Professional Documents
Culture Documents
CONTENTS
CURTAIN)............................................... 1.2 THE LONG TELEGRAM....................................... 1.3 THEORIES RELATED TO THE COLD WAR:
SCOALA POZITIVISTA, SCOALA, REVIZIONISTA, TEORIA MIXTA.......... 2. NIXONdS RISE TO POWER (ELECTIONS ETC); AND HIS POLICY IN VITENAM 2.1 PRESIDENCY.......................... 2.2 NIXON AND THE MIDDLE EAST........................... RICHARD NIXONdS
3. RAPPROCHEMENT WITH CHINA.................................. 4. NIXONdS TRIANGULAR POLICY (KISSINGER AND NIXONdS VISIT TO CHINA)...................................................... 5. RELATIONS BETWEEN CHINA AND USSR.................. 6. THE POLICY OF D )........ 7. THE END OF THE WAR.............................................. CONCLUSIONS......................................................... LIST OF IMAGE, MAPS AND TABLES................................. BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................................... TENTE TOWARDS USSR (SALT I
INTRODUCTION
Nixon won the 1968 presid ential election and was sworn in office on the 20 th of January 1969. Vietnam was on the top of his list of things
to tackle. e He announced in 1969 that U.S. troops would leave Vietnam in a phased withd rawal. This policy promised to wind d own the war and end the antiwar protests. Nixon, however, had no intention of following what he bitterly called isolationism. The United States must retain its global obligations, but it has to uphold them with d ifferent policies than it had d uring the post-1945 years when it enjoyed overwhelming powerf
1
e Nixon was willing to negotiate an honorable withd rawal that he d efined as almost anything except the surrend ering to the No rth
pre ecessors to rely on America. He treate cre ibility an honor, because they efine
America
s capacity to
But he ha
un erestimate
Ho Chi Minh
etermination
to win the war. The Vietnamese lea er was confi ent his troops woul the confrontation; after all Saigon was not rule
effectively an
ay to continue the
fighting. Ho was not willing to give up anything at the negotiations table from what he thought his army woul
gain.
Despite
the
increasing
concessions from the American si e, Hanoi woul The North Vietnamese regime ha two major
American prisoners: firstly the U.S.A. shoul with rawal of its forces an
government in South Vietnam. Kissinger claime was basically a e ishonorable capitulationf was not acceptable however. Nixon ha conflict an analyze manage
This
what were the best options for en ing the to come up with three strategies: a un ilateral
ha
political
pressures
or
by
problems. The 500 000 American sol iers fighting there coul
not be
4
with rew in less than 15 months accor ing to the Defense Department. Even if the removal of troops began the
2 3 4
Kissinger, Henry, Diploma ia, p 588, own translation Kissinger, Henry op. cit. , p. 591 Numbers are taken from Kissinger, op. cit. p. 592
win the
benefit from this as they might try to impose even harsher peace
epen ing on American support, regar less of them agreeing or not with
America was willing to neg otiate but also to show there were limits to its
5 6
Kissinger, Henry, op. cit., p. 592, own translation ibi ., own translation
incentives an
unilateral actions as possible without accepting, however, to take Southern Vietnam. It was also
to be c on ucte
have permitte
with
woul
en
the internal
isputes that
iving us an
because it w oul
option. He states
woul
with raw their forces but, in case the latter eal, military actions woul intensify.
comprise
a mixture of political an
allow
The
secon
option that
ha
been
evise
the
towar s Vietnam.f
by Nixon
ai es
been
consi ere
conservative,
woul
have
le
to
profoun
con itions.
Above
all
Nixon
was
aware
that
this
woul
lea
remaining woul
the also
to
The map presents the Ho Chi Minh trail running through Laos. The map also pre sents the
estroye
in or er to put an en
the Trail as well as the communist bases in Cambo ia to be to the war. Picture taken from
infrastructure, this became a vital route for resupplying the Viet Minh an
Viet Co ng
estroye
North Vietnam
communist bases from Cambo ia from were frequent attacks were launche
not lea
to victory.
General Westmorelan
an
his staff ha
trie
against s
Vietnamese to install training camps there, it was they who first of all
state with the purpose of cleaning the commu nist sanctuaries there. The U.S.A. must not act like a e pitiful, helpless giant.f e American troops
were therefore inva ing Cambo ia to clean out the communist camps. In
U.S. history.f
7 8
one in a series of
protests ignite
le
to increase
war an
ha
invite
the Vietnamese to install training camps there, it was they inva e a neutral country. This expan ing of the war omestic
was welcome
by the country
the name of
win ling
a coup initiate
by one of the army officers: Lon Nol, a fervent anti the chance to enter this neutral
it.f
The attack
an
further entrenche
in Cambo ia an
en
an
only le
ha
inva e
the country
invite
estroye
by the
woul
an
to a fateful
country an
coul
still be supplie
using the Ho Chi Minh path through Laos. Also North been built in Cambo ia, a suppose ly neutral American
by Johnson ha
also faile :
espite
resemble giving peanuts to the public -the more we sol iers we take out
pursue its actual p ath. Every American sol ier brought home will be
inal stages since the rate at which we lose our sol iers has nothing to o with how many American troops we have in Southern Vietnam. To kill
150 American sol iers per week, the enemy will only have to attack a
one. Johnson ha This came in sharp contrast to what his pre ecessor ha e Americanize the war by sen ing increasingly numbers o U.S. troops to ight along Saigon s army. Nixon now wante to with raw these troops an leave only the South Vietnamese Army o the war- he woul o course sen them war equipment, guns an ammo but no more sol iers. 10 Kissinger, Henry, op. cit. p 594, own translation
e en
itsel an
inally, stimulants
vietnamise the
not be bu ge
in his
small portion o
our troops
10
to a
har
to
keep
up,
not
to
mention
the
eman
an
by a
problems as we
this thir
option implie :
e the process o
Vietnamization woul
ormer
Presi ent
consi ere
a success one. On 10 September 1969 Kissinger sent to the a memoran um elaborate mostly by Anthony Lake, the
option was to be
angers le to
eci e
to pursue a e Vietnamization
The thir
solution propose
to
the
the only solution. This course of action also left open the possibility of a
country. The first 25 000 sol iers were brought home in July 1969. On the
1972 only 69 000. 11 It was obvious to everyone that the conflict was on a path that woul , in the en , solve it. Vietnamization was an overall success. Despite the worst fears of
Cong.
11
Duroselle, Jean-Baptiste, Kaspi An r , Istoria rela n zilele noastre, p. 245 12 Kissinger, Henry, op. cit., p 595, own translation
iilor interna
ionale 1948- p
itional help of
12
the Americans: e How can you expect to win relying t win with the by the
Xuan Thuy an
Le Duc Tho an
the American
elegation was le
by Henry
on the Vietnamese si e by
couple
with the
Unite
an
peak ha
been reache
on the 1 st of May
equippe
point it woul
negotiate an
an
threats of renewe
fighting woul
be use
total in 1968 to about 600 or 1 per cent in 1972, the last year of the war. e
14
ibi . own translation Kissinger, Henry, op. cit. , p. 599 15 This came in opposition to the American position: precisely because of lack of support at home they wante to separate the two issues. See Kissinger, op. cit. p. 596 16 Duroselle, Jean-Baptiste, Kaspi An r , op. cit. p. 247, own translation
14
13
military
personnel,
inclu ing
technical
military
personnel
an
military
e Within sixty
16
announce
e that within 60
quickly evolve
an
Kissinger was able to sign on the 23 r of January 1973 Restoring Peace in Vietnam. Nixon
be with rawn an
laste
from August 1972 to January 1973. The breakthrough came on 8 to an armistice. From there on things
of negotiations laste
from May to July 1971. Again no result came out of peace talks brought a visible progress. It
roun
insiste
military matters.
15
The secon
roun
the
Vietnam government le
official
years; losses ha
win le
1970 an
1973. During this time the Nixon a ministration went on with its re uce
an
a weakene
13
Saigon
2.1
RICHARD NIXON
gubernatorial race but lost again. A liberal columnist wrote t hat this
inclu ing negotiations on the issue of arms control, the signing of the
Chapter 2, article 5 of the Agreement on En ing the War an Restoring Peace in Vietnam; http://www.mtholyoke.e u/aca /intrel/vietnam/treaty.htm on 11 January 2009 18 LaFeber, Walter, op. cit., p. 255
17
China. Nixon
SALT I an
ABM treaties
an
policy.
to extricate the country from the tente with the Soviet Union
about the Mi
national
isasters which
efeat ha
sent Nixon e to that small place in history which belongs to i not happen.f
18
1952-1961. He ha
run for
Eisenhower picke
when he entere
Richar
Nixon was not a new figure on the American political stage the 1968 presi ential campaign. He ha been electe in
of time.f
17
S PRESIDENCY
countries mentione
an
personnel associate
with the pacification program, armaments, munitions, States an those of the other foreign
to help us snap out of self - oubt, the self- isparagement that saps our
19
http://en.wikipe ia.org/wiki/Richar _Nixon#Presi ency_.28 on January 6 2009 An rew, Christopher, For the Presi ent s eyes only. Secret Intelligence an Presi ency from Washington to Bush, p. 351
20
War an
eliminate the Soviet Union. In fact it was s biggest partner towar s peace.
partnership, strength, an
peace
an
he
ha
evelope
three
pillars
to
support
Nixon woul
his
resignation.f
20
emonstrate
a flair for foreign policy still evi ent twenty years after his he
an
hel
iscussions
with
many
worl
lea ers.
congressman an
vice-presi ent, he ha
presi ents: he ha
a very goo
grasp of international relations. e As travele to over eighty countries As presi ent, Nixon
office he ha
Number One
energy an
taken tonight is
esigne
to nurture an
e The American
system an
in his speech:
is
remembere
for
being
the
one
who
cancele
the
space. All U.S. Apollo Project moon lan ings as well as the attempte
Buzz Al rin in
Kenne y
neighbors. On this small planet there is not room for a billion of its, potentially, most capable inhabitants to live in a threateni ng isolationism.f
to fee
affor
forever to leave a nation like China outsi e the family of nations, an to threaten its
strengthening of
emocracies.
an
lea
He was also the one to throw the policy of con tainment to the
ustbin to
eWe must not forget China. We must always look for opportunities
21
The two texts I have chosen point out extremely well Nixon s
foreign policy.
Kissinger, Henry, op. cit. , p. 628. own translation. The first text is from a 1967 article publishe by woul -be presi ent Nixon in Foreign Affairs. The secon paragraph was taken from an interview in September 1968. It is clear the course of action that Nixon wants to set with regar s to China: it is man atory that relations be improve . 22 i em. p. 626 23 http://mo ern-us-history.suite101.com/article.cfm/the_nixon_ octrine_an _ etente on 24 January 2009
21
##
"
"
"
"
"
"
been tol
China woul
"
"
"
"
aske
he
"
"
"
"
"
China ha
"
"
"
"
Kissinger that
ictate
the countr y
"
"
"
"
23
"
"
Communism [a ] He un erstoo
"
to grasp that nationalism was stronger than that tra itional Chinese xenophobia was
"
"
"
Nixon wante
"
"
refusal to
"
"
"
Beijing ha
iplomatic
"
"
"
"
"
Forwar
become straine
"
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uring Mao
s Great Leap up
"
"
remaine
"
on
"
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"
at troop d ployme e nts along Chinads and Russiads common bord r. eThe e
the Chine se bord r. In 1961, just be ore the Sino -Sovie split we e f t nt public, the bord r was manne by twe e d lve Sovie shad t ow d ivisions, some at two-third stre s ngth, some at one -third stre ngth with a d ivisional HQ which could be re orce in about te d inf d n ays. By 1969 the re we re twe nty-f ive f stre ull ngth d ivisions, and f orty -f ive d ivisions by 1973. Tactical aircraf numbe gre f t rs w rom 200 to 1200 warplane in the same s
tra e d to the Chine bord r, a ha pra nsf rre se e nd d ctice a cks on site d tta s built to e cho the la yout a Lop Nor.f 24 t
24
&
&
&
pe riod along with 120 me ium -range SS-11 ballistic missile , d s.[
the Sovie t
they claime
Chinese ha
$ $
again highlighte
uring the 1968 crushing of the Prague Spring. The Brezhnev s ecision con emning what
been once
] L te r
(( (
be stoppe
in its tracks the prospects for stability Nixon eci e to make a major attempt in this aspect by the
have been
( (
(( (
eci e
to apply to China
the
same
treatment
he
ha
impose
in
(( ((
an
eci e
'
'
the layout at Lop Nor. USSR went so far as to ask what woul
'
'
between USSR an
'
'
evelope
minor.[...] You wish to with raw part of your troops back on your
cooperation was even more obvious when he mentioned the problem of Taiwan: eWe can d without the [Taiwan] f now and we wait f o m or or the to come ove 100 ye m r ars.f 26 The Ame rican ad ministration was thus
e ncourage to make some small unilate d ral conce ssions such as allowing Ame ricans to trave to China, bring back good in worth of up to 100 l s d ollars, se ral limite grain shipme ve d nts we authorize e re d tc.
27
The gre ste f at p orward come howe r whe Nixon authorize a ve n d public state nt on Se mbe 5, 1969, that the Unite State we me pte r d s re ed e e ply worrie f about a Sino-Sovie war. Thus the USSR had be n d t e warne publicly warne against anothe e d d r scalation of conf licts with its ne ighbor. The ne ste in the rapproche nt to China was mad in 1971 xt p me e whe Nixonds right hand Kissinge mad a se t trip to China. The n , r e cre Chine le e wante to make sure Ame se ad rs d rica would not coope rate with the Sovie Union in case of an attack f t rom the f orme Nixon wante to r. d be sure if Be ijing was willing to he Ame lp rica limit the Sovie ge t opolitical
28 ofe f nsive Progre was also obtaine on July 15 whe Nixon said he had ss d n
be n invite to China be e d cause ehis d sire to visit the Popular Re e public was we ll knownf 29 and that he had acce d this pte with joy. The
pre e sid ntds trip took place be e 21 -28 Fe twe n bruary 1972.
25 26 27 28 29
Kissinge He r, nry, op. cit., p. 634 own translation id m. p. 633 own translation e id m. p. 629 own translation e id m, p 633, own translation e Durose , Je lle an-Baptiste Kaspi And , op. cit. p. 248, own translation , r
territory;
ours
no
stray out.f 25
Maods d esire
f or increased
http://en.wikipe ia.org/wiki/File:Nixon_Mao_1972-02-29.png
promote
stability
in
Asia
jumpe
at
the
opportunity.
Picture
taken
from
Mao an
base
upon Chinese
Nixon shakes han s with Chinese Premier Chou En Lai on his arrival in China. The
http://people.cohums.ohio-
the inte st of both countrie both want to re re s; duce the dange of r inte rnationally military conflict, none of the two signatorie must try to s obtain he mony in the Asian-Pacific re ge gion and e ach of the oppose m s the e fforts of any othe country or group of countrie to e r s stablish such a he mony and ne r of the two parts is pre ge ithe pare to ne d gotiate in the name of a third party or to sign agre me e nts and unde rstandings dire te c d against othe state with the othe 30 r s r.f
30
presente
agree
Here he signe
that woul
1 1
Chou En Lai ha
been when at a
set
own the
During the negotiations the problem of admitting Communist China in the United Nations was also discussed. The Americans did not want to abandon Taiwan or to see it removed; they therefore proposed that both Taiwan and China be represented. Despite the American proposal did not
pass- 59 votes against 54 for the admittance and 15 abstentions -a solution was found by Albania: communist China would replace nationalist China, gaining the latterds permanent place and veto right in the
Security Council. The resolution passed with 76 votes against 35 and 17 abstentions on the 26 October 1971. 31 China had now entered the family of the United Nations The rapprochement between China and the U.S.A. brought increase fear in the Soviet camp. Faced with two major fronts in case of war, Kremlin had to read just its foreign policy and be more prud ent in its actions. It was this move toward China, along with an economic s
4.
NIXONdS
TRIANGULAR
POLICY
KISSINGER
AND
31
31
Nixon had followed what was to be known as a triangular foreign policy. Along with Kissinger, his right hand man and the only one whom the President could trust, he followed his objectives regardless of opposition. He was also the one to try to apply the concept of elinkage in his f f ign policy. The be e ore st xample was the way in which he conducte d diplomacy with China and USSR. At the be ginning of his te as Pre rm side of the Unite State of nt d s Ame rica, Nixon had promise he would e the Vie d nd tnam War. In orde to r achie this howe r, he ne de to convince Moscow to pre its ally ve ve e d ss Hanoi to acce signing a pe pt ace tre aty. The pre side achie d le rage nt ve ve ove the USSR whe he move towards re r n d cognizing the Chine mainland se gove rnme nt. His analyst had warne him that this rapproche nt with d me Chine would le to an incre se ad ase in te nsions with the Sovie Nixon and ts. Kissinge thought the e r xact opposite would happe the we prove n; y re n right whe hardly a month passe f n, d rom Kissinge rds trip to China, the Sovie le e Le t ad r onid Ilyich Bre zhne was asking f a me ting with the v or e Ame rican pre e sid nt. Nixon had corre ctly appre ciate that a me ting with d e
the Chine would f se orce Moscowds hand as long as the USSR and the ; Chine we in conf se re lict the Unite State could act as an inte d s rnatio nal arbite be e the two Asian colossi. The Ame r twe n rican pre e sid nt had succe ully linke up the me ting with the Chine to a me ting with the ssf d e se e Sovie The re ts. laxation in te nsions that f ollowe gave Nixon a f e hand in d re the Vie tnam War. Whe Hanoi f d t o re ct the armistice signe , Nixon n aile spe d was f d with no opposition, inte ace rnally of e rnally, whe he initiate xte n d the massive Christmas bombings against North Vie tnam. Ne r the Chine ithe se nor the Sovie re ts acte to the bombings. In f d act it was the Sovie wh o ts f orce Hanoi d to sign the tre aty signaling the e nd of Ame ricads
involve nt in the Vie me tnam War. It was anothe e r xample of how the linkage conce was applie . pt d
Nixon had thus achieved what he had promised and even more: he had managed to end the Vietnam Wa r and bring back home the American troops fighting there. He had obtained what he liked to call was an ehonorable pe f. He was the f ace irst Ame rican pre side to visit China nt af r the installme ofthe communist re te nt gime in that country. He was the f irst Ame rican pre side to visit Moscow and sign an agre me on limiting nt e nt the nucle ar arse nal of the two countrie Again Bre s. zhne vds visit to Moscow in 1973 marke anothe score point f his f ign policy. d r d or ore The Pre e had accomplishe more f ign policy goa ls than any sid nt d ore othe one be ore him. r f Ye Nixon is now mostly re mbe d f be t me re or ing the only Ame rican pre e e r to re sid nt ve sign out of ofice De f . spite the gre succe s he at sse obtaine on the e rnal policy age a, the way Nixon cond d xte nd ucte his d inte rnal policy was to bring his d ownf The Wate all. rgate scand was to al prove the e f his care r. nd or e eWith ce rtainty of an impe achme nt in the House of
Re se pre ntative and of a conviction in the Se s nate Nixon re , signe te d n d ays late be r, coming the only US Pre e to have re sid nt signe f d rom ofice f . His succe ssor, Ge rald Ford would issue a controve , rsial pard f any on or f d ral crime Nixon may have committe while in ofice 32 ee s d f .f
32
http://e n.wikipe ia.org/wiki/Wate d rgate _scand al#Article s_of _impe achme nt.2C_re signation. 2C_and _convictions on January 18 2009
6. THE POLICY OF D
Another goal of the Nixon administration was to relax tensions with Moscow. This had been the thinking behind the eChina cardf policy. Ame rica had to improve re lations with the Sovie in orde to attain ts r othe goals: Moscowds support in e ing the Vie r nd tnam War, stability in Asia. Dome stic goals we re also f ollowe : Nixon wante to cut back d d military e nd xpe iture and re uce the d f nse bud t in ord r to re re s d ee ge e d ss the e conomy and he ne d d Sovie coope ee t ration in ord r to achie this. e ve It was not only Ame rica who had e conomic proble howe r. The ms ve Sovie e t conomy was in an e n worse state of afairs. Af r a huge ve f te e conomic growth back in 50s, the rhythm h ad slowe d d own in the 60s and 70s. It se me that Khrushche e d vds pre ictions - that USSR will catch up d e conomically with the U.S.A. in the 70s - we re not coming true33 If . anything the Sovie t e conomy was f ring alte and f alling be . hind
Conce ntrating on ke ping up the arms race the Kre e , mlin had be n unable e to prod uce e nough consume good to ke p the population happy. From this r e point of vie a re w laxation of te nsions was we lcome by the Sovie d ts. Anothe argume that pointe in the d ction ofincre d re r nt d ire ase lations wi th
33
the two superpowers was also the fact that the USSR had achieved similar nuclear capabilities to those of the U.S.A. e[...] the Sovie military t had by 1971 caught up with the Unite State in the numbe of launche d s rs rs for nucle we ar apons, although not in warhe ads. By 1973, the Sovie Union t had a 10 pe ce supe r nt riority in launche numbe rs rs, and, by 1976, 25 pe r ce nt supe riority
34
achie d, nucle parity gave a ne impulse to Sovie fore ve ar w t ign policy. Bre zhne now be v gan to e xpand Kre mlinds influe nce around the globe in place such as Africa- Angola, Egypt e s tc-, in the Mid le East and d e ntually in Afghanistan. Ame ve rica could not acce this. pt
USA Ye ar 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 Launche rs 1653 1812 2021 1888 2139 2268 2191 2109 2100 2087 2167 2133 2106 2106 2092 Warhe s ad 3267 1612 4180 4251 4607 4892 4839 4736 4960 6064 7601 8885 9324 9828 10436 Launche rs 235 302 425 463 570 947 1206 1431 1835 2075 2207 2339 2423 2515 2545
USSR Warhe s ad 481 589 771 829 954 1349 1605 1815 2216 2441 2573 2711 2795 3217 3477
34
Numbers of US and Soviet nuclear launchers and warheads 1962 -8035 When studying the table one notices immediately that the USA had been intimated by a much smaller number of USSR nuclear missiles in 1962 than was the case in the beginning of the 70s.
It
was
generally
believed
by
the
Washington
experts
that
Americads approach to China would lead to a rift with the USSR. This proved to be completely miscalculated Relations . between the two
countries had soared after the 1968 crushing of the Prague Spring. Even the planed meeting between Johnson and Brezhnev had been cancelled . Things however turned 180 d egrees around after Nixonds trip to China. Now the Soviets, alarmed by this maneuver, wanted to pursue d tente. They were aware of Nixonds d esire to meet the Kremlin lead yet they er had cond itioned this meeting to a list of d emand that first had to be s negotiated However, following Kissingerds visit to China, not more than a month passed before the Soviets were asking this time for a meeting. The move toward China had paid its d end s ivid s. The summit meeting was arranged to take place in the spring of 1972 at Moscow. Nixon was the firs t American presid ent to visit Kremlin
35
when he arrived on May 22, 1972. During his meetings with Brezhnev the two leaders concentrated on finding a way to limit the arms race and thus permit funds to be used for other purposes. The negotiations were filled with success. The negotiations led to the signing of SALT I and the ABM treaty. 36 SALT I was the first major
agreement between the two superpowers to wind down the arms race that was sapping their economies. The treaty was limited to a five years period; during this time the two countries had agreed to work on a more permanent agreement. SALT I specified the maximum number of missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads each side could deploy. eThe Unite d State was limite to 1,710 missile launche s d rs, whi ch at the time consiste d of 1,054 land -base and 656 se -base missile The Sovie we d a d s. ts re limite to 2,328 missile launche d rs; at the time the agre me we into e nt nt e ct, the include 1,607 land -base and 740 se -base missile .37 ffe se d d a d s De spite imposing such n umbe the tre rs aty was not ve cle on the ry ar modality of counting the missile and could be bypasse by the two s d c o u n t r i es w i t h t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f M I R V .
38
SALT is an acronym for Strate Arms Limitations Tre gic aty. ABM is an acronym for Anti Ballistic Missile s 37 http://www.pre side ntprofile s.com/Ke dy-Bush/Richard-M-Nixon-D-te -with-the nne nte sovie t-union.html on January 18 2009 38 MIRV is an acronym for Multiple Inde nde Targe d Re ntry Ve pe nt te e hicle Basically MIRV s. me ant a missile that could carry multiple nucle warhe ar ads and launch t m inde nde he pe ntly on diffe nt targe The de lopme of MIRV me re ts. ve nt ant that the SALT I agre me could e nt be bypasse by the two signatorie d s.
36
t e missiles, t e treaty was a success. Picture taken from http://encarta.msn.com/media 61536754_761563374_ 1_1/nixon_and_bre hnev_in_moscow.html
warheads- another good reason why Bre hnev wanted an agreement that limited the number of missiles. One American submarine possessing MIRV was capable of inflicting 160 Hiroshima blasts. The United States had over thirty such subs. The Soviets moved rapidly to deploy their first
MIRV in the mid-1970s. SALT I therefore only placed a few limits on, but
The ABM treaty was highly desired by the in this domain that they lagged behind.
was
39
G G
Development o
39
Ma
26, 1972. Despite not being very clear on t e issue of MIRV and t e way to count
48
8 3
7 76
43
S v et leade
Le n d Bre
CB@9 @A@9 4 3 7
the system was questioned especially after MIRV missiles were introduced. The Soviets were far ahead in the development of their ABM system while the Americans were seriously lagging behind. The treaty im posed
the presence of ABM systems only in two places: one would be around the capital; the other would be around the location of the nuclear missiles silos. The White House thus sought to neutralize Kremlinds lead in this field eFor many ye . ars the ABM Tre aty was, in the We consid re one st, e d of the land marks in arms limitations. It was pe ive as re rce d quiring two e mie to agre not to d ploy a pote ne s e e ntially use we ful apon, d libe e rate ly to maintain the balance of powe and as such, was also take as r n confirmation of the Sovie ad re t he nce to the MAD d octrinef40 The talks . be e the two le e also touche on the e twe n ad rs d conomic issue Sovie . t e conomy was lagging be hind more and more and ne d d inputs of We rn ee ste te chnology and capital to be able to support the arms race 41 An . agre me on the se e nt lling of whe to the USSR was f at inally agre d upon e that fne arly d ouble Sovie d t-Ame rican trad f42 e The signing of SALT I was a ste pping stone in the proce build ss ing d te nte and political trust be twe n the two supe e rpowe The me ting in rs. e Moscow was f ollowe by Bre d zhne vds visit to Washington f rom 18 to 25 June 1973. The re sults of the me ting we publi she in the Joint U.S.e re d U.S.S.R. Communiqu Communiqu was a , San Cle nte on June 24, 1973. Includ d in the me e d ocume nt re e f rring to the d sire of the two e
supe rpowe to pre nt a nucle war not only be rs ve ar twe n the but also e m be e third partie Othe issue that we d twe n s. r s re iscusse includ d re uction d e d
40
http://e n.wikipe ia.org/wiki/Anti-Ballistic_Missile d _Tre aty on January 18 2009. MAD was an acronym f Mutual Assure De or d struction. It state that the two supe d rpowe rs had e nough nucle me tonnage to assure the re ar ga ir ciprocal d struction. e
41
Soviet economy was crippled by the arms race: the USA spent 5 per cent of their GDP on the military at a time when the Soviets were spending 40 per cent; numbers are taken from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Ballistic_Missile_Treaty on January 18 2009
42
of tensions in Indochina, the Middle East, the expansion of economic relations, peaceful use of atomic energy etc.
CONCLUSSIONS
In this paper I have talked about the American foreign policy and the way it was conducted for more than one and a half decade, from 1962 when Kennedy was president until 1979 -1980. This period coincided more or less to the period of d tente.
In this period from 1962 to 1980 the way in which American foreign policy was conducted saw major 180 degrees turns. In the beginning of the 1960 the USSR was considered the mortal enemy of the United States. The few contacts that existed between the two
superpowers were strained. The conception of esafe tyf de ine the way f d in which both USA and USSR saw the world. For USSR saf ty was e e qual
to a military-controlled Eastern Europe and to the prevention of a unified Germany which could later on join NATO forces. Ideology shaped
Moscowds view of the outsid world Lenin had pred e . icated on the ad vancement of the communist world and an unavoid able conflict between the socialist camp and the ewar monge ring capitalist world .f Socialism was the path to the f uture The Kre . mlin le d rs we convince of this. a e re d On the othe sid was the f e capitalist world le by the Unite State r e re d d s ofAme rica. Like the sovie counte ir t rparts the USA had the ce rtitud that e the mod l was be r since it was base on e ntial human rights and ir e tte d sse f e oms. The USA vie d the se re d we ir curity as re late to the containme of d nt communism. The containme policy was a political truism that was give nt n birth in the cable te gram se by Ge le nt orge Ke nnan, a d iplomat at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow, in Fe bruary 1946 to the Pre e sid nt. Othe conce r pts appe d in time eappe me are : ase ntf was one of the and erollbackf was m the othe At the he r. ight of te nsions be e the U.S.A. and USSR many twe n Ame rican politician campaigne f d or the rollback of communism. The
abnormalitie cre d by the communist re s ate gime had to d s isappe ar no matte the cost the claime . Such was the policy Ame r y d rica pursue in the d Kore War. an Anothe truism of the Ame r rican f ign policy was the so calle ore d ed omino the oryf, be e st xplaine in the word of Pre e Eise d s sid nt nhowe : r eFinally, you have broad r consid rations that might f e e ollow what you would call the "f alling d omino" principle You have a row of d . ominoe se s t up, you knock ove the f r irst one and what will happe to the last one is , n the ce rtainty that it will go ove ve quickly. So you could have a r ry be ginning of a d isinte gration that would have the most prof ound
This type of political truisms d ominate Ame d rican f ign ore e n ve we ll d uring Johnsonds pre e sid ncy. Af r te all
43
containment of communist expansion and the domino theory were the pillars with which he justified the continuation and escalation of the Vietnam War. The next period was one of an overall relaxation of tensions and of moving away from the Cold War I mentality that stated the u nequivocal enmity between the United States of America and the USSR. Foreign policy was influenced by two factors: one was the MAD doctrine; the other was the decline in the national economies of the two superpowers. D tente was conceived firstly as a mean s to an end. The goal was to
reduce the arms race and thus divert funds from the military to other sectors of the economy; both countries could benefit if d successful. Johnson sought d tente was
policy goal was pre venting South Vietnam from going communist. Caught in the confines of the domino strategy Johnson dropped d tente and
increased American commitment to the war. The greatest change in American foreign policy was heralded in the 1968 elections when all candidates championed the ending of the war and the pursuit of d tente.
On this platform Nixon was elected. His foreign policy was built on the idea that
Europe is
"irrelevant,
throwing
U.S.
weight
around
in
the
Caribbean and Latin America is a given .f44 He was impressed only by the Chinese and their pragmatically way ofconducting afairs. Nixon innovated f American f oreign policy by f ollowing a triangular policy -USA-USSRChina- and by the use ofelinkage His promise to e the Vie f. nd tnam War was tie to promoting d d te nte with the USSR which in turn de nde on pe d
approaching and be rie f nding the Chine communist re se gime in Be ijing. His me thod le to him scoring se ral succe s on the e rnal le l: SALT I, d ve sse xte ve the ABM tre aty, d te nte with the USSR and ope d the door to an ne
approach to China. Unde his le rship Ame r ade rica playe a role as an d
44
arbiter in Asia, forcing both the USSR and China to promote a more balanced and restrained policy in their relations . Nixon had thus achieved what he had promised and even more: he had managed to end the Vietnam War and bring back home the American troops fighting there. He had obtained what he liked to call was an ehonorable pe f. He was the f ace irst Ame rican pre side to visit China nt af r the installme ofthe communist re te nt gime in that country. He was the f irst Ame rican pre side to visit Moscow and sign an agre me on limiting nt e nt the nucle ar arse nal of the two countrie Again Bre s. zhne vds visit to Moscow in 1973 marke anothe score point f his f ign policy. d r d or ore The Pre e had accomplishe more f ign policy goals than any sid nt d ore othe one be ore him. r f Ye Nixon is now mostly re mbe d f be t me re or ing the only Ame rican pre e e r to re sid nt ve sign out of ofice De f . spite the gre su cce s he at sse obtaine on the e rnal policy age a, the way Nixon cond d xte nd ucte his d inte rnal policy was to bring his d ownf The Wate all. rgate scand was to al prove the e f his care r. nd or e
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. LaFeber, Walter, America, Russia and the Cold War,1945 -1996 eighth edition, McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., 2. Kissinger, Henry, Diploma Paraschivescu, Bucure ia, trad. Mircea tef nescu, Radu
3. Kissinger, Henry, The White House Years, Little Brown&Co, 1979 4. Leffler, Melvyn P.; Painter, David S., Origins of the Cold War. An international history, London and New Yorkk, Routledge, 1994 5. McCauley Martin, Russia, America& The Cold War. Seminar Studies, London and New York, Longman, 1998 6. Westad, Odd Arne, U.S.-Soviet Relations and Soviet Foreign Policy toward the Middle East and Africa in the 1970, The Norwegian Nobel Institute, Oslo, 1995 7. Westad, Odd Arne, Reviewing the Cold War. Approaches,
Interpretations, Theory, Creative Print and Design (Walles), Ebbw Vale, Great Britain, 1998 8. Westad, Odd Arne, The Fall of D tente. Soviet-American
Relations during the Carter Years, Scandinavian University Press, Nobel Symposium 1995, Oslo, 1997 9. Nygren, Bertil; Lavery Donald, Cooperation between the Soviet Union And Three Western Great Powers 1950 -1975,The Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Stockolm, 1981
New York, Harper Collins Publishers, 1995 13. Blechman, Barry M. Rethinking the U.S. strategic posture: A
16. http://www.talkingprou .us/ImagesMilitary/Blin bat/HMTMap.jpg 17. http://www.mtholyoke.e u/aca /intrel/vietnam/treaty.htm 18.http://mo ern-ushistory.suite101.com/article.cfm/the_nixon_ octrine_an _ etente 19. http://en.wikipe ia.org/wiki/File:Nixon_Mao_1972 -02-29.png
20.http://people.cohums.ohio state.e u/ben er4/eall131/EAHRea ings/mo ule0 2/imageforcontent/nixonzhouenlai.jpg 21.http://www.presi entprofiles.com/Kenne y -Bush/Richar -MNixon-D-tente-with-the-soviet-union.html
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