FREE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN

FACULTY OF HISTORY

DEPARTEMENT OF AFRICAN ART

Student of Bachelor Program

Ilze Krisane

PAPER

THE DEPICTION OF CONCEPT OF DEATH IN ART OF AFRICAN

SOCIETY

Fr. Prof. Dr. Tobias Wendel

BERLIN

2011

1
 Contents

Contents......................................................................................................................... 2
INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................... 3
THE AFRICAN CONCEPT OF DEATH.................................................................................4
THE AFRICAN CONCEPT OF AFTERLIFE...........................................................................5
THE CULT OF ANCESTORS .............................................................................................6
BURIAL AND MOURNING CUSTOMS................................................................................7
FUNERAL RITE............................................................................................................. 7
ORNAMENTS IN CLOTHES AND SYMBOLS IN THEM......................................................8
RITUAL OBJECTS.......................................................................................................... 9
MASKS...................................................................................................................... 9

TERRACOTTA STATUETTES.....................................................................................10

FIGURINES OF WOOD.............................................................................................11

RELIQUARY HEADS AND FIGURES...........................................................................12

METAL ALTARS ...................................................................................................... 12

INDIVIDUAL AND COMMUNITY...................................................................................14

MODERNISATION OF OLD TRADITIONS ........................................................................15
CONCLUSION................................................................................................................ 17
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................. 18

2
INTRODUCTION

In African religion, the life comprises passages from one level of development to the next
one. Child is born and by that he is introduced to the world of living. At his adolescence he goes
throw different kinds of tests and gets introduced in the world of adults, etc. At individual’s way
through the life, he has been accompanied by the society and he goes from one group to the other
within the society where he is born in.

At the birth child is a part of his parents’ family. By becoming adult he builds his own family,
still staying the member of his parents’ family. And at the moment of the death, person did not
vanish. He just goes through transformation that leads to the next life – the afterlife. At the same
time, person gets into a new group – in the group of ancestors, still staying one of his own family
members.

Death is just one of the passage rituals, but it is the same way important as for deceased, as
for the whole society.

The Aim of the paper is to compare religious traditions of burial and mourning with depiction
of death in art and its functional meaning within African society.

Objectives:

• To find out the attitude of African people towards death and its concept in the realm of
life and afterlife;

• To find out the importance of ancestor cult in African society and its influence on art;

• To look at ritual objects and its symbols as combination of function and art which
results in esthetic and links the society;

• To look at experiments of modernization of old traditions as means of creating new

functional art and future traditions.

Although there are a set of similarities in believes and legends of African cultures, we have to
remember that “any suggestion that there is a “unity” of African indigenous religions must be
limited to considering common themes in systems that are often quite different. There are wide
divergences between religions, which sometimes develop in isolation from each other. Each
“common” phenomenon belongs to a complete whole, which is itself from a unique cultural,
historical, and religious context.”1 Therefore the author of this paper is concentrating only on
common elements in African traditional religions and draws attention only on some of examples.

1
Religion of the World: A Comprehensive encyclopedia of beliefs and practices. Ed.: Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M.
Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002. p. 1289
3
THE AFRICAN CONCEPT OF DEATH

Death as any realm of the everyday life has its own legend in African religion. It has different
statements according to the place and time, but the main elements stay the same.

The legend says that at some point in the past people and the Supreme Being or the Maker
lived together. “But this paradise did not last, and after some time God withdrew from people. This
withdrawal is not usually attributed to human sin or offence, but to some mistake (..). Myths go on
to explain how people lost their immortality, again through an unfortunate accident. The most
common myth in Africa concerns the animal messenger (often the chameleon) who was sent to
people with news of immortality or resurrection. But the messenger dawdled on the way, forgot his
message or garbled it, stuttered in delivering it, or had his parcel of new skins stolen by the snake
(which explains why snakes can have new skins every year). But the most common version of the
myth is that the first messenger was overtaken by a second one (often the lizard) whose message
was that people would die. The result is irreconcilable separation between humanity and the
creator.”2 As the result, the animals mentioned in the myths of the lost of immortality are often
depicted on ritual objects or cloches connected with burial rites.

Although African people have used to the death and it’s everywhere appearing signs; the
death itself is considered to be unnatural “in the sense that man was originally intended to inherit
immortality here. He has come to regard death as the inevitable debt which every man must pay. He
prefers to call it a “home call” which every mortal must answer.”3 Therefore the death is not
considered to be a threat, but just the end of the life cycle on this side of existence which will be
continued on the other side.

“Although death is acknowledged as having come into the world and remained there ever
since, it is unnatural and preventable on the personal level because it is always caused by an other
agent. If that agent did not cause it, then the individual would not die.”4 This agent could be a
disease or the result of the witchcraft. This kind of philosophy is closely tied with the understanding
of the living-power. “Life and existence or being itself is inextricably tied up with power. To live is
to have power, to be sick or to die is to have less of it.”5 Therefore the lost of the power by any type
of agents can be deadly and to cause the lost of the power (as witchcraft) may become a punishable
crime.

But the complexity of the concept of the death does not end at this point. There is a concept in
African religions that “each person has two souls. After death, one of the souls goes and resides
permanently with the Maker, while the other one reincarnates.” 6 This idea involves the
understanding of the model of the afterlife and the function of the ancestral cult.

2
Religion of the World. Ed.: Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002. p. 1291
3
Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 38
4
Mbiti, J.S. African Religions and Philosophy. London: Heinemann. 1969. p. 156
5
Religion of the World. Ed.: Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002. p. 1292
6
Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973. p. 188
4
THE AFRICAN CONCEPT OF AFTERLIFE

There are different concepts of the afterlife and the passage of soul after the death what
involve the general concept of the main Deity in the religion. People attitude towards him and
relationships among them depicted in myths can help in translation of the concept of afterlife.

“The Supreme Being is a being with personal attributes (although not human) and isolated
from other spirit beings. Often the Supreme Being is also the first ancestor and essentially the same
name or root word is used for God as for ancestors. (..) In some cases the name for God is a locative
related to the place where the spirits live. Usually the Supreme Being is believed to live in the “sky”
or “heaven” (in most African languages there is no differentiation between these two words), but
some peoples situate him under the earth, where the spirits live.”7 The living place of the Supreme
Being is a popular topic of legends while it is closely connected with the understanding of the place
where the souls of deceased find their final rest.

One of the legends heralds that after burial rites soul goes in front of the Supreme Being (the
Maker) and retraces all its deeds on the earth. If the life was properly passed than the soul goes to
“Heaven” which is in the sky. It is considered to be the replica of the life on the earth, but without
bad elements as illness and hardships, hunger and pain.

But if the life person was bad or had done a lot of things that were disturbing the life of the
society, the soul goes to the other type of “Heaven”. “”Potsherd heaven” is a symbol of separation
not only from ones’ spirit-relatives. This also means that the wicked is cut off from intercourse with
the living members of the family as well.”8 This is considered to be the worst punishment for the
soul.

But not all of African traditional religions have the belief in “Heaven” or “Hell”. Some people
have the concept of changing the world of living to the world of dead where “the next world is in
fact geographically “here”, being separated from this only by virtue of being invisible to human
beings.”9 In such way the world of deceased is closer and the good relationships with them plays
more vital role.

7
Religion of the World. Ed.: Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002. p. 1290
8
Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 41
9
Mbiti, J.S. African Religions and Philosophy. London: Heinemann. 1969. p. 159
5
THE CULT OF ANCESTORS

“The ancestor is a departed spirit who stands in peculiarly close relation to the tribe or the
family: the life of the latter has been derived from him, and because he is still in existence he is still
in a sense one with it; his favor or disfavor has therefore a sharply focused relation to it and is more
urgently to be sought or avoided. In addition to this is all that might be brought to the relationship
by the sense of social solidarity and of kinship-ties, as well as by natural affection and filial piety.”10

But it is a general false statement that ancestors are divinized. “Ancestral spirits are not
worshipped. Swazi address them in much the same way as they speak to the living.”11 Although
ancestors receive special attention, for example, they are remembered and feed; they are not
compared with Deity or divinities. They are the part of family and the attitude towards them is the
same as to elder members of society.

“The proper meaning of the ancestral cults derives from the belief of Africans that death does
not write “finish” to life that the family or community life of this earth has only become extended
into the life beyond in consequence of the “death” of the ancestors. Thus the cults are a means of
communion and communication between those who are living on earth and those who have gone to
live in the spirit world of the ancestors.”12 They have the same powers and the same obligations, as
when they were alive – to support family in hard times and to help society when it is needed.

Ancestral spirits can be worshiped under three categories: as apotheosized heroes, as

collective spirits of the departed members of the clan, as departed members of the immediate
patriarchal family. The apotheosized heroes represent the spirits of a few members of the clan who
by virtues of their extraordinary exploits and power have been elevated to the status of divinities.
The second form of ancestral worship is to ensure that those ancestors who, due to the time element,
can no longer be identified with particular families are not forgotten altogether. They are worshiped
as the spirits of the departed members of the ethnic group. The third category is connected with the
spirits of the departed members of the family unit. They are remembered as individuals as long as it
possible among their kin of the same lineage.13

Although ancestors are primarily for the preservation of the family, they are also a threat and
are therefore to be feared. No one can ever be sure what they are going to do or not do next. “In
practice there is an intimate personal relationship between the living and the departed”14 starting
from the burial rituals and continuing with the everyday actions in maintaining good relation among
the ancestors and their kin.

10
Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973. p. 179
11
Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973. p. 182
12
Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973. p. 186
13
Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 35-37
14
Religion of the World. Ed.: Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002. p. 1295
6
BURIAL AND MOURNING CUSTOMS

FUNERAL RITE

Funeral rites as “the death rites also aimed at separation, transition and reincorporation.” 15
Person has to go through all the phases of passage to become an ancestor and enter the afterlife.

Africans believe that when a man dies his body is immediately left by his spirit which hovers
around the house in anticipation of the funeral rites which will enable it to proceed to the spirit
world.16 If the burial rituals are not conveyed or are not done property the soul cannot become an
ancestor and may become stock in this world as a wandering ghost what can later cause problems to
the living relatives of the deceased themselves.

“Soon after death, the family gathers and then invites relatives to arrange for the interment,
which is the first step in the funeral rites. The corpse is washed, shaved of all hair, the fingernails
clipped and the corpse dressed up, after which it is laid in state.”17 It should be done as fast as
possible according to the climatic conditions. The hair and nails are supposed to contain the living
power of the deceased and later are used in the last phase of the burials.

The corpse may be buried within the house, in the courtyard or in a publical cemetery. At
interment various objects are put in the graves (like tools and food, and money). These are meant
for the use of the deceased on his journey to the world beyond, and so that he should not appear
before ancestors empty-handed.18

Second phase of the rituals should begin a few days after interment. It last from seven to forty
days. It involves several sacrifices, dancing and feasting. But as it is a very expensive even, the cost
is divided among the members of the family.19

“At the conclusion of the rites, a special ceremony is held to elevate the spirit of the deceased
into the ancestral shrine. This assumes that by virtue of the correct funeral rites the deceased has
been incorporated into the community of the earlier departed members of the family. (..) For the
elevation ritual the fingernails, parts of the hair from the head and part of the sponge used are now
molded in a white clay or chalk to be kept on the family ancestral shrine.”20 This is done to
artificially make the point of the communication – the place where the ancestor can be remembered
and feed and where the family can speak with their dead member.

15
Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 63
16
Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 63
17
Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 63
18
Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 63
19
Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 63
20
Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 64
7
ORNAMENTS IN CLOTHES AND SYMBOLS IN THEM

The goal of life is to become an ancestor after death. This is why every person should receive
a correct funeral, supported by numerous religious actions and burial objects.

When a person dies he is immediately prepared to leave this world and enter the society of
ancestors. As any mistake can cause the possibility of leaving the family member outside the
membership of the ancestors; all the rituals are done in great piety and caution, doing everything by
the traditions of wisdom of the ages. Not even a single detail is left without attention.

It is a big honor to enter the community of ancestors, therefore in many parts of Africa people
attach great importance to the cloth in which they will be buried. “The Kuba of Zaire is famous with
their raffia textiles which are one of the great decorative art traditions of sub-Saharan Africa. These
cloths have been used as clothing and currency since the sixteenth century among various societies
in Central Africa.”21

It is in general considered to be a great disgrace to being buried nude among the tribes of
Africa, but “there is a strong belief among the Kuba that they will not be recognized by their
deceased relatives in the land of the dead unless they are wearing raffia textiles.” 22 As the death is
the culmination of the life, all the rituals considering burials are combining aesthetical appeal with
its functional meaning. Raffia symbolizes wealth, continuity and security for the community.

“At Akan funerals in Ghana people wear mourning cloths known as “adinkra” which state
and confirm relationships among the living while also honoring the dead.”23 These cloths are used
to make garments for the living family members and are used at the moment of farewell.

“These cloths, which may be different shades of indigo blue, red, brown, yellow and white,
are stamped with adinkra symbols. These geometrically stamped patterns, created by a carved piece
of calabash and a locally produced black dye which dries to a glossy surface, express verbal arts and
proverbs.”24 It also contains different symbols of Deity and divinities, as well different elements of
the life. Usually the death is not directly addressed. Only modern ornaments mention the presence
of the death, but also not too often.

“The use of Adinkra cloth and symbols is intended to mark the link forged between the living
and the dead, the present and the future, the affairs of the now and the affairs of the hereafter.” 25
This cloth is used as the symbol of the never-ending connection among the members of the family
on either side of existence.

21
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 167
22
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 168
23
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 169
24
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 169
25
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 170
8
RITUAL OBJECTS

MASKS

It is considered that during the special rituals the spirits of the deceased can enter the body of
masques through which the message cab be told to all community. Therefore masks are looked at
as interactive objects; and therefore they are used in most of societies of Africa as the means of
communication between the living and the ancestors. “The mask is able to tie up the loose ends of
life and death and village and wilderness. Yet despite its ambiguity, its path always leads back to
unambiguity and the preservation of social knowledge.”26 It helps society in the tensest moments to
find the reestablished harmony.

In the rituals of funerals they play great role. “Soon after the death of Poro elder has been
announced by rifle shots, masqueraders known as “yarajo” appear in the village. The mask is made
of raffia fibers, feathers and other similar materials. The masquerader wears a one-piece, padded
cotton suit. (..) When the Poro drums are heard in the distance from the grove of the secret society,
only initiates (colobele) and close relatives are allowed to remain. Before long the village is almost
deserted, in anticipation of the arrival of the society’s most important mask – zoomorphic helmet
mask. The figure is known as and is regarded as the embodiment of the society. The mask
incorporates imagery of different animals. Its performance is referred to by the elders as the “work
of Poro”.”27 Different masks with various functions are used in different moments of the ritual of
the passage; as well as one and the same mask in different rites can become multiform and
multifunction. But the most important duty of the masquerader is to go to the corpse and perform
the necessary rituals to separate a deceased’s life force from his lifeless body.

“In central Senufoland (of Cote d’Ivoire) “kporo” masks have long horns, said to be those of
an antelope or buffalo. The raping jaws resemble those of a crocodile or hyena, and the long,
pointed ears could be those of a hyena also. Long tusks like those of a warthog curve backwards
from the upper jaw. The chameleon, gripped in the jaws of a hornbill, is associated with
communication between the visible and invisible worlds.”28 The appearance of this mask combines
different legends and myths where most of them describe the genesis of death or understanding of
afterlife.

While the burial and the decompose of the deceased’s body means that the former physical
form can never be reused, the departing soul may want to return to the living in a new mask,
whether in the form of reincarnation through descendants or through an “egungun” mask made by
his or her children.29

“The “egunguns” or masquerades are supposed to be “materialized” spirits of the dead. The
belief that the spirits of the community’s dead are incarnated in the masquerades is a source of

26
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 176
27
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 174
28
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 175
29
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 177
9
assurance to the worshippers that their prayers will be answered.”30 This is regarded as one of the
meeting points where this life and afterlife intersects and the communication between the living and
the dead becomes possible.

To satisfy the needs of the ancestors, the look of masks has to meet the standards of the inner
rule which borders with the taboos of society. The masks do not portray dead spirits nor do they
bear the names of human beings, because to close similarity to the live person’s body is avoided.

Although the masks vary in style and generally are voluminous and tent-like, they have their
own standards of esthetic. They are composed of layers upon layers of multicolored cloths, which
cascade to the ground sometimes from a wooden headpiece. The cloth is normally cut in long
stripes so that when the performer whirls, it splays out, though still hiding the human body. Each
year new cloth may be added to the egungun by the owner. Older egungun therefore have hand-
woven and locally dyed stripes of dark blue and red cloth overlaid by brighter pieces of machine-
made cloth.31

Ancestors can not only enter the masks, but also use other funeral objects in communication
to give advices or make requests.

TERRACOTTA STATUETTES

It is believed among African tribes that figurines which depict people (even in its smallest
likeliness) can contain ancestral spirits. At the same time, this type of sculptures are a bit different
from traditional African statuettes, because they are made of clay and because they depict only
head, not the whole body.

“The terracotta head or “mma” (created by the Akan) has a characteristic horizontal slit in
each eye, with a complex wedge-shaped hairstyle and colorful painted lines on the cheeks and
forehead. These figures were considered as portrait of the dead in that indentifying features such as
jewelry, scars, hats, beards, etc. were reproduced. The figures were probably richly dressed in real
cloth for implantation in the “village of mma” – a forbidden area near the town.”32 In these
terracotta heads or other forms of clay pottery where inserted the mixture of specific white clay or
chalk with hairs and nails of the deceased (described in previous chapter) and this kind of object all
together was considered to be the altar of the ancestor and could be used in rituals of
communication with other world.

For European cultures this kind of communication could seen absurd, because pots and
pottery in general are symbol of woman’s womb, but for African people it is one of the evidence for
life’s never-ending spun.

30
Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 36
31
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 181
32
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 172
10
FIGURINES OF WOOD

Wooden sculptures may be used as shrine to nest the power of the departing soul for the good
of the living. The altar sculpture is often stylized since the form of the soul is unknown and only
resembles a human being in its senses of perception. The head is often emphasized (in Yoruba
society) because it is recognized as the essence of human personality, the seat of the soul and the
controller of an individual’s destiny.33

In legends of creation the parallels are drawn between real body of blood and bones and
wooden effigy and at the same time they explain people fragile way of existence. “Human beings
are regarded as a type of sculpture animated by the breath of the Supreme Being, Olodumare, who
delegated Obatala to mould their physical body. When the vital breath or soul withdraws, death
results and the body eventually decomposes into clay – its original substance. However, the
dematerialized soul finds new life in the next life and in reincarnation. Reincarnation can take the
form of the rebirth of a dead ancestor in the same family or when the soul of a type of spirit child or
“abiku” borrows the body of a woman.”34 In such way all the society of a particular geographical
area is linked in time and space and this kind of links cannot be interrupted by the death.

“Yoruba equalize of the human body with sculpture. The reincarnated ancestor and the abiku
are held to be no more than temporal masks, the handiwork of Obatala, that will perish at death. It is
also believed that humanly created sculpture can localize and embody the human soul. Therefore
naturalistic representations of a person were feared.”35 In such way the work of an artist or a carver
can be compared with the work of the Maker, but the fear of too naturalistic look of the effigy can
be explained by the piety.

“The twin statuettes known as “ere ibeji” are the best example of Yoruba sculpture
representing the living dead. They are viewed ambivalently as they are considered capable of
bringing riches to their parents and misfortune to those who do not honor them. They are viewed as
both one and two, and as both deity and animal.”36 The similarity of the twins strikes with awe,
because they are two individuals and at the same time replicas of each other.

“Twins are linked to “abiku” (“born to die”) spirits, who are believed to lure children from
their parents because they have a propensity toward dying. Twins receive special attention and food
from their mothers.”37 As twins in general in African societies are well known for their intimate
relations with the death, they are feared and respected.

But such close relationships with the death can also create some inconvenience. To protect
such children from the premature death, wooden images of “ere ibeji” should be made. Sometimes
the ibeji figure is made after the death of one of the sibling in order to prevent the deceased twin
from harming the living.

33
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 177
34
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 176
35
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 177
36
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 178
37
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 178
11
RELIQUARY HEADS AND FIGURES

There are also some sculptures that from the means of material could belong to the previous
division of wooden figurines, but from the means of the usage form completely different section of
ritual objects. These statuettes were made of wood or bark and in form of head or whole body. But
their name of reliquaries they earn, because of their function. In those statuettes is placed bones or
other parts of the deceased ancestor. The Fang people consider that “the main quality inherent in the
statues is that of “protective benevolence”, together with an air of maturity and secret knowledge
appropriate to the ancestors.”38

But not all parts of human body contain the same amount of the spiritual power. For example,
“the Fang people of Cameroon and Gabon believe that an individual’s vital force is situated in the
skull; hence they venerated the skulls of their most important ancestors. These included the
founders of lineages and successive lineages, clan or family heads and powerful women who were
famed for their supernatural abilities or exceptional procreativity.” 39 Not all ancestors have the same
amount of the power. Therefore it is important to have more intimate relationships with the most
honorable and powerful spirit. Usually the most powerful ancestors are the souls of those who were
the most influential people in the society during their life-time.

Usually the rituals, where the reliquary heads and statuettes are involved, “creates a time and
a space where the contradiction between life and death is eliminated. The aim of the ritual is not just
to reanimate and regenerate the ancestors, but also to incite the initiates to transcend their material
bodies.”40 The ritual enables both sides to interfere in others world and still staying the represented
of his own environment.

Although attitude towards the ancestors is quite similar in all African tribes, attitude towards
ritual objects differ from one place to another. “The Fang treat the figures as children. And their big
heads, wide staring disc eyes, and flexed small legs give the statue an infantile appearance. The
Fang frequently call them “medicine children”. This ambiguous combination of infantile and
mature qualities is not unique to the Fang. In other parts of Africa and beyond, “little people”, such
as pygmies, dwarfs and trolls, are believed to mediate between the material and spiritual worlds.”41
It could be explained by the fact that children are considered to be closer to the death than adults,
because their just have come into this world from the spirit world and because they are not so
resistant against different kinds of illnesses or other types of disasters. As well that this kind of
action could be interpreted as the belief in incarnation and that Fang people are expecting that their
ancestors will be reborn in the next generations of the society.

METAL ALTARS

38
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 184
39
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 183
40
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 184
41
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 185
12
 Although the ritual objects described in previous chapters contain the power of some certain
ancestors or the group of spirits of the village, they are used only during special days and festivals
and are operated only by special people in the tribe - the initiated ones. On everyday bases the altars
- made of (usually) metal – are used. “The Mambila of Cameroon display their ancestor figures in
front of simple, painted screens which decorate the facades of small, elevated shrine houses. The
anthropomorphic figures, made of raffia-palm pith and wood, are suspended in a net in front of the
painted wooden screen. A male-female pair surrounded by the cosmic forces of the universe (sun,
moon and rainbow) is the main feature of the painting, surmounted by a triangle, representing the
village. This communicates to people that their community is the microcosm of the universe, and
that each individual acts as a link between the spiritual and material realms.”42 In such altars not the
each individual ancestor is depicted, but the group of ancestors in general as one family.

In such altars not only the form, but also the material plays very vital role. “Brass has a
complex symbolic meaning in Benin, because it never rusts or corrodes, it expresses the
permanence and continuity of kingship. It is described as “red” by the Edo, and held to be
threatening and capable of dispelling evil forces. A carved ivory tusk rests on each head. The
elephant is considered to be the most powerful of all animals. The use of the tusk as well as leopard
figures on the shrine represents the harnessing of the power of the wild forest by the rulers of the
settled land.”43Different kinds of metals and their alloys supplement the symbolism and the
perception of the whole altar.

The various figurines atop the altar usually represent the deceased relative and the living.
There are also images and objects which refer to deities, and depict proverbs and praise songs. In
such way the altars serve as the visual props for legends and myths.

“The lidded calabash is a recurrent motif, since it is a ceremonial vessel whereby one offers
food and water to the dead. It also symbolizes the two parts of the universe.”44 These altars are used
to sacrifice food and spices for ancestors and in such way the honor is devoted to them.

In these altars one can observe strong succession of the traditions, as well the incoming
influences of other religions. For example, “christians do commission asen, as evidenced by the
ornate crosses which feature as motifs.”45

42
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 186
43
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 186
44
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 187
45
Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 187
13
INDIVIDUAL AND COMMUNITY

As individual was part of society in his life, the same way he is a part of community after it.
The spirit of deceased can promote or intrude the life of the living. Therefore that fragile link
between two worlds has to be carefully tended; otherwise it can end with a disaster or bad luck.

“Africans make a distinction between Deity, the divinities, and the ancestors: Deity and the
divinities are distinctly, out-and-out, of the super-sensible world, while the ancestors are of the
living persons’ kith and kin. The ancestors are regarded still as heads and parts of the families or
communities to which they belonged while they were living human beings. Death was only that the
family life of this earth has been extended into the after-life or super sensible world.” 46The living
and the dead are still the members of one family and one society, they just do not share one and the
same space and time which in African philosophy is not strictly divided one from another.

Ancestors are not to be forgotten and therefore they are considered to be in the state of the
living-dead what means: “a person is physically dead but alive in the memory of those who knew
him in his life as well as being alive in the world of the spirits. So long as the living-dead is thus
remembered, he is in the state of personal immortality. (..) When there is no longer anyone alive
who remembers them personally by name. Then the process of dying is completed. But the living-
dead do not vanish out of existence: they now enter into the state of collective immortality.”47

Although there are a set of different activities connected with the ancestors, if should be
remembered that the ancestors are not divinized or worshiped. All these actions are done to improve
relationships among the living and the dead and it is closely connected with a general belief that “a
living father or a living mother, by virtue of his fatherhood or her motherhood, is endowed with the
power to bless or curse an offspring effectively. That is why every passage of life and every
undertaking by the offspring require parental blessing.”48 And that is why deceased members of
family are feared of causing disasters, because of some kind of dissatisfaction or frustration.

But never the less, the whole community of the dead and the living is considered to be a big
family, which is inseparable in time and space. All the funeral customs are showing that even
physical death cannot separate family members. Death is seen as only a change of the state which is
not permanent, because there is a belief in incarnation and that symbolizes the eternal spun of life.

46
Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973. p. 184
47
Mbiti, J.S. African Religions and Philosophy. London: Heinemann. 1969. p. 25-26
48
Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973. p. 185
14
MODERNISATION OF OLD TRADITIONS

The modernization of old traditions has its own term – it is called New Functional Art. The
word “functional” does not bring any new concept in translation of rituals, because in African
society all objects are functional. That means that they are made with some kind of sense of
necessity. Even objects which Western societies consider being art or part of it, actually in African
community plays its vital role as used in some activities and interacting with society. Susan Vogel
explains that “this art is “functional” in the same circumscribed way that traditional art is
“functional”: in this context the word refers to objects made for some concrete purpose – to be used
as a coffin or worn as a mask. It also describes objects made for an event to which they are
essential.”49

This New Functional art is put diametrically opposite to urban art which also is one of the
signs of modernity, but its goal is to create secular art – an art just to-look-at. On contrary, New
Functional art is considered to be the process of making future traditions by combining religious
concepts and old traditions with new materials and technologies. That is mainly explained by the
fact that the artists or creators of such art “often have neither much formal education nor a history of
apprenticeship as an artist; many were trained in trades such as carpentry and building, which gave
them skills they have elaborated into art.”50 They have their inner understanding of ritual and
esthetic of art.

The main characteristic of New Functional art is that although it belongs to groups or
corporate entities rather than to individuals, it is not seen as ethnically rooted. Like traditional art, it
usually expresses a belief system which could be sometimes a sufficiently elaborate considering the
lack of unity in religious concepts as such. Yet because it seems to transcend ethnicity, uses new
media, and is frequently connected to the incoming faiths of Christianity and Islam, the owners of
New Functional art see it as progressive or modern, while they associate ethnically based traditional
art with the past. New Functional art reflects the mixed-ethnic setting in which it has generally
developed, but it often recapitulates traditional use contexts such as masquerading, healing cult,
shrine decoration, and funerals.51

One of the most famous that kind of artists is Kane Kwei (b. 1927), a Ga man living near
Accra in Ghana. He never went to school, but was apprenticed to a carpenter. In the mid 1970s he
was producing traditional “linguists” staffs and palanquins for chiefs. When his dying uncle asked
him for a special coffin, he made one in a shape of a boat, because his uncle was a fisherman. It
became a trend. Now he is world-famous, and he is the head of a large family workshop producing
coffins for local customers and for tourists.52

49
Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 97
50
Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 94
51
Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 95
52
Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 98
15
 He developed two dozen popular models, which have not changed over the years. The
subjects insinuate to the lifetime trades of their dead costumer. Most popular are a boat, two
different fish, and a whale, for successful fishermen in the coastal area; a hen with chicks, for senior
women with large families; an onion and a cocoa pod, for owners of big farming establishments;
and a white 1970s-model Mercedes-Benz, designed for customers such as the owner of a large taxi
fleet or other rich businesspeople. More infrequent designs include an airplane and a modern villa.
For traditional chiefs - a traditional stool, as well as an eagle, an elephant, and a leopard are made.53

His pieces of art cannot be compared with modern art of West societies, because of two
reasons: he never went to school; therefore he could not gain the inspiration for his work at the
same way as it did European or North American artists. And because Kane’s art is diametrically
opposed to Surrealism, it does not distance its viewer from the real world: it expresses familiarity,
connection, ownership.54

The other bright example of New Functional art is created by Sunday Jack Akpan (b.ca. 1940)
who lives in a semirural area of Nigeria, where he is famous for his striking life-size cement figures.
He is most skilled of many artists working in a similar vein in his region, making not only funerary
monuments but also “art to look at” – sculptures for display in gardens and outside commercial
enterprises such as hotels and garages.55

“These life-size figures are mounted on tombs and unveiled during the memorial celebrations
known as “second burials”. They are enormously expensive in local terms, but are paid for by many
members of the deceased’s extended family.”56 This type of art is at the same time needed by its
religious function and at the same time has esthetical appearance.

This kind of art has found it own place in time and space. “New Functional art serves a
multiethnic audience in Africa, where ethnicity can be read on every face and in every name but
where ethnicity connects to the past. In its eclectic use of heterogeneous materials, New Functional
art expresses both a break with the past and a freedom from the West. Its artists shun both the
traditional African media and unaltered imported things, proclaiming their participation in a new
African culture.”57

53
Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 98
54
Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 99
55
Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 101
56
Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 101
57
Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 105
16
CONCLUSION

Before analyzing the art of African people, the religious concepts should be researches,
because African art is not made only by the esthetic purpose, but serves some kind of function. In
such case, funeral objects serve for specific functions which are closely linked with perception of
death, afterlife and spiritual life in the other world.

The main function of such objects is to help the deceased to find its own way to the next life
and secure society from anger of wandering spirits which did not get through the passage ritual in to
the society of ancestors.

The burial rituals always have their explanations and interpretation in legends and myths, but
in some of them even art is reasoned as the victory over the death. That explains why funeral
objects and rites have not only functional, but as well esthetic and symbolic meaning. “These
religions have weathered the ravages of time and the influences of external religions and cultures,
and certain expressions of beliefs that have endured for many centuries still persist, even in
urbanized and “secularized” societies.”58

All the ritual objects in their function are meant not only to help the deceased, but also to
comfort and protect mourning family.

But there are also very intensive modernization processes, which comes not from the Western
cultures, but appears from the inner potential of the African people. “New Functional art often
allows people a public expression of both their respectful allegiance to a conservative past and their
forward-looking commitment to a progressive future.”59 It combines art and traditions, making new
type of art by putting emphases on esthetic, not myths.

“Western uses of Western media such as cement and cloth, and of techniques such as
carpentry, are predominantly utilitarian and nonfigurative; African artists have reexamined these
models for their figurative potential.”60 Not only new esthetic models are emerging, but also new
ways of combining materials with forms, that gives inspiration to the Western society itself.

58
Religion of the World. Ed.: Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002. p. 1289
59
Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 97
60
Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 103
17
BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999

2. Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973.

3. Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985.

4. Mbiti, J.S. African Religions and Philosophy. London: Heinemann. 1969.

5. Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991.

6. Religion of the World: A Comprehensive encyclopedia of beliefs and practices. Ed.:

Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002.

18