Belize @ Crossroads 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010

A Perspective on Electoral Matters

2010 by I. Myrtle Palacio

All rights reserved First draft shared on-line: June 2010

Belize @ Crossroads 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

PART 1

INTRODUCTION
Background
The 1954 General Election symbolizes a major milestone in Belizes democracy and political history for two reasons. Firstly, it was the first Parliamentary Election after achieving adult suffrage; and secondly, it was first major test of the political party system at the polls. Adult suffrage empowered all citizens with the franchise to vote, without the earlier restrictions of financial standing and land ownership. Political parties facilitated in the electioneering by offering candidates for the ballot. Two political parties emerged to challenge the 1954 election, along with independent candidates who were not affiliated with either of the parties. The two political parties were the National Party (NP), and the Peoples United Party (PUP), with support from the General Workers Union (GWU). Since then twelve more General or Parliamentary Elections, and two by-elections, have been successfully conducted. Table 1 demonstrates that six of these were held after the attainment of political independence in 1981. The table also shows a steady inflow of additional political parties to challenge elections, but that two political parties have generally dominated all election contests in the pre and post independence eras in Belize.

Belize @ Crossroads 2003 ~ 2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters Table 1: Date of General Election by Outcome
Party Seat UDP PUP
April 28, 1954 March 20, 1957 March 1, 1961 <arch 1, 1965 December 5, 1969 1 (NP) 0 18 1 (NIP) 1 (NIP/PDM) 6 5 21 13 16 (UDP/NABR) 0 3 7 1 25 8 9 18 17 17

%Voter Turnout
70 52.6 80.3 69.8 75.3

October 30, 1974 November 21, 1979 December 14, 1984 September 4, 1989 June 30, 1993

12 13 7 15 13

70.6 89.9 74.9 72.6 71.6

December 1993 * August, 1998 March 5, 2003 October 29, 2003 * February 7, 2008

1 26 22 0 6

60 90.14 79.51 72.63 77.18

Source: Who and What in Belizean Elections 1954 to 1993; * By-election

BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

These elections have always been dynamic events, and throughout the half-century or so of electioneering, Belize has maintained an excellent record of parliamentary democracy for its accomplishments in realizing election contests that continuously reflect the will of the people. Notwithstanding successes in electoral democracy, Belize recently experienced actions that that can be assessed as characteristic of deformed democracies in other countries, and include: politically inspired civil unrest, political assignations, election related bullying, political/election terrorism, subtle bribery and attempted coups. Some of these actions surfaced in the period 2004 to 2008, during the PUPs second term in office. The political activities leading up to the 2008 Parliamentary Elections have proven to be the most combative in the post-independent era of competitive elections. Until the first election after independence in December of 1984, the Peoples United Party (PUP) dominated all elections to form the governments that led up to, and heralded, Belizes political independence. In 1984 the United Democratic Party (UDP) was successful at the polls to take over the reins of Government, with 75% of the seats (21 to 7) in the House of Representatives (Palacio, 1993). Since then General Elections have been extremely competitive between these two major political parties. This has resulted in oneterm governments until the General Election of August 1998. The PUP formed back-toback governments from 1998 to 2003 and 2003 to 2008; with wide margins of wins of 26 to 3 seats and 22 to 7 seats respectively. In the General Election of February 2008 the UDP regained political power garnering 25 of 31 seats, a super-majority of 80% of the seats in the House of Representatives (Table 1). Amendments to certain sections of the Belize Constitution require the approval of a minimum of 75% of the members of the House of Representatives. Any political party winning with 75% or more of the seats means that the Winning Party does not need the support of the Opposing Party in the House of
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

Representatives to make changes to certain sections of the Constitution, hence the term super-majority. While Third Parties have progressively emerged at election time to contest elections; neither of these Parties nor have Independent Candidates been a factor at the polls. For the 2008 Election approximately five Third Parties (the largest number to contest Parliamentary Elections) emerged to participate, and individually garnered less than 1% of the votes, ranging from .02% to .86% (Appendix i). Of the six governments formed after Belizes independence, four garnered a super-majority of at least 75% of the seats in the House of Representatives as follows: 1984the UDP with 75% or 21 of 28 seats 1998the PUP with 75% or 22 of 29 seats 2003the PUP with 75% or 22 of 29 seats 2008the UDP with 80% or 25 of 31 seats It must be noted that in 2003 the PUPs super-majority was short-lived when the Party lost the by-election in the Cayo South Division after the passing of Hon. Agripino Cawich (Table 1). This by-election was held in October 2003, some seven months after the March parliamentary election, and within three months of the passing of the area representative as per the Constitution of Belize, Sec. 85 (3) (a). The Representation of the People Act (ROPA) Chapter 9 is Belizes electoral law. It governs voter registration, the conduct of elections, election petitions, and who bears responsibility to manage such functions. With elections being the most significant element in Belizes democracy, these functions are crucial, and are therefore worthy of safeguarding. The organization which bears accountability for managing electoral functions is equally as
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

important, and should be answerable to an independent body. In so doing the organization will be autonomous from the executive body of Government, and insulated from zealous influences of party political behaviour. As the findings will reveal, some thirty years and six governments after Belizes independence there is still some disquiet regarding governance in electoral management. Although raised as an election issue during that silly season, it quickly dies a natural death after the election, no matter the outcome. The electoral management body, as is the culture in Belize, appears to serve political parties only, although it is not legally1 nor administratively set up to do so. As a result, the political culture in Belize has entrusted the election management body directly into the hands of politicians and to some extent the major political parties. Compounding this is that the political culture recognizes two election management bodies, with erroneous and conflicting perceptions as to the roles of each of these bodies. While the roles are clearly defined by the legal framework, not much has been done to enforce the law, vis a vis to clarify the roles. At the same time, there are yet no laws that directly govern political parties, to at least demarcate clear definitions and compositions of these organizations, for transparent rules of engagement. Whilst there are no laws, political parties continue to present candidates for the ballot, a very important first step in our system of electing leaders into office. Where there are laws, such as those governing the electoral management bodies, enforcement has not been forthcoming, giving way for individuals to flout the law. International Election Observers were invited to witness Belizes 2008 Election. While this was the first experience for Belize, election observation and monitoring are frequent

ROPA makes reference to the elector in all electoral matters, for example Re-Registration Part I, Continuous Registration Part II and General Provisions Part V

BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

occurrences in other countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean. An election belongs to the people of a country, whose will provide the basis for authority and legitimacy of their government. Although this has been Belizes experience, the government saw it necessary to invite The Commonwealth Secretariat to observe Belizes election in 2008. Election observation is viewed as a process that can enhance the quality of democracy within a country, by ensuring the validity of its election; and is conducted during an exceedingly sensitive period of a country and people. Validity, which is oftentimes communicated through the Observer Missions Report and Statements, is important as an indisputable democratic election is viewed as a true articulation of sovereignty. Therefore, Reports of International Election Observer Missions must be timely, and provide valid information and analysis of the electoral processes, as well as an evaluation of the overall electoral situation. The Commonwealth Secretariat disseminated its findings, conclusions and recommendations via its Report, some five weeks after the 2008 Election. The Report entitled Belize General Elections 7 February 2008: Report of the Commonwealth Expert Team consists of 19 pages including a blank page (page ii), subtitled Map (www.thecommonwealth.org, January 2010).

Scope and Objective

The main thrust of this investigation is to elucidate issues on electoral matters in postindependent Belize with a view to contribute to enhancing the quality of Belizes democracy. The study incorporates an examination of Belizes democratic institutions and political behaviour, highlighting the period 2003 to 2010. It discusses the governance framework of the election management bodies with emphasis on the significance and
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

shortcomings of these institutions, vis a vis the status as democratic institutions. Election as a major dimension of Belizes democracy is argued within the framework of this political system, along with emerging dysfunctional actions that can possibly threaten or impede Belizes democratic development. Lastly, the study also looked at common criticisms and challenges associated with election observation practices, including those discerned in the Report of the Election Observers to Belizes 2008 Parliamentary Election. The primary objective of the research is to highlight concerns in safeguarding and strengthening democratic institutions, electoral systems, management and processes. Knowledge is power and by creating this awareness, Belize may continue the move towards much needed meaningful electoral reform and modernization. Other objectives include: contributing to the discourse on the culture of international election observation by emphasizing the pros and cons associated with its practice; and to influence policies, and emphasize the need for a strict code of ethics for political parties, as well as agents responsible for electoral matters, whether administrators or observers. There is room for further research as this study has only touched the tip of the iceberg, and it is hoped that this will spur some interests in further studies on Belizes democratic institutions and electoral practices. The study utilized qualitative research methodology, primarily participant observation of Belizes electoral management bodies and electoral practices, as well as narrative and content analyses of the Commonwealth Election Observers Report on the 2008 Election. Content analysis is a research technique for making valid inferences from text, by systematically identifying specific characteristics of messages (Daniel Riffe, Stephen Lacy, Frederick G. Fico; 2nd edition, 2005). Employing narrative analysis is one way of attaining better advantages in interpreting meanings in peoples stories (Jerome Kirk, Marc L. Miller,
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

1986; Riessman, 1993). As a Belizean Elector with experience in election management and election data analysis in Belize, the researcher is the situated knower or the outsider within, and utilizes this opportunity as a participant observer to draw better insight into the value climate. The researcher was also directly involved with the election management of the 2008 General Election. These are techniques of Indigenous Anthropology and Feminist Standpoint Theory (Catherine Marshall and Gretchen B. Rossman, 1998; Bernard H. Russell, 1994). Both techniques place importance on personal knowledge or lived experience and embrace research on ones own. Researching ones own has as its primary advantage the ability to enrich findings through an understanding of the nuances of the culture (Smith, 1987; Hill, 1990). mentioned in the document. Secondary data for purposes of triangulation were attained from various sections of literature on the topic, and the websites of organizations

BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

PART 2
ON BELIZES EMB
The What Is
The term Election Management Body (EMB) refers to the body or bodies responsible for managing the essential elements of electoral management. Three broad types or models of EMBs are practiced throughout The Commonwealth: Independent, Government and Mixed Models. Each Model has advantages and disadvantages based on various aspects of the Model, such as powers, institutional arrangement, staffing, composition, budget, implementation and term of office. The first two, Independent and Government Models, are structures presently found in the Commonwealth Caribbean, with the latter being more prevalent. The Government Model exists in countries where elections are organized and managed by a department of government through a Ministry, and is answerable to a Cabinet Minister, who is a politically elected or appointed person. In the Independent Model, elections are organized and managed by an EMB which is institutionally independent and autonomous from the Executive Branch of Government. It manages its own budget and is accountable to the Legislature, the Judiciary, or Head of State. In some countries practicing this model, two Bodies are formedone with responsibility for policy decisions relating to the electoral process, and the other, accountable for conducting and implementing the electoral process. Requirements may exist to insulate the implementation EMB from interference by the
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

policy EMB. Jamaica, Suriname and possibly Antigua and Barbuda in the CARICOM region practice some aspects of the Independent Model (Electoral Management Design: The International IDEA Handbook, 2006). Most CARICOM countries practice the Government Model. However, no matter the model or type of EMB, it still needs to transact business with the Executive Branch and the Legislature on issues pertaining to budgets and electoral law.

Legal Framework
Enacted in 1978, the Representation of the People Ordinance established an electoral management body called the Elections and Boundaries Commission (Commission) in Belize (Section 9 (2)). Under this Ordinance, the Commission was an independent body of five Board Members called Commissioners, inclusive of a Chairman; and reported to the National Assembly. All Commissioners were appointed by the Governor, after consultation with the Premier. The Governor appointed the Chief Elections Officer (Chief), who had responsibility to manage the organization, while the Commissioners appointed Registering Officers and other support staff. All staff persons were answerable to the Commission (Section 10). The Commissions purposes under the Ordinance were: for electoral administration in Section 9 ((9) (10), and boundary delimitation in Section 18. The powers of the Commission under electoral administration included the direction and supervision of the registration of voters, and the administrative conduct of Elections. Also the Commission was empowered to enforce fairness, impartiality and compliance within the provisions of the Ordinance, on the part of all election officers (Palacio, 2005). The Ordinance was implemented for one parliamentary election in 1979, and the Commission continued to
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

operate with the registration of voters among other functions under this Ordinance for two more years, until Belize attained political independence in September 1981. At Belizes independence in 1981, the Commission was enshrined in the Belize Constitution under Section 88. By so doing ...Belize demonstrated a major step in recognizing the importance and independence of the Commission as the body responsible for the administrative structures to support the democratic process of elections (Palacio, 2005). The method of appointment of the Commissioners remained the same, except that the appointments were made by the Governor General (Sec. 88 (2)). The independence of the Commission was further highlighted in Section 88 (14) of the Constitution, which stated, the Commission shall not be subject to the direction or control of any other person or authority. The two functions remained, namely Boundary Delimitation as stipulated in Sec 90 of the Constitution of Belize, and Electoral Administration as determined by (Section 88 (13)). However, Section 88 (13) was and still is subject to what became the Representation of the People Act (ROPA) as stipulated by Section 88 (14) of the Constitution, which states: In the exercise of its functions, the Commission shall not be subject to the direction or control of any other person or authority and shall, subject to the provisions of this Constitution, act in accordance with the Representation of the People Act or any other law, rule or regulation relating to elections. The ROPA replaced the Ordinance of 1978 after the country became independent. Omitted from the responsibility for Electoral Administration was the Commissions power to reinforce fairness, impartiality and compliance on the part of all Election Officers, as was supported by the 1978 Ordinance. Election Officers are tasked with the administration
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

of all elections. They are public service employees who perform various roles as described by the ROPA in the conduct of election; and all three values of conduct abovementioned when implemented, facilitate the effective and efficient staff coordination and management of election. In removing this legal and management clout, a vacuum was created in the management of election supervision. The Chief and staff continued to report directly to the Commission who in turn reported to the National Assembly. The appointment of the Chief also remained the same, except this was not included in the Belize Constitution, but in the Administrative Provisions of the ROPA. The first Parliamentary Election after independence in 1984 saw the first change of a ruling political party in government. The Peoples United Party (PUP) lost its first election in thirty years, to the United Democratic Party (UDP), with the UDP garnering 75% of the seats. In 1988, the UDP government executed a first amendment to the Belize Constitution including a change to Section 88, which represented the Commission. The new method of appointment in Section 88 (2) is still in effect and reads as follows: The Chairman and two other members of the Elections and Boundaries Commission shall be appointed by the Governor-General, acting in accordance with the Prime Minister given after consultation with the Leader of the Opposition, and the remaining two members shall be appointed by the Governor-General, acting in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister given with the concurrence of the Leader of the Opposition. Later, this approach to the appointment of Commissioners invariably impacted on the perception of a bi-partisan Commission, with some members seeing this as an opportunity to serve the political partys interest first (www.channel5belize.com; June17, 2003). One challenge with this perception is that it can be accessed as discrimination against incoming
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

new Third Parties and independent candidates. With election competition broadening with time, there has been an increase in multiple-party participation at the polls. Appendix i shows that the February 2008 Parliamentary Election had the largest participation by the number (approximately 5) of new political parties. A second challenge is that the intense election competition invariably brings the political party dynamic directly into the Commission, and indirectly to the Staff. The functions of the Commission remained the same as at 1981 which are, Boundary Delimitation empowered by Sec 90, and Electoral Administration as per Section 88 (13). In terms of electoral administration, Section 88 (13) was still subject to what had become the second part of Section 88 (14) that the Commission, shall act in accordance with the Representation of the People Act. The expression shall determines the condition or qualifies the extent of the Commissions responsibilities. Subsequent to the amendment of the Constitution in 1988, the ROPA was revised in 1989, with amendments to the Administrative Provisions and other Sections. As a result the powers of the Commission were drastically altered, as follows: Jurisdiction over staff was transferred to the Public Services Commission A second election management body, the Elections and Boundaries Department (Department) was formed The Department was still managed by the Chief Elections Officer (Chief), but now under the supervision of a Government Ministry, headed by a Cabinet Minister. The position of Chief was now appointed by the Governor-General, acting in accordance with the Prime Minister. Later in 2001, the appointment and jurisdiction of the Chief was also transferred to the Public Services Commission along with the other staff members of the Department (Palacio, 2005). In addition, the ROPA empowered the Department through the Chief with
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

responsibility for electoral administration and the adjustment of electoral records after boundary delimitation. Electoral administration includes voter registration which became continuous since 1998. Implemented immediately after the General Elections of 1998, continuous voter registration allowed for the transaction of business such as, voter registration on a daily basis, and not only at the call of elections (SI 11 of 1997 and SI 57 of 1998).

Institutional Framework
For ten years, 1978 to 1988, there was one election management body in Belize. This body, the Elections and Boundaries Commission was relatively independent as sanctioned firstly by the Ordinance, and later the Constitution, with the Chief and staff reporting to the Commission who reported to the National Assembly. Subsequent to the new legal framework introduced in 1988/1989 by the UDP Government, the Department became the primary structure to manage the essential elements of elections, as empowered by the ROPA and authorized by Sec 88 (14) of the Belize Constitution where it stated that, In the exercise of its functions, the Commission shall, subject to the provisions of this Constitution, act in accordance with the Representation of the People Act or any other law, rule or regulation relating to elections." The Department became fully responsible for election administration, including voter registration and the conduct of elections. After the establishment of Continuous Registration in 1998, voter registration became an additional, daily assignment for the Department. With Boundary delimitation, the Departments function was limited to the adjustment of records after electoral boundary delimitations have been approved, passed
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

and signed into law. Recommendations on boundary delimitation are made by the Only three major and one minor boundary Commission to the National Assembly.

delimitation exercises have been conducted since the first General Election in 1954. In 1961 the number of seats in the National Assembly doubled to eighteen, in 1984 the seats increased to twenty eight, a minor move in 1998 added one more seat, and in 2005 some seven years later, the total increased to thirty one seats. Therefore since the legal amendment to the ROPA in 1989, Belize like most CARICOM countries operates an election management structure that is a Government Model, under a Government Department, with oversight of a government Ministry, and which reports to a Cabinet Minister. In the case of Belize, the EMB moved from an Independent management structure to a Government oversight structure. In other words, instead of more autonomy for the election management body, its relative independence was literally snuffed. At the same time, continuous registration created more activities and added responsibilities to the Department. Relative to other CARICOM countries, Belize enjoys a high percentage in voter registration, and this is primarily attributed to the direct involvement of politicians and their agents in the registration of eligible persons. The downside of this is that the politicians and their agents (the present and future bosses of the Department), invariably are the clients of the Department, instead of the Elector as per the ROPA referenced above. The Elections and Boundaries Department has functioned under various Ministries of Government, and has been under the purview of the Ministry of the Public Service from 1999 to present. From 1999 to 2005, Annual Reports were not only presented to Cabinet through the Ministry, but tabled in the House of Representatives by the Minister; shared with all partners and posted on the Departments website. All Election Reports from 1999 to 2003 were also shared with Partners and posted on the Departments website, after
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

presentation to the Ministry. These were still available on the website www.elections.gov.bz as at May 3, 2010. In terms of boundary delimitation, the Commission still maintains full responsibility under Sec. 90 of the Constitution. However, the Commissions role with respect to electoral administration as empowered by the ROPA was limited to approving the appointment of election workers (Administrative Provisions, Sections 13 and 14 (2)). Therefore the Commissions power in relation to electoral administration was reduced considerably, by the 1988 amendments. One other reference to the Commission also in the ROPA under the Administrative Provisions stated that the Commission may, confer its powers on the Chief Elections Officer (Section 11 (2)). However, this Section is seen as purely redundant, since Section 88 (14) of the Constitution has spoken, and all other actions pertaining to electoral administration in the ROPA rest in the hands of the Department; which now reports to a Ministry, as per the new structure implemented by the UDP Government in 1989. Also, the Commission has no oversight on the second election management body, which is the Department. The above findings demonstrate that as an operational election management body, the Commission became a skeleton structure in relation to electoral administration, as the Commission no longer had: Jurisdiction over staff Oversight powers of the Department Legal authority to enforce fairness and impartiality on Election Workers Legal authority to conduct electoral administration While the Commission lost legal authority for electoral administration to the Department as established above, the Commission hardly operates as a boundary commission because
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

boundary delimitation exercises were conducted infrequently. As was ascertained earlier, boundary delimitation exercises were executed on extremely rare occasions; and there have only been four occurrences since the 1954 post-adult suffrage elections, namely in 1961, 1984, 1998, and 2005. Notwithstanding, the Commission continued to exist under this arrangement from 1989 to present; and although the Commission as a body is mandated by law to report on its stewardship to the National Assembly, this has not been forthcoming in recent years. Also, the 1988 Constitutional amendment in relation to the appointment of Commissioners invariably gave the perception2 that it is a bi-partisan Body with members representing a political party as appointed; despite Section 88 (14). In the Oath of Allegiance to the Office, each Commission member in 1999 and 20033 publicly swore to bear true faith and allegiance to Belize, to uphold the Constitution and Law and to discharge duties conscientiously, impartially and to the best of [ones] ability (Annual Report 2003). In addition, the Code of Conduct under Section 121(1) of the Constitution as it pertains to all members of Commissions, including the Elections and Boundaries Commission, is very clear that Commissioners ought not to place themselves in positions in which they have or could have a conflict of interest, two of which state: a) To place themselves in positions in which they have or could have a conflict of Interest;

Channel 5, referred to two members as representing the Opposition (www.channel5belize.com; June 17, 2003)
3

2003 Swearing-in was conducted publicly by Justice GonzalezNew Election Commissioners Sworn In (www.channel5belize.com, June 17, 2003)

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

b) To endanger or diminish respect for, or confidence in, the Integrity of the government Notwithstanding the Oath of Office and Sec. 121 of the Constitution, some of the Commissioners appointed by the then Leader of the Opposition (UDP), invariably interpreted their role as that of opposing the Departments efforts (Election Report 2003). They also openly dabbled in partisan politics4, with one Commissioner being the Editor of The Guardian, a newspaper sponsored by the Opposition (Election Report 2003; Palacio, 2005). In so doing, the oath of allegiance and the dictates of the Constitution (Sections 88 (14) and 121 (1)), were not always adhered to, as individuals continued to flout the law. 2008 saw a change in government to the UDP, garnering approximately 80% of the seats. Over 60% into the term of this administration, the legal and institutional frameworks of the EMBs outlined above still remain; and the EMBs now appear to be wholly politicized. One Commissioner, who is now the Chair continues to be openly active politically and while on a Talk Show, appeared to have hands-on involvement in the work of the Department (Love FM Talk Show, April 14, 2010). Another Commission member has been the Secretary General of the UDP, the political party in power, from approximately 1999 to present. Some three years and two local elections later, the Commission nor the Department has reported on its stewardshipat least not publicly. The last Annual Report produced by the Department as per the website is dated 2005 and the last Election Report was for the 2003 Municipal and Parliamentary Elections (www.elections.gov.bz, May 3, 2010). required by law. The Commission continues not to report on its stewardship to the National Assembly as is

Saldivar Wins!The Guardian, Sunday, November 2, 2003; The Guardian, March 10, 2002

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

PART 3
ON THE 2008 ELECTIONS
Democratic/Political Context leading to 2008
The Commonwealth Caribbean with its liberal democratic political system has been classified as the most democratic region in the developing world. The findings of recent studies on the durability and effectiveness based on variables such as political rights, civil liberties, competitive elections, and responsible government, have been positive (Sutton, 1999). As with other Commonwealth Caribbean countries, competitive elections remain the most significant component of Belizes democracy. Elections are held at intervals of five years from the date of the first sitting of the House of Representatives, unless the National Assembly is dissolved earlier by the Prime Minister, as at the 1993 General Election (Table 1). As clearly stated in Section 84 (2) of the Belize Constitution, the National Assembly, unless sooner dissolved, shall continue for five years from the date of the first sitting of the House of Representatives.. Voter participation at the Polls is very high relative to other countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean, and except for two instances when petitions were filed and later withdrawn, all election results have been seen as reflecting the will of the people (Palacio, 1993).
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

Also, Belize as with other countries of the English speaking Caribbean (CARICOM) region is being confronted with numerous challenges that can adversely affect the quality of its democracy. Several novel political maneuverings unusual to Belizes political culture, surfaced around 2004, and introduced a different level of democratic participation never before experienced. This is being raised in this study, not for analysis, but as an endeavour to paint the political ambiance and behaviour leading up to the General Elections of 2008 from a perspective of democracy development, or improving on democracy. The political atmosphere may have influenced the invitation extended for international election observation, which is also viewed by this study as a democracy development initiative. The new-fangled political/democratic direction was more visible during the second term of the PUP government, 2003 to 2008, the first two-term government in post-independent Belize. These activities included: 2003Call-in Talk Shows with open topics and content, were ubiquitous with easy access due to the availability of pre-paid mobile phones and freeing of the air waves by the PUP government Mid-August of 2004, one year after being re-elected, seven members of the PUP Cabinet resigned en masse from Cabinet, but returned after approximately one week or so of stand-off 2005 and 2006Commissions of Inquiry into the Social Security Board and Development Finance Corporation 2005 and 2007series of industrial actions taken by the Unions, including the Public Service and Teachers Unions: prolonged strikes; protest march on Belmopan, including damage to the House of Assembly; closing down of one of the main bridges in Belize City; politically motivated street mobs bombarding the Prime Ministers residence with rocks; disrespect for law and order

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

2005sabotage of national phone, electricity and water networks were sabotaged; BTL's telephone switches were zapped and its fiber optic lines severed causing a crippling one week national telecom shutdown; BEL's lamp-posts in the remote countryside were torched which caused national outages and load shedding (www.7newsbelize.com, April 19, 2005) 2005at a press conference the Leader of the Opposition (UDP) publicly declared sustained civil disobedience in order to force elections (www.7newsbelize.com, April 17, 2005; www.channel5belize.com, April 19, 2005) While some of the activities abovementioned may be regarded as democratic rights or democracy in action, a few were actions that could be viewed as opportunistic political strategies and/or sabotage. The Cabinet resignation of seven members, inclusive of the Deputy Prime Minister resembled an attempted boardroom coup in that the seven Political Leaders felt it crucial enough to force the hands of the Prime Minister to create a new financial management structure. It had all the makings of a power struggle out of control including, public stand-off, showdown, and the ultimate mass resignation of the seven Ministers including the Deputy. The Public Service was shaken. Belize was stunned, but endured the seven tense days of stand-off. The beleaguered Prime Minister overcame the ordeal, but his Party and government were sullied and did not completely recover. The power of the Cabinet was demystified, and an aura of distrust of the government was sustained by Opponents through to the 2008 Elections (www.channel5belize.com, August 12, 16 21, 2004).

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

The strikes and civil unrest were soon politically infiltrated5. For example, a leader of one of the Unions (Association of Senior Public Officers) later resigned from the Public Service6, was endorsed by the UDP as the Mayoral candidate for the 2006 Belize City Council Election, and won the election (Palacio 2009). The President of the Public Service Union, in an unsuccessful coup attempt, demanded that the Prime Minister Reform, Resign or be Removed, and a letter to the Prime Minister from the National Trade Union Congress called for his immediate resignation as Prime Minister...as well as the resignation of the entire government of Belize" (www.7newsbelize.com, April 19, 2005). The 2004 mass resignation was seen as most fascinating to the then Leader of the Opposition, and the 2005 period was seen as the most turbulent year ever to the Journalists of Channel 7 (www.channel5belize.com, August, 2004; www.7newsbelize.com, December 30, 2005). Whatever the views, these actions were demonstrable of a new development, a new era in Belizes democracy, and one which the UDP and others used to their full advantage all the way to D-day, February 7, 2008 (www.channel5belize.com, August 27, 2004).

Effect on 2008 Election Management

This was a taxing time for Public Officers, the most challenging being the period December 2007 to February 7, 2008 leading up to Belize's Parliamentary Election. The Public Service

Moya confirmed the support of the unionMayor Zenaida Moya Flowers Answers the Tough Questions; October 19, 2009, www.channel5news.com
6

Moya still a Public Officer at August 2005Zenaida Moya Victorious Against GOB Quest to Fire Her; www.reporter.bz, August 26, 2005. Moya is a politician at October 2005Zenaida is UDP Candidate for Mayor; www.reporter.bz, October 24, 2005.

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

as the bulwark of stability in governance was tested and left shaken. The tensions of 2005 and then again in early 2007, escalated with precise subtlety into 2008. Public Officers with responsibility to coordinate and manage the 2008 General Election were intimidated through verbal character assassinations by political operatives, and on the daily Talk Shows of one Media house in particular. It was clearly election thuggery and even terrorization in action. While the bullying was baseless and unfounded, it was extremely effective, as several Public Officers opted out of performing duties assigned to conduct the Elections, primarily due to fear and trepidation. Most effective was the perception of losing jobs if those in Opposition were to become the new bosses in a change of leadership, as the result of the very election that they were to manage. At the same time the Department nor the Commission had absolutely no jurisdiction over Election Workers, as highlighted earlier in the adjustments to the legal framework. This level of aggression was tantamount to direct attacks on an important institution of democracy in Belize, namely the Electoral Management Body. The Department as the primary EMB was the main institution under attack by political operatives. As a result, the Department was forced to operate under tenuous circumstances, and was seriously vulnerable to breakdowns on several fronts in the organization and conduct of the 2008 General Election. Due to the existing institutional and legal frameworks abovementioned, the Department was not insulated from such personal assaults, and was left to do battle on its own. The battle was on two frontsto give psychosocial support to Public Officers, and to stand up to some of the political operatives 7. Last minute recruitment and training of new Election Workers, along with the psychosocial support were conducted countrywide under tremendous hardships. Trained Election

www.lovefm.com, February 1, 2008 and February 5, 2008

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

Workers are crucial to election integrity and efficiency on the Election Day itself, and unfounded political aggression is a violation of that integrity. It is also a threat to Belizes democracy. The new Recruits, along with the Officers who returned and those who remained, demonstrated much restraint and professionalism; and Belize as is our political culture, again experienced a free and fair election (Palacio 1993). Notwithstanding the threats from political operatives against the administrators of the election and the Election Management Body (the institution), voters turned out in large numbers, which demonstrated confidence that the election will be free and fair, all else being equal (http://www.essex.ac.uk/government/electoralmalpractice). Democracy should not be taken for granted though, and two areas of policy and law can be developed from this experience, namely strengthening democratic institutions, and building capacity for public engagement. Augmenting the tense political atmosphere effected by the political bullying, was that the Chief Elections Officer as the head of the primary EMB responsible for electoral matters, had only been in Office for approximately three months at the time of the election call. So that the Department was faced with a major knowledge gap, when the Chief lacked the necessary experience; and was largely unprepared to deliver and guarantee, a credible and efficient election management, essential for a free and fair election. Senior Public Officers from other Government Agencies were enlisted to buttress the Departments management and leadership during this crucial period. While it was customary to expand the staff of the Department from other Government Agencies to assist in the administration and conduct of elections, this was usually accomplished under normal circumstances. With political thuggery, terrorization of Election Workers and inexperienced leadership, these were most challenging times for Belizes democratic institution in carrying out its legal mandate.

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

PART 4
THE ELECTION OBSERVER EFFECT
Observing the Observer
As Election Day drew closer, Belize was undergoing something of a crisis, whereby anything goes in the Media. It resembled more a Media feeding frenzy as hate became a commodity, and prompted one to question the role elections play in the consolidation of democracy. In the midst of all this the Government of Belize undertook the bold step to invite International Election Observers to the 2008 Election. International election observation has become an important mechanism for ensuring election integrity and enhancing the credibility and legitimacy of elections (ACE, September 2006). While it enjoys almost universal acceptance, international election observation is conducted during an exceedingly sensitive period of that country and its people, and due to limitations, only a snapshot of the political culture is observed (Brahm, Sept. 2004). This was the first election observer mission to Belize and the Commonwealth Secretariat was the Observer Group so invited. A Commonwealth Team of five persons, including two staff persons was deployed on a short term mission, arriving approximately four days prior to Election Day. The outcome of the Mission came in the form of a Report some five weeks after the 2008 Election. The Commonwealth Observer Teams Report concluded that Belize enjoys a
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

mature democracy and a well-functioning electoral process, and voting and counting were carried out efficiently and that the 2008 General Election were credible. The Report offered seven bullet-point recommendations for improvements to the electoral structure, process and environment. Three of these are directly related to the status of the election management bodies. The recommendation is for one expanded, independent body with the Chair being appointed from among the members. Three observations on the Report merit highlighting, looking at the broader expanse of competitive electioneering, election management bodies, and the practice of election observation/monitoring in deepening democracy in Belize. Firstly, the Reports release some five weeks after a fiercely competitive Election was untimely for three primary reasons as listed below. Election Observer Missions are perceived as one arbiter in the outcome of an election Information becomes less relevant with the passage of time Timeliness is an element of good governance Good governance principles mirror many essential elements of democracy and one aspect of timeliness is transparency. Nation states such as Belize invite independent monitoring bodies primarily to witness the legitimacy of the election and to determine such or not. This should be conveyed in a timely manner. As a result of the tardiness of the Report, coupled with Belizes post-election history, the statement of credibility by the Commonwealth Observers was a non-statement and quickly became politically irrelevant (Palacio, 1993; Election Reports 1999 to 2003).

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

Secondly, the challenges with the EMBs have been publicly highlighted from 2005 at a conference sponsored by the Commonwealth Secretariat (Palacio 2005); and while improving on Belizes electoral management body is nothing short of a legal and administrative transformation, the Commonwealth Observer Report made some specific recommendations. To date, and 60% into the term of the current government, these recommendations have invariably been disregarded. Having more than two-thirds majority in the House of Representatives, the current government has the political power to make the transformation, even for reasons of rectifying what was modified in 1988/1989. Instead the election management bodies are now wholly politicized as asserted above. But why ignore the recommendations of the Commonwealth Observers and politicize the election management bodies, when the UDP as opposition campaigned for and won the 2008 Election on a platform of good governance practices? observation. Thirdly, the Report singled out the Association for Concerned Belizeans (ACB) a relatively new NGO, as the organization that mounted a very strong campaign for a fair and transparent election. One justification made in the Report was that the ACB pushed to ban cell phones from the Polling Stations to deter bribery. Bribery is defined as the offering, promising or giving of something in order to influence a public official. On assuming power, the new Government afforded positions and awards of contracts to some members of the ACB. Although there was a president, one member stood out as most active and will be referred to in this study as Leader. One member of the ACB was appointed Governor of the Central Bank8, and another was appointed chairman of Beltraide9 This leads on to the third

The Central Bank of Belize provides banking services to the government of Belize and financial institutions, issuing domestic currency, regulating commercial banks and other financial institutions, provide

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

(www.centralbank.org.bz; Belize Gazette No.47, pg. 856, #613; Nov. 22, 2008). The Leader was appointed Chair of the Social Security Board10 (www.socialsecurity.org.bz). In August 2009, the Government of Belize acquired majority shares in the Belize Telecommunications Ltd., and the Leader was appointed Secretary to the Board, along with the son11 who was appointed as member of the same Board (www.guardian.bz). The Leader was also awarded with an unusually large number of Governments high profile cases to the tune of approximately $1.5 million dollars to date (House Meeting, February 19, 2010; www.channel5belize.com, Feb. 10, 2010). Can the above actions be construed as bribery? In the above definition, bribery is characterized as a promise, which is futuristic; and bribery can come in many forms, pecuniary or non-pecuniary. Also according to the literature, non-pecuniary forms can involve favourable publicity to one side versus the other. Was this the case in Belize with the ACB? Or were the actions of the ACB a clear example of political assignation for future consummation? While the answers to these questions are outside the scope and objectives of this study, they represent food for thought in the continuing dialogue of building on Belizes democracy. Worthy of mentioning is that

economic advice to the Government, information on monetary and other economic development. (www.centralbank.gorg.bz)
9

Beltraide is acronym for Belize trade and investment development service, and is a statutory (quasi government) institution governed by a Board of Directors. (www.belizeinvest.org.bz)
10

The Social Security fund is financed by contributions made by workers and their employers and provides retirement, survivors, maternity benefits, funeral grants etc. to the workers. The Social Security Board is a part of the portfolio of the Ministry of Finance who appoints a Board to administer the fund (www.socialsecurity.org.bz).
11

He resigned in February 2011New Changes in Telemedia Board of Directors (belizetelemedia.net/news)

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

one member of the ACB has since publicly claimed to have been the National Campaign Manager for the UDP in 2008, and founder of the ACB (www.7newsbelize.com, May 17, 2010). All the above actions cast a cloud of uncertainty over ACBs good intentions and objectives. But more importantly for purposes of this study, the Commonwealth Observer Report by so distinguishing an organization that demonstrated some inclination towards partisan politics reveals some deficiencies in the observation and therefore the Report.

Criticisms
Criticisms have been levied on international election observation and monitoring by scholars as well as participants. One participant in his paper determined that international election monitoring can be a useful tool, but that too often it is a charade, when Missions lack the tools to transcend the superficial and empirically baseless assertions of fairness or fraud that are often found in monitoring delegations report (Munson Jr., 2008). Some indictments surround: the duration of the mission, quality of observation, the experience of the Observers in areas such as democracy development and electoral management, and the preparation of Delegates. A few of these are highlighted below (Pereira, October 2006). It has become an opportunity for electoral tourism Observers tend to arrive at conclusions that contradict their observations Inadequate size of the mission and/or time span too short compared to the complexity of the electoral exercise Misunderstanding the observed nations political culture and circumstance
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

Relying on media to gain information about the electoral atmosphere Lacks the necessary attention to details required of quality election monitoring Lacks uniform international standards that define what constitutes a free and fair election The scholars looked at the political role played by Observers, and the standards and methodologies employed in the coverage of the election. One critic was a member of an International Observer Team, and surmised that the Team lacked knowledge of history and culture of the country under observation (Munson Jr., 2008). Utilizing content and narrative analysis of the Report as research techniques, an opinion on the Expert Team Report on Belizes 2008 Election was communicated to the Head, Political Affairs Division at The Commonwealth Secretariat (Palacio, 2008; www.belizeglessimaresearch.org). The Communiqu pointed out with justification, biases and inaccuracies in the body of the Report, which are not reflective of the conclusion and some of the recommendations. This along with the deficiency in observation and untimely reporting highlighted above, demonstrate major weaknesses. While the flaws of Observer Missions have been publicized, election observation is still highly valued as a democracy development initiative, if for no other reason than the viewpoint that competitive elections remain the most important element of a liberal democracy. To be effective in ensuring election integrity, Observer Missions Reports must be beyond intractable. Missions should submit a code of ethics to each observed country which can be utilized as one basis for appraisal. Also Missions should be held accountable, if nothing else, to satisfy good governance principles for all Parties concerned, and not only the State being observed.
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

Part 5
WHERE-FORTH BELIZE?
Summary and Recommendations
Democracy is built on a foundation of rights and virtues, and while the right to challenge political authority is fundamental, so is the right to respect others, and most importantly to adhere to the rule of law. Belize can be viewed, as the Commonwealth Observer Report did, as enjoying a successful and functioning democracy. The country has experienced well conducted electoral contests that reflect the will of the people, equality in voting, and opportunities for effective participation. Underlying this perception is the real threat to the quality of Belizes democracy through: terrorizing democratic institutions, possible bribery via assignation, disregard for the rule of law, unsuccessful coups, and politically inspired civil unrest which included the management of the Public Service, namely the Association of Senior Public Officers, through the actions of its Vice President12. With two major elections looming on the horizon, Belize needs to seriously strengthen its democratic institutions, its electoral systems and build capacity for public engagement. Municipal

12

Talks Between Unions and GOB Breakdown; www.7newsbelize.com, February 10, 2005Shows Moyas involvement in 2005.

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

Elections are due in March 2012, and the date for the next Parliamentary Election rests in the hands of the Prime Minister, as referenced above, and can be called anytime between now and February 2013. The strengthening is nothing short of a management and legal reengineering of sorts, and may be time consuming but strategic in effecting good governance. Some suggestions at effecting change are offered in the ensuing paragraphs. Strengthening of the electoral management system starts with reforming and restructuring the electoral management body. This will require amending the legal framework which will give direction to the institutional framework. It is certainly achievable if the present Government has the will to do so. Some three quarters majority (75%) in the House of Representatives is what is required to introduce amendments to Section 88 of the Constitution, and the members on the government side comprise 80%. Views on change can be solicited through a participatory manner, by engaging Partners, namely political parties, civil society, and interested individuals; as well as looking at best practices within the region. Along with improving on the institutional framework, is advancing the electoral systems, such as more transparent voting and registration systems, clear processes for the enforcement of wrong doing, such as bribery and terrorism in all aspects of electoral matters. This can be done in the same manner with consensus through consultations prior to any legal amendments. The effective and efficient registration of Electors is crucial to competitive elections, and due to the custom of frequent movements of persons, the Electoral Lists should be cleaned via regular re-registration exercises, at least every twelve years. The last re-registration exercise was conducted in 1997/1998, so that one is due before the next scheduled municipal and parliamentary elections. Electoral Lists are the lifeblood of our voting system, and when current give all Political Parties including Third Parties equal access to Electors in each Electoral Division where they reside.
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

Knowledge is power and effective participation requires knowledge. In this light voter education on the laws, rights and obligations should be continuous. This can be institutionalized for example: within the Public Service as it is the pool from where Election Workers are drawn, tertiary level institutions so as to bring awareness to potential new voters, and public fora for the benefit of the wider public, particularly members of Third Parties. The increasing emergence of Third Parties at Election time is a paradigm shift that must be effectively embraced in the administration of elections. To efficiently do so, and for purposes of planning and transparency, political parties need to be identified within a reasonable time before an election is called, and can be accomplished through legislation. While all political parties will be recognized, the emerging Third Parties can have equal opportunities of recognition as the two large political parties. At the same time the election administration will benefit with effective and efficient planning for the election, as well as clear rules of engagement with political parties and other partners. The Election Observers came and went with very little or no impact on Belizes democracy development to datethe issues of governance of the election management bodies remain, and the recommendations for change have invariably been ignored by the new Government. But at the same time the Observers Report did not withstand scrutiny as demonstrated above, and just fizzled partly due to its untimely appearance. However, there is ample political fire to improve on Belizes democratic institutions and electoral processes. The present Government enjoys absolute power, having obtained super-majority in the House of Representatives in 2008 along with the administration of all eight municipalities in 2009, and so has the political clout to move the democratic institutions and electoral processes in the forward direction (Palacio 2009).

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

To reiterate, Belize has moved from an independent election management body to some sort of government model, depending on the Party in power; to terrorization of Election Workers; and the politicization of the election management bodies. Electoral integrity is a precondition for any meaningful competition and participation at the Polls, and competitive elections are the building blocks of Belizes democracy. While partisan politics is not a phenomenon in Belize, politicizing democratic institutions and terrorizing Election Workers take this to its highest point, and are actions that are not conducive to democracy building. It is a slippery slope which need not be traversed by reforming democratic institutions and electoral systems before the next election is announced.

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters REFERENCES CITED

ACE. 2006. International Election Observation. ACE Electoral Knowledge Network Files. Modified September 2006. Barrow Calls for Velvet Revolution. Barrow Expects Big Crowd at Protest. Belize Gazette.No. 47. 2008. April 17, 2005. August 27, 2004. www.7news belize.com. www.channel5belize.com.

Pg. 856, #613. November 22, 2008.

Belize General Elections 7 February 2008: Report of the commonwealth Expert Team. www.thecommonwealth.org. Birch, Sarah. 2005. Perceptions of Electoral Fairness and Voter Turnout. Project on Electoral Malpractice in New and Semi-Democracies. Dept. of Government, University of Essex, UK. Brahm, Eric. 2004. Election Monitoring. Beyond Intractability. Ed. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. September 2004. Conflict Research Consortium, University of Colorado, USA. www.beyondintractability.rog/essay/ Comments on the Commonwealth Secretariat Expert Team Belize Election 2008 Report. www.belize.glessimaresearch.org/update. March 2008. Courtenay: PMs Reason not Satisfactory. www.channel5belize.com. Dec. 30, 2004.

Goldsmith, Arthur A. 2005. How Good Must Governance Be?. Prepared for Conference, The Quality of government: What it is, How to get it, Why it Matters. Quality of government Institute, Gteborg University, Sweden. November 17 19, 2005. Government of Belize. Version 2000. Government of Belize. 2000. 2000. The Representation of the People Act Chpt. 9. The Belize Constitution.
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Revised

Revised Version 2000.

BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

Hill, Patricia. 1990. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment. Unwin Hyman. IDEA. 2006. Electoral Management Design. The International IDEA Handbook. 1986. Reliability and Validity in Qualitative Research. 1989. "Designing Qualitative Research. October 19, 2009.

Kirk, Jerome, Marc L. Miller. Sage Publications.

Marshall, Catherine, Gretchen B. Rossman. Sage Publications.

Mayor Zenaida Moya Flowers Answers Tough Questions. www.channel5belize.com.

Munson Jr., Henry. 2008. International Election Monitoring: A Critique Based on One Monitors Experience in Morocco. www.merip.org/mer/mer209/munson. New Board Installed at BIL. August 27, 2009. Board www.guardian.bz. of Directors. February 2011.

New Changes in Telemedia www.Belizetelemedia.net/news. New Election Commission Sworn In.

June 17, 2003.

www.channel5belize.com Belize:

Palacio, Myrtle. 1993. Who and What n Belizean Elections 1954 to 1993. Glessima Research and Services Ltd. -----. -----. 1999 to 2005. Annual Report: Elections and Boundaries Department. 2000, 2003. Elections Reports: Elections and Boundaries Department.

-----. 2005. The Election Management Body: Belizes Experience in Postindependence. Paper presented at Conference on Improving the Quality of Election Management sponsored by The Commonwealth Secretariat. April. -----. 2009. A Review of Municipal Elections in Post-Independent Belize. www.belize-glessimaresearch.org/updates.
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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

Pereira, Lucilia. 2006. Free and Fair: The Politicization of Election Monitoring Reports. Thesis. College of Graduate Studies and Research, Dept. of Politics, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, Canada. Riessman, Catherine. 1993. Narrative Analysis. Sage Publications.

Riffe, Daniel, Stephen Lacy, Frederick G. Fico. 2005. Analyzing Media Messages: Using Quantitative Content Analysis in Research. 2nd edition. Russell, Bernard H. 1994. Research Methods in Anthropology Qualitative and Quantitative Research Approaches. Sage Publications. 7 Ministers Tell Musa to Dump Ralph. Saldivar Wins!. November 2, 2003. August 12, 2004. The Guardian. www.channel5belize.com.

Seven Samurai Resign From Cabinet. www.channel5belize.com. August 16, 2004. Smith, Dorothy E. 1987. Everyday As Problematic. Northeastern University Press. Sutton, Paul and Anthony Payne. 1993. Modern Caribbean Politics. Johns Hopkins University Press. The Communitys Rights vs. A Business Owners Rights. www.7newsbelize.com. The Year in Video. December 30, 2005. www.7newsbelize.com. April 19, 2005. August 26, 2005. May 17, 2010.

U. D. P. Plans Civil disobedience to Force Elections. www.channel5belize.com. Zenaida Moya Victorious Against GOB Quest to Fire Her. www.reporterbz.com.

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BELIZE @ CROSSROADS 2003~2010: A Perspective on Electoral Matters

RESULTS OF GENERAL ELECTIONS 1984 - 2008 Item 1984 1989 1993 1998
2003 126,202 100,340 79.51% 770 0.77% 52,934 52.75% 1,260 1.26% 45,376 45.22% 2008 156,993 121,168 77.18% 867 1.72% 49,531 40.88% 72 42.00% 68,250 56.33% 1039 0.86% 874 0.72% 506 0.42% 29 0.02%

APPENDIX i

Registered Electors # of Votes % of Votes Cast # of Votes Rejected % of Rejected Votes Votes Garnered: PUP NP IND HIP NIP CDP UDP UBAD CUF TPP -- NRP (2008) PDP -- VIP (2008) NABR -- NBA (2008) NTRCP

64,477 48,311 74.93% 673 1.39% 20,961 43.39% 213 0.44% ***708 1.47% 25,756 53.3% -

82,556 59,954 72.6% 1,003 1.67% 29,986 50.0% 65 0.1% 28,900 48.2% -

98,371 70,431 71.6% 499 0.71% 36,082 51.2% 43 0.06% **34,306 48.7% -

94,173 84,889 90.14% 544 0.64% 50,330 59.29% 372 0.44% 33,237 39.15% 225 0.27% 174 0.20% 7 0.01%

Source: For 1998 & 2003 - Elections and Boundaries Department ***Arandas CDP; **UDP/NABR

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