit from migration, there must be new
focus on an approach to human rights concerned with the equality of men
and women, to ensure that development policies and practices are not limited
to the economic aspects of migration (remittances to the country of origin
or investments by the diaspora, for example), but embrace a broader vision
of development including culture, human rights and equality. This means
putting greater focus on certain factors such as invisibility, lack of protection,
illegality, working conditions, violence and stigmatisation. These factors are
decidedly gender-specific, given the different needs of men and women in
terms of health, employment, resources and information, which are clearly
apparent in the case of migrant women in an irregular situation.

316 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
 EVgiK>

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b^\gVi^dcl^i]Vc^ggZ\jaVghiVijh
 Introduction ........................................................................................ 322 5. Irregular migration of women and violence of spouses ...............364

1. Illegal migration: the general context .......................................... 328 5.1. Violence in the arranged or Internet marriages.................................. 364

1.1. ‘Irregular’ migration means different things .......................................332 5.2. Domestic violence with regard to women in
an irregular situation.............................................................................. 365
1.2. Irregular migration: a few determinant factors ..................................332
5.3. Health of migrant women in an irregular situation ............................ 367
1.3. Irregular migration – between profit and security .............................333
Conclusions and recommendations ....................................................372
2. Irregular migration: legal aspects ................................................. 334

2.1. International Treaties

protecting migrants in an irregular situation ................................... ...335

2.2. Management of irregular migration:

European legislation under question ................................................... 339

2.2.1. Control and supervision of borders:

barring the way to all forms of clandestine migration ............... 341

2.2.2. Trafficking and smuggling of human beings...........................343

2.2.3. Voluntary or forced return: two mechanisms are put in place -

the admission and return ................................................................. 347

2.2.4. Regularisations: a safety net.....................................................350

3. Economic aspects of irregular migration of women .................... 353

3.1. Sectors of activity ...................................................................................355

4. Social aspects of irregular migration of women .......................... 358

4.1. That migrant women in irregular situations are subject

to violence and........................................................................................ 359

4.2. Women in an irregular situation: victims of prostitution ..................360

320 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 321

 >cigdYjXi^dc
All the regions of the world are affected by illicit migration; migrants with an
irregular status make up 10% to 15% of the number of migrants worldwide.1
For the last two decades, migration considered irregular, undeclared or
illegal has become an international concern. At the beginning of the century,
this concern took on particular importance given the new orientations
of immigration policies that targeted organised, planned migration first of
all, ‘chosen immigration’, to the benefit of the countries of origin, the host
countries and the migrants themselves. This phenomenon is of particular
concern in the Mediterranean basin notably due to the fact that more women
are immigrating. It also constitutes a central issue in relations between the
two sides of the Mediterranean. In this area, irregular migration is not a new
phenomenon: it existed already in the 1960s-70s, alongside legal migration,
as a result, on one hand, of the absence of control of immigration and,
on the other, the constantly growing need for labour in a fast expanding
European economy. The movement accentuated after 1974, the date of the
change in European migration policy which subsequently focused more on
family grouping than on attracting migrant workers. When European borders
closed, this did not put an end to the movement which continued to develop,
as a result of the gaps in development between countries on the two shores
of the Mediterranean, political conflicts or armed conflicts that jeopardised
progress in the economies in the South, and the financial and economic crisis
of the last three years that completely upset the situation in the region.
Free circulation is one of the four fundamental Community freedoms meant to
ensure the completion of the European single market. It was designed initially
as free movement of individuals, as economic agents, reserved exclusively to
European nationals, and imposed a series of rules on non-European nationals.
So, while breaking down the borders within Europe, the Schengen Agreement
(14 June 1985) and the convention for its implementation (19 June 1990)
imposed severe control at European borders, erecting protective barriers
against migration flows. (Sevilla Council 2002).
1 IOM, Report 2008.World Migration Report.
322 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Restrictive policies and border controls that tighten conditions for gaining
access to European territory, associated with a legal arsenal that increases
prohibitions, have resulted both in the development of irregular migration and
the growth of the structured networks of smugglers who get rich on migrants’
hopes by selling their services at exorbitant prices. Major challenges include
knowing how to control this irregular migration while maintaining respect for
human rights, and how to stop criminal acts of human trafficking of all sorts,
including organised crime, prostitution, labour migration, making migrants in
an irregular situation even more vulnerable.
Today, irregular migration and smuggling of human beings has not spared the
countries in the southern Mediterranean. Flows of human beings are pouring
into buffer zones between Africa and European countries. The countries
in the Maghreb, like those in the Machreq, have been confronted with this
new scourge in recent years and are unable to control it. Since their level
of development is still low, they cannot supply immigrants with work while
they are waiting to leave for Europe. They also face difficulties, particularly
financial problems, to send them back and to implement an adequate legal
arsenal to protect them.
While Egypt shelters one of the five largest populations of refugees in the
world,2 while Jordan and Lebanon host many refugees and provide work for
an abundant Asian labour force in the building and maintenance industries
and in household work, and while the countries in the Maghreb have become
a place of transit work and a new destination for immigration, the growing
propensity for illicit mobility from the southern Mediterranean countries
towards Europe is a source of human tragedies. Events that occurred in this
decade, particularly the dramatic events in 2002, 2003, 2005, on points of
entry into the EU (Straights of Gibraltar, Canary Islands (Fuerteventura and
Lanzarote) and Lampedusa Island) have entailed growing numbers of deaths,
arrests of immigrants and incarceration in camps.
2 The vast majority of refuges from the Sudan, followed by those from Somalia, Ethiopia,
Eritrea and the African Great Lakes region are in Egypt. Jane Freedman and Bahija Jamal.
(2008), Violence à l’égard des femmes migrantes et réfugiées dans la région
euro-méditerranéenne. Études de cas : France, Italie, Egypte & Maroc.
“© Copyright 2008 Réseau euro-méditerranéen des droits de l’Homme p 63.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 323
 Given this situation, consultation between governments of countries in the
North and the South has become indispensable – the Euro-African conferences
have been the most tangible expression of it. The main objectives are to stop
the flows of clandestine migration, to develop cooperation between security
departments of countries in the North and in the South and to get signatures
of readmission agreements by issuing countries, while creating synergy
between migration and development.
The question of security in the receiving countries has sometimes been
referred to in these exchanges on international migration, given the
context of armed conflicts in the Mediterranean region, particularly those
associated with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Gulf War, added to the
implementation of policies on the fight against terrorism. Confronted with the
rise in illegal migration, Southern countries have adopted legal instruments
in the form of laws on the entry, residence and departure of foreigners.
This was the case for Morocco in 2003,3 Tunisia in 20044 and Algeria in 2008.
But these laws provide for severe sentences applicable both to traffickers and
to the immigrants themselves, and they are not completed by legislative acts
pertaining to protection of migrants against the abuse of the administration
or mistreatment by employers. For that matter, these texts have drawn
criticism from organisations defending human rights, which see them as a
framework that could worsen the already considerable humanitarian tragedy
on one hand, and, on the other, as a response to pressure from Europe, to the
detriment of good relations with neighbours, particularly in Africa. In this
context, governments from countries in the North and the South recommend
a global approach to migrations, with two inseparable aspects: prevention of
illegal migration and re-opening legal channels for economic migration.5
In the discussions of countries from the North and the South, illegal
migration is often analysed from an essentially male standpoint.
Female clandestine migrants according to the media and certain police
reports in countries of destination and countries of origin, no doubt
3 Khadidja Emadmad, 2005, La nouvelle loi marocaine du 11 novembre 2003 relative
à l’entrée et au séjour des étrangers au Maroc, et à l’émigration et l’immigration
irrégulières, Notes on the analysis and summary. “Carim-AS 2004/01.”
www.carim.org/Publications/Carim- AS04_01-Elmadmad.pdf.
4 Hafidha Chékir and Farah Ben Cheik (2005), Tunisie: la dimension juridique
des migrations internationales, in Fargues “(ed.) 2005.”
5 Migrants et Migrations en Méditerranée. “Les Notes IPEMED n°1.”
324 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
represent only a small proportion of illegal migration. Emigrating without
papers and finding oneself in an irregular situation are presented as the greatest
danger run by a woman in general and more particularly by a woman from
a MEDA country. These women are in no way armed to undertake a journey
with no destination or to play hide and seek with the police. Nevertheless,
despite the fact that they are not prepared for adventure, some of them throw
themselves into it, either to join their husband or fiancé, or to find work;
others are victims of trafficking. Often, women choose regular immigration
with a visa giving them access to European countries; the irregularity occurs
once the date of validity of the visa has expired, as they wait in this irregular
status for possible regularisation that would enable them to benefit from the
right to reside and work in the host country.
Migrant women in an irregular situation are generally exposed to various
types of violence: within the family, the community, the place of work,
or within broader social structures. The persons responsible for this violence
include relatives, employers and in certain cases persons who were not
known to these women beforehand. They also face economic insecurity
that can be a further cause of violence. The types of jobs proposed to them are
to a large extent relatively unskilled, badly paid and precarious, offering only
limited social and legal protection. The fact that these women work illegally,
because they do not have the necessary work permits, makes their working
conditions less sure and exposes them to the risks of additional violence at
the hands of their employers. Being in an irregular situation is not a natural
state, but the result of a combination of several factors. In the second part
of this study on what determines migration, we have indicated many factors
acting as incentives. They are often economic or social, given the breach
in the levels of development between the two shores of the Mediterranean
and expanding the culture of emigration, which is increasingly popular with
young people and women in southern Mediterranean countries. Women from
MEDA countries in an irregular situation are generally women who emigrated
in the context of family regrouping, or migration for work, with a visa for a
limited duration.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 325
 Smuggling and trafficking of women - a modern form of slavery - is linked
to globalisation: the opening up of markets and growing demand for cheap
labour, development of a society of leisure and easier means of travel increase
the risks for women and girls of being the objects of international trafficking
used as a labour force subjected to prostitution. It is hard to gain reliable data
on persons victimised by trafficking. Estimates indicate between 500,000 and
1 million persons per year and a ‘trafficking business’ that generates between
$ 7 and 12 billion per year, in all regions of the world.6 For MEDA countries,
alongside this absence of figures, there is also a shortage of literature on the
question. It does seem, however, in view of the available data and the snippets
of information we were able to gather, that trafficking of women in the region
is very limited.
By their very nature, the movements of clandestine immigrants and the
presence of irregular immigrants in European countries are hard to tally.
While statistics of persons arrested in an illegal situation are at times available
in host countries, it is hard to find reliable, consistent and comparable
data, particularly on women. We can only deal with estimates and they are
contradictory, dissimilar, partial and even distorted, when it comes to a
breakdown by gender. To compensate for the lack of data on the question
of migrant women, we agreed with the persons responsible for the Euromed
Migration II Programme, to include a chapter on the irregular migration of
women from MEDA countries to Europe. In this part of our study, which was
the hardest one to do, we tried to cast light on the problem in a pertinent way,
to define new channels for research and to draw the attention of decision
takers to the need to undertake research and studies to improve knowledge
and therefore to aid in taking decisions..
The issue of female migration in an irregular situation is multidimensional.
It involves several disciplines (social sciences, legal sciences and political
sciences) and many partners, in particular the intervention of States,
international organisations and NGOs. The treatment of the subject is touchy
and complex, it is barely visible, and when it emerges much is left unspoken.
Women’s movements are always controlled, when a woman emigrates
underground, or is in an irregular situation and is deported, she represents
shame and dishonour for the family.
6 People on the move “N° 3, 2008.”
326 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Irregular migration concerns several types of migrants, as well as refugees and
asylum-seekers. The number of people who emigrate as a result of conflicts
is huge. At the beginning of 2008, there were about 14 million refugees
falling under the competence of the HCR or the United Nations Relief and
Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees (UNRWA), representing about 7% of
international migrants.7 Since MEDA countries are not in zones of a major
conflict causing massive population displacements, except for the area on the
edge of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, we will limit our study to the situation
of immigrant women from MEDA countries in an irregular situation, since
the number of women originating from these countries applying for refugee
status or seeking asylum in Europe is minimal, particularly after the end of
the internal conflicts in Algeria.
In this part, we will go into the three main dimensions (legal, economic and
social) of illegal immigration, after having described the overall context in
which illegal migration takes place, more particularly for women.
1. The legal dimension: we will examine the international legal arsenal, in
particular international treaties and European legislation, that protect
irregular migrants, in order to take a look simultaneously at the new
orientations of European policy and the logic behind the security tendencies
in force in Europe today, as well as the mechanisms implemented to
protect irregular migrants and prevent trafficking of women.
2. The economic dimension: we will identify the real issues of the European
employment market, particularly the demand by employers for cheap
labour in certain sectors of the economy, highlighting the situation of
employment of immigrant women in an irregular situation.
3. The social dimension: we will present various forms of exploitation of
irregular migrant women, the violence inflicted on them, the exclusion
they suffer from and the precarious situation they live in, and refer to
the fundamental principles of democracy and human rights, on which
Mediterranean societies are built.
7 2009 UNDP Report.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 327
 &#>aaZ\Vab^\gVi^dc/i]Z\ZcZgVaXdciZmi
Migration in an irregular situation is related to development issues. The
growing inequalities between the North and the South generally affect models
of displacements of persons. In fact, as long as imbalances between supply
and demand of labour are broadening between the countries in the North and
the South of the Mediterranean, people will continue to move to look for new
opportunities for work and better living conditions. The discussion on illegal
migration is dominated by two concepts: the first sees irregularity as proof of
deviant behaviour that in a way justifies denial of rights, deportation and the
adoption of dissuasive measures against illegal immigration. The second sees
the irregular situation as the result of various circumstances, some of which
are beyond the migrant’s control, requiring intervention of the State. In this
concept, the irregular situation can be managed by regularisation procedures
and the State taking responsibility with regard to the migrant.
&#&#È>ggZ\jaVgÉb^\gVi^dcbZVchY^[[ZgZcii]^c\h
The term ‘irregular migration’ is commonly used to describe a variety of
different phenomena involving people who enter or remain in a country of
which they are not a citizen in breach of national laws.8 It includes:
t
Migrants who enter or remain in a country without authorisation;
t
Persons who are smuggled or trafficked across an international border;
t
Migrants in an irregular situation who entered a foreign country legally but
remain after the validity of their visa;
t
Unsuccessful asylum seekers who fail to observe a deportation order;
t
People who circumvent immigration controls through the arrangement of
bogus marriages.
Clandestine migration implies “the migrant’s decision to leave using means
that escape the control of the State and get around its authority, thus
infringing the sovereignty of the State which, in the name of that sovereignty,
8 GCIM, p 35.
328 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
has the responsibility for controlling the territory and its citizens in their
displacements”.9
The recent term ‘clandestine’ has become the centre of discussions on
migration policy decided in Europe. In fact, when there were no controls
for entering Europe, the status of the clandestine immigrant did not exist.
With the creation of a visa, as a restrictive measure, the phenomenon of
the clandestine immigrant appeared. This is a man or woman who enters a
foreign country in violation of the law.
An immigrant waiting in an irregular situation to benefit from regularisation
manages to survive in a very precarious situation by doing small jobs offered
by the host country that is willing to take advantage of very cheap labour,
without protection and without demands. Italy and Spain are emblematic
cases, due to the existence of a flourishing informal sector, particularly a
labour-intensive agricultural sector, where several regularisation measures
eventually took place.
Today, clandestine migration is generally perceived as a threat. A clandestine
immigrant is considered like a criminal, increasing the general impression
of insecurity, which at times is amplified by the media.10 The handling of this
question falls under the responsibility of the Minister of the Interior in the
context of the safeguard of the territory.
The expression ‘clandestine immigration’ takes on a special meaning in the
Maghreb. In the local dialect, clandestine emigration is called hargua or hrig,
meaning ‘burning’, as in ‘burning the border’, crossing the border incognito,
or ‘burning paper’ to become anonymous. This is a recent expression that
appeared in Maghreb countries in the 1990s with reference to the emigration
of compatriots leaving to Europe by sea on makeshift vessels or in the hold of
a ship or a container. So hargua is a form of infringement of the law, an illegal
undertaking that can only be done behind the backs of security services and
in places that are not continually under supervision.11
9 Badie. B. Flux migratoires et relations transnationales. “In Etudes Internationales.
March 1993, N° 1, p 16.”
10 Monica Lorio, Anna Leone and Fabiola Podda. 2000. Op cit p 120-121.
11 Hocine Labdelaoui. 2009, “ Hargua “ ou la forme actuelle de l’émigration irrégulière
des algériens. “Carim, report 2009, pp 1-24, p 2.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 329
 Hargua is a field that has been studied little and has not yet been quantified
at all. This phenomenon refers essentially to men, at least as described in
the media -- the number of women involved seems very small. Women rarely
leave by dangerous means of travel, particularly since the family and their
entourage discourage them from going into clandestine status. Women often
leave with a visa, and enter the foreign country legally; they only become
illegal immigrants when the duration of residence awarded to them expires.
Surveys done in Algeria by the police departments, the gendarmerie and
the Ministry of Solidarity in 2006-2007 attest that the haragua are young
men, under 35 for 91%. They are generally single (90%) – married persons
represent only 8.5%, the others being widowers or divorced. Haragua
with a medium level of instruction are more numerous (50%) than those
with a primary school education (16%) and only 6% have higher education
degrees. The report specifies that the causes of emigration under illegal
conditions are, first and foremost, unemployment (82.5%) and the desire to
improve living conditions (17.5%).12 It should be noted that these studies say
nothing about the participation of Algerian women in this type of migration.
Southern Mediterranean women, like many others, are not tempted by death-
threatening undertakings. The risks run by the young clandestine emigrants
are numerous. In reaction, associations of families victimised by clandestine
emigration sprung up in Maghreb countries. They operate on three aspects:
prevention, repatriation and informing families. One very meaningful and
exceptional example is the creation in Senegal of an association of mothers
and wives of victims of clandestine emigration. They grouped in a cooperative
manufacturing couscous in order to provide the needed aid to families and
prevent the death of husbands and sons on the high seas or in the desert.
The expression ‘irregular migration’ is used to refer to a variety of phenomena,
particularly the illegal entry of nationals from third countries into the territory
of a State other than the State of origin, or legal entry that becomes illegal
when the resident permit expires or renewal is refused after the loss of the
person’s job or for other reasons. Authorities in the host country, who are not
informed of the migrant’s residence, cannot issue any papers if the migrant
does not meet the necessary conditions. Illegal status keeps the migrant in a
marginal situation, as migrants who infringed the country’s law cannot benefit
12 Hocine Labdelaoui ? 2009, op cit pp 5-8.
330 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
from minimum protection from the host country. Most migrant women from
MEDA countries in an irregular situation are women who came to Europe to
join their husbands, fiancés or near relatives. Given the restrictive legislation
in the field of immigration, female migration takes place in a family context,
which is by far the main basis of legal admission. In France, for example,
70% of entries into the territory took place on the grounds of marriage or
family grouping.13
A distinction should be made between human trafficking, and smuggling of
migrants. As Article 3 of the Palermo protocol states,14 “ ‘Trafficking in persons’
shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of
persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion,
of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of
vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve
the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose
of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of
the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour
or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal
of organs.”
In the case of trafficking, the victims are exploited to a maximum, or even
reduced to slavery, and traffickers use any and all means to achieve this:
fraud, corruption, violence, confinement, sequestration, blackmail, threats,
deprivation of freedom, confiscation of identity documents, etc. Trafficking
can be exercised in the country of origin but most of the time victims are
displaced to other countries. Trafficking of persons cannot be dissociated
from international migration flows and at times, it takes the same itineraries.
Victims are mostly, but not exclusively, women and children. On the whole, the
traffic goes from poor countries to rich countries. The types of exploitation
are highly varied, as is clear in the definition above. Criminal organisations
create a durable relation of dependency with their victims, who live constantly
under their control – their loss of freedom is similar to slavery.
13 Agence nationale d’Accueil des Etrangers et des Migrations (2007), Rapport d’activité
2005-2006. “Paris : ANAEM.”
14 Additional Protocol to the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organised Crime
to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children
adopted in 2001.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 331
 Migrant smuggling pertains more to displacement of clandestine immigrants.
It consists of smuggling them through borders to the final destination in
exchange for an amount agreed in advance. Once the passage has been made,
the passers and the migrants will not attempt to get in touch with each other
again. Smuggling is a criminal problem associated with clandestine migration
and exploitation of others, and a moral problem (prostitution). Note that the
consent of the victim is immaterial in the definition of the smuggling offense,
which means that anyone who has paid or is paying intermediaries to cross
borders can be considered a smuggling victim.
&#'#>ggZ\jaVgb^\gVi^dc/V[ZlYZiZgb^cVci[VXidgh
Irregular migration is driven by combined powerful forces. Relations
between development, poverty and population movements are very complex.
Poverty is often cited as the main cause of irregular immigration, so it could
be understood that less poverty means less migratory pressure. But this could
underestimate the fact that a reduction in poverty can also induce population
movements in the short and long term. After all, people who live with more
resources have better access to information, their networks develop, and that
contributes to more frequent movements from one country to another.15
Irregular migration is also related to various constraints imposed on legal
migration. Thirdly, it is facilitated by the existence and development of
criminal networks that derive considerable profit from smuggling and
exploitating people. Finally, factors like facility of transport and means of
communication, as well as the existence of a diaspora that enables people,
particularly women to travel safely, must also be taken into acccount.
The movement of irregular immigrants from MEDA countries to Europe
represents a significant proportion of migrants, nearly 20%. Irregular
migration of the three Maghreb countries (Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia) has
grown in parallel to legal migration. On the other hand, cooperation between
the two shores of the Mediterranean and the amount of funds allocated to
controlling the borders have contributed to reducing clandestine migration
and dissuading potential migrants. In Machreq countries, and particularly in
the case of Egypt, irregular emigration of Egyptians to Europe is a recent
phenomenon.
15 Massey and others 1998, p. 277.
332 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Over the last decade, many Egyptians made the fortune of smugglers by
crossing the Mediterranean in makeshift vessels at great danger.16
Like for migrants from the Maghreb, the main reasons why Egyptians chose
this type of migration are youthful unemployment, the difficulty of finding
opportunities to work in Gulf countries due to competition from Asian
labour, and finally the proximity of Europe, particularly since departures
are generally done via Libya, which does not require a visa for Egyptians.
The number of migrants who reach Europe by means of a legal Schengen visa
is still by far the largest.
The study done by the Egyptian Ministry of the Interior in 2006, called
“Attitudes of Egyptians with regard to migration in Europe” states that the
favourite destination of Egyptians leaving for Europe is Italy (54%), followed
by France, and then Great Britain, the Netherlands and Greece. It should also
be noted that the most recent waves of migrants included younger people
with an elementary level of education, as compared to the emigration to
Europe of more qualified persons in the 1960s-1970s. A ‘poor man’s migration’
is developing; the outflow of young people is growing, and they often go
irregularly.17 The percentage of migrant women in an irregular situation is not
mentioned in the report.
&#(#>ggZ\jaVgb^\gVi^dcÄWZilZZcegdÒiVcYhZXjg^in
In the context of national and international competition, every country
is trying to maintain a certain balance between the logic of economic
competition, that targets increasing the GDP and improving the welfare of
the population, and the logic of security that pertains to the sovereignty of the
State for the regulation of the system of migration and supply the competent
labour needed for the development in countries in the North, while closing
the borders to any intruders who break the rules. In this case, the possibility
for an immigrant to reside in the EU area is related to the need for the labour
force – any surplus immigrants should be expulsed.18
16 Howaida Roman. 2008, Irregular migration of Egyptians. “CARIM Report 2008.”
17 Howaida Roman. 2008, op cit.
18 Di Monica Lorio, Anna Leone et Fabiola Podda, L’immigration marocaine en Italie entre
la clandestinité et la légalité. Un regard sur la Sardaigne. In la migration clandestines,
enjeux et perspectives. “Acts of the conference organised by MERM , Rabat, April 1999.
Editions Al Karama 2000. Pp 113-121, p 117.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 333
 The security logic enacted by the State cannot cloud the reality of a specific
migration that meets needs for service providers in certain sectors, like
household work, both formal and informal. Immigrants in an irregular
situation come to the rescue of the economy to fill vacant jobs abandoned by
nationals, because the jobs are dangerous, dirty and poorly paid. The security
approach preferred by States in the North (border controls, expulsions, or
regularisations) puts them in a deadlock. Southern Mediterranean countries
are more concerned about clandestine migration in their own territories than
that of their nationals leaving to Europe. While the host country considers
that this is a violation of its territory, its rules and its sovereignty, the country
of origin tends to turn a blind eye, given the growing economic demands
and pressure from the jobless that the national economies cannot absorb.
The Moroccan Minister of employment and vocational training 1998-2002,
Mr, Alioua19, declared: “It is time for the Europeans to realise that we cannot
bear the entire burden. They must act preventively rather than reactively
by observing that immigration poses a development problem more than a
security problem”.
Any analysis of the various aspects of irregular migration must deal with this
double logic: increasing economic needs, and consequently attracting more
irregular migration, versus the sovereignty of States, in confrontation with
migrants’ rights. An African saying comes to mind “when you see a frog in the
hot sun, it must be running away from danger”.
'#>ggZ\jaVgb^\gVi^dc/aZ\VaVheZXih
“States, exercising their sovereign right to determine who enters and remains
on their territory, should fulfil their responsibility and obligation to protect
the rights of migrants and to re-admit those citizens who wish or who are
obliged to return to their country of origin. In stemming irregular migration,
states should actively cooperate with one another, ensuring that their efforts
do not jeopardise human rights, including the right of refugees to seek asylum.
Governments should consult with employers, trade unions and civil society
on this issue”. (Global Commission on International Migration, p 35).
19 In Le Monde 16/06/1999. Interview of Philippe Bernard.
334 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
This global quotation does not focus exclusively on the sovereignty of
States – it also refers to the obligation of the States of origin and the host
States to protect migrants’ rights and the need to cooperate for better
management of irregular migration. The State must also safeguard the
security of people in irregular situations in the context of its international
commitments. Under international law, the rights to life, safety and freedom,
the prohibition of being sold in marriage, the prohibition of slavery, torture
and inhuman or degrading treatment, and forced labour and child labour,
among other things apply to all individuals living in a given territory whatever
their legal status or national origin.20
'#&#>ciZgcVi^dcVaIgZVi^ZhegdiZXi^c\b^\gVcih^cVc
^ggZ\jaVgh^ijVi^dc
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights declares in Article 13:
1. Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the
borders of each State.
2. Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to
return to his country.
While the right to movement is guaranteed, the right freely to enter another
country is not mentioned. “Neither international law, nor any convention on
human rights enshrines freedom of cross-border movement as a fundamental
right that individuals could invoke with regard to States; each State, in the
exercise of its sovereignty, has the faculty to control access of foreigners
to its territory and to reserve access to those who meet the conditions
that it determines.21 States, in the exercise of their sovereignty have given
considerable attention and devoted enormous resources to preventing any
intrusion in their territory, in their concern to safeguard their prerogatives
with regard to authorisation of the right to enter and reside in their territory.
Consequently, little progress has been made to develop a binding legal
framework that regulates population movements between States, while
protecting the rights of migrants.
20 FNUAP. (2006), Etat de la population 2006. Vers l’espoir, les femmes et la migration
internationale. “p 47.”
21 Danièle Lochak and Carine Fouteau. (2008), Immigrés sous contrôle.
“Le Cavalier Bleu publishers. P 41.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 335
 Only the Geneva convention of 1951 on refugees tends to limit the State
prerogatives in virtue of the principle of ‘non refoulement’. Protection of
an immigrant in an irregular situation is nevertheless one of the obligations
of the receiving States. The rights of non-nationals in fact only become
effective when they have managed to enter the country of destination, which,
in a European context, has become even touchier in recent years. Still, the
most significant efforts on protection of migrants in an irregular situation
are found in the Convention on the protection of all migrant workers and
their families adopted in 1990 but which took effect 12 years later. This
Convention recognises that “the human problems involved in migration
are even more serious in the case of irregular migration”. It underlines the
need to encourage appropriate actions “in order to prevent and eliminate
clandestine movements and trafficking in migrant workers, while at the same
time ensuring the protection of their funadmantal rights”. (Preamble).
This Convention applies to legal migrant workers and those in an irregular
situation. Chapter 3 of the Convention calls for protection of human rights
for all, both for regular migrants and for those who are pejoratively and
modestly referred to as ‘irregular’, ‘undocumented’.22 It first proclaims
intangible rights, like the right to life (Article 9), prohibition of the use
of torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment (Article 10), prohibition
of slavery or servitude (Article 11, par. 1) and the use of forced labour
(Article 11, par. 2). The Convention also recognises fundamental liberties for
migrant workers such as the freedom of opinion, expression and to seek,
receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of borders,
orally, in writing, in print or in the form of of art, or through any other media
of their choice (Article 13); freedom of thought, conscience and religion
(Article 12); freedom to take part in meetings and to join a trade union
(Article 26). All these universally recognised fundamental freedoms constitute
the backdrop of fundamental freedoms and rights that are applied to
migrant workers.
22 Yao Agbetse (2004), La convention sur les droits des travailleurs migrants : Un nouvel
instrument pour quelle protection? “Droits fondamentaux, n° 4, January – December 2004.
www.droits-fondamentaux.org. Pp 47- 66, p 53.”
336 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Guaranteeing the rights of irregular migrants seems to be a revolution in
international law.23 The ambition of the Convention is in strong contrast to
a well established principle in international relations. The rights guaranteed
by the States carry the seal of nationality and governments seem to value
protection of their nationals and their territories. The Convention of 1990 helps
and supports the States in that, while it recognises the rights of migrants in an
irregular situation, it gives the States arms that can put an end to clandestine
immigration.24 This Convention endeavours to guarantee the rights of migrant
workers and their families, whatever their status. It essentially concerns
migrant workers in a regular situation, rather than irregular migrants who,
because of their administrative status, work undeclared, passing from one
sector of activity to another. Other earlier conventions, such as the ILO labour
migration conventions of 1949 and 1975, also apply to migrant workers, but
very few States have ratified them.
Many schemes have been created in the field of the fight against smuggling and
trafficking of human beings, considered as a violation of human rights. Since
the end of the 1990s, a new scope of the fight against this traffic has developed,
giving rise to a host of protocols, recommendations, conferences and
programmes. The latter are generally carried out jointly by UN and European
institutions, the States and NGOs. The texts that organise the fight against
this traffic are ranked in a series and are applicable at every international
(Palermo protocol, IMO), European (Parliament, European Committees,
OSCE) and national level. Note that the largest and most restrictive legal
framework concerns trafficking and smuggling of human beings. Some States,
in particular the members of the European Union, have made it one of their
priorities. The General Assembly of the United Nations, meeting in plenary,
adopted the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organised
Crime and its two additional protocols on 15 November 2000. They were
presented for the signature by the States at the Palermo Conference.
23 Yao Agbetse (2004), La convention sur les droits des travailleurs migrants, “op cit, p 55.”
24 The States parties to the Convention, whether they are the States of departure, transit
or destination, undertake to put an end to trafficking of labour, notably by fighting the
circulation of misleading information, (Article 68, par. 1 a). So they agree to punish persons,
groups or bodies that organise clandestine migration (Article 68 par. 1b) or that have
recourse to violence, threats or intimidation against migrant workers (Article 68 par. 1c)
and to inflict sanctions on employer of migrant workers in an irregular situation
(Article 68, par. 2).
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 337
 The provisions of the Convention and its Protocols comply with the principles
of the protection of human rights.
The Palermo Protocol targets preventing, repressing and punishing trade
in human beings, particularly women and children, and concerns not only
trade for the purposes of forced prostitution. It also considers new forms of
trade such as forced domestic labour and arranged marriages. It proposes
procedures for protecting victims of trafficking to the signatory States.
If victims denounce their pimps or smugglers, they can claim a temporary
residence permit for the time the investigation lasts. This protocol, which
is the result of more than two centuries of often difficult international
reflections, is exceptional, since it is the first text that covers all aspects of
trafficking (particularly slavery). The UN Protocol against trade in human
beings recommends that governments authorise the victims to stay in
the country of destination temporarily or permanently. It also asks the
States party to the Convention to ensure the safety of victims, to protect
their right to privacy and their identity, and to envisage providing them
with housing, information and legal advice in a language they understand,
as well as assistance as concerns education, employment and vocational
training. It even recommends that legal measures be taken to compensate
the victims.25
Efforts to reinforce migrants’ rights have been implemented in various
United Nations legal instruments, and the question has become recurrent
in various UN conferences in the last two decades, (from the International
Conference on Human Rights in Vienna in 1993, to the Conference on the
Population in 1994 in Cairo, the Women’s Conference in Beijing in 1995,
the Durban International Conference against Racism in 2001) during which
the States agreed to implement norms protecting human rights in general,
with an action plan for better management of migration.
In 2002, the UN Secretary General, in his report on reinforcing the United
Nations, pleaded in favour of a global examination of the various dimensions of
migration, in particular the causes of population movements and their impact
on development.26 The report of October 2005 by the Global Commission on
International Migrations, ordered by the UN Secretary General brought to light
25 UN 2005, resolution adopted by the Assembly General in the report UN UNFPA 006, “p 47.”
26 United Nations, General Assembly 2002b.
338 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
new orientations to be adopted to safeguard migrants’ rights and for migration
that is beneficial to all parties. The High Level Meeting of September 2006
on migration and development looked into the subject. Similar efforts were
made in the European Union; Member States are constantly confronted with
complex questions pertaining to the management of the migration process.
The Union continues to cope with the arrival of clandestine migrants, although
to a lesser extent in recent years, and tries, insofar as possible, to discourage
this type of migration in its territories.
'#'#BVcV\ZbZcid[^ggZ\jaVgb^\gVi^dc/
:jgdeZVcaZ\^haVi^dcjcYZgfjZhi^dc
When speaking of irregular migration, the following dilemma is generally
present: How is it possible to reach a relative balance between safeguarding
State sovereignty and economic development on one hand, and the rights of
persons in irregular situations on the other?
Global migration policy of the European Union focuses on management
of legal migration, the effects of migration on development and reducing
migration in an irregular situation. The last point is what seems to be a priority
in view of the extremely strict measures put in place on closing borders and
the use of a mandatory security programme with the objective of preventing
any illegal entry or residence in European territory.
European choices with regard to migration have always been clear: Europe
wants organised, legal migration that meets its economic and social needs.
Irregular migration is perceived as an abnormal movement, an undesirable
establishment since it was not planned or organised in any way. It forces itself
on Europe, which is then obliged to create and develop new mechanisms
to manage the unforeseen arrivals of migrants. For irregular residents who
have been living in Europe for a long time and are integrated in the labour
market, on the other hand, regularisation becomes a demand and almost
a duty for Europe. So, the essential objective for Europe is to control the
flows of migrants with the determination of ‘channelling’ it. This is expressed
both in the policies of the Member States and in the priorities of European
immigration policy and has been confirmed by various European Councils,
from the Tampere Council (October 1999) to the Pact on Immigration and
Asylum (2008).
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 339
 On a strictly Euro-Mediterranean scale, the intermediate meeting in Crete,
that grouped the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership in May 2003, recognised the
pertinence of the Valencia Action Plan, was essentially devoted to the security
aspect.27 Later, in December 2003, the Euro-Mediterranean conference in
Naples reaffirmed the need to approach migration and human movements
from the standpoint of a balance between security measures and measures
designed to manage migrant flows.28 This awareness led to the organisation
of the Euro-African ministerial conference is on migration and development
(Rabat in July 2006, Tripoli in November 2006, Paris in 2008).
As concerns irregular migration, Europe makes use of three joint options
requiring reinforced cooperation between countries in the North and the South
of the Mediterranean with continual collaboration between international
organisations. In fact, they consist of:
1. Preventing irregular migrants from entering European territory, by means
of strict controls at the borders;
2. Repatriating all persons who are not who are not in order – those who
entered illegally and those whose duration of residence has expired;
3. A regular rise in a few categories of migrants that correspond to criteria
and standards required by the European Union, whose supply of labour
meets certain needs of employers.
27 The Valencia action plan establishes a framework for regional intervention in the field of
justice, the fight against drug trafficking, crime and terrorism and in field of social integration
of immigrants, migrations and movements of persons. European Commission (2002). Valencia
Action Plan. Conclusions of the Valencia Euro-Mediterranean meeting, 22 and 23 April 2002.
Brussels, European Commission.
28 14 Conclusions of the Presidency. Euro-Mediterranean conferences of the Ministers of
Foreign Affairs. Naples, 2-3 December 2003. (Med.2003 is a joint publication of the European
Institute of the Mediterranean - IEMed- and the Fundació CIDOB) 208-209 Med. 2003 Report:
Mediterranean year.
340 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
'#'#&#8dcigdaVcYhjeZgk^h^dcd[WdgYZgh/WVgg^c\i]ZlVnidVaa[dgbh
d[XaVcYZhi^cZb^\gVi^dc
European control is operative at several levels. It is of four kinds:
t
Control of the borders to prevent any illegal entry, and the requirement of
the visa for any entry into the Schengen area;
t
The fight against smuggling and trafficking of human beings;
t
Control of carriers carrying clandestine immigrants;
t
Control of employers using clandestine labour.
Controls at borders are of two types. In the first place, they consist of careful
supervision of borders, land and maritime transport, by setting up patrols,
building barbed wire fences and using more sophisticated technologies.
In the second place, this means setting up a visa so only desirable persons
can enter. The gradual entry of countries into the Schengen system made new
countries like Spain, Italy and Greece the first guardians of the external borders
of the European Union. The tendency to have strict controls at the external
borders of the EU, greater vigilance with regard to carriers of clandestine
immigrants and sanctions against the employers who employ them, are the
expression of the solidarity of European countries and a gradual approach
to a common immigration policy. No doubt the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989,
the pressure from migration from countries in the South, and particularly the
growth of migration from south of the Sahara to Europe transiting through
North African countries, encouraged countries in the North to adopt a
new security scheme and to construct another strategy with regard to this
serious problem.
The adoption in December 2000 of the Eurodac convention on asylum
permitted comparison, using a computer database, of fingerprints of asylum
seekers and persons who crossed the borders irregularly. Access to this
information is open to each Member State of the European Union. European
cooperation to develop integrated management of external borders of the
Union was defined in The Hague in 2004. In this context, an agency to manage
the external borders, called FRONTEX was created.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 341
 The European Council of Brussels 2004 stressed the importance of rapidly
doing away with internal border controls, continuing gradually to set up an
integrated system to manage external borders and to reinforce controls and
supervision of those borders, further to the accession of new countries that
would become the European Union’s eastern border on land. These states –
Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Baltic States – were invited to effectively
reinforce their controls and a programme of the financial aid was set up.
The obligation to hold a visa for nationals of third countries is another
form of protection of the European Union from undesired immigration.
In fact, visa policy is closely related to the policy of controlling migrant
flows. Two fundamental acts govern this subject. They are the regulation
determining the list of third countries whose nationals are subject to the
obligation of a visa, and the regulation establishing a common model of
a visa. The European Council of Brussels of 2004 also recalled that it is
appropriate to continue to set up a common visa policy to fight clandestine
immigration by means of greater harmonisation of national legislation and
procedures for issuing visas in local consular missions. The adoption of a
computerised system of control, called SIS (Schengen information system)
aligning national data on ‘undesirables’ (clandestine immigrants, refusals
of the right of asylum), obliges all European States to refuse the right of
residence and to expel them.
The Pact on Immigration and Asylum (2008) repeats Europe’s determination
to close its doors to all migrants in an irregular situation (to protect Europe
better by controlling its external borders). Two of the five commitments of
the Pact refer to the fight against this kind of migration:
Commitment 2 - to control illegal immigration by ensuring the return of illegal
immigrants to their country of origin or a country of transit;
Commitment 3 - to make border controls more effective.29
29 The measures taken are:1/ the creation of a real European police at the borders, 2/ finishing
the biometric project for visas, 3/ reinforcing the Frontex agency, in charge of coordinating
supervision of external borders of the EU. To improve effectiveness, the Frontex scheme
of border control will have a dual command for the Southern and Northern zones of the
European Union.
342 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
It goes without saying that the fight against clandestine migration has been
dealt with in reinforced bilateral cooperation between the MEDA countries,
particularly the ones in the Maghreb, and European countries. The assaults of
emigrants from south of the Sahara on the metal barriers around two towns,
Ceuta and Melilla (2002-2003 and October 2005), which got considerable
media coverage internationally, and the human tragedies on the high seas,
have triggered new efforts in the common fight against clandestine migration.
The first responses made by the Spanish and Moroccan authorities were an
increase in security: additional barriers were built around the towns of Ceuta
and Melilla; border control schemes were reinforced to contain flows of
migrants, while increasing measures to escort clandestine immigrants to the
border. At the same time, in France, the government put forward the idea of
‘chosen immigration’ that would enable better control of the procedures for
access to the territory on one hand, and ensure integration of immigrants
on the other. The draft law on “chosen immigration”, no doubt inspired by
the violent crisis in the French suburbs in 2005 and a step up in migration
flows, was adopted in France in May 2006. It was the basis of bilateral
agreements between France and certain countries of departure of migration,30
and constitutes a focal point of the Pact on Immigration and Asylum.
'#'#'#IgV[ÒX`^c\VcYhbj\\a^c\d[]jbVcWZ^c\h
Trafficking and smuggling of human beings constitute the darkest point
of migration and, further still, of globalisation. Opening national borders
and international markets has led not only to growth in international flows
of capital, goods and labour, but to globalisation of organised crime.31
Concerning Europe, migration associated with trade in women and
prostitution of migrants from Eastern Europe to the West grew after the fall
of the Berlin wall as result of two phenomena that have direct consequences
on the situation of women in these countries: the ‘opening’ of borders
to countries in Eastern Europe and the pauperisation of the former
communist countries.
30 Textos de Casa Árabe www.casaarabe-ieam.es.
31 UNFPA, State of the population 2006. A passage to hope, women and international
migration. “p 44.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 343
 Trafficking and smuggling of human beings are scourges that preoccupy
States and many international, regional and national organisations. Europe is
sparing no efforts to reinforce instruments for protecting victims of traffickers,
establish sanctions against the perpetrators, carriers and employers.
Trafficking of human beings is synonymous to deprivation of freedom and
infringement of human rights. People caught up in a network of traffickers
are often isolated and their travel documents are stolen. Criminal networks
exploit the absence of multilateral migration policies and the absence of
cooperation between countries. Traffickers force women and girls into
prostitution, the number of unaccompanied minors, both boys and girls, is
growing. Figures show that nearly 80% of victims of trafficking are women.
Gaps in national legislation in countries of destination such as Germany,
the United Kingdom, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Italy, the Netherlands and
Sweden represent one of the obstacles to fighting migration associated with
trafficking of women and prostitution. The provisions in these countries go
from prohibition of the purchase of sexual services to legalislation of pimping
insofar as the prostitution is voluntary.32
Trafficking in migrant women and their prostitution has been covered in
vehement speeches in politics and the media that tend to draw the attention
of various institutions which consider the subject to be trafficking and not
migration movements. Nevertheless, there is an interrelation between
migration, trafficking of human beings and prostitution that follows a
division based on class, gender and origin.33 Women who are victims of
trafficking are usually forced into prostitution and sex tourism, commercial
marriages and other ‘female’ activities like domestic work, agriculture and
sweatshop labour.34
To protect these women, short-term residence permits were issued to
victims of smugglers and traffickers who cooperate with the competent
authorities. A proposal for a directive in 200235 provides for a grace period
32 Parliamentary assemblies 2003.
33 By Nasima Moujoud and Maria Teixeira. (2010), Migration et trafic de femmes, prostitution.
“Le monde Monday, 3 May 2010.”
34 Report of UNFPA, 2006. “p 44.”
35 Proposal for a Council Directive on the Short-Term Residence Permit Issued to Victims of
Action to Facilitate Illegal Immigration or Trafficking in Human Beings Who Co-operate with
the Competent Authorities”(COM(2002) 71 final - 2002/0043 (CNS))
344 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
of 30 days to be granted to the victim to make the decision to cooperate with
the competent authorities in question. Within that time, she is put in the
hands of an appropriate government organisation or a recognised non-
governmental organisation.
The Convention of the Council of Europe on action against trafficking
in human beings (2005), covers all forms of trafficking including those
practiced within the boundaries of one country, and sets up a monitoring
system involving both representatives of ministries, independent experts,
in charge of assessing the implementation of the convention and
recommending improvements.36
No doubt the informal economy and clandestine employment constitutes
a factor attracting clandestine immigration, smuggling and trafficking in
human beings, and results in exploitation of persons and particularly women.
The Member States of the European Union have undertaken an increasingly
strict control of carriers that transport clandestine immigrants and apply
severe sanctions to employers who work with labour entering the country
illegally or who turn a blind eye to persons who are subject to trafficking.
The example of the proposal for a Directive of 16 May 2007 providing for
sanctions against employers of illegally-staying third country nationals37
is very significant.
The European Union has also set up various programmes to stop this serious
problem that comes to a large extent from Eastern European countries.
The programme STOP (trafficking of persons for the purpose of sexual
exploitation) targets helping people working in Justice and Home Affairs
Departments to collect data and do studies in their fight against criminals.
The programme that lasted five years had a budget of 6.5 million ECU
(European Commission, 1996) pooled and disseminated data and trained
officials in charge of immigration present at the external borders of the
European Union.
36 Convention of the Council of Europe on action against trafficking of human beings (2005).
37 COM (2007) 249 – 2007/0094/COD
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 345
 Other programmes whose objective is to fight violence with regard to women
in the Member States take account of violence suffered by migrant women.
For example, the Daphne programme was an initiative launched by the
European Commission in 1997 at the instigation of the European Parliament
to finance measures to fight violence against children, teenagers and women.
This programme, managed by the Directorate General for Justice, Freedom
and Security, financed several projects specifically devoted to violence with
regard to migrant women. The Daphne programme applied only to projects
done by NGOs, associations or local authorities in one of the Member States
of the EU or in a candidate country, but the model that it proposes could
perfectly well be adapted to future projects for a fighting violence against
women in the entire EuroMed region.
The European Union does indeed take considerable interest in trafficking of
women who come from Eastern Europe, particularly republics of the former
Soviet Union. It finances programmes that encourage recognition of human
rights. Specifically it supported a project targeting prevention of trafficking
of women in collaboration with Germany, Poland and the Czech Republic.
Similarly, it financed programmes whose objective was to train and find jobs
for women living in the countries in question.
Among the projects financed by the Daphne programme that successfully
fought violence against migrant women are RESPECT 38 and the WAVE
network.39 The latter founded the European Information Centre against
Violence, and publishes a newsletter Fempower, several issues of which were
devoted to the question of violence against women.40
One might think that with all these measures, migration flows are better
controlled and trafficking of human beings is punished. Nevertheless,
obstacles remain: lack of data on the questions, gaps in concerted
programmes, corruption and the clever resistance of criminal networks that
change strategies and tactics frequently, continue to undermine the efforts
made, flout existing laws and hide behind legal mechanisms, or purely
38 Schwenken, H. (2005), The Challenges of Framing Women Migrants Rights in the European
Union. Revue européenne des migrations Internationales, “21, 1.”
39 WAVE website, http://www.wave-network.org.
40 Jane Freedman and Bahija Jamal. (2008), Violence à l’égard des femmes migrantes et
réfugiées dans la région euro-méditerranéenne. Études de cas : France, Italie, Egypte &
Maroc. “© Copyright 2008 Réseau euro-méditerranéen des droits de l’Homme. p 27-28.”
346 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
and simply ignore legislation that protects persons exposed to this kind of
exploitation. Consequently, to act against waves of clandestine immigrants
arriving in Europe and to remove irregular immigrants, measures pertaining
to readmission and return have been taken since the 1990s.
'#'#(#KdajciVgndg[dgXZYgZijgc/ildbZX]Vc^hbh]VkZWZZceji
^ceaVXZ/i]ZVYb^hh^dcVcY"gZijgc
An important parameter of European immigration policy consists of
effectively deporting people residing irregularly in the territory of the
Member States. Consequently, migrants who do not or no longer have the
right to reside legally in the European Union must return to their countries
of origin voluntarily or, if necessary, under constraint. The major obstacles
to expulsion are the difficulty in establishing the irregular nature of the
residence and the nationality of the migrant, and obtaining agreement of the
State of origin by the delivery of a laisser-passer.
The European Councils have always recommended setting up an eviction
policy based on common standards, so that the people concerned are
repatriated in a humane way that respects their fundamental rights and dignity.
Already in 2000, discussions began on the minimum standards applicable to
return policies. The European Commission published a green paper in April
2002 on the subject41 before launching a discussion in the circles concerned on
the need for a common policy on return. For humanitarian reasons, voluntary
return is preferable to forced return, an idea that is also recommended by the
Pact on Immigration and Asylum (2008).
Control over borders and asylum policy have fallen under the scope of
intergovernmental decisions (Justice and Home Affairs) since Maastricht
in 1992. The Treaty of Amsterdam introduces measures to fight clandestine
immigration, including repatriation of people whose residence is irregular.
Bilateral admission agreements have been set up long since between
European countries and, as from 1991, with non-Community neighbours of
the European Union.
41 Green paper on a Community policy on the return of persons in an irregular situation,
“COM (2002) 175, April 2002”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 347
 As concerns bilateral admission agreements, they have evolved in stages: the
‘first generation’ readmission agreements were concluded between France
and countries with which it shares a border like Germany, in 1960 and the
Benelux in 1964. In the 1990s, the ‘second-generation’ readmission agreements
were concluded with the objective of making countries of transit (Eastern
European countries) bear the brunt of the lack of control at the borders
with the obligation to readmit nationals from third states who transited
through their territory to get to European countries. The ‘third-generation’
readmission agreement was concurrent with the Treaty of Amsterdam, giving
the Community competence for the question of repatriation of irregular
residents. Today, readmission agreements and standard clauses are integrated
in the association and cooperation agreements with Southern Mediterranean
countries. It should be underlined, however, that the only common policy of
the European Union is that of readmission.42
Pressure from migration in Europe has been the subject of considerable
discussion which resulted in 2008 with the adoption by the European
Parliament of the Return Directive, a security-minded approach that does no
more than extend the Schengen agreement and the visa system. On one hand,
it confirms the displacement of borders since the internal borders disappear
for Europeans while the external borders are reinforced for non-Europeans,
and on the other hand, mechanisms are put in place to reinforce the walling
off of Europe, including a computer data bank, the SIS and the signature of
readmission agreements with third Mediterranean countries that make those
countries the border control of the Schengen system. This dissuasion strategy
contributes to installing stable migration in the countries of the Union and to
reducing entries. But here and there, Europe ‘à la carte’ cannot be prevented.
The United Kingdom, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland do not
take part in the common policy on immigration and asylum, although they
have signed the Dublin Agreement on the review of applications for asylum.
As concerns voluntary return, despite the importance given to this by the
Euro-Mediterranean partners and European partners, and the advantageous
conditions that are awarded, it remains quite small quantitatively.
42 Valentine GREFF, Conventions of Member States of the EU with “third countries”
and “countries of origin” tend to restrict migration towards Europe. DESS thesis,
Administration du politique Jérôme “VALLUY, 2004 -2005.”
348 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
The European Council of Tampere in 1999 proposed increasing aid to
countries of origin and transit to facilitate voluntary returns. Special aid
(cost of travel of the applicant for the returnee and his family, removal costs,
repatriation compensation) has also been granted for a voluntary return.
In 2002, proposals change slightly. The expression ‘aid for return’ was no
longer used but rather ‘aid for reintegration’. The objective of this policy
was to support and follow development of zones with strong emigration of
their nationals, in order to reduce irregular immigration. It seems that the
co-development touted by Jean-Pierre Chevènement, the French Minister of
the Interior, and managed by Sami Nair, has not concretely resulted in the
anticipated massive voluntary return.
These programmes for voluntary return do not interest Europe alone –
countries of transit are also affected, particularly countries in the Maghreb.
The project for the voluntary, assisted return of irregular male and female
migrants to Morocco and their reintegration in their country of origin is part
of a global IMO programme for voluntary, assisted return.43 The context of
this project is the evolution of migration routes in the Maghreb region which
have become countries of transit or destination for male and female migrants
coming for the most part from Africa south of the Sahara. Nevertheless, only
part of these people reach Western Europe – many others in an irregular
situation are ‘blocked’ in Morocco, sometimes for several years.
This project proposes an alternative to this critical humanitarian situation
by means of the implementation of an effective mechanism for voluntary
return. It also responds to growing demand from migrant men and women.
Thus, from March 2007 to July 2008, the project assisted 171 irregular
migrant men and women. The destination of return was mainly Central and
Western Africa.
43 Financed by the Swiss government, it is implemented by IMO in a partnership with the
Moroccan authorities and other local partners. This project began in March 2007. It was
extended thanks to cofinancing from Switzerland and several other European countries,
based on the very positive experience of ODM and humanitarian aid from the DDC; in April
2010, cofinancing with Belgium of a new phase of the project was decided. This gave rise
to the second phase of the project that would be co-financed by Switzerland, Norway and
other European countries. The next phase of the project (until April 2010) is co-financed by
the European Commission. The current phase (up to the end of June 2011) is co-financed by
ODM, humanitarian aid from the DDC and Belgium, and targets assistance of more than 500
migrants in transit.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 349
 The people who benefited from the assistance under the project were often
young men, but also people in a vulnerable situation (women with children,
unaccompanied minors or people with medical problems). 112 professional
projects were carried out. Most of the reintegration projects were micro
businesses and service micro-projects. From July 2008 to November 2009,
thanks to cofinancing by Switzerland, Norway, Italy, Belgium and the
Netherlands, nearly 570 migrants were able to return to their countries of
origin with aid for reintegration.
The 2008 pact reiterates the Member States’ determination to fight irregular
immigration and to reinforce cooperation to combat criminal trafficking and
smuggling of human beings and to organise deportation of immigrants in
an irregular situation. On the basis of the “return” directive adopted by the
European Parliament on 18 June 2008, the Pact calls for the organisation of
flights for joint repatriation under the supervision of Frontex and continuation
of the signature of readmission agreements for clandestine migrants
with countries of origin and intensifying their fight against trafficking of
human beings.
Nevertheless, despite this legal arsenal, the institutional scheme and very
strict measures against irregular immigration, South-North population
movements persist in varying degrees as is demonstrated by the pressure
for regularisation.
'#'#)#GZ\jaVg^hVi^dch/VhV[ZincZi
“What characterises the situation of a foreigner as compared to a national, is
not only the obligation to be in order, but to remain that way and be able to
prove it: which is why there is such an obsession with papers”.44
Since immigration stopped in 1974, regularisation has been considered
as a tool to regulate migration policy. It attests to the difficulty of applying
restrictive provisions rigorously as set down in the law. In fact, immigrants
who by and large were workers, have become men and women fleeing poverty
and dictatorship in their countries of origin. Europe is no longer in a position
to offer them jobs, and consequently decent living conditions, so increasingly
drastic laws closing the borders were adopted.
44 Danièle Lochack et Carine Fouteau. (2008), Immigrés sous contrôle. “op cit , p 57.”
350 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
As a result, the number of clandestine ‘undocumented’ immigrants began
to rise as never before. The call for regularisation becomes a demand
by irregular migrants, supported in their stance by NGOs. Decisions on
regularisation depend much more on the strategies of Member States than
on European migration policy. When Spain, which received more than one
third of the immigration into the European Union in 2003, putting it at the top
of the list in terms of the annual volume of entries, decided to proceed with
two successive regularisations, followed by Italy, the French Minister of the
Interior Nicolas Sarkozy complained that this was an open door to African
immigration. The Zapatero government answered that more than half of the
immigrants regularised were from Latin America.
The Pact on Immigration and Asylum45 recommends limiting regularisation on
a case-by-case basis for humanitarian or economic reasons (Pact, commitment
N° 2). Negotiations between Paris and Madrid were stormy, because France
wanted to prohibit massive waves of regularisations as applied by Madrid and
Rome. But France had to change its position on this question, to keep from
upsetting its partners and jeopardising the future of the proposed Pact, which
needed a unanimous vote to be adopted.46
The various regularisations that took place in France, Spain and Italy made
it clear that a significant number of irregular immigrants were women.
Women represented 20% to 30% of the foreigners who were regularised. Most
of them came into European countries on a tourist visa. However, during
the regularisation campaigns, the criteria concerning women in an irregular
situation exercising a precarious job were hard to meet.47 The action carried
out by the network RESPECT, with the support of a large trade union
(Transport General Workers Union), led to a regularisation procedure for all
domestic workers victims of abuse.48
45 Council European Union, 24 September 2008, 13440/08. The Pact is a political document and
not a binding legal document. This document presents the main guidelines of the EU policy
on immigration, asylum and management of the borders. It is part of and completes the EU
effort to develop a common policy in the field of migration.
46 Aicha Belarbi. (2009), La pacte sur l’immigration et l’asile, une nouvelle réglementation
pour la gestion des flux migratoire. Programme du BIT pour les migrations
internationales, atelier de Formation. “Tunis 28-29 July 2009.”
47 Anderson, B. (2004), The Devil is in the Detail: Lessons to be drawn from the UK’s recent
exercise in regularising undocumented workers, M. Levoy, N. Verbruggen & J. Wets (editor),
Undocumented Migrant Workers in Europe, Brussels: Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. Quoted
by Jane Freedman and Bahija Jamal. (2008).Violence à l’égard des femmes migrantes et
réfugiées dans la région euro-méditerranéenne. “op cit p 29.”
48 Ariyadasa, K. (1998), Kalaayan! Justice for Overseas Domestic Workers. “London: Kalaayan.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 351
 In Italy, the household sector also benefited from exceptional regularisation
immediately after the adoption of a law in July 2009 that made irregular
residence a criminal offense.49 The government organised an ad hoc
regularisation that concerned no fewer than 300,000 people according to
official estimates. For employers, the only condition required was an income
that would justify using household help or a medical certificate of an elderly
person needing nursing care. Employers had to pay €500 for each application
for regularisation.50 This regularisation, that was cause for great rejoicing by
the people who got it, raised a lot of questions for NGOs and trade unions
who did not see why it applied only to nursing aides and household help,
while there were other categories of undocumented immigrants working
in productive sectors such as the building industry, trade or agriculture.
The person behind the regularisation, the Secretary State for the family, Carlo
Giovanardi, answered: ”In the government, I am responsible for families and
therefore I took into account the situation that concerns millions of families.
Other Ministers can extend this regularisation to other categories.”
Concern with managing migration trends began early this century with
joint initiatives in countries on the southern and northern shores of the
Mediterranean basin. An interesting intergovernmental initiative was set up
– this was the first interministerial conference on migration in the western
Mediterranean, organised in Tunis in October 2002 (Dialogue 5+5),51 that
targeted setting up a context of dialogue and regional cooperation between
the Maghreb and Southern Europe. Discussions started up again in October
2003 in Rabat, where emphasis was on the security dimension in the dialogue
on migration.52 There was also a multilateral initiative that was set up to
define the main points of agreement on migration transiting through the
Mediterranean, where 18 European countries and 5 MENA countries, plus
the European Commission, the Arab League and the UNHCR met53 for the
first time in June 2003.
49 For each control by the police, an undocumented person bears a heavy fine -- up to
€10,000 -- and is sent before a judge to be deported on the spot. Badanti and colf are spared.
50 Salvatore Aloïse. L’Italie découvre l’utilité sociale de ses sans-papiers. “Le Monde of 02.08.09”
51 Algeria, Morocco, Libya, Mauritania, Tunisia, Spain, Portugal, Italy, France and Malta. Aubarell,
G. (2003), La relance du Dialogue 5+5 : pour un nouveau plan. “in Afkar/Ideas nº1.”
52 Tunis Conference:http://www.iom.int/en/know/dialogue5-5/ tunis.shtml Rabat Conference:
http://www.iom.int/en/know/dialogue5-5/ rabat_fr.shtml
Intermediary Euro-Mediterranean conference of Ministers of Foreign Affairs
(Crete, May 2003)
53 A meeting held in Alexandria in June 2003, coordinated by the International Centre for
Migration Policy Development (ICMPD).
352 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
From the European standpoint, ‘illegal’ immigration in the Mediterranean
has always been on the agenda. For example, we can recall the bilateral
agreement of the Ministers of the Interior (October 2003) between France and
Spain, in which both parties agreed to apply jointly to the EU for expenses
pertaining to surveillance of the border. On another level, Euro-African
conferences, in Rabat and Tripoli in 2006 and Paris in 2008, which initiated
reinforced cooperation between the various protagonists, focused more
on economic and social development of countries in the South to act on
these movements. Cooperation between Member States goes without
saying to manage irregular migration, so the conclusions of the Council of
July 2007 recommended reinforcing cooperation in the field with various
international institutions.
(#:Xdcdb^XVheZXihd[^ggZ\jaVgb^\gVi^dc
d[ldbZc
The emergence of the concept of irregular migration and trafficking goes
hand in hand with the growing poverty in the countries of Africa, deterioration
in the economic and legal situation of women in countries in the former
Soviet bloc after 1989, restrictive policies for entering into Western Europe,
and the emerging desire for freedom resulting from globalisation. This is also
the consequence of deficits in aid to development. “No doubt, for 30 years,
development aid confiscated a certain number of prerogatives of women in the
economy, business or production. This is because the agents of international
organisations favoured control of resoures by men, by dealing exclusively
with them, including in fields that traditionally were controlled by women.“54
Employers are the ones who draw the main advantages from irregular
migration: it considerably contributes to the economic system insofar as the
demographic slump and the growing need for labour with various levels of
qualifications, accentuated by the unwillingness of nationals to do certain
jobs, considered unpleasant or unworthy, continually boost demand for
migration in countries of destination.
54 Françoise Guillemaut, (University of Toulouse Le Mirail), Mobilités au féminin Journées de
rencontres internationales, Tangiers, 16 - 19 November 2005, Laboratoire Méditerranéen de
Sociologie (Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme, Aix-en-Provence, France).
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 353
 “The State recovers with the left hand what it has previously rejected with
the right”, which reflects hypocrisy pinpointed by organisations defending
human rights. Certain analysts go further still in this thinking, considering
that migrants, albeit irregular, are in some ways de facto “members of the
national community in virtue of their economic and cultural contributions”
and therefore, legally, should be qualified to enjoy certain basic rights.55
On applying a neoclassical approach to the migration phenomenon of
irregular immigration, the logic of costs and profits applies. It defines an
irregular worker “as a good that can be managed according to market rules in
the context of a free market economic system”.56 Despite consecutive official
decisions on immigration, the economies of advanced countries continue
to express structural demand for cheap, irregular labour. “Certain authors
consider that, within these economies, a ‘centre/peripheral’ structure is
established.” The centre is composed of highly qualified workers; peripheral
activities use a labour force under precarious employment conditions. At the
bottom of the ladder, undeclared work supplies this sector that constitutes a
call for illegal economic migrants. This is referred to as ‘peripheralisation of
labour’.57 The informal economy and clandestine labour are a factor attracting
clandestine immigration and leading to exploitation of migrants.
If today, migration in an irregular situation and trafficking of human beings
is so prevalent, this is because the gap between rich countries and poor
countries is broadening. There is a lack of opportunity and perspectives for
young people, and poverty that affects women in many countries makes them
particularly vulnerable to exploitation. The difficult economic situation in the
countries of origin triggers massive departures of young people and persons
in distress who are exploited by organised criminal networks, whether
they are in the countries of origin or in the countries of destination. In fact,
the insufficient supply of labour in certain countries of destination creates
a demand for migrant workers, and when legal migration does not fill this
deficit, there is a strong temptation to call on illegal migration and smuggling
of human beings.
55 Yao AGBETSE (2004), La convention sur les droits des travailleurs migrants. “op cit, p 56.”
56 Idem, p 50.
57 Houria Alami Machichi, Migration clandestine et logiques étatiques.
In La migration clandestine enjeux et perspectives. “Rabat, al karam. 2000. Pp 46-76, p 51.”
354 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
“Repressive migration policies and the illegal status of women that results
in the countries of destination have increased dependence and vulnerability
of migrant women with regard to various forms of exploitation and
mistreatment.”.58
In this context, irregular migrants do not represent a threat for the labour
market, or for nationals. They are recognised by employers and the authorities
(Chambers of Commerce). Competition is established to find the poorest, least
expensive; when a migrant becomes expensive, he/she is traded for another,
with a sword of Damocles over the entire process in the form of promises or
expectations of regularisation. Many women in an irregular situation or who
are victims of trade in human beings respond to the ever-growing demand for
babysitters, care for the elderly, models, hairdressers, dancers and waitresses
or maids.
(#&#HZXidghd[VXi^k^in
Women constitute a significant proportion of migrants in an irregular
situation. Confronted with gender discrimination, they are often obliged to
accept the lowest jobs in the informal sector, as domestic help and in the sex
industry.59 They are often exposed to exploitation, mistreatment and all sorts
of abuse, including health risks and exposure to HIV/AIDS. In many European
towns, the phenomenon of sweatshops60 using irregular workers continues
to be actively present. By and large men occupy jobs in the building and
agricultural sectors, and women are generally integrated into the informal
sector, particularly in household jobs, seasonal agricultural, services and
certain industries. They are unscrupulously subjected to violation of their
fundamental rights, deprived of access to social aid. These women in irregular
situations, including those from MEDA countries are obliged to accept jobs
without any legal protection, job security, medical cover or social benefits.
58 Parliamentary assembly (2005).
59 CCMI. 2005. P 37.
60 Sweatshop production, a concept used by R. Ross and K.Trachte. 1990. Global capitalism /
the new leviathan. Syracuse. New York press. To express international transformation of
labour trends, they affirm that sweatshops in New York are the logical consequence of
globalisation in the clothing sector, and particularly in competition for jobs, focusing on
the army of labourers made up of irregular migrants.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 355
 They accept the lowest wages and a workload that is almost inhuman.
Women occupy undeclared jobs in the sectors of restaurants, maintenance,
household work, and are often isolated from other categories of wage earners,
having no adequate contract, they depend to a large extent on the willingness
of their employers.
The situation is still worse for women exploited for sexual purposes by
organised crime. Women victims of trafficking and smuggling of human beings
cannot be considered as ‘illegal’ or ‘legal’ workers, but as victims of gender,
class and ethnic exploitation. Already in 1991, a report of the European
Commission61 testified to the presence of foreigners, immigrants, documented
or not, who accepted to work under conditions well below standard in
the countries in question. The report also recognised the existence of an
underground economy in southern Europe that proves to be a fundamental
pole of attraction for immigrants from non-European countries. In Spain,
for example, 70% of migrant women who have a job work in personal care
and domestic jobs, types of employment marked by instability of working
conditions and limited access to support and to information networks.
Migrant women employed in household services live on the edge of society,
with no one to help them in the case of violence or abuse by their employers.62
An article published in Le Monde on undocumented labour 63 shows the need
for a family help; Italy can no longer do without these workers are referred
to as badanti (from badare, ‘to care for’ in Italian); these ‘personal aids’ are
generally foreign women from Eastern European countries and are generally
undocumented. In a country where the population is ageing, and where social
security services and assistance for the elderly have always been defective,
these women have become indispensible for families to function, as are
household helpers, the colf. While southern Mediterranean women generally
exercise the functions of domestic help, caretakers for the elderly tend
to come from Eastern Europe, perhaps due to their cultural and religious
proximity, their facility in learning or perfecting their Italian and their higher
level of instruction.
61 Commission of the European Communities. 1991. “Immigration of citizens from third
countries into the southern member states of the EEC”. Brussels 1991.
62 Jane Freedman and Bahija Jamal. (2008),Violence à l’égard des femmes migrantes et
réfugiées dans la région euro-méditerranéenne. Études de cas : France, Italie, Egypte &
Maroc. “© Copyright 2008 Réseau euro-méditerranéen des droits de l’Homme. P 19.”
63 Salvatore Aloïse, L’Italie découvre l’utilité sociale de ses sans-papiers. “Le Monde of 02.08.09.”
356 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
The elderly are purported to be hard to live with, they need care and
someone they can communicate with. An interview with a lawyer working in
a migrant assistance centre confirms that badanti are particularly exposed
because of their total dependence on their employer.“They live in the
family and for the family. They share the bedroom of the person they take
care of. A symbiotic relationship takes hold. They have no support, and no
getaway. This is a situation of total dependence, not just economic, but from
every standpoint”.64
Migrant women in an irregular situation, including those coming from MEDA
countries, employed in the household sectors, are often exploited and
submitted to acts of violence. The ILO estimates that migrant women in an
irregular situation who work in the home have a degree of vulnerability that
is not comparable to that of other workers.65 Since they are often employed in
private households, any violence and abuse are invisible. UNIFEM reports that
“in a study done on employees in foreign households, one person questioned
out of two declared that she had been the victim of physical or verbal
violence”.66 These various studies attest that the government’s responses to
these acts of violence and aggression perpetrated against immigrant women
employed in the homes are limited, and often tinged with a refusal to allow
these people to benefit from general legislation on employment.67
In a study on the integration of migrant women employed in homes
in the European Union, (INTI), the Mediterranean Institute of Gender
Studies studied the case of Italy. A study in the field observed that Italian
political decision takers were more interested in the needs of families who
made use of immigrant household employees, than in the rights of these
employees themselves. The training courses given to household workers
cover improvement of their skills and caretaking, rather than information
concerning their rights or the possibilities of recourse in case of violence or
abuse by their employers.
64 Jane Freedman and Bahija Jamal. (2008), Violence à l’égard des femmes migrantes et
réfugiées dans la région euro-méditerranéenne. “op cit, p 49.”
65 ILO (2003), An Information Guide: Preventing Discrimination, Exploitation and Abuse of
Women Migrant Workers. “Geneva: ILO, p. 30.”
66 UNIFEM (2003), Human Rights Protections Applicable to Women Migrant Workers.
“New York: UNIFEM.”
67 Human Rights Watch (2006), Swept Under the Rug: Abuses Against Domestic Workers
Around the World. “New York: Human Rights Watch.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 357
 The report concluded that “women employed in the personal care sector
remain invisible for the Italian State; their working conditions are often
precarious and they are increasingly exploited, whereas demand, because of
an inappropriate healthcare system and the rise in the elderly population, is
constantly on the rise”.68
Migrant women in an irregular situation encountered many obstacles for
any type of organisation or mobilisation against various forms of violence
with which they are confronted. The most significant of these obstacles is
specifically that of ‘illegality’ which keeps them living in fear and reticent
to be visible in public space. In addition, the type of work they do isolates
them in silence and prevents them from gaining access to any kind of support
from existing institutions, trade unions or NGOs to recover their rights.
Consequently, this precarious economic situation has a direct effect on their
social situation, and shows how fragile and vulnerable they are.
)#HdX^VaVheZXihd[^ggZ\jaVgb^\gVi^dcd[ldbZc
Irregular migration of women and migration associated with trafficking of
human beings and prostitution are one of the darkest aspects of the inequality
between men and women, as many kinds of discrimination and violence are
perpetrated against women. Already in 2003, the Parliamentary Assembly
expressed its dire concern with the development of this type of migration,
which has become a huge, highly organised, international criminal traffic
related to exploitation of women.69
However, reliable data on this phenomenon in different regions of the
world including Western Europe are rare. Existing information, although
incomplete, shows the extent and recent trends in these movements.
The social aspects of migration of women in an irregular situation show the
main forms of abuse against women: sexual exploitation, arranged marriages
and healthcare deficits, abuse that affect their bodies, their psyches and their
social lives.
68 Mediterranean Institute of Gender Studies (2007), Study Visit in Italy November 2007, Report
prepared by the INTI Team, report available at www.medinstgenderstudies.org/wp/
69 Parliamentary Assembly. (2003), Migrations liées à la traite des femmes et à la prostitution.
Commission report on equal opportunities between men and women. “Doc. 9795. 25 April
2003. Rapporteur: Mme Zwerver, Nethelands, SOC.”
358 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
)#&#B^\gVcildbZc^c^ggZ\jaVgh^ijVi^dchVgZhjW_ZXi
idk^daZcXZVcYVWjhZ
Violence seems to be the fate of migrant women in irregular situations.
Violence incurred in their country of origin, violence encountered during
their displacement, and violence they must deal with once they have arrived
at the threshold of Europe. Violence perpetrated by traffickers, spouses and
employers, to restrict this study to these three examples.
The majority of women who emigrate illegally, or wind up in an irregular
situation, have generally tried to flee joblessness and under employment,
confinement and social constraints that women know in their countries.
The majority left voluntarily, as attested by the study of Françoise Guillemaut.
“As they do not belong to social classes which have the possibility to have
an impact on social organisation or to influence changes in society in their
own country, even if they may be educated or qualified, they prefer to leave”.
Many of them want to affirm themselves and change the perception that their
family has of them, to be recognised as a person who has resources, rather
than a non-productive person, which gives them more consideration and
even a certain power. Others attest that they had no other means to flee the
family project, particularly an arranged marriage. A third category fled to try
to do something elsewhere, expressing a desire to travel and not be limited
in future projects. In other words, these young women expressed satisfaction
with being in Europe, given the living conditions that they left in the country
of origin.70
Compared to the violence incurred in the milieu of departure, violence during
displacement is as strong or more. During travel as irregular migrants, women
are subjected to all kinds of abuse and mistreatment – rape, pregnancies,
hunger and disease. Women can be doubly persecuted: by spouses or other
men they are travelling with and by border police, who submit them to the
same treatment as men, except for pregnant women or women accompanied
with young children. Once they arrive in Europe, they might suffer from the
treatment in detention centres and police interrogation.
70 Françoise Guillemaut, (Université Toulouse Le Mirail), Mobilités au féminin. Journées de
rencontres internationales, “Tangiers, 16 - 19 November 2005, Laboratoire Méditerranéen de
Sociologie (Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme, Aix-en-Provence, France).”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 359
 When they start working, the situation may be worse. An International Labour
Bureau report (2004) shows that exploitation of migrant workers, particularly
undocumented workers and those subject to trafficking of human beings,
exists in all fields of informal work all over the world. Workers are held by
debts and exploited. In most cases, denunciation of abuse results in a more or
less forced return of the person who denounces. Understandably, under these
conditions, denunciations are rare. Even if the person is exploited, she often
prefers not running the risk of being repatriated.
)#'#LdbZc^cVc^ggZ\jaVgh^ijVi^dc/k^Xi^bhd[egdhi^iji^dc
Towards the end of the 90s, the presence of foreign women on the sidewalks
of European towns acted as an alert to the media, public opinion and political
decision takers. The phenomenon is perceptible all over Europe, where the
proportion of foreign women in prostitution has doubled, from 30% to roughly
60-70% depending on the towns. The question of trafficking has therefore
become central.71 The image of migrant woman in public opinion switched
from a maid to a prostitute. Immigrant women are accused of increasing the
supply of the sex market. Sexual exploitation is the most commonly identified
form of trafficking in human beings: about 80% of the cases according to the
UNCD databases, economic exploitation constituting most of the remaining
20%. Menial jobs, domestic servitude, forced marriage, removal of organs,
begging and adoption and illicit conscription have been reported for women,
men and children victims of trafficking.72
Already in the 1980s, Asian studies referred to the demand for immigrant women
in the sex business (Lim Lin Lean, 1989), while in Europe, the correlation
between female immigration and prostitution dates from the 1990s. After
the fall of the Berlin wall a specific form of irregular migration developed
in Western Europe, particularly trafficking of women for sexual exploitation
whose victims came notably from Eastern Europe. The first studies done on
the phenomenon were produced by international organisations fighting the
traffic, such as the IMO (International Migration Organisation).
71 Françoise Guillemaut, (Université Toulouse Le Mirail), Mobilités au féminin. Journées de
rencontres internationales. “Tangiers, 16 - 19 November 2005, Laboratoire Méditerranéen de
Sociologie (Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme, Aix-en-Provence, France).”
72 UNDO Report 2009, p 72.
360 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
The European Commission for its part made this aspect of migration one of
its major concerns and a priority, notably via the Daphne programme devoted
to fighting violence and exploitation of women and children. Many scientific
studies that have been published attest to the importance of the phenomenon
of prostitution. In a report on a research study73 of migrant women, trafficking
and prostitution done in the context of Daphne, sociologist Françoise
Guillemaut 74 underlined the very close relations between migration and sex
work. She emphasised the paradoxical situation experienced by women
concerned: the violence they have undergone and the impact of this reality
on their lives enable them to develop experience, skills, independence and
empowerment. The author prefers to talk about ‘women’ rather than ‘victims’
or ‘female migrants’, and chooses to use ‘prostitute’ as a verb to underline
that this term does not refer to an identity but to an activity, adding that in
most cases, the women themselves do not identify themselves as prostitutes.
For them, their activity is a means, usually a temporary one, to get out of
poverty and earn a living. They do not consider themselves to be migrants,
they think of themselves as Albanian, Ecuadorian, Ghanaian, etc.75
In the 1970s in France, migration for sex work was essentially done by
transgender and transvestite workers from Latin America. Latin American
women and women from Dominican Republic came a bit later into Spain,
Austria and Switzerland. Their means of migration was fairly independent
and similar to that of men. Algerians began arriving in the early 1990s,
particularly after 1992 and the political problems in Algeria. These women
were exiled in France after having been reduced to unemployment, losing
their job in the administrations or shops because of violence around them.
In Marseille, some of them had no choice other than prostitution in the street.
The same situation was observed for young Moroccan women who came into
Spain and found themselves unemployed. Africans came in two waves.
73 Daphne programme (violence against women) from 2000 to 2004, study done in Austria,
Spain, Italy and France. The central idea was to study the phenomena of mobility,
prostitution, trafficking of human beings from the standpoint of women’s experience,
based on observation in the field, put into perspective with European public policies on these
subjects.
74 Françoise Guillemaut, (Université Toulouse Le Mirail), Mobilités au féminin Journées de
rencontres internationales. “Tangiers, 16 - 19 November 2005, Laboratoire Méditerranéen de
Sociologie (Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme, Aix-en-Provence, France).”
75 Françoise Guillemaut, (Université Toulouse Le Mirail), Mobilités au féminin Journées de
rencontres internationales. “Tangiers, 16 - 19 November 2005, Laboratoire Méditerranéen de
Sociologie (Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme, Aix-en-Provence, France).”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 361
 The earliest (from Cameroon or Ghana) arrived around 1995 in Italy, France
or Spain and very quickly developed strategies to become regularised.
More recently, women came from Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and Liberia. They had
to leave their country in the 2000s using a smuggler as our borders tightened
in Europe. They are young, between 20 and 35. Women from Eastern Europe,
the Balkans, Central Europe and the former Soviet republics began to arrive
in Europe in the 1990s.76
Prostitution, managed by cross-border criminal networks, took advantage of
the context of political and social-economic transformations taking place in
Eastern Europe and in the Balkans, on one hand, and the pressure resulting
from migration from south of the Sahara to Europe, on the other. Women
who arrived in Europe often had debts for the passage, that they had to
reimburse. These debts varied with the country of origin, and the service
purchased: visa, employment contract, passport, travel, and legal passage
of borders, etc. and the type of negotiation. The question of prostitution of
foreign women reflects the role assigned to immigrant women in European
societies, that of ‘filling the gaps’ created by social transformations of which
European women were protagonists.77 As the Italian sociologist Maurizio
Ambrosini wrote: “Something analogous to what took place in broad daylight
with the household work of the colf and the immigrant residential caretakers
also took place in the dark in the streets with the purchase of paid sexual
services. In this case too, rich Western demand seems to need to look
elsewhere for services unrecognised in social relations that can no longer be
proposed to European women”.78 Ambrosini does admit, however, that the
analogy between household work and prostitution is not completely valid.
Ethnic specialisation on the prostitution market shows in fact that this is
not a dichotomy: Western women / non-Western women, since prostitutes
come to a large extent from Eastern Europe and Moslem women are rarely
concerned. The subject deserves a more thorough analysis that goes beyond
the context of the study.
76 Françoise Guillemaut, (Université Toulouse Le Mirail), Mobilités au féminin Journées de
rencontres internationales. “Tangiers, 16 - 19 November 2005, Laboratoire Méditerranéen de
Sociologie (Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme, Aix-en-Provence, France).”
77 Genre et migration, Giovanna Campani. “Université de Florence 20 p. Migration pdf.”
78 Ambrosini, 2005, p.8.
362 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Migrant women in sex work are considered by social and medical workers
and institutional officials, to be victims with no decision taking capacity.
Francoise Guillemaut challenges that representation, and even calls for a
deconstruction of the very idea of trafficking: “by taking an interest in the
life experience of women, one discovers a gap between the intentions set
down in national laws and international texts and the reality experienced
by migrant women in prostitution. These women are ‘entrepreneurs of
themselves’. They apply a personal project in migration. Nevertheless they
are confronted with many kinds of violence in this migration process and
that violence is reinforced by the conditions they experience in the countries
of destination; the laws in fact seem to act against them.” In her survey,
she underlines that most women were the ones to decide to leave the country.
And during their migration process they encountered violence, confinement
and material impossibility to exercise any activity other than clandestine
household jobs under painful conditions or prostitution (Guillemaut, 2002).
However, if most of them did not want to remain in prostitution, nor did they
want to be sent back to their home country, whatever the cost. This is one of
the reasons that keep them forcibly in situations of domination, clandestine
employment or constraint, because under current legislation, they have no
other possibilities. Some have left their trade in the sex industry definitively
to get married and have a family. Others have remained in the sector, working
for themselves, and by and large they send money back to their families in the
home country. A few have been able to acquire property or businesses in their
country of origin after working for a few years in Europe. This type of activity
has enabled them to finance the studies of their children and even to ensure
their social mobility and that of their family. From this standpoint, sex work
can be envisaged as a strategy or a tactic to emigrate, change in lifestyle or
even reverse the relation of structural domination they have always known.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 363
 *#>ggZ\jaVgb^\gVi^dcd[ldbZcVcYk^daZcXZ
d[hedjhZh
Violence with regard to migrant women in an irregular situation is very present,
not just for those are integrated in the sex business, but also for those living
in a couple. Violence in private life can be of two kinds, in marriages arranged
by the parents or by Internet, or via the threats of the migrant husband.
*#&#K^daZcXZ^ci]ZVggVc\ZYdg>ciZgcZibVgg^V\Zh
Article 23, paragraph 2 of the International Convention on civil and political
rights states that “No marriage shall be entered in without the free and full
consent of the intgending spouses”. When this consent is lacking, the marriage
can be said to be forced, and consequently, it constitutes an infringement of
human rights of one spouse or the other. By and large women are the ones
who are subject to forced marriages, which implies recourse to violence by
the husband or another member of the family. The number of women who are
victims of forced marriages is still hard to estimate, because the phenomenon
is relatively discrete – the marriage can only be challenged when one of
the spouses feels wronged. Many migrant women were misled by criminal
networks offering clandestine passage, with beautiful promises of marriage
accompanied by the possibility of working in the European eldorado. Others
came from the country of origin to join a husband they had never known,
creating tension and disputes between the spouses, she may run away, etc.
Associations that fight forced marriages observed a growing number of
victims.79 These are marriages are contracted to enable the woman to emigrate
or for money: the husband in a regular situation contracts marriage with
a foreigner and has his bride emigrate under family grouping, in exchange
for a certain amount of money or other services. Unlike unconsummated
marriages, where the spouses agree to distort the purpose of the marriage,
these are convenience marriages concluded when one of the two spouses is
sincere and misled by the other. These are the so-called ‘grey marriages’ that
have not been the subject of any special legal provisions.
79 Jane Freedman et Bahija Jamal. (2008).Violence à l’égard des femmes migrantes et réfugiées
dans la région euro-méditerranéenne. “op cit, p 36.”
364 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
But since the law of 2003 on immigration in France, reinforced by the
law of 2006 concerning the control of validity of marriages, distorting the
purpose of marriage is an offense punishable by five years in prison and
€15,000 fine. The new French law organises verification of the sincerity of
marriage, and the reality of life together before the celebration of unions,
before marriages celebrated abroad are transcribed, before the visa is issued
for France, and so before any residence permit is issued. There is an annual
control at the time of the renewal of a temporary residence permit, before a
ten-year residence card can be obtained and before French nationality can
be acquired. Discovery of fraud results in withdrawal of acquired rights.
So controls are more numerous, red tape and obstacles are put in the path of
binational marriages. The campaign against ‘grey marriages’ is therefore one
more step backward for freedom.80
*#'#9dbZhi^Xk^daZcXZl^i]gZ\VgYidldbZc^cVc
^ggZ\jaVgh^ijVi^dc
Perpetrators of violence against migrant women, often those in an irregular
situation, are very often their husbands. Violence within couples can be
expressed by physical aggression, rape or sexual violence, harassment,
emotional or psychological pressures; violence that is the result of structural
inequality between men and women,81 inequality based on social norms,
social representations and political and religious discourses. Like other
women, but to varying degrees, migrant women, particularly those in
an irregular situation, suffer from violence in their homes at the hands of
their husbands. They are powerless to cope with this violence, because they
cannot react against it, nor denounce it to the police. This violence affects
migrant women married to husbands from their country of origin, as well as
to marriages with a European. In Spain, France and Italy, people responsible
for women’s associations and for refuges have seen a sharp increase in cases
of migrant women who marry someone from the host country. To gain access
to economic and legal security, to enjoy a certain welfare, these women are
exposed to physical and psychological violence of spouses of a different
nationality.
80 Mariages gris et matins bruns Source : Le Monde.
81 As the action programme of the Beijing conference recalled in 1995: “Violence with regard to
women reflects historical relations of strength that resulted in domination of women by men
and discrimination”.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 365
 Certain social workers interpret this violence against women as the result
of cultural differences: European natives do not understand the ‘strong
personality’ of these migrant women. They married to dispose of services
and home care. Their wives, submissive and discreet, are grateful to their
husbands for having had them emigrate to Europe and enabling them to
benefit from regularisation. What increases the vulnerability of irregular
migrant women, and subjects them to violence, is the fact that they have
no status, and are dependent on their husbands in the context of family
regrouping or companion who uses their clandestine situation to abuse their
bodies, their labour or the financial resources they may have .
Immigrant women in an irregular situation do not have access to legal
protection in dealing with violence or abuse. They will find it difficult to get
help in the case of domestic violence; they hesitate to contact the competent
services. They have very limited access to women’s foyers or other structures
that are designed to protect women against violence. A PICUM report quotes
a study done in Spain: “According to the Catalan Statistical Institute (Institut
Català de les Dones), one third of women victims of sexist violence in Catalonia
are immigrants. The Catalan Association of separated and divorced women
affirms that only women who have a residence permit denounce aggression,
and that there is a fairly large group of women living in hell, but who are
unwilling to report these aggressions to the police.82
These women who do not enjoy a legal status fear arrest, often rightly so,
if they file a complaint against the violent behaviour of their companion. This
primacy of administrative law over the human right to protection against
violence is clearly a violation of women’s rights, but it is now so widespread
that women are afraid to complain of it to the police or any administrative
service dealing with acts of violence. At times even, by cynicism or by
violence, the husband reports his wife or his common-law wife to the
police authorities as being in an irregular situation, a very convenient form
of blackmail to be sure that the woman is even more obedient, passive and
invisible. In France, the FNSF (fédération nationale solidarité femmes) has
observed another phenomenon, which is the confiscation by husbands of the
passports of their young wives in an irregular situation so that they no longer
82 Jane Freedman and Bahija Jamal. (2008),Violence à l’égard des femmes migrantes et
réfugiées dans la région euro-méditerranéenne. “Op cit, p. 34-35.”
366 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
have any possibility to run away. The annual report of the FNSF refers to a
growing number of women who are victims of violence and have no access
to a legal status, nor any aid enabling them to obtain one. These are generally
women married in their country of origin who are victims of violence several
months after their arrival in France and whose husbands are unwilling to
undertake the steps needed to obtain a residence permit. The number of
married women sequestrated after their arrival in France or young women
who are victims of fraudulent promises of marriage on Internet for purposes
of exploitation is rising.83 Violence has a negative effect on women’s health,
and when exercised in a situation of irregular residence, this makes migrant
women even more vulnerable.
*#(#=ZVai]d[b^\gVcildbZc^cVc^ggZ\jaVgh^ijVi^dc
As concerns health, a distinction must be made between the health of migrant
women residing legally in European countries and those in an irregular
situation. Although both categories are entitled to healthcare according
to international conventions and European legislation, irregular residents
cannot claim it because they are not aware of the existence of legislation that
protects them, and their clandestine situation does not allow them to demand
care, even if they are informed of it. Data on health problems of women from
MEDA countries in an irregular situation are not available. Only surveys on
small samples or life stories give us an idea on the question.
Because they are young, migrant women in irregular situations are generally in good
physical condition. Because they have all resisted problems of displacement, fear,
shortages during that trip and mistreatment by smugglers, these women are generally
physically and mentally sturdy. The study Santé des nouvelles migrantes 84 (Health
of the migrants), done in France in 2006 on a sample of 120,000 people who had
obtained their first residence permit less than a year earlier, showed that 54% of the
people regularised are women, half of them under 30, and the vast majority live in
a couple (75%). The majority of them migrated to accompany or join a spouse or
other members of their family. 50% of them lived in Africa, distributed almost equally
between the Maghreb (Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia) and Africa south of the Sahara.
83 61 Fondation Nationale Solidarité Femmes (2007), Des femmes issues de l’immigration.
Bilan 2006. “Paris: FNSF, p.15.”
84 L’enquête Parcours et profils des migrants récemment arrivés ou régularisés en France :
Santé et précarité (2006). In Santé des nouvelles migrantes 72. DREES.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 367
 17% lived in Asia and 11% in Europe (European Union and the Community of
Independent States). They arrived more recently than the new migrant men
and express themselves less well in French than the men do. Three-quarters
of them have no professional activity. This study confirms that women who
got their papers in 2006 consider themselves to be in good health: 87% say
they are in excellent health, very good or good health and 11% declared that
their health is neither good nor bad.
Their answers are close to those of all women residing in metropolitan France:
85% of migrant women from 20 to 49, versus 82% of women in the general
population say that they are in good, very good or excellent health. As for
newly migrated men, they have a more positive perception of their health than
women, as is true in the general population. Similarly, the probability that a
newly migrated woman declares that she is generally in poor health increases
with age. But the check-up that is one of the last stages before obtaining a
residence permit showed a more marked prevalence of certain pathologies
such as obesity, diabetes or tuberculosis. New migrants who arrived during
the year of the survey declared that they were in better health than the ones
who had arrived previously. This observation has already been noted in other
countries like Canada. The geographic origin is also a determinant element
in the perception of migrant women’s health. Women originating from Africa
more particularly from the Maghreb declare that they are in better health than
other migrants. On the other end of the scale, migrant women coming from
Asia give the most negative perception: 33% declared that they are in average,
poor or very poor health. The feeling of isolation that these women undergo,
can give a negative perception of their state of health. As for reimbursement
of health care, nine migrant women out of ten declare they benefit from it.
Women who came to join their French spouses are the ones who most often
declare that they benefit from reimbursement, followed by those who came
to join an immigrant spouse, respectively 95% and 80%. 15 months after their
arrival, only 2% of women have no social cover, but 5% declared that they had
had to give up certain kinds of health care.85
85 Santé et précarité. Santé des nouvelles migrantes 72 Organisme Responsable
De La Fiche DREES.
368 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Despite this positive aspect, it goes without saying that irregular migrant
women who generally occupy the least qualified jobs, and in sectors of
activity subject to strong pressure and strong pollution on the job, are more
exposed to risks of certain diseases. When they are not working, they are
particularly subject to malnutrition and certain shortages that are dangerous
to their health. But they are most vulnerable when it comes to protection of
reproductive health. If they monitor their pregnancies, the care is of poorer
quality than that given to legal migrants or Europeans. Inequalities of treatment
as concerns perinatal events is flagrant. Administrative and financial obstacles,
difficulties in communication make it harder to have access to care for this
part of the population. Fear and anxiety about confronting the authorities
haunt these woman and prevent them from benefiting from various health
services to which they are entitled. The role of NGOs remains important –
they are the ones that provide emergency care to women in distress, women
who are ill or pregnant.
The AIDS epidemic has come to the fore in the relation between population
movements and health. Migrants and particularly migrant women are
particularly exposed to this infection, more so than persons who do not travel.
Women are also the most vulnerable due to the many situations of physical
violence and sexual abuse that they must face, and all cases where sex is
used as a means of transaction or survival.86 Data on AIDS at our disposal
do not concern migrant women in an irregular situation specifically – they
try to show the amplitude of the disease with migrant women in general.
Foreigners in France make up 6% of the population but represent 18% of
seropositive people (Lert and Obadia, 2004). Nearly one seropositive woman
out of three is a foreigner. The breakdown of cases of AIDS by gender is
different between the French and immigrants. Women represent 23% of cases
of AIDS among people born in France, but 51% of cases among those born
in the Maghreb and 60% of cases of those born in Africa south of the Sahara.
In addition, social-economic data that make a distinction by nationality
indicate that foreign women are more systematically unemployed and/or
living in conditions of social precariousness.87
86 Jennifer Klot, VIH/SIDA, Genre et sécurité, social. Lettre du Centre Régional d’Information et
de Prévention du Sida N°74. “CRISPS March 2005.”
87 Migrant women and HIV/AIDS in the world: an Anthropological Approach. Acts of the
Round Table organised on 20 November 2004 in UNESCO – Paris. Studies and reports, special
series No. 22. Cultural policies and intercultural dialogue department. “UNESCO, 2005.
http://unesdoc.unesco.org p 48.”
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 369
 Two round tables organised in 2003 and 2005 88 on the subject “Migrant
women and HIV/AIDS in the world: an anthropological approach” stressed
that throughout the world, women who are infected are a growing proportion
since the beginning of the epidemic. They now represent half of the people
living with HIV/AIDS. In Africa south of the Sahara, 57% of people living with
HIV/AIDS are women, and the proportion is still higher for young women.
Biological, economic, social and cultural vulnerability combine to explain the
situation of exacerbated risk with regard to the pandemic. “Migrant women,
in addition to the difficulties associated with the condition of women, are
at a higher risk due to the fact of their special living conditions: change in
lifestyle, new encounters, modified sexual practices, man/woman relations
brought into question”.89 With regard to ‘modes of contamination’, the
surveys done in France attest that heterosexual contamination predominates
now for women of North African ‘nationality’ (83% of cases diagnosed in
1997, whereas the use of drugs concerned only 17% of cases diagnosed).
This confirms the hypothesis that contamination by the spouse, inside the
couple is prevalent particularly for women from the Maghreb for whom
submission to male orders and control continues, despite the tokens of
liberation that these women may show in their migration situation.
There are few drug addicts and seropositive women among the immigrants
from MEDA countries. Hospital doctors, social workers or close relations
of seropositive persons encountered for the research project undertaken
by UNESDOC and UNESCO on the subject underline the particular social
condition of women drug addicts. The response of the founder of the
movement ‘mothers of disaster’ bears witness to this voluntary invisibility of
seropositive drug addict women. (In families, it’s as if they were dead -- no
one talks about them; often they leave on their own. Finally, it’s true that there
aren’t a lot of girls in these circumstances; in the neighbourhood you might
find one who’s going through the housing development, but just one, or none
at all. We have no cases of girls who were treated by our association.”
The situation analysed shows the complexity of the processess to be set
up to protect migrant women, and the challenges involved in behaviours
that could have a real impact on reducing the violence perpetrated against
migrant women.

As concerns the use of drugs, migrant women, and particularly those from the
Maghreb seem to be essentially spared. The use of heroin particularly affected
young people from disadvantaged neighbourhoods in the 1980s where it took
hold in the context of failure in school and professional discrimination, etc.
Visibility of the epidemic is greater in developments in the suburbs where
immigrants originating from the Maghreb are segregated to large extent. In
response to this deficit, the first association of Maghreb ‘Mums’ was created
in Marseille in the mid-1980s. The objective was to “bring down taboos
about injection of drugs”.90 They were first able to express themselves on the
question of AIDS based on their social status as ‘mothers’ and the risks that
their children, particularly their sons, could run.

88 Migrant women and HIV/AIDS in the world: an Anthropological Approach. Acts of the
Round Table organised on 20 November 2004 in UNESCO – Paris. Studies and reports, special
series No. 22. Cultural policies and intercultural dialogue department. “UNESCO, 2005.
http://unesdoc.unesco.org”
89 Katerina Stenou, Lettre du Centre Régional d’Information et de Prévention du Sida N ° 74.
“CRISPS March 2005. www.lecrips-idf.net/lettre-info/lettre74.pdf”
90 Femmes migrantes et VIH/sida dans le monde : une approche anthropologique.
“Op cit, p 51.”

370 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 371

 8dcXajh^dchVcYgZXdbbZcYVi^dch
Irregular migration is a ‘total social phenomenon’ with many ramifications
from the social, economic and political standpoint. In many ways it constitutes
a human tragedy. Throughout the entire process (recruitment, travel, arrests,
detention and repatriation, residence with irregular status), human rights
generally are not respected and women who are involved in the process are
subjected to exploitation in several ways; they are persecuted and mistreated
before their regularisation by the host country.
European legislation is part of a broader context of international law
whose objective is to protect human rights. No doubt, the Charter of the
United Nations encourages universal, effective respect of human rights and
fundamental freedoms of all human beings, without distinction of race, sex,
language or religion. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaims
that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. It also
proclaims that everyone has the right to recognition of his legal personality
in all places, that all human beings are equal before the law, and can invoke
equal protection of the law without distinction.
The fight against clandestine entry and trafficking of persons is also among
the first priorities on the agenda of the European Union and other European
bodies, including the Council of Europe, the Organisation for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the International Migration Organisation,
the Interparliamentary Union, and several specialised institutions.
These instruments tend to preserve human rights of migrants in a regular or
irregular situation.
Despite progress in legislation, the real situation of migrants, particularly
migrant women in irregular situations, is vulnerable and very precarious.
The world policy of repression of migration – particularly irregular migration –
increases inequalities, thus serving the interests of neoliberalism by providing
a helpless, docile, inexpensive labour force that can be dismissed at will.
It also introduces disparities in the ranks of migrant women, and between
migrant women and local women, thus reinforcing the international division
of female labour which is an obstacle to female solidarity and jeopardises
the basic principles of feminism in the common struggle against domination
and patriarchy.
372 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Migrant women in an irregular situation from MEDA countries generally
arrived in Europe by legal means, particularly family grouping. With the help
of the residence of their spouse, they think they can easily be regularised.
But illegal residence exposes them to many forms of exploitation and abuse
by the spouse, the companion, employers, plus fear of being arrested and
repatriated. Work for irregular migrants who arrived alone for economic
reasons is generally precarious, and even risky and poorly paid, such as
housework, the sex industry or prostitution.
Closely related to migration flows, trafficking and smuggling human of beings
also concern women to a large extent, most of whom come from Eastern
European countries and a very small proportion of migrant women from
MEDA countries; the number subject to smuggling and trafficking of human
beings, and the number of those who emigrate undercover, are still very small.
Women fight to obtain a visa, go into debt to pay for the air ticket or the sea
crossing and organise their reception in the country of destination.
The vulnerability of migrant women in dealing with violence, exploitation
and discrimination represents one of the key problems that the states in
the North and South of the Mediterranean must face today, particularly
since immigration policies in the countries of destination plan to grant
more rights and opportunities for regularisation of workers in male sectors
of activity than in sectors that traditionally provide female employment.
Migrant women in an irregular situation will continue to live in a situation
characterised by vulnerability and precariousness; they will continue to be
exploited economically and physically and sexually abused. These victims
of trafficking human beings are particularly exposed to this type of violence
given that they are completely dependent on the traffickers who supply them
with counterfeit papers and force them to work in the sex industry. They
are exposed to the risk of infectious diseases, about which they are not
sufficiently informed, particularly sexually transmittable diseases and AIDS.
In any case, many women can also contract these diseases in the context of
their marital relations.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 373
 Women, more often than men, undergo the negative effects of migration,
whether in the region of origin when their men leave, in travelling when they
emigrate clandestinely, and in the country of destination where they have
great difficulty getting their papers and being integrated on the labour market.
Measures should be taken to save the lives of women by offering better access
to information about specific risks with associated clandestine migration, the
problems they generally encounter when they fall into an irregular situation,
and the rights that protect them.

No doubt, migration schemes differ when they apply to men or to women, but
it is important to realise that the impact is often radically different, and that
migrant women on the whole are more vulnerable. However, women can
also contribute to changing modern migration in a positive way. This is why
the countries of origin, transit and host countries should take gender into
consideration in their migrant policies, so that an analysis of the respective
effects of migration on men and on women can be done, before any decision
is taken, in order to take advantage of the specific skills of women and to
protect them from abuse.

374 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
8DC8AJH>DCH6C9
G:8DBB:C96I>DCH
 Introduction ....................................................................................... 379
1. Conclusions .................................................................................... 380
1.1. Growing concern for female migration ..............................................380
1.2. Multi-dimensional process of female migration to Europe .............382
1.3. The need for a gender approach to European policies ....................385
1.4. Impact of migration on gender equality ................................................385
2. Recommendations .......................................................................... 386
2.1. Understand and act on factors that prompt women
to emigrate .............................................................................................386
2.2. Reactivate the synergies between female migration
and develop ............................................................................................387
2.3. Respect gender equality rights in migration ......................................388
2.4. Develop studies and statistics .............................................................388
2.5. Maintain an ongoing dialogue between the countries of
origin and of destination ...................................................................... 388
378 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
>cigdYjXi^dc
To cross the history of women in general in the Euro-Mediterranean region
with that of migrant women is to embark on an immense field and engage
in an essential debate on the condition of women in the region, but also on
their place in society and their role in the social transformation process in the
countries of the region.
As shown in this study, the situation of migrant women has certain specific
features precisely where patriarchal practices, which are reflected in family
legislation, maintain huge gender inequality, and where various forms of
violence are committed against women (excision, honour crimes, etc.) in the
name of tradition. In spite of this obvious burden of the patriarchal tradition
brought to bear on the condition of women, most migration policies and rules
do not always include the gender dimension.
In recent years, such policies throughout the world and in Europe have focused
particularly on the migration flows and border controls within a framework
of security and the fight against terrorism, as well as the de facto condition
of migrant women. Statistics nonetheless show that women henceforth
represent more than 50% of the migrant population in the European Union.
Moreover, more and more scholarly studies have revealed the impact of the
patriarchal tradition on their movements, their substantial contribution to
the social and economic development of the Member States and the countries
of origin, and the fact that they are maintained in a rather marginal socio-
economic position in these societies. All these elements consequently plead
for integrating the gender dimension in the approach to migration policies
and analyses of international migration.
This study on female migration from MEDA countries to Europe is based on
a wealth of existing documentation. Without any claims to being exhaustive,
it has endeavoured to gauge the economic, social, political and cultural
conditions that drive more and more women to migrate to Europe and
the conditions they encounter in the immigration countries. In spite of the
diverse situations in MEDA and EU countries discussed in this study, we have
identified some common traits and certain convergences of the causes of
female migration and migration policy trends regarding women.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 379
 We have reached four main conclusions: the growing concern for female
migration, its multi-dimensional nature, the gender approach in European
and MEDA policies, and the impact of migration on equality between men
and women.
In a subsequent step, we shall outline a number of policy recommendations
to draw the attention of decision-makers to the need to focus on the
situation of women, and to include the gender dimension in the approach
to international migration and in the recommended measures. The purpose
of these recommendations is moreover to promote the condition of women
within the Euro-Mediterranean partnership.
&#8dcXajh^dch
&#&#<gdl^c\XdcXZgc[dg[ZbVaZb^\gVi^dc
Migration from MEDA countries to the European Union cannot be understood
without the historical context of the region and the relations between
the States, and without gauging the policies for managing the successive
migration flows in recent decades.
The characteristic feature of the region is the constant concern and
even anxiety of the States on both sides of the Mediterranean about the
uncontrolled population movements. On the one side, the European States
are coping with migration flows by developing a global, common approach
to migration. Circular and temporary migration is emerging as an alternative
which would address the cyclical demand for labour according to needs and
qualification, whilst putting an end to populating migration that requires
States to adopt integration policies that are difficult to implement. On the
other side, in the MEDA countries, which have now become transit and
immigration lands, the States are concerned about maintaining the colossal
remittances from migrant workers and about consolidating the ties with their
diaspora. Their policies tend to enact a legislative framework for the entry,
stay and access of foreign nationals to the labour market, and the fight against
illegal migration.
380 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
The migration of women from MEDA countries to Europe, as the
destination of choice, particularly because of the geographic proximity, is an
irreversible process.
More educated, better informed about the economic situation of their
countries, and of the benefits that they can enjoy in Europe, in particular
as regards gender equality, these women opt to emigrate without breaking
the ties with the countries of origin. Such migration is likely to continue for
as long as the wealth and development gap between countries on opposite
sides of the Mediterranean and the gender inequality in the MEDA countries
persist, and as long as the democratisation process of societies stammers and
precarious governance prevails.
Furthermore, world developments in the supply and demand of labour and
the increasingly high consumer aspirations are factors that contribute to
heighten the need of gainful employment of women, because households
can no longer make do with one salary only. This has led husbands, fathers
and brothers to reconsider the employment of women as an honourable
means of getting their family out of poverty, going as far as accepting, and
evening encouraging the mobility of women and of admitting their freedom
to move.1
Nowadays, women come across as the necessary buffers to the
underdevelopment and the economic crisis that is rampant in different
countries. They provide real support to the family economy, and are compelled
to embark fully on the labour market, to work in different sectors, and to
emigrate in order to find a better paying job.
In future, such migration risks increasing because of climate change which
will have a direct effect on migration from Sub-Saharan Africa and Maghreb.
More specifically, according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change (IPCC) Report, the MENA region will not be spared, and Morocco
will suffer serious droughts and sea level rises.
1 This remark can be applied to all MNCs. The Arab Human Development Report 2002 is
unequivocal on this issue.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 381
 The most pessimistic scenario foresees frequent flooding causing the
deterioration of coastal infrastructure, the loss of arable land, poverty, and
consequently, even more sizeable population movements.2
&#'#Bjai^"Y^bZch^dcVaegdXZhhd[[ZbVaZb^\gVi^dc
id:jgdeZ
Women have always been very present in the migration process of the
Mediterranean, although they have been glossed over in studies on the
subject because labour migration and the sectors concerned fell essentially
under the male purview.
The definitive establishment of migrant families pushed women to the
foreground and raised new social questions such as the education of
the children, access to housing, successful school performance, and the
integration of migrant women in the labour market. The migration of more
skilled women, seasonal women workers and illegal women migrants has
been in vogue since the 1980s.
Migrant women from MEDA countries to Europe come, in various
proportions, from all the countries of the region. They have followed nearly
similar migration routes and their stories tend to converge inasmuch as they
stem from Arab, predominantly Muslim countries. Their experiences vary
depending on their legal status (migrant women joining their partners under
family reunification programmes, studies, independent economic migrant
women or undocumented migrant women). Migrant women from Maghreb in
Europe account for the highest and oldest proportion. France is the preferred
country of destination, followed by Spain and Italy, where Moroccans
constitute the first community. Female migration from Mashreq seems more
recent and less important compared to the number of women from Maghreb.
Economic migration by women on their own is still very limited from
this region.
2 Economic and Social Council Communication presented by Mrs Claude Azéma, on behalf of
the Department of Women’s Rights and Gender Equality.
Office session of 20 September 2005.
382 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
Upon arriving in the European Union, migrant women are usually faced
with various difficulties, the most important one being that of language and
lack of knowledge of the legislation and institutions of the host countries.
They also run into all sorts of discrimination in terms of pay, working
conditions (arduous and poorly paid jobs), the equivalence of diplomas and
drop in status, by taking up low-skilled and low paying jobs in the service
sector (catering, industrial cleaning, care provision, etc.).
For their part, women from a migrant background and often European citizens
are often faced with discrimination and many stereotypes about their Arab or
Muslim origin. Racism and xenophobia can cause all sorts of discrimination.
In spite of such difficult and complex situations, migrant women from MEDA
countries are valuable resources for the countries of destination and of origin
alike. There are many positive aspects that ensue from the migration of
women, that can be summarised as four forms of capital: economic, political,
social and symbolic.
:Xdcdb^XXVe^iVa
The neo-liberal globalisation has brought about a global transformation of
the labour market. The employment of women in countries in the South is
closely related to what is happening in the countries of the North and the new
needs of the labour market.
Migrants constitute a real workforce committed to the economic and social
development of their country of residence and their country of origin
through the remittances, donations, and aid that they send to their families.
The remittances by the first generation of migrants were rather limited
because of the lack or low level of income. The younger generations continue
to send funds to their families. The last poll organised by the Council of the
Moroccan Community abroad (known by the French initials CCME) attests
that in spite of their young age, 43% of those interviewed stated that they
provided financial support for a member of their family in Morocco.
Furthermore, women migrants invest as much as the men in personal projects,
in the purchases of a home or land, and participate in essential economic and
social projects.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 383
 HdX^VaXVe^iVa
Working migrant women, and in particular highly skilled women, participate
in the transfer of technologies to their countries of origin. They get involved in
the training of young people, for instance, especially young girls and women,
and participate in research, consulting and technical assistance networks.
They also support the networks of developers and investors between the
countries of residence and of origin. This social capital is strengthened by the
creation of trans-national and regional associations that develop production
cooperatives involving women from certain villages and initiate them in
business management.
Eda^i^XVaXVe^iVa
The engagement of migrant women in the political parties in the countries of
residence, and their assumption of political responsibilities at local, national
or governmental level are confirmed increasingly, all the more so as their
aspirations to promote democracy and respect for human rights in their
countries of origin continue to gain momentum. These women are politically
motivated to get their countries of origin out of the political centralisation
and oligarchic power that continue to be rampant, to support women to
access decision-making positions, and give impetus for the implementation
of international conventions, in particular the Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.
HnbWda^XXVe^iVa
The feminisation of migration has had major repercussions on the life of
migrant women in terms of social and cultural changes, both in the regions of
origin and in the countries of residence of such women. Migration contributes
to profound changes, particularly in the occupational life and in the intra-
family relations of migrant women through the integration and constant
redefinition of standards, values and social behaviour.
384 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
&#(#I]ZcZZY[dgV\ZcYZgVeegdVX]id:jgdeZVceda^X^Zh
The EU is a major player in charting migration policies that do not focus
solely on opening the internal borders and on the protection of external
borders. The Union shares a common concern with MEDA countries for
a better management of migration flows and for optimising the effects of
migration on their societies.
The global approach to migration adopted in the last ten years reaffirms the
conviction that a harmonised and efficient migration management is needed.
It consists of organising legal migration whilst combating illegal migration,
and of endeavouring to create synergies geared to connecting migration and
development. Such an approach can assume its true significance only through
a close partnership between the countries of origin, transit and destination,
the effective integration of the gender dimension in European migration
policies, and the respect for international law.
&#)#>beVXid[b^\gVi^dcdc\ZcYZgZfjVa^in
Europe is distinguished throughout the world today by the interest it shows
and actions it takes for gender equality and its unwavering concern to achieve
parity between men and women in all sectors of the economy and in politics.
This situation is the result of a long struggle by European women, of what has
been at times a turbulent history against the patriarchal tradition which still
lives on in social and political practices and institutions.
For migrant women, Europe often represents a world of freedom,
independence, equality and individual rights. This aspiration for freedom and
equality is thwarted by the status reserved for them in immigration societies.
As underscored in this study, most migrant women are concentrated at
the bottom of the employment ladder in the tertiary sector, where they are
employed in odd jobs, part time or temporarily, under what are often arduous
conditions and below average wages.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 385
 Furthermore, in northern or southern Mediterranean, women tend to assume
domestic and family responsibilities. Two-thirds of European men, for
instance, continue to rely entirely on women (their mother, sister, wife or
companion) for all day-to-day tasks. This unequal distribution of domestic
labour obviously has repercussions on the respective availability of men and
women in the occupational sphere. Thus, ‘the new man’ touted in the media
in recent years turns out to be fiction.3
'#GZXdbbZcYVi^dch
Migrant women from MEDA countries represent a pool of often unused labour
and skills for Europe. To capitalise on the economic and social potential of
migrant women for the development of the countries of residence and of
origin, it is necessary, and even urgent, to introduce a number of measures in
order to support migrant women with this task.
'#&#JcYZghiVcYVcYVXidc[VXidghi]ViegdbeildbZc
idZb^\gViZ
People migrate to the European Union for all sorts of economic, social and
political reasons. The economic motives seem to predominate nonetheless.
Population movements are generated by the vicious circle brought about by
poverty and political repression. Migration is geared to the nearest region,
which is Europe, all the more so as the countries in the Gulf are closing their
doors to the Arab population, preferring a more docile and undemanding
workforce from Asia (Thailand, the Philippines, etc.).
As indicated in the study, the economic and social situation in the countries
on opposite sides of the Mediterranean is characterised by major economic,
social and cultural inequalities. This generates a very strong migration trend
3 The salient characteristics of the help offered by men for domestic work in Europe consist
of avoiding the most constraining tasks and preferring those that occur outside the
boundaries of the domestic and family space. Thus, nearly 60% of European men who help
with domestic tasks do the shopping (which moreover enables them to keep direct control
of the ‘family’s purse strings’), whereas only 30% participate full-time in housekeeping and
cooking. The contribution of men to domestic work is limited to ‘occasional help’ for women
who thus remain responsible for the proper running of the household, and the coordinators
of ‘aid’ that different family members and domestic staff may provide from time to time. M.
Kempeneers et E. Lelièvre, Famille et emploi dans l’Europe des douze, Eurobarometre 34:
Mode de vie dans la Communauté européenne.
386 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
from low-income countries to the rich countries of Europe. The migration of
women from MEDA countries to Europe follows the same trend.
The best way to control the migration flows in the region is to support
the economic development of emigration countries. This entails not only
encouraging circular migration and facilitating remittances by migrants
to their country of origin, but also of increasing appropriate development
programmes (only Sweden and Norway devote to development the equivalent
of what was decided by the United Nations, i.e. 0.7% of GNP).
For their part, MEDA countries must develop their economies, create more
decent jobs and a political and democratic climate conducive to keeping
people in their country of origin. The EU Member States must support the
development efforts of these countries.
The education and training of women from MEDA countries constitute
essential factors for integration in development and aid projects geared to
freeing women from the family yoke. The support for such measures should
help them decide about their own lot and to choose the social networks on
which they wish to rely (family or non-family) for their plans for life.
'#'#GZVXi^kViZi]ZhncZg\^ZhWZilZZc[ZbVaZb^\gVi^dc
VcYYZkZadebZci
The role that migrant women play for the development of their country
of origin and the eradication of poverty is becoming increasingly
more important.
Remittances by economic migrant women in particular are constituting
an increasing share of the family and state budget and make a major
contribution to supporting and improving the living conditions of the
families that have stayed behind. In certain cases, they constitute a pillar for
the education of the girls. This attests to the intensive contribution of the
diaspora to the development of the countries of origin. The female diaspora
should be encouraged to promote and contribute to the development of the
country of origin by sending funds and be investing in development projects.
This requires the pertinent and adapted strategies from the countries of
origin, and the introduction of measures to facilitate and reduce the cost of
sending remittances in the countries of residence.
:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 387
 '#(#GZheZXi\ZcYZgZfjVa^ing^\]ih^cb^\gVi^dc
It is time for migrant women to benefit from European legislation and policies
on gender equality. In the Euro-Mediterranean policy, the EU should impose
clauses relating to gender equality as a criterion for obtaining funding for
projects. Gender mainstreaming should be generalised.
Combating violence against migrant women must be an integral part
of European policy. To be sure, violence against women is a structural
phenomenon, but tolerance of and silence about all forms of violence
perpetrated by men against migrant women must be denounced.
'#)#9ZkZadehijY^ZhVcYhiVi^hi^Xh
The lack or shortfall of reliable data on migrant women has been widely
reported. Making up this shortfall is becoming urgent in the countries on both
sides of the Mediterranean. Statistical tools must be developed to count with
precision the real numbers and flows of women migrants so as to help chart
a policy to manage the migration flows taking national and regional specific
features into account.
'#*#BV^ciV^cVcdc\d^c\Y^Vad\jZWZilZZci]ZXdjcig^Zhd[
dg^\^cVcYd[YZhi^cVi^dc
The creation of a Euro-Mediterranean area tends to reinforce interactions
between the two sides of the Mediterranean. The development of this
area is inconceivable without participatory democracy and without real
Mediterranean citizenship, and participation, empowerment and dialogue
between the populations. At stake is the credibility of the very foundations of
the EU and of the Euro-Mediterranean partnership, which must be pursued for
the benefit of the people, to promote development, protect the fundamental
rights and individual freedoms, and establish real gender equality as a
condition sine qua non for participatory democracy.
The Mediterranean cannot be turned into an area of peace and stability by
men alone or by the countries of one side of the sea only. The Mediterranean
needs all its stakeholders to bridge the gap between North and South and
to reduce social inequalities. Men and women must commit themselves to
move forward together, engage in solidarity to secure the dignity of men and
women in the region and to maintain justice, peace and security.
The construction of the Mediterranean of tomorrow must take into
consideration migrant men and women as a factor for progress, development,
and freedom, by proceeding to an effective implementation of the Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women signed and
ratified by all the States of the Mediterranean, and by signing the Convention
on the Protection of Migrant Workers and their Families.

Managing female migration is a complex process that requires a regional

and global approach, taking into consideration the interests of migrants,
countries of origin, of transit and of destination. The bilateral approach has
shown its limits. Policymakers must appreciate the fact that human mobility
is a component inherent to economic, cultural and political development, and
that migration contributes to development, thereby requiring greater opening,
exchange and transparency in the treatment of migration questions.

It has been universally recognised that the movements of people across

borders tend to strengthen the inter-dependence between countries and
communities and to contribute to ethnic and cultural diversity. Beyond the
transfers of qualifications, skills and knowledge, they stimulate economic
growth and development and create new prospects and future projects for
the populations.

388 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>> 389

 :JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>

:JGDB:9B><G6I>DC>>
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