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Stalin Vs.

Trotsky
In 1922, when Vladimir Lenin became incapacitated, there was a clear need of a successor for the Soviet Union. As he was slowly dying, a power struggle emerged between Leon Trotsky, and Joseph Stalin. These two had developed a deep hatred and rivalry for each other. Even though Trotsky had been widely viewed as the heir of Lenin, it was relatively easy for Stalin to combine with the other Bolshevik leaders in order to head off this threat (Paley 10)1. In Lenins Final Testament, Lenin could already see that Stalin was quickly and surreptitiously gaining power. Stalins position of General Secretary gave him the ability to appoint people to important positions. Lenin was also reluctant to see Stalin as his successor because he thought that Trotsky could do a much better job. Lenin believed that Trotsky was the best man in the central committee for the job. The date of January 21st, 1924 was no ordinary date for Russia. It marked the death of the countries leader Lenin, and now Stalin and Trotsky would truly compete for leadership. Unfortunately, Stalin won by exiling Trotsky, and in 5 years was in complete totalitarian control of Russia. Trotsky would have been a better leader than Stalin due to their contrasting past histories, ideological beliefs and contrasting beliefs of socialism. Stalin and Trotsky each had their own experiences growing up which impacted and influenced them to become revolutionaries. Joseph Stalin was born in 1879 in Georgia, which at that time was in southern Russia. He was the son of a poor shoemaker, and the only child in his family to survive past infancy. Not much else is known about his childhood, except that he lived with a priest, and received a religious education. In 1889, he was expelled from his seminary because he failed to go to his examinations. In the future, Stalin would say that he was really

kicked out because he was a revolutionary. His original name was IosifVissarionovichDzhugashvili, however in 1913 he used the pseudonym Stalin, after becoming a Bolshevik revolutionary. Changing his name also allowed Stalin to have a Russian sounding name like Lenin. Stalin was known as a hard worker, but unlike Lenin he was neither a great thinker nor a great writer (Killingray3)2. Even though Stalin wasnt the brightest of revolutionaries, he was still smart enough to win the power struggle with Trotsky. On the other hand, a great deal is known about Trotskys life and childhood. Leon Trotsky was also born in 1879, but in the Kherson Province, in Ukraine. His original name was Lev Davidovich Bronstein. He didnt have that great of a childhood mostly because his parents were always busy with their jobs on the farm. For the first part of his life, he and his family lived in the country, where he learned to appreciate seclusion. Despite his parents always being occupied, his lack of affection only developed in him a more affectionate attitude towards others (Garza 19) 3. When Lev was 9 years old, he moved to Odessa, with his uncle Monya. When Trotsky was 10, for the first time his revolutionary side was shown. While in school in Odessa, he stood up for a fellow student who experienced an injustice. A teacher acted cruel to this particular student only for the reason that this student was slower than the rest of the class. In order to retaliate against this unjustness, Lev organized a protest, in which students drove their teacher into a rage by making a howling noise with their mouths closed (Garza 21)4. Trotsky was known for absorbing as much knowledge as he possibly could in school. When Trotsky was 17, he fully believed that revolution was the only route to a better life for the working class of the world (Garza, 25)5. For this reason, he joined the Bolshevik party under the leadership of Lenin. After the revolution was successful, Trotsky assembled and organized the Soviet Red Army. During the civil war preceding the Revolution, Trotsky faced a new enemy known as the White Army. While Trotsky was organizing the Red Army, Stalin was behind the scenes[sitting] on the Revolutionary War Council and whispered malicious rumors in

Lenins ear about Trotskys military tactics (Garza 68)6. Despite Stalins efforts to ruin Trotskys reputation, Leon had proven himself a military genius when the British troops in Estonia and Latvia threatened to attack Petrograd. Stalin suggested using a defeatist strategy by abandoning Petrograd and sending all the troops to Moscow. However, Trotsky was in direct opposition to this plan, and told Lenin to let him try to save Petrograd. He persuaded Lenin to allow him to attempt to save the ancient city. Trotsky came to Petrograd determined to convert every civilian to an armed soldier. Trotsky ultimately succeeded mainly due to his persuasive speeches and confidence. British tanks were in the suburbs and their navy was ready to attack and shell the city at any time, although due to Trotskys excellent leadership, the city held out. Had Stalin been in command of Petrograd, the city would have been lost to the British. Despite Stalins and Trotskys contrasting youths, they were both revolutionaries, but with different sets of beliefs. Stalin and Trotsky each had a different outlook on how the Soviet state should be run. Even after Trotsky was exiled, Stalin was not in complete control of the communist party. Stalin still had a few so-called rivals, who had helped him get rid of Trotsky. He may have had the most power, although was not yet to the level of power that he craved, because he had to share power with the rest of the communist party. One by one, Stalin got rid of other important people in the communist party, so that he alone could have total control and power. In 1929, Stalin was at the head of Politburo, where he was able to emerge as the real leader and dictator of Russia. In order to eliminate any other possibilities of resistance, Stalin issued the Great Purges in 1936 (Paley 13)7. In these Great Purges, high ranked officials of the communist party were accused of crimes against the Soviet State. Even though in most cases, the people were perfectly innocent, they were executed only because there was the slight possibility that they may have held opposition to Stalin. Highranking officials were not the only ones who were victimized in this campaign of terror. A man by the name of Raskolnikov

wrote a letter to Stalin concerning the great purges: No one, as he goes to bed, knows whether he will escape arrest in the night. You begun with bloody vengeance on former Trotskyites [then] went on to destroy the old Bolsheviks (Killingray 28)8. By using the great purges to his advantage, Stalin was betraying Lenins original methodology by killing the Lenins old revolutionary friends. With no one left to oppose him, Stalin was pretty much an absolute ruler of the Soviet Union. When Stalin gained complete power, he wanted to make sure that he would never meet any resistance or opposition. He felt that the only way that this goal could be accomplished was by completely dominating and controlling all aspects of peoples lives. Stalin even went as far as to use literature and art as a puppet of the totalitarian state (Trotsky 20)9. Despite being exiled from Russia, Trotsky was able to write criticism on Stalin. He was very angry with the way that Stalin ruled Russia, and he took no mercy in his writings about Stalin. Trotsky argued that Stalin had betrayed the original purpose of Lenins revolution, by using the Soviet Union as his personal dictatorship. Trotsky also accused Stalin of running a bureaucracy in the Soviet Union. (Paley 11-12)10. During Stalins reign, many efforts were made to industrialize in order to compete with the other modern nations in the world. These efforts came to be called the the five years plans. Sure these plans may sound to be beneficial, although in reality, millions of people died as a direct result of these 5-year plans. Since all efforts were made at industrializing, there were constant shortages of food for the peasants. Also, Stalin forced all the peasants to join collective farms. These collective farms were basically giant farms in which the peasants worked together to produce food for the Soviet State. One problem that Stalin encountered was a group of wealthy peasants who were called the Kulaks. They did not want to join the collective farms, so Stalin saw this as opposition to his power. He immediately ordered them to either be executed, or be sent to work camps in Siberia. Another problem that was evident was that the peasants as a whole were opposed to this whole idea of

collectivization. Stalin ordered the Red Army to kill many of the peasants who were not in compliance with Collective farms. While it is not certain what Trotsky would have done were he the ruler of Russia, it is possible that Trotsky would have followed a similar policy had he risen to power. But the policy was pursued ruthlessly by Stalin, despite the fact that he was of peasant background himself (Paley 14)11. So if Trotsky was the leader of the Soviet Union, he would have most likely tried to modernize Russia, although not at the same level that Stalin did. While Stalin wanted to achieve his goal regardless of the costs, Trotsky would have shown an idealistic approach to the same goal of modernizing. It is almost certain that Trotsky would have followed Lenins original principals and methods to create the best Soviet State possible, with a minimal cost of lives. But as a result of Stalins rule, millions and millions of innocent people died. Stalin and Trotsky not only had different principles and beliefs on how the Soviet State should be run, but they also had differing views on how socialism should work. While Stalin wanted Socialism in one country, Trotsky along with Lenin wanted worldwide Socialism. Stalin knew that his idea would fail if it was not brought out at exactly the right time. He waited until his campaign against Trotsky had brought down the popularity of Trotsky. Then Stalin proposed his theory in 1925. Stalins own original supporters Zinoviev and Kamenev opposing this plan, although it was too late, because Stalin had become too powerful (Garza 79)12. The only reason as to why Stalin proposed this theory so late was because it was in direct conflict with Trotskys theory of worldwide revolution. In order to actually succeed his theory of Socialism in one country, Stalin had to make the ideal and perfect socialistic/communist state. He could only accomplish this by making the Soviet Union a dictatorship, with him making all of its important decisions, and thereby making Russia a totalitarian state. Trotsky believed that it was important if not vital that capitalist countries in the west would have a communist revolution. If this

occurred, Russia would easily have allies and friends. Although if there is no communist revolution in capitalist countries, then Russia would have a hostile relationship with the capitalist nations. The only reason as to why Stalin beat Trotsky over this matter was because he had the support from other members of the Politburo who feared Trotsky (Killingray5)13. The real turning point came when Lenin abandoned Trotsky on this idea. This happened because Lenin saw the waves of failed world revolutions, and that keeping communism in Russia should take priority above all else. Ironically enough though, Stalin wasnt the first to come up with Socialism in one country. The question of whether Russia would have been better off without Stalin is more fact than opinion based. Sure he may have industrialized Russia, but at what cost? Stalin had millions of people killed directly and indirectly just to accomplish his goal of socialism in one country. If Trotsky was the leader, he would have followed in Lenins footsteps, instead of completely betraying the October Revolution like Stalin did. In conclusion, if Trotsky were the leader of Russia, he would have done a better job than Stalin due to their contrasting past histories, ideological beliefs and contrasting beliefs of socialism.

Works Cited:
Trotsky, Leon. Art and Revolution. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970.

Killingray, David. Stalin. London: George G. Harrap and Co. LTD, 1977.

Paley, Alan. Stalin The Iron-Fisted Dictator of Russia. New

York: Story House Corp., 1971. Garza, Hedda. World Leaders Past and Present Trotsky. New York: Chelsea House, 1986. Wolfe, Bertram. Three Who Made A Revolution. New York: Stein And Day, 1984.

Stalin and Trotsky fight for Power


Before Lenin died, already there were two contenders for his place - the brilliant Leon Trotsky and the cunning Joseph Stalin. The most obvious choice would have been Trotsky, with his quick mind and intelligent speeches. His military skill during the civil war had gained him a lot of support as well. Stalin on the other hand, had been quite an insignificant figure during that time, being only the editor of the propaganda newspaper Pravda. He did, however, make many wise moves, by getting to know the more outstanding people in the party and getting to know them better. The sick, ailing Lenin knew he was dying soon. After suffering two strokes, it was time to decide on a new leader for the country. He had more faith in Trotsky than in Stalin, describing Stalin's motives as evil, and wanting Trotsky to carry on. He wrote a letter saying that Trotsky should be named as his successor, while Stalin should be gotten rid of. Stalin naturally hid this letter from the parliament to protect himself, but feared that Trotsky might show it to them at the next meeting, where he would be powerless to stop him. Luckily, Trotsky did not have enough time and Stalin's position was consolidated. In the meantime, the power struggle was still going on between Trotsky and Stalin. Trotsky was gathering a lot of support with his fluent and brilliant speeches while Stalin was scheming plots to defame his opponents and bring himself to power. Trotsky

was succeeding with his seemingly limitless energy and superb oratorical skills, while Stalin's public appearances were strong but not as lasting. Trotsky was skilled in the areas of theories and policies, while Stalin was clearly lacking in these areas. Trotsky seemed to be heading towards an undeniable victory. However, things started to change. Stalin teamed up with Politburo members Kamenev and Zinoviev. They began to slam Trotsky, picking up all minor faults of his and raking up his past. They emphasised clearly on his Menshevik past and how he was but a newcomer to the party.

This section relives the furious verbal battle between Stalin and Trotsky, the main contenders for the leadership of Russia after Lenin. Part I : Stalin with Zinoniev and Kamenev Stalin decided not to be too obvious in his attack on Trotsky, leaving his partners Zinoniev and Kamenev to do the sliming. He maintained a normal, if not warm, relationship with Trotsky. Trotsky was seen as a main contender, with Zinoniev and Kamenev being his rivals. Stalin seemed out of the picture at that time, and was not considered to be the most eminent of the three. He was also not seen as a contender for Lenin's position as he was not a theorist, which a Communist leader had to be. Trotsky reemphasised on his old theory of "permanent revolution", which was basically his stand that communism should spread beyond Russia and that a quick swift proletariat revolution should take place from the bourgeois to the socialist stage. He said that "October" had been the crucial stage in Party history, as it had been the time when Lenin accepted his theory of permanent revolution and held his revolution.

However, Trotsky's emphasis on October meant that he exposed another of his weak points. As Zinoniev pointed out, Trotsky had actually disagreed a number of times with Lenin's plan to begin the revolution prior to 1917. Stalin, on the other hand, appeared neutral and pointed out, seemingly without bias, that Trotsky was, after all, just a newcomer to Party ranks. Stalin then proposed a plan of his own - Socialism in one Country. What this basically meant was that Russia should industrialise fully before embarking on a "Spread Communism to the World" policy. However, this theory was overshadowed by the struggle between Trotsky and the duo of Zinoniev and Kamenev. In January 1925, the Central Committee removed Trotsky from the War Commissariat, even though he remained in possession of a seat in the Politburo. Although not totally crushed, Trotsky receded into the background. Any other man would have used the Red Army to defeat his opponents, but his loyalty to the party was paramount, and he accepted the decision without argument. Part II : Stalin with the Right-Wing Trotsky may have been defeated, but Zinoniev and Kamenev soon realised they had not won the war. Stalin departed from the trio and joined his new allies Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky, all three right-wing members championing Lenin's New Economic Policy. Stalin still remained in the background, preferring to be seen as a mediator more than a power-hungry individual. He claimed that "collective" leadership would be the only way to run the party. Stalin's theory of "Socialism in One Country" was accepted in the Fourteenth Conference of the Party. Zinoniev and Kamenev paid little attention at first, but realised soon after that Stalin was their enemy now. Too late, they attacked the theory and severed all ties with him.

Rykov was named the chairman of the Council of People's Commissars. Tomsky was the leader of Soviet trade unions. Bukharin, originally the "Left" Communist of 1918 was now, like Rykov and Tomsky, allied with the right, and the leader of those who believed in Lenin's NEP being continued. Zinoniev and Kamenev opposed the continuation of the NEP, but had been thrust sudenly into the minority. Zinoniev and Kamenev recognised that Stalin was the man they most had to fear. At the XIV Party Congress, they spoke sharply in criticism of Stalin. Sadly, their efforts completely miscarried. Zinoniev was punished by demotion from full member to candidate member of the Politburo. As reconstituted after the Congress, the Politburo had three new full members: Molotov, Voroshilov and Kalinin, all loyal henchmen of Stalin's. Stalin also added several supporters to the list of candidate members of the Politburo and the newly enlarged Central Committee. Very little resistance was left after that, with only Zinoniev in Leningrad posing the main threat to Lenin's power. Stalin wrapped up his victory at the XIV Congress, sending in Sergei Kirov to take over from Zinoniev as Party leader in the city. When the supporters of Trotsky, Kamenev and Zinoniev had scattered, the three made a common cause with each other. Just a few months earlier they had been nitterly attacking each other - now they had united against Stalin, and to fight for their opposition to the continuance of the NEP and the "alliance with the middle peasantry". The right-wing, on the other hand, championed the NEP and all that it implied. Stalin was not so concerned with policies and such as he was with getting rid of his former left-wing colleagues. A supporter of Zinoniev was found guilty of organising oppositionist groups within the Red Army and was dismissed, expelling Zinoniev for supposedly masterminding this at the same time. On October 4 all the major opposition leaders replied with a statement admitting violation of Party statutes and pledging disbandment

of the opposition, but they could not refrain from repeating their policy criticisms of the Politburo majority. Trotsky was then removed from the Politburo and Zinoniev's post as the president of the Comintern was removed from him. Trotsky submitted an article that called all people to change the government, which was basically a clear act of treason. Trotsky and Zinoniev were expelled from the Central Committee and, when they held street demonstrations, they were completely expelled from the party. Stalin's actions should have, by right, united all his opposition. Instead, they were split up. Trotsky refused to accept the Congress decision and was exiled to Central Asia. Zinoniev and Kamenev submitted and renounced their earlier-stated views, and they were allowed to crawl back into the party. Part III : Trotsky Permanently Defeated As far as the Comintern was concerned, Trotsky had been defeated and Stalin had won. Followers of Trotsky left the party to build up parties of their own. This Stalin-Trotsky dispute shook the world and divided communist parties everywhere. Stalin then turned his sights on defeating all other possible rivals he might have to his power. He turned on his allies Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky, and by sheer political maneouvering, employing the same skills as he had used before against Trotsky, Zinoniev and Kamenev, he got rid all his other rivals and established a fascist dictatorship in Russia. Trotsky and his compatriots had given up all hope of stopping Stalin's ascendancy to power. They claimed that a bureaucracy had formed within the party and that it must be eliminated. However, they could not prove so, as Marx's theory was based on the Oriental way of life, and they shudered at the thought of employing it against Stalin. Thus, they took the stand of the prewar Social Democrats, opposing any and every government that

took power except themselves. This stand naturally failed everywhere. The Communists in the world had little chance to observe the personal differences and antagonisms between Stalin and Trotsky, and supported one or the other on the basis of his theoretical position. Here are the main ideological differences between the two.

Trotsky : It is impossible to build socialism in Russia. THe peasants do not want it as collective farming and such are detrimental to their pockets. It is only possible to do so if the workers of the West, in America, revolted, as they would stand to gain more. He was right in this aspect. Stalin : It is impossible to wait for the workers of the West to revolt. They will never do so in the near future and their government has too strong a hold over them. Socialism must be built in Russia and only by using the peasantry can it be achieved. He was right too.
However, in the end, Trotsky could not ascertain that the Western workers were Communist, only claiming that they would be soon. Stalin could not admit that the Russian peasants were Communist either, but he sure could compel them to be. As a result, Trotsky retreated into utopianism, while Stalin proceeded to establish a minority dictatorship built on terror.

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