Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Shraga Fisherman
Orot Israel College
Abstract
Based on Herbert’s (1987) theory of ego identity development and
on interviews of hundreds of Israeli religious male adolescents and
young adults who were raised and educated in religious society and
later left the fold, this article presents a model of development of
religious identity. Three levels of religious identity development—
healthy, unhealthy, and dangerous—are described. In healthy de-
velopment, adolescents abandon childish faith, confront and
deliberate about their doubts, and consolidate a mature and per-
sonal spiritual identity. Unhealthy development, which may occur if
doubts are not accepted and dealt with, is seen in four forms:
sloganeering, diffuse spiritual identity, moratorium, and emphasis
on ritual and behavioral aspects of religion. These, in turn, may lead
to dangerous developments: (1) joining a cult or enslaving oneself
to a charismatic leader; (2) joining a group of formerly religious peers;
(3) group delinquency (theft or vandalism) or group use of alcohol
or drugs; (4) alienation and antireligious attitudes; (5) inconsistency
or “being religious at heart”; (6) solitary use of alcohol or drugs,
possibly leading to addiction. Methods of preventing and correct-
ing unhealthy and dangerous developments are presented and dis-
cussed.
61
62 SPIRITUAL IDENTITY IN ISRAEL
Healthy Development
Healthy spiritual development is the transition from childish faith
to deliberation (critical examination of creeds), and from deliberation
to adult faith.
Childish faith, though natural, is incomplete. Children, depen-
dent on their parents for satisfaction of their physical and psychologi-
cal needs, imitate the parents’ religious behavior.3 Prior to adolescence,
2
“Modern Orthodox” or “religious Zionist” are terms that refer to Jews who
accept the 613 commandments as binding and as God-given. Concurrently, they
dress in modern (but modest) clothing and partake fully in modern professional and
political pursuits and are ideologically committed to the State of Israel.
3
In this context, Beit-Halakhmi’s (1991) formulations accurately describe
individuals in the stage of childish faith. Children born to religious families and
educated in religious schools acquire “labels” which become part of their assigned
identity. At a relatively early stage, they learn that they belong to religious society;
this affiliation, however, is childish. Later, this affiliation becomes real and obligating.
During adolescence, the religious teenager is expected to reexamine this affiliation
by raising doubts about it.
64 SPIRITUAL IDENTITY IN ISRAEL
to many questions, but do not believe their own words. This is not to
say that they have decided not to accept these answers, but rather that
these answers have not really been processed by heart or mind.
Frequently, such an adolescent has many answers to a single ques-
tion but is unable to say which answer is most appealing. Although he
can quote arguments, he does not succeed in persuading himself or
others. Because questions make him anxious, he rejects friends who
raise them.
For some, doubts lead to deliberation, which in turn leads to in-
tensive study and introspection, and from there to consolidation of
adult religious faith; for others, doubts seen as unhealthy can stimu-
late flight from the issues, which may bring about dangerous develop-
ment.
Adolescents in the slogan phase require special educational at-
tention. Educators must focus their efforts in two directions: preven-
tion and attention to adolescents who have already entered this stage.
Preventive measures include, first, avoidance of teaching slogan use.
Teenagers’ questions, doubts, and deliberations are very important to
the development of their spiritual identities. They should be encour-
aged to ask, and answers should not be aphorisms or admonitions to
“believe, don’t think.” We need to stop seeing every doubter as an
apostate and every questioner as a heretic. The teacher must not issue
rulings or commands or force ideas on the group; rather, the teacher
should emphasize free choice and that many questions have a variety
of answers. Furthermore, changing one’s mind is permissible; there is
no need to fixate on one stance throughout a discussion.
5
Examples of folklorist behavior are eating gefilte fish on the Sabbath or
masquerading on Purim. Both, though widespread customs, are not required by
Jewish law.
6
For elaboration, see Beit-Halakhmi (1991).
SHRAGA FISHERMAN 69
ing motivational forces nudging him toward maturity and to the be-
ginning of the journey to investigation and consolidation of his be-
liefs. When he feels bewildered, he is likely to move toward deliberation
and doubts. From there, he can proceed in a positive direction (adult
faith) or a negative one (declarations and slogans) leading to jeopardy.
A teenager in this situation despairs of finding his own faith. Fre-
quently, this despair stems from his education; sometimes it is con-
nected to failed attempts to consolidate that faith. In the first instance,
the youth’s upbringing opposed criticism, doubts, and deliberation.
Education stressing only behavioral aspects can lead adolescents to
conclude that Judaism is a mere collection of rules, lacking any philo-
sophical depth. A teenager engrossed in resolving an identity conflict,
including a quest for meaning in his life, may feel that Judaism is too
shallow to provide answers. He may find himself trapped in a duality,
in which, on the one hand, he is committed to religious behavior and
fears punishment if he strays (“The sky will fall.” “I will be struck by
lightning.” “I will burn in hell.”), and, on the other hand, he does not
believe that religion will supply the answers to the existential ques-
tions disturbing him.
The conviction that he will not find philosophical profundity in
his religion may alienate the adolescent from Judaism. Alienation,
though easily preventable, is very difficult to change. It is tied to a
feeling of not-belonging. In addition, people zealously seek a system
of beliefs to hold onto in order to obtain some sense of unity and
belonging, even if the belief system is superficial. Indeed, supersti-
tions are superficial, but many people cling to them to avoid feeling
alienation. Alienation is the obverse of the sense of belonging that
Erikson (1968) saw as highly essential to adolescent mental health.
This point is critical not only to comprehending adolescent be-
havior, but also to treatment and prevention of despair. Treatment of
despair requires understanding of its sources. An essential dimension
of ego identity is sincerity and genuineness (Tzuriel 1984). This di-
mension is extremely important to adolescents, who are very sensitive
to discrepancies within their educators or themselves. It is by no means
unusual to find a teenager who refuses to be taught by someone whom
he perceives as hypocritical. He wants to believe that he himself is
consistent, and will sometimes be willing to pay a price, or be pun-
ished, for this constancy. In addition, he is aware of, and sensitive to,
various gaps in his personality.
Religious adolescents are taught to be scrupulous in their reli-
70 SPIRITUAL IDENTITY IN ISRAEL
gious behavior and often internalize this value (Tzuriel 1984). How-
ever, some of them cannot overcome the stage of doubt. Their up-
bringing prevents them from confronting these doubts. Their parents
or educators let some of them know that doubts should not be pon-
dered and that deliberation about religious matters is superfluous or
forbidden. The message is: “Recite and obey; do not challenge.” This
discrepancy between religious behavior and belief impairs the sense
of sincerity and authenticity and threatens the adolescent’s consolida-
tion of ego identity. To diminish this gap, the adolescent chooses to
separate these two aspects of his religiosity. He gives up on consoli-
dating his faith and devotes himself to “religious” behavior stemming
from behavior rooted in folklore or superstition. This separation al-
lows him to avoid dealing with his own religiosity; he feels exempt
from defining and consolidating his religious identity (which would
include dimensions of both behavior and faith).
This situation must be dealt with by stressing the importance of
contemplating and discussing faith. The teenager’s parents continue
to require that he act according to religious behavioral norms, and his
teachers demand that he enlarge his Jewish knowledge (usually in the
realm of Jewish law). Thus, his erudition increases without a parallel
rise in his faith. Information about religious matters can help, and it is
certainly important to learn about faith, but progress in consolidation
of spiritual identity is achieved by clarification and confrontation among
knowledge and attitudes. Facing doubts head on, within one’s peer
group (in class, in youth movement activities, or in special seminars),
deliberation in discussion groups, and examination of faith through
the lens of scholarship are effective methods of strengthening faith
and reducing the discrepancy between the two parts of religious iden-
tity and the dimensions of ego identity.
This can be done directly, using questions and doubts raised by
the adolescents themselves, or indirectly (see also Poole [1996],
Noddings [1997] and, to some degree, Alexander [1997]). Dialogues
or stories can be read aloud or staged, to depict doubts and issues.
Frequently, roundabout methods are more effective because they
seemingly deal with “someone else’s problems.” Adolescents are less
hesitant to discuss doubts disguised as the feelings and musings of a
literary protagonist. An open and penetrating discussion of the
protagonist’s questions and presentation of diverse positions should
be encouraged. This route legitimizes doubts without worrying the
participants about self-exposure. Further on, adolescents can be en-
SHRAGA FISHERMAN 71
motives for joining and their negative aspects, the hollowness of their
slogans can be brought to light. This should return the youths to de-
liberation, which is the portal to consolidation of spiritual identity.
The process can be described as moving in a direction opposite from
the previous deterioration. Because the slide had been from childish
faith to slogans to cult-joining, the rescue proceeds from cult-leaving
to awareness of slogan-vacuity to deliberation.
Inconsistency
Another form of regression is inconsistent behavior. An adoles-
cent who regresses from emphasizing religious behavior and supersti-
7
It is important to stress that we should reflect and not attempt to convince. An
adolescent who thinks we are trying to convince him will “close down” and will not
reveal his thoughts even to himself.
SHRAGA FISHERMAN 77
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