E du ca t ion a l Ger on t ology, 28: 301–312, 2002

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MYTHS OF AGING OR AGEIST STEREOTYPES

J a m es E. Th or n t on
Depa rt m en t of E du cat ion a l St u dies,
Un iversity of Br it ish Colu m bia , Van couver,
Br it ish Colu m bia , Ca n a da

This paper is about ageist stereotypes dressed-up in the garb of myt h that biases
perceptions and experiences of being old. The paper argues current ‘‘mythmaking’’
about aging perpetuates that which it intends to dispel: ageism. It considers how
traditional myths and folklore explained personal experience, shaped social life,
and offered meaning for the unexplainable. The current myt hs of aging perform
these same functions in our culture; however, they are based on half-truths, false
knowledge, and stated as ageist stereotypes about that which is known. Current
myths of aging found in the media and literature of aging are not myths as such,
but ‘‘straw man’’ statements that attempt to inform; however, they reinforce mis-
conceptions and wrong information about aging as experienced by the vast ma-
jority of older people. Recent studies in the cognitive sciences are reviewed to
provide insight about the mind’s inherent ability to construct categories, concepts,
and stereotypes as it responds to experience. These normal processes need to be
better understood, particularly regarding how social stereotypes are constructed.
Finally, the paper argues that ageist stereotypes when labeled as ‘‘myth’’ even in
the pursuit of the realities of aging, neither educate the public about the oppor-
tunities and challenges of aging nor inform social and health practitioners about
the aged. Three research and educational strategies are outlined for critical stu-
dies in aging and educational gerontology.

Th e cu r r en t m yt h s of a gin g per pet u a t e fa lse im a ges of bein g old a n d

st er eot ype a gin g individu a ls. E ffor t s t o edu ca t e or infor m people,
wh et h er by ger on t ologist s, pr ofession a ls, a n d pr a ct ition er s, u sin g t h e
cu r r en t m yt h s of a gin g con t r ibu t e t o t h eir per sist en ce a s a geist st e-
r eot ypes. Th e per pet u a t ion of a geist st er eot ypes is a cr itica l issu e for
edu ca t ion a l ger on t ology (sen ior a du lt edu ca t ion , ger on t ologica l edu -
ca t ion , a n d a ca dem ic ger on t ology), a n d a ca dem e a n d pu blic policy. Ou r

Address cor r espon den ce to Dr. J a m es E . Thor n t on , 9401 Mea dow Roa d, Coldst r ea m ,
BC, V1B 1J 3 Can a da . E -m a il: t h or@ju n ct ion .n et

301
302 J . E. Thornton

effor t s t o dispel t h ese m yt h s in edu ca t ion a l exper ien ces a n d in for m a -

t ion a l m a t er ials likely en sh r in e t h em in a m oder n folk lor e of ou r own
m a k ing r ega r dless of ou r k n owledge a bou t a gin g. To a r gu e t h is poin t ,
obser vat ion s ar e ou t lin ed fr om t h e cogn itive scien ces on h ow t h e m ind
in h er en t ly ca t egor izes, con cept u a lizes, a n d fr a m es per cept ion s a n d
st er eot ypes socia l exper ien ces a n d object s. Cr ea t ing ca t egor ies a n d
st er eot ypes a r e n or m a l a spect s of h ow t h e m ind or ga n izes wh at it
per ceives; it is n ecessa r y t o m a k e infer en ces fr om per cept ion s. Ca t e-
gor ies a n d st er eot ypes ar e n ot t h e pr oblem per se, bu t r a t h er t h e
la n gu a ge u sed t o descr ibe a n d la bel people an d t h in gs a t t a ch ed t o
t h em .
In th is pa per, t h e cu r r en t m yt h s of a gin g a r e n ot qu ot ed a s su ch ,
a n d t h e r ea der ca n Ž n d sou r ces t o t h em in t h e F oot n ot es 1. To r epea t
t h e m yt h s h er e wou ld do t h a t wh ich t h e pa per a r gu es a ga in st : pr o-
m ot ing a geism .

MYTH
F irst , som e com m en t s on t h e m ea n ing a n d or igin s of m yt h s. Wh en
st r ict ly deŽ n ed, t r a dition a l m yt h s wer e folk t a les, m ost ly r eligiou s,
t h at exp lain ed t h e u n iver se t o its in h a bit a n t s. Myt h s t old of t h e
crea t ion a n d r egu la t ion of t h e wor ld — t ask s u su a lly per for m ed by a
la r ger t h a n life individu a l or deity. E a r ly m yt h s en sh r ined socia l
valu es a n d va lida t ed socia l or der, pla cin g t h em in sa n ct ion ed ca t e-
gor ies of a ccep t ed wisdom . Th ey con Ž r m ed r a t h er t h a n qu est ion ed.
Th ey a n ch or ed t h e pr esen t in t h e past offer in g a sociologica l ch a r t er
for t h e fu t u r e. (Oa kley, 1975). Th e t er m m yt h fr om its Gr eek or igin s
m ean t , ‘‘Wh a t t h ey sa y’’ a n d implied com m u n ity, cu st om s, a n d cu ltu r a l
t r a dit ion s. H er oic m yth s a n d folk t a les told of people’s exper ien ces t h a t
wer e sh r ou ded in m yst icism a n d beliefs a bou t t h e u n expla in a ble, t h e
u n k n own , a n d t h e u n kn owable. Tr a dition a l m yt h s expla in ed in t h e
a bsen ce of k n owledge. Th ey wer e r eligiou s an d polit ica l m ea n s of
m a int a in in g t h e st a t u s qu o a n d r egu la t in g societ y a n d socia l gr ou ps.
Th is implied qu a lit y of m yt h r em a ins deeply em bedded in la n gu a ge
a n d per sist s in social kn owledge. Th e fu n ct ion s of m yth h ave sh ift ed
a wa y fr om m yt h ologica l t a les of a n cest or s a n d h er oes a n d expla n a t ion s

1
Book s by P owell (1998); Rowe a n d Ka h n (1998); a n d Sch u lt z a n d Sa lt h ou se (1999)
a r e wr it ten with ‘‘m yth s of a gin g’’ a s a n or ga n izin g idea . Alt h ou gh , pr ovidin g solid re-
sea r ch su ppor t for a lt er n a t ive views, su ccessfu l a gin g, opt im izin g a gin g, a n d rea lit ies of
a gin g, t h ey t r a de on a geist st ereotypes a n d clich és. Ot h er sou r ce m a ter ia ls a r e rea dily
a va ila ble fr om key wor d In t er n et sea rch es of ‘‘m yt h s of a gin g.’’ Ma n y web sit es r efer en ce
t h ese t h ree book s a n d m a n y cr ea t e t h eir own m yth s.
 Myths of Aging 303

of t h e n a t u r a l wor ld or socia l cu st om s an d idea ls. In m oder n for m ,

m yt h s t r y t o per for m t h ese sa m e fu n ct ion s, bu t t h eir u sa ge h a s
focu sed on m inor m ea n in gs of m iscon cept ion t h a t a r e u n fou n ded a n d
fa lse. Now m yt h s a r e ser ved u p in st a t em en t s t h a t ar e h a lf-t r u t h s,
even Ž ct ion , ba sed on socia l a n d gen er a t ion a l st er eot ypes. As su ch ,
t h ey m a sk a lter n a t e a n d em er gin g r ea lit ies of a gin g a n d being old
(Ka y, 1999).
Th e cor e idea s of t h e cu r r en t m yt h s of a gin g su ggest t h ese gen er a l
per cept ion s of being old: (1) poor h ea lth , ill, disa bled; (2) la ck of m en t a l
sh a r pn ess, fa iled m em or y, sen ile; (3) sad, depr essed, lon ely, gr ou ch y;
(4) sexless, bor ing, a ll t h e sa m e; (5) la ck vit a lit y, loss of vigor,
in evit a ble declin e; a n d (6) u n a ble t o lea r n or ch an ge, u n pr odu ct ive 2.
Collect ively, t h e m yt h s fou n d in t h e popu la r a n d pr ofession a l lit er a -
t u r e, m edia , a n d increa sin gly on web pa ges, give a depr essing im a ge of
a gin g a n d bein g old t h a t is bia sed, u n fou n ded, a n d u n t r u e. E ven t h e
‘‘gr a n d m yt h ’’— ‘‘Th e secr et t o su ccessfu l a gin g is t o ch oose you r pa r -
en t s wisely’’ (Rowe & Ka h n , 1998, p. 28) —is m isleadin g. Ch oosing
pa r en t s a n d becom ing wise a r e pr oblem a t ic lon g befor e becom in g old.
Th e secr et t o su ccessfu l a gin g is n ot ju st a m a t t er of for t u itou s gen et ic
cou plin gs, bu t a lso a m a t t er of life st yle, cu ltu r a l a n d socia l exper i-
en ces, a n d socia l con dit ion s.
Th e cu r r en t m yt h s a bou t old people a n d agin g a r e cer t a in ly n ot
h ist or ic. Th ey t r ivia lize a n d deba se t h e older per son a n d t h e a gin g
exper ien ce in t h eir a t t em pt t o infor m a n d edu ca t e. Th ey simply ar e n ot
t r u e for t h e va st m a jor ity of older people a t a ll a ges. Th ese m yt h s
u n wit t in gly wor k t o displa ce older people fr om t h eir com m u n ities int o
situ a t ion s of being u n der va lued, u n pr odu ct ive, less ca pa ble, an d de-
pen den t . In a ddit ion , for t h ose t o wh om t h ese st a t em en t s m a y seem a ll
t oo r ea l, t h ey dem ea n ch r on ic ph ysica l con dition s a n d socia l exper i-
en ces of ill h ea lth , m en t a l difŽ cu lties, a n d m a r gin a l livin g.

MYTHMAKING
Willia m Sh a kespea r e t r a n sfor m ed m em or a ble m yt h s a n d legen da r y
t a les in t o seem in gly  esh an d blood ch a r a ct er s a n d con cept s t h a t
con t inu e t o sh a pe ou r views of t h e h u m a n con dit ion . P r oba bly t h e m ost
en du r in g im a ge is th e oft en -qu ot ed lin e ‘‘Sa n s t eeth , sa n s eyes, sa n s
t a st e, sa n s ever yt h in g’’ (Sh a k esp ea r e, Seven Ages of Ma n , As You Like
It, II.). Sh a kespea r e cr ea t ed power fu l im a ges a n d ca t egor ies with in

2
Th ese six ca t egor ies a r e n ot ba sed on r igor ou s con t en t a n a lysis, bu t re ect ed ca te-
gor ies, pr ot ot ypes, a n d labels fou n d in m y m ind. However, t h e wor d a n d t h em e is t a k en
dir ectly fr om m yth st a t em en t.
304 J . E. Thornton

wh ich ideas abou t bein g old a r e sor t ed. Th ey con t inu e t o sh a pe dis-
cu ssion s a n d wr it t en expr ession s of t h e life cou r se a n d life’s exper i-
en ces in st u dies of a gin g. Con t em por a r y st u dies of a gin g a n d t h e a ged
a r e st ill in u en ced by Sh a kespea r e’s r ich m et a ph or ic la n gu a ge: t h e
wor ld is a st a ge, st a ges of life a n d t h e r oles we pla y, en t r a n ces a n d
exit s in life, a n d m a n y ot h er s (H a vigh u r st , 1973).
Wit h a few st r ok es of t h e pen a n d bor r owed wor ds, a m yt h is crea t ed
a bou t being old a n d decr epit: ‘‘sa n s t eet h , sa n s eyes, sa n s t a st e, sa n s
ever yt h ing.’’ Myt h s, m or e t h a n m a n y for m s of wor dpla y, crea t e ima ges
t h at ina ccu r a t ely ch a r a ct er ize ever yda y exper ien ces of t h e m a jor ity of
older people. Myt h s of a gin g a r e fou n d in ou r jokes a n d con ver sa t ion s,
expr essed in t h e popu la r lit er a t u r e, a n d su bt ly sh a pe socia l, h ea lth ,
a n d wor k exper ien ces in t h e pr esen ce of ext r aor dina r y k n owledge t o
t h e con t r a r y. Th e few m yt h s a n d im a ges of t h e br igh t er a spect s of old
a ge a r e n o m or e con st r u ct ive or less a geist . Th ey gen er a t e ot h er
m iscon cept ion s a n d st er eot ypes. ‘‘swingin g sen ior s,’’ ‘‘golden oldies,’’
a n d ‘‘gr eedy geezer s.’’ On e wa y or a n ot h er t h e pr over bia l ‘‘st r a w m an ’’
is est a blish ed. Th e m yt h a n d fa lse ima ge, t h e a geist st er eot ype, is
st a t ed so t h a t it ca n be r efu t ed with eviden ce: t h e idea t h a t sh ou ld be
r eject ed. Wh en st a t ed a n d dr essed-u p as m yt h , t h e st r a w m a n st a t e-
m en t seem s t o be sa n ct ion ed, a ppr opr ia t e socia l k n owledge. Th e m yt h
is bor n a n d power goes t o t h e m yt h m a k er.
Myt h s a r e fou n d in a n or ga n iza t ion ’s cu ltu r e, t a k ing for m in policies
a n d pr ocedu r es, ben eŽ t s a n d en t itlem en t s; t h ey a r e oft en u n st a t ed,
bu t im plied in ‘‘t h e wa y of doin g t h in gs.’’ Th ey r einfor ce a u t h or ity,
delega t e, or lim it r espon sibilit y, par cel ou t r esou r ces, a n d con t r a st
en t itlem en t s in edu ca t ion , h ea lth ca r e, em ploym en t , a n d r et ir em en t
policies. Th e con cept of m yt h sh ift s a t t en t ion fr om in dividu a l exper i-
en ces, social con dition s, a n d socia l det er m ina n t s of h ea lth , for exa m ple,
gen er a lizin g a bou t pr oblem s of a gin g a n d h ea lth con dit ion s exper i-
en ced by ‘‘som e’’ older peop le. F u r t h er m or e, t h e socia l con t ext or m i-
t iga t in g fa ct or s a r e u n st a t ed in t h ese cu r r en t m yt h s of a gin g.
U n for t u n a t ely, a ll older per son s’ per cept ion of a gin g a n d expect a t ion s
of bein g old a r e sh a ped by t h ese m yt h s, pot en t ia lly becom in g a self-
fu lŽ llin g pr oph ecy 3. Mor eover, t h ese m yt h s in  u en ce t h e a t t itu des of
ot h er s t owa r d gen er a lized older peop le or t o a n yon e per ceived t o be old
a n d a gin g. We a r e t a lkin g abou t per pet u a t in g a geist st er eot ypes,
wh ich Bu t ler (1969) la beled a s a geism 30 yea r s a go.
Wh ile a gin g ca n n ot be st opped n or r ever sed, a gr ea t dea l ca n be don e
t o in u en ce h ow individu a ls exper ien ce agin g — for exa m ple, exer cise,

3
‘‘E ver y t h eor y is a self-fu lŽ llin g pr oph ecy t h a t or der s exper ien ce int o th e fr a m ewor k
it pr ovides.’’ a ccor din g t o Hu bba r d, (1979).
 Myths of Aging 305

lifest yle, n u t r ition , a n d st r ess a n d depr ession m a n a gem en t , a m on g

pr even t ive m ea su r es. In social t er m s, we a r e a wa r e of t h e socia l de-
t er m in a n t s of h ea lth , t h e im por t a n ce of edu cat ion , fa m ily, occu pa t ion ,
a n d socia l exper ien ces, a n d t h eir pot en t ia l in  u en ce on in dividu a l a n d
pop u la t ion a gin g. Th e n ecessa r y pr even t ion a n d int er ven t ion edu ca -
t ion a l pr ogr a m s, cr itica l a ge a n d m u ltidisciplin ar y life cou r se st u dies,
in clu din g or gan iza t ion a l ch a n ge st r a t egies, u n for t u n a t ely, la g well
beh in d ou r a wa r en ess of in dividu a l a n d socia l n eeds.
Th e n eed t o u n der st a n d age a cr oss t h e life cou rse is gr ea t , a n d t h is ex-
am in a t ion m u st be m u ltidisciplin a ry, rea ch in g in t o t h eor y, r esear ch,
social policy, self-u n derst a n ding, st or yt ellin g, an d act ivism (Gu llet t e,
2000, p. 3).

Ou r m yt h s of a gin g a r e ‘‘cr a ft ed’’ fr om fea r s a n d m iscon cept ion s of

t h e a gin g exper ien ce or becom in g a n older per son . Th ey a r e con -
st r u ct ed fr om socia l a n d ph ysica l descr ipt ion s ch a r a ct er izin g th e a ged
t h a t a r e der ived fr om cr ea t ed ‘‘ca t egor ies’’ a n d ‘‘la bels’’ em bodied in
ou r m in ds a n d per ceived a bou t bein g old in ou r societ y. Ou r m ind is
ext r em ely ver sat ile a n d cr ea t ive a t ca t egor izin g t h e wor ld it per ceives.
Th e cogn itive scien ces offer a r ich la n gu a ge a n d con cept ion of t h e
m ind’s a bilit y t o cr eat e ‘‘ca t egor ies,’’ ‘‘con t a in er s,’’ a n d ‘‘fr a m es’’ fr om
wh ich ‘‘pr ot ot ypes’’ a n d ‘‘st er eot ypes’’ em er ge n a t u r a lly.

CATEGORIES, BOXES, AND FRAMES

In The S ociety of Mind (1988), Ma r vin Minsk y u sed vigor ou s m et a -
ph or s t o ch a r a ct er ize t h e m in d a s a ‘‘societ y of a gen t s’’ wor kin g col-
la bor a t ively in collect ives or a gen cies. Minsk y u sed ‘‘a gen t s’’ a n d
‘‘a gen cies’’ a s m et a ph or ic con cep t ion s t o explor e a n d ela bor a t e h ow t h e
m ind, br a in, a n d body fu n ct ion s, per ceives, exper ien ces, a n d r ea ct s:
com plex beh avior s occu r r in g in depen den tly a n d oft en a ll a t on ce.
Min sk y u sed ot h er m et a ph or ic con cept ion s ca lled ‘‘fr am es’’ a n d
‘‘fr am e-a r r a ys ’’ t o h elp ch a r a ct er ize t h e ar en a s in wh ich t h is com -
plexit y of beh a vior occu r s.
Most older t h eor ies in ps ychology cou ld n ot a ccou n t for how a m in d cou ld
do su ch t h in gs — becau se, t h ose t h eor ies wer e ba sed on ideas abou t
‘‘ch u n ks’’of m emor y t h a t were eit h er m u ch t oo sm a ll or m u ch t oo lar ge . . .
Ou r idea is t h at ea ch per cept u al exp er ien ce a ct ivat es som e st r u ct u res
t h a t we’ll ca ll fr am es — st r u ctu r es we’ve a cqu ired in t h e cou r se of pr e-
viou s exp er ien ce. We a ll r emem ber m illion s of fra m es, each r epresen t in g
som e st er eot yped sit u at ion like m eet in g a cert ain kin d of per son , bein g in
a cer t a in kind of r oom , or at t en din g a cer t a in kin d of pa r t y (Min sky, 1988,
p. 244).
306 J . E. Thornton

H e deŽ n ed a fr a m e a s ‘‘a sor t of sk elet on , som ewh a t like a n appli-

ca t ion for m wit h m a n y bla n k s or slot s t o be Ž lled’’ (Min sk y, 1988, p.
245). In r ega r ds t o a m yt h a s fr a m e, t h e m yt h ’s con t en t (la n gu a ge,
em ot ion , a ct ion s) Ž lls in t h e bla n ks a n d slot s in t h e a pplica t ion .
In t h e book How the Mind Works (1997), St eph en P in ker n ot ed:
‘‘P eople pu t t h in gs a n d ot h er people int o m en t a l boxes, give ea ch box
a n a m e, a n d t h er ea ft er t r eat t h e con ten t s of a box t h e sa m e’’ (p. 306).
In a ch a pt er fu ll of expla n a t ion , h e descr ibes wh y ou r m ind a n d br a in
evolved t o cat egor ize a n d h ow it is don e. F u n da m en t a lly, accor ding t o
P ink er, t h e m ind for m s t wo t ypes of ca t egor ies. On e ca t egor y t ype
con t a ins pr ot ot ypes a n d st er eot ypes, fa m ily-like r esem bla n ces wit h
fu zzy bou n dar ies; a secon d ca t egor y t ype con t ain s cla ssica l deŽ n i-
t ion s, in -or -ou t bou n da r ies wit h com m on t h r ea d of r u les (p. 308). A
fa m ily r esem bla n ce ca t egor y, t h e Ž r st t ype, h a s m em ber s with ‘‘n o
sin gle t r a it in com m on , bu t in wh ich su bset s of m em ber s sh a r e t r a its,
a s in a fa m ily’’ (P ink er, 1999, p. 291), for exa m ple, t ools, fu r n itu r e,
gam es, a n d gr a n dm ot h er s. A cla ssica l ca t egor y, t h e secon d t ype, h a s
‘‘well-speciŽ ed con dition s of m em ber sh ip, su ch a s ‘odd n u m ber ’ or
‘P r esiden t of t h e U n ited St a t es’ ’’ (P ink er, 1999, p. 290). Bot h ca t e-
gor y t ypes in u en ce a n d expla in h ow we per ceive, t h in k , descr ibe,
a n d ca t egor ize ou r wor ld in t o st er eot ypes t h a t fa cilit a t e m a k in g in-
fer en ces. An d, bot h ca t egor y t ypes a r e u sed con cu r r en t ly a s we ex-
per ien ce ou r wor ld.
In Words and Rules (1999), P ink er wr ot e, ‘‘P eople t h in k in ca t e-
gor ies, lik e fu r n itu r e, veget a ble, gr a n dm ot h er, a n d t u r t le. Th e ca t e-
gor ies u n der lie m u ch of ou r voca bu la r y . . . a n d t h ey u n der lie m u ch of
ou r r ea son ing’’ (p. 270). Con cept s developed in t h e m ind pick ou t ca -
t egor ies in t h e wor ld. Th e sim plest expla n a t ion of con cept s (in t h e
m ind) is t h a t t h ey a r e con dition s for m em ber sh ip in a ca t egor y, a bit
lik e deŽ n ition s in a dict ion a r y, bu t m a n y of ou r con cept s pick ou t fa -
m ily r esem bla n ce ca tegor ies wit h fu zzy bou n da r ies, r a t h er t h a n cr isp
classica l bou n da r ies. Gr a n dm ot h er is t h e t ypica l pr ot ot ype exa m ple:
you r m ot h er ’s m ot h er, Tin a Tu r n er, a n d Eliza bet h Ta ylor a r e a ll
gr a n dm ot h er s, a n d pr oba bly n ot im bu ed wit h similar m ea n ing in t h e
ca t egor ies in you r m in d.
Lak off an d J oh n son (1999) in Philosophy in the Flesh: The Embo-
died Mind and Its Challenge to Western Thought, a n a lyze ca t egor ies,
con cept s, a n d m et ap h or s t h a t sh a pe t h ou gh t a n d la n gu a ge. In a fa s-
cin a t ing ch a pt er on ‘‘Th e E m bodied Min d,’’ La k off a n d J oh n son (1999)
explor e t h e in sepa r a bilit y of ca t egor ies, con cept s a n d exper ien ce.

A sm a ll per cen t a ge of ou r cat egor ies h a ve been for m ed by consciou s a cts

of ca t egor iza t ion , bu t m a n y ar e form ed a u t om at ica lly a n d u n con sciou sly
 Myths of Aging 307

becau se of fu n ctionin g in t h e wor ld. Th ou gh we lea rn n ew ca t egor ies

regu la rly, we ca n n ot m a ke m a ssive ch an ges in ou r ca t egor y syst em s
t h r ou gh con sciou s acts of r eca t egoriza t ion (th ou gh , t h r ou gh experien ce
in t h e wor ld, ou r ca t egories ar e su bject t o u n con sciou s r esh apin g a n d
pa rt ia l ch an ge). We do n ot , an d ca n n ot , h ave fu ll con scious con t rol over
h ow we cat egor ize. E ven wh en we t h in k we ar e delibera t ely form in g n ew
ca t egor ies, ou r u n con sciou s cat egor ies en t er in t o ou r ch oice of possible
con sciou s ca t egories . . . . Mos t im por t an t , it is not ju st t h a t ou r bodies
an d br a in s det er m in e t hat we will cat egor ize; t h ey also det er m in e wh a t
kinds of cat egor ies we will ha ve an d wh at t h eir st r u ctu r e will be . . . .
Ca t egor iza t ion is t h u s n ot a pu rely in t ellectu a l m at t er, occu rr in g a ft er
t h e fa ct of exper ien ce. Ra t h er, t h e form a t ion an d u se of ca t egor ies is t h e
st u ff of exper ien ce. It is pa rt of wh at ou r bodies an d br a ins a re
con st an t ly en ga ged in . . . . Wh a t we ca ll con cept s a re n eu r a l st ru ctu r es
t h a t a llow u s t o m en t ally ch ar a ct er ize ou r ca t egor ies an d rea son abou t
t h em . H u m an ca t egor ies a r e t yp ica lly con cept u a lized in m or e t h a n on e
wa y, in t erm s of wh a t a r e ca lled prototypes. Ea ch pr ot ot yp e is a n eu r al
st r u ctu r e t h a t perm its u s t o do som e sor t of in feren t ia l or im a gina t ive
t a sk relat ive t o a ca t egor y. Typica l-case pr ot ot yp es a re used in dra win g
in fer en ces a bou t cat egor y m em ber s in t h e a bs en ce of a n y specia l con -
t ext u a l in for m a t ion . Idea l-ca se pr ot ot ypes a llow us t o eva lu a t e cat egor y
m em ber s r ela t ive t o som e con cept u a l st a n da r d . . . . Socia l st er eot ypes a re
u sed t o m a ke sn a p ju dgm en t s, u su a lly a bou t peop le . . . . In sh or t , pr o-
t ot yp e-ba sed r eason in g con st it u t es a lar ge pr oport ion of t h e act ua l rea -
son in g t h a t we do. Rea son in g wit h pr ot ot ypes is, in deed, so com m on t h a t
it is in con ceivable t h at we cou ld fu n ction for lon g wit h ou t it (pp. 18–19).

Lan gu a ge a n d its em bedd ed m et a ph or s u sed t o con st r u ct t h e cu r r en t

m yt h s of a gin g dr a w on t h ese em bodied ca t egor ies, con cept s, a n d
fr a m es, a n d crea t e ou r socia l st er eot ypes a bou t a gin g, gen der, a n d
r a ce.
Th ese idea s su ggest t h a t we n eed t o be ext r em ely ca r efu l a bou t t h e
la n gu a ge u sed t o ca t egor ize a n d ch a r act er ize t h e older per son a n d t h e
a gin g exper ien ce given ou r em bodied st er eot ypes, cer t a in ly a s ca r efu l
a s socia l discou r se a n d pr a ct ice expect s r ega r ding la n gu a ge of gen der
a n d r a ce. Ou r m ind is a st er eot ype gen er a t or — effor t s t o dispel t h e
st er eot ype lik ely r ein for ce a n d per pet u a t e it — beca u se t h at is h ow ou r
m ind wor k s. Th is is t h e power of em bodied ca t egor ies, con cept s, a n d
fr a m es: m en t a l con t ain er s t o be Ž lled or dr a wn fr om .

PERPETUATING MYTHS OF AGING

P r ofession a l a n d a ca dem ic st u dies in a gin g (ger on t ology a n d r ela t ed
disciplin es) h a ve don e m u ch t o h elp u s u n der st a n d a n d pr om ot e
kn owledge a bou t individu a l a n d socia l a gin g. Oft en , h owever, t h ese
308 J . E. Thornton

st u dies u se ‘‘con st r u ct ed’’ ca t egor ies t o develop con cept s or even fa lse
‘‘st r a w m a n ’’ st a t em en t s. Con st r u ct ed ca t egor ies a n d st r a w m a n
st a t em en t s pr ovide poin t s of view th a t ser ve a s t h e ba sis for discu s-
sion , r esea r ch , a n d an a lysis. F or exa m ple, t h e depen d en cy r a t io u sed
in econ om ic a n a lyses is ba sed on Ž xed ca t egor ies a pplied t o t h ose a ged
15 or you n ger a n d t h ose a ged 65 or older. Su bsequ en t ly, t h ese t wo
ca t egor ies of depen den cy dr ive socia l policy a n d pla n n in g, a s t h e dis-
cu ssion s of popu la t ion a gin g illu st r a t e. Adu lts 65 a n d older ar e
depen den t in t h ese crea t ed ca t egor ies a n d equ a t ion s on ly beca u se
socia l a n d econ om ic a n a lysis ‘‘la bels’’ t h em as su ch , r ega r dless of t h eir
econ om ic or socia l pr odu ct ivit y or cir cu m st a n ces. P r ime exa m ples of
t h is depen den cy debat e a r e t h e cu r r en t dem ogr a ph ic im per a t ive
st a t em en t s (Lon gin o, 1994) a bou t t h e pot en t ia l im pa ct of t h a t t h e
a gin g popu la t ion will h a ve on h ea lth ca r e an d socia l welfa r e en t itle-
m en t s, em ploym en t, an d r et irem en t policies. Th e deba t e r e ect s
over sim pliŽ ed st er eot ypes a n d Ž xed a ge ca t egor ies lea din g t o ‘‘wor se
ca se’’ scen a r ios of t h e econ om ic bu r den . Twen t y year s a go, N eu ga r t en
(1982) ca u t ion ed t h a t socia l policy sh ou ld be for m u la t ed on n eeds a n d
n ot a ge. If a ge wer e n ot t h e ca t egor y, bu t n eed, ou r a ppr oa ch t o
depen den cy lik ely wou ld be differ en t , a n d so wou ld socia l a n d eco-
n om ic policy.
Ou r m yt h s la bel t h ose a gin g a n d t h e a ged a s ‘‘t h e’’ en or m ou s socia l
pr oblem fa cin g u s in t h e t wen t iŽ r st cen t u r y. Th e so-ca lled pr oblem s of
a gin g a ssocia t ed with t h e a gin g of t h e popu la t ion h a ve t h eir r oot s in
socia l a n d cu ltu r a l cir cu m st a n ces t h a t ca n be solved. Th ese pr oblem s
n eed t o be a ddr essed inst ea d of spin n ing m yt h s t o descr ibe t h em a s if
t h ey a r e a per m a n en t feat u r e of t h e socia l la n dsca pe. It is qu ite clea r
t h at t h e deca des a h ead will r equ ir e ch a n ges in socia l pr ogr a m s a n d
socia l policy, a n d t h e k n owledge a n d r esou r ces exist t o m a k e t h ese
ch a n ges.
E st es (1979) wa s qu ite st r a igh t for wa r d in su ggest in g t h a t per pe-
t u at in g n ega t ive a t t r ibu t es a bou t a gin g a n d older people wa s a ‘‘la -
belin g pr oblem ’’ (p. 12). Nega t ive a t t r ibu t es a bou t older per son s ar e
per pet u a t ed by t h e t h eor et ica l a n d pr ogr a m m a t ic per spect ives t h a t
h ave la beled a gin g as a socia l pr oblem , an d t h e a ged a s fr a il, ill, a n d
depen den t . Est es (1979) n ot ed:
F r om t h is per spect ive, agin g becom es a socia l problem on ly wh en som e
socia l gr ou p su ccessfu lly labels it a s su ch . F u r t h er, t h e m or e in  u en t ial
t h e gr ou p doin g t h e labelin g t h e m or e widespr ea d t he a ccept a n ce of t h e
label. A form of power accru es t o t h os e polit ician s, policy m a kers, ad-
m in ist ra t or s, pra ctition er s an d resea rch ers wh o con st ru ct t h e ver sion s of
r ea lit y t h at t h en det er m in e socia l policies an d in t erven t ion st r at egies
(p. 13).
 Myths of Aging 309

Labelin g t h eor y, t h en , is a bou t con t r ol, power, a n d dom ina n ce; it

t r a des on st er eot ypes a bou t ot h er s a n d la bels t h em with pr oblem s.
Riley (1978) wr ot e a bou t t h e in a ppr opr ia t e a pplica t ion of m odels
a n d t h eor ies of a gin g. Sh e n ot ed t h a t a r ea n a lysis of t h e lit er a t u r e on
older people pr ovided n u m er ou s exa m ples of m yt h s t h at , on scr u t in y,
pr oved t o be u n fou n ded. Myt h s a n d t h eir la bels su st a in a ‘‘st r u ct u r a l
la g’’ in socia l inst itu t ion s, or ga n iza t ion a l cu ltu r es, policy in n ova t ion s,
a n d com m u n ities, wh ich st i es ch a n ge (Riley, 1996; Riley, Ka h n , &
F on er, 1994).

Wh en people gr ow up a n d gr ow old in a nt iqu a t ed socia l st r u ctu r es t h a t

pr ovide in a dequ at e oppor t u n ities a nd in cen t ives, t h e m ism at ch is kn own
as ‘‘st r u ctu r al lag.’’ In a gin g resea rch , t h e con cept is u sefu l for u n der -
st a n din g t h e failu re of Ž r m s, fa m ilies, a n d ot h er social st ru ctu r es t o
pr ovide r ewa r din g r oles for t h e la r ge n u m ber s of com pa r at ively h ea lth y
peop le wh o a r e livin g lon ger a n d gr owing older in n ew wa ys (Riley, 1996,
p. 81).

St r u ct u r a l la g is su st a ined in ‘‘Ž xed ca t egor ies,’’ ‘‘wr on g la bels,’’ a n d

‘‘ou t da t ed m eta ph or s,’’ a n d obfu sca t ed by im posed m yt h s a bou t agin g.
Th e r esu lt s a r e policies, pr a ct ices, a n d pr ogr a m s t h a t do n ot m a t ch t h e
va lu es a n d expect a t ion s of older peop le.
In cr ea sin gly, la belin g a gin g a n d t h e a ged by wa y of m yt h m a k ing is
a n a ct ivit y of pr ofession a ls, infor m a t ion a n d m edia wr iter s, a n d con -
su lta n t s wh o, wit h t h e best of in t en t ion s, h ope t o in for m a n d edu ca t e.
Myt h s of agin g h a ve becom e a ccept a ble in socia l a n d a ca dem ic dis-
cou r se becau se we believe we ca n r efu t e t h em wit h t h e r ealit ies of
a gin g —t h is is st ill a geist st er eot ypin g r ega r dless of in ten t ion .
Today, we t a lk of t h e Ba by-Boom er s, t h e loom in g gen er at ion of
a gin g adu lts wh o will m a k e ext r a or dina r y dem an ds on socia l r e-
sou r ces, a s if it wa s a sin gle m on olit h ic bu lge in t h e pop u la t ion . It is a n
im a gin a t ive m et a ph or, bu t it is an im possible m et a ph or t o gu ide
t h ou gh t fu l socia l policy discou r se, a lth ou gh a t t r a ct ive in m a r k et ing
(F oot & St offm a n , 1996)4. Th is popu la t ion gr ou p is su ch an en -
or m ou sly diver se gr ou p t h is ‘‘la bel’’ ca n n ot ser ve m u ch pu r pose except
t o m ask t h e issu es t h a t n eed t o be discu ssed. Wh en discu ssed, m or e
socia l ca t egor ies a n d con cept s pr olifer a t e, gen er a t ion a l st r at iŽ ca t ion
a bou n ds, a n d t h e la n gu a ge, m et a ph or s, a n d la bels (st er eot ypes) m u l-
t iply. Th e la bel seem s on ly t o spa wn cou n t er la bels, for exam ple

4
Ma r k et in g a n d infor m a tion in du st r ies ca pita lize on m et a ph or s a n d con cept s of
a gin g, oft en spin n in g t h eir ver sion of t h e m yt h , n ega tive st er eot ype, or clich é.
310 J . E. Thornton

‘‘Gr eedy Geezer s,’’ by ot h er a ge gr ou ps con cer n ed with t h e Boom er s

dr a in on socia l a n d econ om ics r esou r ces. Two in for m a t ive a r t icles in
Agin g Toda y (Gu llet t e, 2000; Ru ffen a ch , 2000) explor ed t h e im plica -
t ion s a n d impa ct of sim ila r a geist st er eot ypes, a m on g t h em m yt h s
a bou t ‘‘sen ior power ’’ a n d ‘‘m iddle-a geism ,’’ a n d gen er a t ion a l la bels
su ch ‘‘Xer s’’ a n d ‘‘Yer s.’’

RESEARCH AND EDUCATIONAL CHALLENGES

Ca n we dispel t h ese cu r r en t m yt h s of a gin g? P er h a ps, bu t it will n ot be
ea sily don e a n d will be pr oblem a t ic wit h ou t m u ltidisciplina r y a ca -
dem ic an d policy r esea r ch t o u n der st a n d t h e issu es a n d in ter ven t ion s.
La koff a n d J oh n son (1999, p. 18) n ot ed t h a t ch a n gin g h ow we con -
sciou sly crea t e ca t egor ies a n d st er eot ypes in t h e m ind fr om socia l
exper ien ces is n ot easy. Th ey a r gu ed t h a t ch a n ge pr ocesses a r e in  u -
en ced u n con sciou sly by em bedded pr ot ot ypes a s we con sciou sly st r ive
t o cr ea t e n ew ca t egor ies a n d Ž ll t h em with n ew in for m a t ion . It is n ot
sim ply lea r n in g n ew idea s t h r ou gh exposu r e t o n ew exper ien ce,
a lth ou gh t h is is cr itica l. To sh ape t h e con sciou s a n d u n con sciou s wa ys
t h e em bodied m ind ca t egor izes a n d con cept u a lizes involves a n em er -
sion in t h e lan gu a ge of per cept ion s, idea s, a n d socia l exper ien ces.
Mu ltidisciplin a r y lon git u din a l st u dies in cogn itive scien ces ar e n eeded
t o fu lly k n ow t h e im plica t ion of la n gu a ge of ca t egor ies, con cept s, a n d
st er eot ypes gen er a t ed by a n em bodied m in d, sh a ped by socia l
exper ien ce, a n d u sed t o con st r u ct socia l pr ogr a m s a n d inst itu t ion s.
Rega r ding a geism an d a geist st er eot ypes, ger on t ologica l a n d critica l
a ge st u dies in all t h e disciplin es m u st becom e a ct ive pa r t icipa n t s in
t h ese effor t s.
Th r ee st r a t egies ar e su ggest ed. F ir st , m a n y m yt h s of a gin g ar e
pa t en t ly fa lse a n d ca n be discr edit ed a s la ck ing in scien t iŽ c va lidity
a n d socia l r eleva n ce. Th ey sh ou ld be pu blicly decla r ed a geist st er eo-
t ypes wh en h ea r d a n d disca r ded a s st igm a t ized la bels t h a t ca t egor ize
older people a n d t h e a gin g exper ien ce. Th ey sh ou ld be ch a llen ged a t
a ll levels of pu blic dia log, in t h e m edia, in econ om ic a n d socia l pla n -
n ing, in m a r k et in g, a n d in a ca dem e. To do t h is effect ively, we n eed t o
u pda t e t h e la n gu a ge of ca t egor ies a bou t a gin g a n d older people u sed in
pu blic discou r se a n d r epr esen t ed in ou t da t ed m et ap h or s a n d st er eo-
t ypes (Birr en , 1988, p. 153). Agin g a s social exper ien ce r equ ir es t h e
sa m e polit ica l a n d ph ilosoph ica l a t t en t ion bein g given t o sexism a n d
r a cism . Wh en t h ese t h r ee ‘‘ism s’’ a r e im posed on wom en a n d m en in
som e com m u n ities, t h eir im pa ct is deva st a t ing.
Secon d , sign iŽ ca n t m u ltidisciplin a r y ger on t ologica l r esea r ch a n d
critica l a ge st u dies a r e r equ ired on issu es being r a ised in t h e cogn itive
 Myths of Aging 311

scien ces on a spect s of la n gu a ge, t h e a gin g exper ien ce, an d com m u n ity.
Mor eover, t h e con cept u a l la n gu a ge a n d a ssu m pt ion s in t h e r esea r ch
itself m u st be ca r efu lly scr u t in ized. P olicy discu ssion s a bou t a gin g of
t h e pop u la t ion a r e loa ded with a ssu m pt ion s ba sed on pa st t r en ds a n d
set ca t egor ies of a n a lysis t h a t t ot a lly ign or e t h e evolvin g diver sity of
lifest yles, exper ien ces, expect a t ion s, a n d va lu e of t h ose a gin g (Ada m s,
1997), pa r t icu la r ly t h e con t inu ity-discon t in u ity of a gin g in t h e t ot a l
life cou r se. Agin g is n ot a ph en om en on t h a t on ly begin s a t a ge 65, n or
is it a n u n differ en t ia t ed exper ien ce a t a n y a ge, a n d less so a ft er m iddle
a ge (wh en ever t h a t is). Con sider in g t h e a gin g popu la t ion issu es t h a t
n eed t o be a ddr essed in th e n ext fou r deca des, developm en t al a n d
lon git u dina l st u dies of individu als a n d coh or t s a ft er m iddle a ge ar e
ext r em ely spa r se a n d a pr ior ity.
Th ir d, t h e cu r r en t m yt h s of a gin g m ar gin a lize t h e lives of som e
people, a r e in a ccu r a t e for t h e va st m a jor ity of older people, a n d do n ot
n ecessa r ily pr odu ce m or e sen sitive or in for m ed pr ofession a ls. Th ey ar e
dem ea n ing a n d a geist st a t em en t s, ba sed on fa lse im ages, t ir ed st e-
r eot ypes, an d u n t r u t h s. Th ey lik ely in cr ea se isola t ion , depen den cy,
a n d a bu se of som e older people, a n d becom e a self-fu lŽ llin g pr op h ecy
t o ot h er s. Wh y wou ld we u se t h em t o edu cat e or infor m t h e pu blic or
pr ofession a ls a n d com m u n ity a gen cies? Acad em ic a n d policy st u dies
a r e ser iou sly n eeded a bou t edu ca t ion of a n d for an a gin g pop u lat ion ,
a n d a bou t ch a n ge in socia l inst itu t ion s t o m in imize inst itu t ion a l lag
wh ile m a xim izin g sen se of com m u n ity. St u dies in edu ca t ion a l ger -
on t ology a n d ‘‘cr itica l ger on t ology’’ m u st be inclu ded in m u lti-
disciplin a r y st u dies a bou t a gin g. Cr it ica l a gin g st u dies a r e u n kn own
in m a n y u n iver sity u n der gr a du a t e pr ogr a m s, a n d edu ca t ion a bou t a n
a gin g popu la t ion is n ot a ppa r en t in t h e pu blic sch ool cou r ses. In t h e
a bsen ce of t h ese st u dies, cu r r en t m yt h s of a gin g becom e con t em por a r y,
socia l folklor e of t h e wor st or der.
Upda t in g ou r im a ge of a gin g a n d disca r ding a geist m yt h s r equ ir e
dedica t ion of t h e sa m e or der given r a cism a n d sexism . Cu ltu r a l m e-
t a ph or s a n d t h e la n gu a ge of ca t egor ies, con cept s, a n d st er eot ypes t h a t
su st a ins a geist m yth s deser ve ou r a t t en t ion in a ca dem ic edu ca t ion a l
ger on t ology.

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