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KIRSTEN YRI
The New York Pro Musica's first performances of the medieval liturgical
drama the Play of Daniel during the 1957-58 Christmas season took New
York concertgoers by storm. With audiences pleading for extensions of
the run, the Play of Daniel was destined to become an annual concert
event, no small feat formusic that had previously been unknown outside
the university Praised in the New York Times as superb, and
collegium.
pronounced a "rare of imagination, scholarship, and show
conspiracy
the was described in awe as the first complete
manship," production
performance of the play since medieval times. Thereafter, the New York
Pro M?sica and itsmusical director, Noah Greenberg, were credited with
putting "early music" on the map.1 In 1963, under Greenberg's tutelage,
the New York Pro M?sica
reconstructed, performed, and made famous
the Play ofHerod?staging it, too, with colorful pageantry and enchant
ing music.2 These medieval liturgical dramas became institutions inNew
York City, with a of one of the works every season until the
performance
group disbanded in 1974.
At any given performance of the plays, musicians and audiences no
doubt believed they were privy to the sounds of medieval music as it
might originally have been heard. Yet, as Richard Taruskin and Daniel
Leech-Wilkinson have illustrated, early music performances are not nec
Kirsten Yri received a Ph.D. inmusicology from Stony Brook University with
a dissertation titled "Medieval Uncloistered: Uses of Medieval Music in Twen
Culture." Her research centers on medievalism and orientalism
tieth-Century
in music, music, and music She is
popular contemporary early performance.
Assistant Professor of Music History atWilfrid Laurier University.
American Music Winter 2006
? 2006 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois
422 Yri
publication The New Masses, and setting Alfred Hayes's poem "Into the
Street May First."8 Not unlike Copland, who wished to reach a mass
Noah Greenberg and the New York Pro M?sica 423
audience through the borrowing of folk tunes, cowboy songs, and other
vernacular musics in his compositions of this period, Greenberg wished
tomake the two plays accessible, and did so by making particular edito
rial and performance decisions. Greenberg and his advisers linked the
plays' music to medieval folksong and other popular music in much
the same way as Popular Front composers borrowed folk tunes or art
songs with proletarian texts to instill their audiences with the ideals of
"community" and social conscience. The "community" ideals inherent in
the Marxist and socialist thought that informed so much of the aesthetic
ideology of the period were also reproduced by Greenberg and the New
York Pro M?sica in the choice and descriptions of repertoire. To be sure,
the climate that produced Blitzstein's and Copland's work is changed
in the postwar period, such that the cultural values of the Popular Front
lived on in a covert form.
the New York Pro Musica's as
Approaching performances engaged
with the ideologies of the cultural front also explains the attraction these
two liturgical dramas and, indeed, the Middle Ages in general had for
a spectrum of listeners whose musical passions were outside the realm
of medieval music. Early music appealed to the various subcultures of
folk and new music from the period as journalist Mike Collins' anecdotal
remark reveals: "When Iwas in college, there was a hardcore under
ground of real folk music enthusiasts. Among their other enthusiasms
were things ... equally obscure: serious music composed prior to Bach
or after Schoenberg."9 An illustration of these shared interests is that the
New York Pro M?sica was featured in a 1963 article published in Sing
Out! that recommended the LP Play of Daniel (along with The Holly and
the Ivy by Alfred D?lier); the Play of Daniel was described as an example
of "a flourishing musical culture which combined church liturgy, the
rustic vigor of peasant dances, the courtly art of the troubadours, and the
scholars' frank comments on love and wine."10 Wfhile there is
wandering
no evidence Greenberg attended any folk-music gatherings, Folkways,
a center in New York for folk music that sold both sheet music and re
cordings, carried several Greenberg recordings and his edition of An
Elizabethan Song Book}1 The record label Folkways also demonstrated
this intriguing crossover, producing albums such as German Folk Songs,
German Student Songs, and English Folk Songs alongside medieval topics
such as Robin Hood Ballads, collections of Renaissance songs performed
by Alfred D?lier, and LPs that taught Latin.12
Indeed, a position for medieval music as culture"?to bor
"people's
row a term current from the Popular Front?can be seen in the unusu
ally high number of articles focusing on medieval culture and repertoire
in Sing Out!, especially in the journal's first ten years, 1950 to 1960. In
his discussion of a song called "The Cutty Wren," A. L. Lloyd suggests
that the wren symbolizes "baronial property," expressing the peasants'
424 Yri
dissatisfaction with the system that enslaved them and thus highlight
ing the of the common people against social abuses and the
struggle
church.13 As inmany left-wing venues of the time, the opposition was one
between elite, "high art," and the popular, "low art" of those typically
the state or
marginalized by church, factory. Sing Out! also published
Paul Henry Lang's article on the pagan elements of Christmas (such
as people dancing in animal skins) censured by the medieval Church
in favor of Christian ones. The influence of the "popular" or "pagan"
on learned traditions is also a feature of his discussion. In describing
medieval music in France, Germany, and England, he avers, "The line
of development was the same everywhere: a folk genre was
popular
into a art form, into musician's
gradually changed highly sophisticated
music."14 This influence of the popular or secular on "official" art forms
emerges as a problematizing feature of the categories "high" and "low,"
and is a significant theme in Greenberg's revival of early music.
Descriptions of medieval music performed by the New York Pro M?
sica sometimes drew comparisons to another "people's music"?jazz.15
For instance, reviews sometimes made references to jazz. A1964 New York
Times review of the New York Pro Musica's tour inMoscow notes, "The
shawm, forerunner of the oboe; the sackbut, an early trombone, and the
krummhorn, a reed instrument that buzzes like a bee, were joined with
the more familiar clavichord, the recorder, and the viola da gamba in a
simulated jazz session of about 1600 that was one of the highlights of
the evening."16 Other performers who overlapped both worlds included
jazz trumpeter LaNoue Davenport, said to "carry his improvisatory skills
over to his recorder playing, Renaissance music in a lan
ornamenting
guage uniquely his own."17 Moreover, one of the New York Pro Musica's
Socialist Politics
The early political activities of Noah Greenberg (1919-66) shed light on
his later attraction to medieval music and the ideological values and
populist attitudes that informed his approach to the Middle Ages. A Jew
growing up in New York City during the Depression and Popular Front
era, Greenberg held political beliefs that were shaped by social and eco
nomic issues and the rights and conditions of workers. With confidence
in capitalism eroded, many, especially immigrant Jews in New York,
adopted the ideals of socialism and communism, which they viewed as
enlightened, liberal, and modern.23 Such ideals were considered the only
solution to the collapsing capitalist economy of the Depression. Many
immigrant New York Jews were committed to equality and freedom
from oppression, and as such, brought this focus to the communist ac
tivism in which they participated. As James Gollin argues, Greenberg's
political views shared much with the left leanings of the New York Jews.
According to Gollin, in 1934 Greenberg "joined the most radical of the
period's student political organizations, the American Student Union,
dominated on most campuses by Stalinists rather than socialists." Some
time around 1937 he joined the Socialist Workers Party (SWP), an organi
zation founded by Max Shachtman that followed Trotsky's anti-Stalinist
assessment of communism in Russia.24 Greenberg and Edith Schor, his
soon-to-be wife, then followed Shachtman in his later break away from
426 Yri
Trotsky to form theWorker's Party, which existed until 1948 with Schor
and Greenberg as devoted members.
to land a night job directing choirs for the International Ladies Garment
Workers Union in 1949. This experience is noteworthy for several rea
sons. First, it helped carve out a niche for Greenberg as amusic director
and gave him his first paid conducting experience. Second, it suggests
that members felt Greenberg had the requisite socialist background to
uphold the organization's reputation for social critique, through the use
of popular accessible musical forms. The union choirs had been so suc
cessful that according to Serge Denisoff, "Most Trotskyist protest songs
actually were modeled on the show tune idiom popularized during the
1930s in labor circles, for example by the International Ladies Garment
Workers Union in their successful musical, Pins and Needles/'31
Medievalism as Utopia
into the popular and social sphere. Rejecting the idea of early music as
an elite form of music, intended it to be The New
Cape participatory.
York Pro M?sica shared Cape's outlook. On many of their tours across
the United States, the New York Pro M?sica gave workshops and visited
schools. They also established a outreach education program,
community
inwhich Greenberg led a choral study group, Martha Blackman directed
viols, and Bernard Krainis taught recorder. This focus also reflects the
cultural front's populist trend, which in the 1930s had witnessed the
widespread dissemination of high art forms such as the paperback edi
tions of classic literature published by Penguin.
To be sure, the Gebrauchsmusik aesthetic shared much with the work
of nineteenth-century medievalists, both having been born of the same
malaise for the industrial revolution. l?chard Taruskin asserts that the Ge
brauchsmusik aesthetic
"emerged out of an antiquarian milieu," and that
the German musicologist Heinrich Besseler adopted the term Gebrauchs
musik to assert the social relevance of medieval music as intrinsic to "life
as-lived": "Besseler, whose research inmedieval music had relativized his
values, had lost faith in the supremacy of absolute music and its attendant
modes of listening. He dreamed of recapturing Heidegger's 'primordial'
immediacy of experience, and the social relevance the music he studied
had possessed as an art still undivorced from life-as-lived."42
Taruskin's discussion of Gebrauchsmusik is in the context of neoclas
sicism, where the "back to" nature mindset marked out not an in
only
terest in eighteenth-century and baroque forms, but also the more trans
parent textures and simpler melodic structures of folk music and early
music. According to Taruskin, Hindemith's neoclassicism a
suggested
"Bach of the Left": a communal and Gebrauchsmusik view of Bach as a
"Gemeinschaftsmusiker, turning out well made, socially useful goods
to order" for the masses.43 Greenberg's treatment of medieval music
can be compared to this notion of Gebrauchsmusik, borne out in such
accessible pieces as Lehrst?ck or Wir bauen eine Stadt, which Hindemith
wrote for amateurs and children, and which were tied to the social and
political aims illuminated in their texts.
Unlike the other sacred and secular music the New York Pro M?sica
performed, the plays, in fact, had a Gebrauchsmusik aesthetic as their
raison d'etre. Greenberg knew that both Daniel and Herod had been written
as educational tools for an audience of common folk. He also focused on
the two medieval provenance and transmission, em
plays' widespread
phasizing they were for everyday people. Greenberg believed the music
of the plays included music of everyday "folk" to be used for didactic
purposes, something that surely resonated with his own ideas about the
social function of art. Moreover, Greenberg was aware that the financial
success necessary to continue his endeavors might follow if the public
found the plays accessible.
430 Yri
Greenberg also believed that both plays had been written for the Feast
of Fools, a feast between Christmas and New Year's Eve that gave the
youth and students of the Church, as well as common folk and other
participants, the chance to switch hierarchical roles and become the "rul
ers" for the duration of the event.44 Such a reversal of roles, and the
privileging of the students of the Church and "the people" over "the
establishment" may have been attractive to Greenberg given his earlier
revolutionary persona. But more important, this reversal resulted in a
blurring of boundaries between the sacred and secular, and allowed
Greenberg to consider the plays more as drama rather than liturgy.
Liner notes emphasize these features. Father Rembert Weakland (b.
1927), who transcribed Daniel for Greenberg, described the work as a
hit in its time, performed for one hundred years at New Year for the
Feast of Fools and having been written for the Feast by the students of
the Cathedral of Beauvais from the Vulgate. Weakland also emphasized
the impending independence of drama, stating, "Our interest in Daniel
is heightened by the fact that itwas written at that precise period when
the connection between the liturgy and the drama had become more and
more tenuous and the drama was soon to assert its independence."45 In
his notes for the Play of Daniel, Paul Henry Lang suggests that Daniel
was intended as a moral tale for an audience of common, illiterate folk,
and that elements of myth, fable, and burlesque appear. Lang also drew
attention to the fact that performances of these plays were eventually
stopped during the Middle Ages because their "secularization and ir
reverence" were perceived
as threatening to Church authorities.46
As best he could, Greenberg considered the two dramas in terms of
their historical as well as their contemporary social and moral functions,
but, as we will see, he downplayed the religious aspects in favor of those
that emphasized "people's" culture. Although the plays had a Christian
didactic function in their historical provenance, the cultural context in
which were in the 1950s andl960s shifted the focus away
they presented
from the religious to the social. The choice of biblical themes on the Jew
ish hero Daniel and the slaughter of the innocents would seem to reflect
a religious commitment. was not, however, a man.
Greenberg religious
As author and critic George P. Elliott would recall, "He did not do it in
order to bring the people of New York into a better connection with the
God of Jews and Christians. He had been born and raised a Jew, but in
his youth had accepted the rationalistic Jewish-Christian heresy, social
ism, and especially, Trotsky's faction of the schism."47 The ideological
dimensions of the cultural front in New York together with the secular
context of contemporary life suggest that the texts may have been read
as metaphor and perhaps even spoke to the threat of totalitarianism
among other topical socialist concerns.48
A socialist or even Marxist reading of Christian texts would, signifi
Noah Greenberg and the New York Pro M?sica 431
corruption, and jealousy versus honor, hope, and reward. They did not
need to have partisan labels to communicate their ideals, nor could they
in the postwar anticommunist period of McCarthyism.
The Play of Daniel recounts the Old Testament tale of a humble, ex
iled, and persecuted Jew who is finally recognized and rewarded for his
faith and wisdom. Daniel is brought in to "read the writing on the wall"
and divines the corrupt king's impending doom for his part in using
vessels stolen from the Jews as adornment and riches, and for
religious
making these vessels into idols to be worshipped. The story lends itself
to a number of different interpretations. On one level, it can be read as
a "back-to-basics" statement, that social and spiritual life be
suggesting
of its on material items. Given the dominant posi
stripped dependence
tion of left-wing politics in New York, and the rampant commodifica
tion in 1950s and 1960s cultural life, Daniel's rejection of the gifts that
he receives for his wisdom is striking for its cautionary statement about
The focus on Babylon as amorally bankrupt community and
capitalism.
Belshazzar as an evil oppressor of Jews was an obvious echo to the Jewish
Holocaust masterminded by Hitler during World War II. (Harold Rome's
1937 "Pins and Needles" treats King Belshazzar as a fascist dictator in
the sketch "Men?, Men?, Tekel.")52 Finally, Darius's manipulation into
using a law he was tricked into making against his esteemed Daniel sug
gests the corrupted practices of modern bureaucracy, easily a reflection
of postwar Trotskyist views of the Soviet Union or anticapitalist views
of the United States.
The Play ofHerod also features themes that likely attracted a left-leaning
432 Yri
Greenberg. Christ's humble origins and his mission to unite the world
and bring about peace and goodwill may have resonated with revolu
tionary agendas to stand up against a corrupt but powerful government.
More important, the king's decision tomurder a generation of baby boys
underscores the existence of totalitarianism and atrocities, a telling state
ment of holocaust experience, and perhaps even Stalinist purges here, as
in the play, brought on by arbitrary political forces. By making critical
statements about their societies and voicing collective hopes to find a
leader worthy of trust, the plays' texts can be understood in relation to
the ideological values of the cultural front.
The liner notes for the Play of Daniel recording and edition draw atten
tion to the overlap between the music of the plays and folksong, popular
song, and music of the trouv?res. The majority of the pieces in Daniel
were said to draw "on the rhythms and melodies of the trouv?res who
journeyed over France delighting its people with song and story, and
from the art of those folk themselves."58 Paul Henry Lang writes of the
Jewish, Greek, Latin, and traditional folk elements that merge together to
form a Gregorian art, again highlighting the relationship between secular
and sacred: "from its very beginning, Christian ritual music could not be
and would not be sharply distinguished from secular-profane music,"
and further, "this is natural because, as we now realize, Gregorian chant
is a repository of all manner of music, from pentatonic melodies of ex
treme antiquity toWestern folk song and Byzantine hymn."59 Of the
Play of Daniel, Weakland notes: "[It] is the music itself that ensured the
play's popularity, and in the tunefulness of its melodies and piquancy
of its rhythms, we come perhaps as close as we ever shall to medieval
folk song."60 The attraction to the music was surely another factor in
Greenberg's selection of Daniel. Writings about Daniel also emphasized
the strong relationship between secular and sacred traditions in the music
of the play, highlighting the popular, vernacular themes that crept inside
the sanctity of the Catholic Church.
This popular appeal was also mentioned in liner notes for the Play
of Herod, which included two plays from the Fleury Playbook, The Rep
resentation of Herod and The Slaying of the Children, both of which were
said to have been "written to appeal to a popular audience and were
performed the men and of the choir school attached
originally by boys
to the monastic church of Fleury." In another passage, Greenberg noted
that "these pieces must have been very well-known in the twelfth cen
tury," again suggesting he felt their widespread appeal made them more
attractive.61
It is thus clear in the writings about the plays and concurrent scholarship
that "high art" forms of medieval music such as Gregorian chant and
troubadour and trouv?re music were thought to have their basis in folk
434 Yri
song and popular song. Medieval songs supplied the universal "roots"
for other forms of medieval music. This common outlook manifested in
Greenberg's plans for a of medieval music that would be
compilation
called "Medieval Roots," and which would feature what he considered
to be popular songs of the Middle Ages.63
also considered medieval "roots music" as that
Greenberg something
could be used to build community. In a 1962 lecture on medieval music,
Greenberg suggested "roots music" could offer comfort and community
at a time when political factions were increasingly hostile.
Today perhaps more than any other time, we crave the comfort that a
great tradition gives us. In this period of rapid changes, phenomenal
scientific achievements accompanied by the ever-present threat of
mass destruction, many of us need the support that only "roots" can
an escape (who can
give, partly as deny it) but primarily to reinforce
our belief inMan and the he can
good accomplish.64
The ideology underpinning Greenberg's comments on "tradition" and
"roots" evokes nineteenth-century medievalists' visions of community
as a panacea for alienation. Since such an outlook informs midcentury
American ideals for the performance of folksong and folk music, it is
not surprising to find similar statements about "roots" and "tradition"
in literature about the folk revival. Robert Cantwell contends, "As folk
music and crafts symbolized the grassroots democracy of preindustrial
America, they also embodied the values of a rootedness and authenticity
a
characteristic of patriarchal aristocracy. The very concept of folk was
vertical one, of a traditional society pictured from above, where peasantry
and nobility live in an interdependence literally grounded in land."65
For the Play of Daniel, Greenberg enlisted the help of Weakland and
based his performance and edition on Weakland's transcription.66 Weak
land transcribed the pitches from the medieval notation into modern no
tation with little difficulty. Many of the melodies themselves, especially
those in Daniel, had skips and leaps that were typically associated with
secular and dance music, confirming forWeakland and Greenberg the
influence of the art of "the people" on the music of the Church.
Rhythm was another matter. The question of rhythmic interpretation
was controversial since the Beauvais manuscript, like other medieval
manuscripts from this period, gave no rhythmic markings. Weakland
the two pieces in the that were in the style of plainchant in their
kept play
unmeasured However, a number of the
original settings. large pieces
were given strong triple meter settings dictated by the rhythm of the
Latin poetic texts and based on late twelfth- and early thirteenth-century
rhythmic modes. Other pieces were set in duple meter perhaps because
Weakland and Greenberg were aware of the theory that duple meter
may have been used in medieval secular music and troubadour and
trouv?re music even though itwas not able to be notated until the four
teenth century.67 For listeners in the 1950s and early 1960s, such metered
settings established links to popular music and certainly did not convey
the prayer-like atmosphere of liturgy or religious drama: the triple meter
was associated with secular dance numbers and the duple meter drew
associations withpopular forms like the march. In all cases, the music
conveyed strong metric settings that signaled the secular rather than
sacred realm.
purposes.69 Bowles suggested the use of psaltery, harp, and organ with
holy characters, the trumpet with kings and characters speaking to him,
the recorder, vielle, bells and percussion with the pagan courts, and the
rebec with "the envious counsellors." Bowles thus helped construct a
distinction between secular and sacred characters, as well as a hierarchy
of various social classes.
For the Play of Herod, Greenberg's performing edition relied on the
transcription provided by medieval liturgical drama expert William
L. Smoldon (1892-1974). The was put together at the Benedictine
play
monastery of Fleury for the Feast of the Holy Innocents.70 In contrast
to Daniel, Herod contains a large number of (liturgically derived) pieces
whose provenance can be traced to theMass or Office, and features fewer
pieces with regular rhyme and rhythm. As Smoldon notes, he set the few
pieces with obvious rhyme and rhythm in the Latin poetry to rhythmic
modes and set the rest of the material, prose passages, or service pieces
in "free rhythm."71 Accordingly, there are several prose passages where
a
singular figure, such as Herod (an Angel) or Rachel, sings in long pas
sages in free rhythm, and fewer passages in regular rhythm.
But ifHerod's reliance on liturgical items meant it had less of the rhyth
mic drive and duple or triple meter settings associated with secular or
popular influence, Greenberg's performance made up for this lack in two
ways. First, he added four metered pieces to the performance. He chose
to add two instrumental estampies or dances, and two choral on
pieces
sacred texts. Since the play included "The Slaying of the Innocents," a
feast commonly understood to take place between Christmas and New
Year's, Greenberg considered it too as a liturgical drama for the Feast
of Fools.72 Accordingly, he inserted the Christmas sequence "Orientis
Partibus," or "Prose of the Ass" as the The liner
opening processional.
notes suggest this sequence was used because the play provided no
music for a procession, and the donkey was a symbol of Christ's flight
to Egypt. But the medieval use of "The Prose of the Ass" as a parody
in the reversal of hierarchical roles during the Feast was well known
and surely played into the decision to include it. Greenberg also added
the thirteenth-century motet Alle-Psallite cum-luya, which highlights the
emotional sincerity of the Angels' and Rachel's mourning.
Presumably to maintain accessibility and create a pageant as vibrant,
colorful, and successful as Daniel, Greenberg also decided to repeat the
estampies at three further points in the performance. Second, Greenberg
also chose to use instruments in some of the texted pieces, though he
limited them to recorder, vielle, bagpipe, tenor drum, and bell carillon.
The instrumental a colorful contrast to the
accompaniments provided
were a or
passages that cappella accompanied only by tenor drum. Again,
since the music of Herod was closely related to the music of the service
books, such metered and instrumental additions would have been seen
Noah Greenberg and the New York Pro M?sica 437
historically 'fallen' from the golden time which they locate in the Middle
Ages. To those longing for the universalized system that Auden found
a a
lacking in 1927, disunified present might be compensated for by uni
fied past, a time undisturbed secularism, or science."77
by capitalism,
Noah Greenberg and the New York Pro M?sica 439
* * *
I have argued that Greenberg's work with the Play of Daniel and Play of
Herod is aligned with the ideological values of the cultural front. This
sharing of values encourages the plays to be considered against the his
torical and cultural contexts that made Gebrauchsmusik and folk music
so attractive to the American left and suggests ways that Greenberg's
revival of the plays grew out of them. The McCarthyite climate of the
postwar United States differed to such an extent from prewar New Deal
liberalism that the ideological values associated with the cultural front
were stripped of their partisan or communist associations in the postwar
as democratic
period and in some cases constructed and "American."
Without mentioning socialism, Trotskyism, Marxism, or communism,
nevertheless constructed the two as if he were devel
Greenberg plays
a form of use
oping "People's Music." Through careful presentation,
of instruments, lively, rhythmic interpretations, the addition of secular
as a literal emphasis on "folk" elements
pieces, as well and folksong,
he forged connections to other music whose emphasis lay in its social
significance.
If Greenberg had lived into the 1970s, he would have been able to
witness the incredible flourishing of medieval music in concert halls,
on airwaves, and on sound recordings. He would have been gratified to
see that what began as a tiny group of listeners could grow to become
a
significant portion of the classical music audience. He would surely
have seen his role in the 1970s stereotype of early music described by
Laurence Dreyfus as relying on social codes of democracy, harmony,
and fellowship in contrast to the hierarchical and competitive nature of
mainstream classical music.78 These social and cultural codes were set in
motion under Greenberg's tenure with the New York Pro M?sica. Under
his leadership, ideals of "community," "roots," and tradition, all values
that defined the "Old Left" in intellectual circles inNew York City, were
mapped onto the practices of reviving "pre-Bach" music.
Greenberg may have believed he was reconstructing performances
close to the original by focusing on elements he understood to have in
formed the unofficial backdrop to the plays during the Middle Ages. Yet
his choices are symbolic of the sleight of hand that tricks us into think
ing we have ready access to the Middle Ages, and that masks the fact
that our access is always mediated. While Greenberg's activities with
the New York Pro M?sica are not an "authentic" reflection of medieval
musical ideas, they provide a window to the birth of medievalism as a
NOTES
Iwould like to thank Sarah Fuller, Lisa Barg, and David Fallows for their
Joseph Auner,
comments on earlier versions
of this essay. The author also
helpful gratefully acknowledges
the financial support for this research from a grant partly funded by Wilfrid Laurier Uni
versity operating funds and partly by a Social Science and Humanities Research Council
Institutional grant.
1. E. D. [Edward Downes], "Medieval Drama Sung at Cloisters," New York Times, Jan.
3,1958,15.
2. These were released as New York Pro M?sica, The Play of Daniel, Decca
recordings:
79402,1959, and New York Pro M?sica, The Play ofHerod, Decca DXSA 7187,1964. Greenberg
also published performing editions: The Play of Daniel: A Thirteenth-Century Musical Drama,
ed. Noah Greenberg, based on a transcription by Rev. Rembert Weakland (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1959); and The Play of Herod: A Twelfth Century Musical Drama, eds. Noah
Greenberg and William L. Smoldon, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965). Iwill use
the editions' full titles to them from the recordings.
distinguish
3. Richard Taruskin, "The Pastness of the Present and the Presence of the Past," in Au
thenticity and Early Music, ed. Nicholas Kenyon (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988);
Daniel Leech-Wilkinson, The Modern Invention ofMedieval Music (Cambridge: Cambridge
Press, 2002). Leo Treitler makes a similar in his "The Politics of Reception:
University point
the Present as Fulfillment of a Desired Past," Journal of Royal Musical Association
Tailoring
116, no. 2 (1991): 280-98.
4. Michael The Cultural Front: The Laboring of American Culture in the Twentieth
Denning,
Century (London: Verso, 1997), 4.
5. The New York Pro M?sica
also performed Renaissance music in addition tomedieval
secular music, but I have on the
focused because of their I as
plays widespread appeal.
sign agency to Greenberg because he consulted in his work, he
although musicologists
made the final decisions, sometimes to the chagrin of those who advised him.
ultimately
6. Denning, Cultural Front, 25.
7. For a reading of Blitzstein's see Carol J.
Oja, "Marc Blitzstein's The Cradle Will
piece,
Rock and Mass-song of the 1930s," Musical 73, no. 4 (1989): 445-75; and
Style Quarterly
Denning, Cultural Front, 285-94.
8. For Copland's involvement in the Popular Front, see Elizabeth B. Crist, "Aaron Cop
land and the Popular Front," Journal of the American Musicological Society 56, no. 2 (Summer
2003): 409-66.
9. Mike Collins, "Personal Observations on the Folk Craze," Catholic Times, Feb. 28,1964,
quoted in Robert Cantwell, When We Were Good: The Folk Revival Harvard
(Cambridge:
University Press, 1996), 282.
10. No reviewer no. 5 (1963-64): 77 and 79 respectively. Note that
Sing Out! 13,
cited,
the reviewer is also to the confluences of liturgical music, peasant music (read
referring
"folk song") and court music, and a manuscript that epitomized "wandering scholars'
frank comments on love and wine," the Carmina Burana. This overlapping of medieval
and folk-music spheres has recently been discussed in John Haines, Eight Centuries of
Troubadours and Trouv?res: The Changing Identity ofMedieval Music (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2004), 245. Haines claims that in the mid-twentieth century, "folk song
was a for of medieval and involved the
frequent inspiration interpreters monophony"
"well-known circular sequence that trouv?re songs flow from living folk traditions which
lead straight back to medieval song."
11. According to Izzy Young, who owned and operated the Greenwich Village-based
folk-resource store Folkways, An Elizabethan Song Book and The Play of Daniel,
Greenberg's
Noah Greenberg and the New York Pro M?sica 441
as well as Renaissance sheet music, were stocked and sold during the 1950s and 1960s;
Young, personal communication with the author, June 3,1999. An Elizabethan Song Book
was also advertised in Sing Out! in the 1950s.
12. The crossover is also evident on which included sleeves for
Vanguard Recordings,
the Connoisseur label advertising medieval, folksong, and early music. For instance, on the
are advertised:
Ravens album discussed below, recordings by the following musicians the
Weavers at CarnegieHall, Joan Baez, Kurt Weill and Bertold Brecht, and John Hammond's
Leadbelly.
13. A. L. Lloyd, "Revolutionary Significance of 14th-Century English Song," Sing Out!
4, no. 1 (1953): 4-6.
no. 5
14. Paul Henry Lang, "Christmas Music: A Tradition of Centuries," Sing Out! 12,
(1962-63): 19-21.
15. For a discussion of jazz as people's music, see Finkelstein, Jazz: A People's
Sidney
Music (1948; New York: Da Capo, 1975).
16. N. A., "Shawm and Sackbut Charm Muscovites," New York Times, Oct. 6, 1964,
34:2.
17. Judith Davidoff, "Tribute: LaNoue Davenport," Early Music America 6 (2000): 6.
18. Elizabethan and Jacobean Music, Vanguard is reviewed as
BG-539,1955, by Les Brown
an LP of songs "larded with attractive interludes of lute, harpsichord, and violins," that
features Alfred D?lier, alto"; Down Beat 22, no. 9 (1955): 18.
"a natural
male
19. "Editor's note," Beat 26. no. 25 (1959): 47.
Down
20. Don Henahan, "Review of Liturgical Jazz" [Ecclesia ER 101], Down Beat 27, no.
1 (1960): 84. Four months later, Down Beat reported that Liturgical Jazz's success led to
Summerlin's decision to go on tour with it?see Don Henahan, Down Beat 27, no. 8 (1960).
A live performance was also telecast on NBC's TV-Net in 1960.
21. C. S. S, "The Play of Herod," Musical America 84, no.
1
(January 1964): 55.
22. V. R. R., "Concert: M?sica Antiqua," New
York Times, Nov. 11,1957,34.
23. For further discussion, see Arthur Liebman, Jews and the Left (New York: John Wiley
and Sons, 1979), and Stanley Rothman, Roots of Radicalism: Jews, Christians, and theNew Left
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1982).
24. James Gollin, Pied Piper, The Many Lives ofNoah Greenberg (Hillsdale, N.Y.: Pendragon
Press, 2001), 28, 29, 42. Although Gollin carefully details Greenberg's associations with
socialist and communist organizations, he consistently downplays Greenberg's cultural
politics by citing accounts of friends who do not remember Greenberg actually discuss
his views. Gollin's desire to will away Greenberg's political and
ing political ideological
activities is part of a larger symptom of anticommunist ideology that, as Elizabeth Crist
has argued in "Aaron Copland and the Popular Front," has informed accounts of Copland
among others. The exact date of Greenberg's affiliation with SWP is not known.
25. Mark Davenport interview with Jesse Simons, "Noah Greenberg, The Man Behind
the Music," no. 3, (1993): 40,41.
Early Music America 3,
26. Gollin, Pied Piper, 87. According to Gollin, the Independent Socialist was
League
on the U.S. General's list.
placed Attorney
27. Noah letter to Raymond Arvio, Dec. 3, 1964, in Box 6, New York Pro
Greenberg,
M?sica Archives, Research Division, New York Public Library for the Performing Arts
American Left (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971), for a discussion of social causes
in music of the 1930s and 1940s.
32. Roger Sherman Loomis, quoted by Jeff Rider in "Roger Sherman Loomis: Medieval
ism as Antimodernism," Studies inMedievalism 6 (1994): 144.
33. Norman Cantor, Inventing theMiddle Ages (New York: Quill William Morrow, 1991),
229-30. According to Cantor, the first of Lewis's messages "is the reality of evil, personified
by the devil and represented in the materialism, selfishness, corruption, and self-destruc
tiveness of everyday life. Like medieval Catholics, Lewis preached a dualistic
pessimistic,
view of the world as the scene of
struggle between good and evil," 221. Tolkien's fictional
works The Hobbit and The Lord of the Rings also use the Middle Ages therapeutically, and
to in the world. asserts
speak of loss, of decay, and the desire bring about peace Cantor
that The Lord of the Rings employs medieval themes to comment on both the Middle Ages
and the present: "But his book can be read, and was by himself, as an argument
against
the mechanistic state and society that commit evil even when their intentions are
good"
(229-30).
34. Jane Chance, Preface, "Inklings and Others," Studies inMedievalism 3, no. 3 (1991):
231.
35. Timothy H. Evans, "Folklore as Utopia: of
English Medievalists and the Ideology
Revivalism," Western Folklore 47, no. 4 (Oct. 1988): 246.
36. William Morris was first amember of the Social Democratic Federation and then the
Socialist League.
37. Evans, "Folklore as Utopia," 264-65.
38. Noah lecture delivered at the University of Colorado, June 23, 1962,
Greenberg,
typescript in Box 14, New York Pro M?sica Archives. In this lecture, Greenberg attributes
this interest in early music to the "tolerance and intellectual of our time and
curiosity
to examine different cultural
willingness expressions."
39. Taruskin makes this point in "The Pastness of the Present and the Presence of the
Past."
40. Joseph Horowitz, "Sermons in Tones," American Music 16, no. 3 (Fall 1998): 311,
329.
41. Ibid. Greenberg was not alone in his criticism of the stranglehold of "stan
certainly
dard Modern American composers, whose works were also played infre
repertoire."
quently, labeled Toscanini's audience "prestige-hypnotized and fashion enslaved" (ibid.,
330). Copland referred to the "endless repetition of a small body of entrenched master
works" as a effect on American culture (ibid.).
having negative
42. Richard Taruskin, "Review: Back toWhom? Neoclassicism as 19th Century
Ideology,"
Music 16, no. 3 (Spring 1993): 295.
43. The other trajectory describes an elite version asof Bach
espoused by Stravinsky,
among others, which viewed Bach as a "transcendent
impersonal artisan" writing for an
aristocratic audience of experts. Both views are described in ibid., 297.
44. For more on The Feast of Fools and Daniel, see Margot Fassler, "The Feast of Fools
and Danielis Ludus: Popular Tradition in a Medieval Cathedral Play," in Plainsong in the
Age of Polyphony, ed. Thomas Forrest Kelly (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992),
65-99.
45. Weakland, liner notes for Play of Daniel, 4.
46. Paul Henry Lang, liner notes for Play of Daniel, 3.
47. George P. Elliot, "The Achievement of Noah Greenberg," loose clipping, Box 7, Series
1, New York Pro M?sica Archives. I am unable to locate the original source in which this
document was but the page includes the heading "Observations" and the page
published,
number 67.
48. Hindemith's 1935 Mathis der Maler, about the sixteenth-century painter Matthias
Gr?newald and his role in the German Peasant's Revolt, is an example of a work from that
Noah Greenberg and the New York Pro M?sica 443
period that spoke to the role of the artist in times of political upheaval. Even Beethoven
was understood as a or as the masses
having revolutionary left-wing agenda, "reaching
with his Jacobin Symphony of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. . . .The most
important
was
thing for Beethoven the message, and he did deliver that revolutionary message to
the masses in a language as clear as it could be done."
Bishop Fan S. Noli, Beethoven and
the French Revolution (New York: International Universities Press, 1947), 4-5, quoted in
Raina Hayim, "Beethoven, 125 Years Later" Sing Out! 2, no. 10 (1952): 4-5. See also Peter
Davies, The Character a Genius: Beethoven in Perspective Conn.: Greenwood
of (Westport,
Press, 2002).
49. This "dialogue" between Marxism and Christianity was visible in the
particularly
1930s: see Marxism and Christianity: A Symposium, ed. Herbert (New York: Hu
Aptheker
manities Press, 1968). See also Alasdair Maclntyre, Marxism and Christianity (London: Gerald
Duckworth, 1969); Charles C. West, Communism and the Theologians: an Encounter
Study of
(New York: Macmillan, Westminster Press, 1958); Denys Turner, Marxism and Christianity
(Totowa, N.J.: Barnes and Noble Books, 1983); Christians and theMany Faces ofMarxism,
ed. Wayne Stumme (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1984).
50. Santiago Alvarez, Espa?a Republicana, published by the Spanish Communist Party;
quoted in Aptheker, Marxism and Christianity, 18.
51. Engels, "On the History of Early Christianity," quoted in Aptheker, Marxism and
Christianity, 30.
52. Denning, Cultural Front, 298.
53. See Richard A. Reuss and JoAnne C. Reuss, American Folk Music and Lefi-Wing Politics,
1927-57 (Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 2000); Cantwell, When We Were Good; Denisoff,
a
Sing Song of Social Significance; and Denisoff, Great Day Coming.
54. See Gustave Reese, Music in theMiddle Ages (New York: Norton, 1940), particularly
201 and 218.
55. See Sidney Finkelstein, Art and Society (New York: International, 1947), and his later
Composer and Nation: The Folk Heritage ofMusic (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1960); and
Lang, Music in Western Civilization (New York: Norton, 1941). Denis Stevens also writes,
and art music are often unified and interdependent" in his notes for The D?lier
"folksong
Consort's 1956 album The Three Ravens, Songs of Folk andMinstrelsy out of Elizabethan England,
Vanguard VSR- 479,1956, with Desmond Dupre (lute) and Alfred D?lier (voice).
56. Claudie Marcel-Dubois, Grove's Dictionary ofMusic and Musicians, 4th ed. (1947),
is no entry for "folk music" or
"Song," 2. There "folksong" in this edition.
57. Maud Karpeles, Grove's Dictionary ofMusic and Musicians, 5th ed. (1954), "Folk Music,"
182. The main feature of folk music is oral transmission and the refashioning of this music
by the community. The author further notes that folksong could merely be any song that
has a of popularity.
enjoyed great deal
58. E. Martin to The
Browne, preface Play of Daniel: A Thirteenth Century Musical Drama,
vi.
59. Lang, liner notes, Play of Daniel, 3.
60. Weakland, liner notes, Play of Daniel, 11.
61. The Play of Herod, eds. Greenberg and Smoldon, vii, viii.
62. Saul Novak, liner notes, Music of theMedieval Court and Countryside, Decca DL 79400,
1959.
63. Greenberg's were recorded in the form of contracts with Decca, which, upon
plans
Greenberg's premature death at age forty-seven, posthumously released Medieval Roots,
Decca DL 1971, and Music a Medieval DL 34541, 1968, from a
79438, for Day, Horizon
compilation of older recordings with several new renditions under the direction of John
Reeves White.
64. Greenberg, lecture at the University of Colorado.
65. Cantwell, When We Were Good, 307.
444 Yri
ing the Middle Ages?," Galpin Society Journal 10 (1957): 40-56; and Frank Harrison, Music
inMedieval Britain (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1958). On liturgical dramas, see
Reese, Music in theMiddle Ages, and the sections devoted to liturgical dramas in the New
Oxford History ofMusic, 175-213, and in Grove's Dictionary ofMusic and Musicians, 5th ed.
(1954), 317-43, both by William Smoldon.
69. Greenberg and the New York Pro M?sica acknowledge the specifics of Bowles's
"invaluable assistance" on the
Play of Daniel recording. Although Bowles had advocated
against the use of instruments in liturgical services, in "Were Musical Instruments Used," he
wrote in support of their use in sacred drama in Edmund A. Bowles, "The Role of Musical
Instruments inMedieval Sacred Drama," Musical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (Jan. 1959): 67-84.
70. The play appears in the Fleury Playbook, inMS 201 of the Bibl de Ville, Orl?ans, ff.
176-243.
71. Smoldon, liner notes for Play of Herod, 14.
72. Smoldon mentions that he suggested this to Greenberg as a influence for
possible
the work. See
the posthumous publication by William of theMedieval
L. Smoldon, Music
Church Dramas, ed. Cynthia (London: Oxford Press, 1980), 255.
Bourgeault University
73. Smoldon, liner notes for Play of Herod, 15, and in The Play of Herod, A Twelfth Century
Musical Drama, ed. Greenberg and Smoldon, 80. The use of instruments must have been
a sore in his lengthy passage the use of instruments in
spot for Smoldon; arguing against
Herod and Daniel in The Music of theMedieval Church Dramas, he stated, "I have mentioned
before that I happened to be concerned with the preparations of the New York Pro M?sica
for the Play of Herod ... inasmuch as I transcribed, and rhythmed the musical
deciphered,
and wrote one of the articles in the published edition. Imanaged to have my way
settings
in certain features, but there was much else that I objected to?unsuccessfully" (255).
74. In "Were Musical Instruments Used," Bowles mentions several of the edicts, in par
use of organ, and
ticular the Council of Milan (1287), which decreed only the prohibited
recorders and clarions.
75. Greenberg, at the University
lecture of Colorado.
76. Greenberg, The Play Daniel, x. does not provide more information, but
of Greenberg
it is clear from the manuscript that the ranges for Daniel and King Darius are inconsistent;