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Drama in History: Exemplars from Mid Dynasty XVIII Author(s): Anthony Spalinger Source: Studien zur Altgyptischen Kultur,

Bd. 24 (1997), pp. 269-300 Published by: Helmut Buske Verlag GmbH Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25152743 . Accessed: 28/05/2011 05:31
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Drama

in History:

Exemplars

from Mid Dynasty

XVIII

von

Anthony Spalinger

An analysis of the literary and historical forms of Egypt during the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. Special attention is placed upon those texts dealing with the "nomination" to kingship. The focus of the study centers on the heigthened drama evident in those inscriptions, and the connection between Thutmose III and his predecessor of Dynasty XII, Sesostris I. In addition, the Berlin Leather Roll special attention placed upon its history as an administrative document. is covered with

Many with mose religious

have regard

discussed

the rise of historical Dynasty if not

consciousness the reigns

in Pharaonic

Egypt,

especially Thut

to the XVIIIth

of Hatshepsut been

and her stepson,

III1. However, overview d'appui will be

all too often which

such analyses historical

have

oriented The with

to a philosophical remarks That have is to

lacks a deep

background. deductive that covers

following

as the point say, what

an integration attempted here

of the empirically is an approach

the inductive.

the development

of native

Egyptian
Egyptian street

thought processes
outlook was open I have

in the early New Kingdom at a time in which,


to new perspectives an approach rather than being locked that is limited with find the road well lacking My

I feel, the
to historical by various primary is

into a one-way

of thought.

not chosen

regard served

sources. Quite signposts references, to provide of Pharaonic

to the contrary, nature

the interested instead

reader will

of a historical if being a mature

of being

a presentation philosophical.

in numerous goal

at the same presentation

time refreshingly of one

in this analysis transformation at an earlier I hope

side of the then growing did not occur

intellectual

Egypt which,

I firmly maintain,

in so great the final

a fashion product, the thesis.

time period. Although the results

the orientation

of this work

far exceeds

that

are not written

in so tentative

a manner

as to obfuscate

Basically,

As the studies concerned with these two Pharaohs are as varied as they are detailed, letme merely refer at this point to the provocative remarks of J. Assmann, Solar Religion in the New Kingdom, Egyptian 1995, 128 with note 159. His earlier remarks in: Agyptens Aufstieg zurWeltmacht, Mainz 1987, 47-55, are too brief. The following notes will amply cover the specific data which are, after all, the grist of the
historian's mill.

270 A. SpaUnger SAK 24

foUowing Egypt pectives, be brought nomination which Uterary The tion

upon

recent yet often unclear in early Dynasty the least being XVIII,

research,

I see a mental

transformation

of Pharaonic pers wiU

occurring not

a tendency

that can be witnessed Reasons to observe

from many

royal

inscriptions

themselves.

for such a change that the series form a useful with

into the discussion; texts which a more as weU of omens

however,

it is sufficient

of divine corpus their

Hatshepsut detaUed

and Thutmose from ones. Thutmose remarkable Incorrectly its French of prodigies

III "pubUshed"

deserve aspects series

working

a perspective

that is concerned

as historiographic that surrounded are extremely

Ill's early Ufe and presaged owing understood both to their purpose

his nomina and to the

to be ruler of Egypt in which

manner

they are expressed2. text has kept upon a series The

by Breasted

as a "Coronation because the

Inscription", narrative Thutmose

the lengthy

title of "Texte de la Jeunesse" and later offerings considerably in which

is concentrated EQwas

the youthful

involved. themselves;

text itself was

carved

later than the purported presents for a Sitz the im

series of events account

it is a retrograde

one3. The

style of the composition in arguing

in the first person,

and early Egyptologists

did not hesitate

Urk.

IV, 156-75. The most useful and very detailed analysis of this inscription and the following one discussed in this study is now that of M. Romer, Gottes- und Priester-Herrschaft inAgypten am Ende des Neuen Reiches, AUAT 21, 1994, passim, especially 142-52, and the summary list inAbteilung IV,

478-80. The author's preliminary analysis in:GM 99, 1987, 31-34, is extremely important and, in fact, forced Assmann to alter some of his ideas: see the latter's "State and Religion in the New Kingdom", in: Yale Egyptology Studies 3, 1989, 71. Redford's recent overview, in: O'Connor /Silverman (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Kingship, PA 9, 1995, 157-84, is quite brilliant but contains too much personal interpretation; e.g., "The common grizzly Hatshepsut vocabulary of Eighteenth Dynasty military records": page 159. On page 174 he discusses the texts of and Thutmose III which are covered here; note, however, that he considers them to be "juridical omens", an interpretation which is false, as Romer has shown. (Indeed, there is nothing

"juridical"about them) More judicious comments of Redford can be found in his perceptive "Pharaonic 1986, 168-71. King-Lists, Annals and Day-Books", For a penetrating study of these Eighteenth Dynasty nomination texts and others of similar nature, see P. Vernus, in: BSEG 19, 1995, 69-95 and, more generally, Essai sur la conscience de l'Histoire dans 3 l'Egypte pharaonique, 1995, 137-42. The comments of Lacau/Chevrier, Hatshepsout, should be taken into consideration. Nevertheless, the reader will find P.F. Dorman's detailed analysis (The Monuments of Senenmut, 1988, 47-50, 55-58, 64-65) very useful for deterrnining the overall date of the Thutmose III composition. I do not follow the analysis of C. Meyer, Zur Verfolgung Hatschepsuts durch Thutmosis III., in:H. Altenmiiller/R. Germer Fs Helck, 1989, 119-26. Breasted's comments in BAR II, 1906, (eds.), Miscellanea Aegyptologica, a translation (now dated and incomplete) is on pages 59-68. 55-59;

1997 Drama inHistory

271

Leben common words,

centered

at the court with backdrop from

Thutmose

III speaking was

to his courtiers4. employed notables,

That

is to say, the king's ought

the own

Uterary aU directed

of the Konigsnovelle his mouth,

to present aU of whom

to the assembled

to have

been weU-surprised The suite

at the tenor and focus was placed

of their monarch's on the southern upon after

argument. exterior waU of his of tjheHatshepsut The stepmother. smoothed to be partly III) for for

"Texte de la Jeunesse" some years

after he became over scenes

sole Pharaoh of the dead queen

the death the wall

inscription was for re-carving. determined. foUowing

placed An

itself had been

exact

date

for Thutmose's

retrospective

upon his early Ufe remains information, Dorman,

However, Seipel, has

in his judicious shown

sifting of aU the available late date ca. regnal (regnal year

that a relatively

year 42 of Thutmose

the text is impossible

and that a time frame

30 seems more may

appropriate be,

dating purposes5. Whatever Chapelle pubUcation As address of Rouge of Queen

the exact date of the "Texte de la Jeunesse" Hatshepsut concerned was with stiU standing his early career. presents an account when

the famous the

Thutmose

III ordered

of his thoughts

stated above,

the "Texte de la Jeunesse" to some Such were officials whose

in the form of an official beginning and high the end of

of the Pharaoh

titles are lost in the fragmentary in dialogue of Uterary form between king since

the composition. commoners, XI. Given

speeches, a weU-liked

normaUy method

ranking Dynasty

presentation under

the rubric Konigsnovelle, Fischer showed

they first occur in 19656. Hence, between

the reign of Nebhepetre regulated manners occurs often

Montuhotep of speech are not

(II), as Henry and language

the orderly,

of the conversation of Thutmose

the Pharaoh

and his foUowers of practices

a product

of the times

III nor even

a continuation

In general,

Hermann,

Konigsnovelle,

1938.1

provided

some

brief

comments

on

this

so-called

"genre"

in:Aspects of theMilitary Documents of the Ancient Egyptians, 1982, 101-114. The best treatment of this literary setting is to be found inA. Loprieno's well-argued study: The "King'sNovel", in:Ancient Egyptian Literature, History and Forms, PA 10, 1996, 277-95. Assmann, Egyptian Literature (Survey), in:D. Freedman (ed.), The Anchor Bible Dictionary II, 1992, 387, is too brief. 5 Dorman's remarks are found in his study referred above in note 3. 6 It is odd thatEgyptologists ignore this first case: see Fischer, Coptite Nome, 103-106 and 112-118 (No. 45); cf. Spalinger, Aspects of theMilitary Documents of the Ancient Egyptians, 1982, 114-115. For example, I. Shirun-Grumach, Offenbarung, Orakelund Konigsnovelle, AUAT 24, 1993, 149-73, persists with the older position claiming the Berlin Leather Roll (Sesostris I) to be the first case. If, in fact, one wants to see parts of the "Annals" of Thutmose III (Megiddo campaign) as well as the Kadesh "Poem" of Ramesses II as containing "Konigsnovelle" elements, thenMontuhotep's inscription from Deir el B alias ought to be included as well.

272 A. SpaUnger SAK 24

assumed

to have begun could

under

Sesostris the king

I7. Indeed, enunciating

a truncated his plans

version

of the Konigsnovelle In this one-sided from the conflict any sus of a

presentation format between pense by-play different campaign The Pharaoh one

occur with

to the court. resulting

the first

person

is stiU employed takes place.

but no overt Rather, account

tension

ruler and officials must be found

as in the "Texte de itself without

la Jeunesse",

in the narrative

the heightened

interest

between plans

the ruler and the high for the future; e.g.,

ranking members

of his entourage, of the Kamose

both presenting or during the

as in the beginning

Stela

of Thutmose "Texte as befits de

III against Megiddo. itself at Karnak. concentrates From upon the relations between Amun and

la Jeunesse" its location

the very beginning father", states

of the preserved referring

portions of

receives

this blunt

outlook:

"He is my I was

the king,

to Amun his

course,

"and I am his son. While me though

in his nest he commanded The age, approximated

that I be upon but overtly he

throne,

and he begot with akin

stoutheartedness". the aspects when priest8.

connected

the Horus

myth,

stresses

of the youthful he was (The

Thutmose:

is like a "puppy", of the hypostyle

to the child, Horus

of Chemmis,

standing

on the north

court, and in the role of the Iwn-mwtf Jeunesse" must predate the walling-up

latter fact indicates two obeUsks

that the "Texte de la between Pylons

of Hatshepsut's

located

IV and V.)
Suddenly he had made rays were the narrative festival in the eyes moves to a reUgious setting: "... the intimacy he commenced left. And of his horizon great prodigies, gave after his heaven through his beauty. When as when Harachti

of the nobiUty

the people

to him

This follows from the evidence of the Berlin Leather Roll. Pace: Ph. Derchain, in:RdE 43, 1992, 35-47, that text ismost assuredly amid Dynasty XVHI copy of an original of Sesostris. I find J. Osing's edition in: Fs Iversen, The Heritage of Ancient Egypt, J. Osing/E.K. Nielsen (eds.), 1992, 109-119, to be the
best. The passages are from Urk. IV, 156.17-57.8. For the "puppy" (inpw) motif see, inter alia, W. J. Murnane,

Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, SAOC 40, 1977, 255; my review in: JARCE 16, 1979, 189-90 and 192 with note 19; E. Wente, in:An X-Ray Atlas of the Royal Mummies, J.E. Harris/E.F. Wente (eds.), 1980, 247; P. derManuelian, Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II, HAB 26, 1987, 189 note 96; D. Franke, Anchu, des Prinzen, in: Fs Helck, Miscellanea Aegyptologica, 1989, 73-75; C. Un terme designant le roi avant qu'il ne soit pas roi, in: U. Luft, (ed.), The Vandersleyen, Inepou: Intellectual Heritage of Egypt, Studia Aegyptiaca 14, 1992, 563-66 (overly formal); and C. Obsomer, Sesostris Ier. Etude chronologique et historique du regne, 1995, 133-35. der Gefolgsman in: JNES 44, 1985, 251- 94. However, he in this context is his study "Das Bild des Vaters"^ in: Stein und Zeit, 1994, 134-37 (Die "Kamutef-Konstellation"), a study originally published in 1976. One might add his "Die Zeugung des Sohnes", in J. Assmann et al. (eds.), Funktionen und Leistungen des Mythos, OBO 48, 1982, 13-61. For the role of the Iwn-mwt.f priest at this time: L. Bell, avoided the twenty-year research of J. Assmann. Useful

1997 Drama inHistory

273

[praise] Even

..."9. These though

unknown

miraculous bilt,

events

are never

explained;

aU is left in darkness. is left in abeyance took place; this

the crucial word, precisely, has been

occurs

in this passage, it was

the Ustener no oracle which

concerning eariier analysis instead

what,

occurred10.

Certainly

interpretation

finaUy put to rest by Pascal For Vermis time in order the omina to reveal

Vermis

in an extremely were plan activity,

important

of divine-human

affairs11.

presented the divine

not anticipated, even though there

they occur at an unexpected

is no real rupture of the norm. The king first proceeded on the fire and offering court of myself', under cattle and goats to his deity. "Itwas

to his ritual Then when Amun

placing

incense the

circulated

around

hypostyle science senses were

and finaUy states

stopped

at the king:

he stopped

that I took con lost his then adds, located was given with at a

the text, perhaps series

indicating events;

that Thutmose such occurrences,

III momentarily the king while

the awesome

of divine

not planned

by the priests who places

carried Amun's and bent

image12. Subsequently, in subservience,

one of the god's resting

("stations") being outside

Thutmose

further series of omina. Though in the divine specified sphere, the young

of the perception

of mankind

and hidden

king knew

of them and, apparently,

understood

these un

extra-Unguistic with

occurrences. the Pharaoh This elevation of divine translation then refers to heaven, nomination of the key to his ascent to heaven and en

Continuing counter cycle with texts,

his account, god, Re.

the creator is contained to present

not at aU specified to kingship. passages It wiU

in the birth not be out it is partly

in this account Assmann's

of place modified13:

here

although

[When he opened he unfolded When I rose

for] me

the door-leaves of [it]s horizon

of heaven for me.

the gates to heaven

as a divine image

falcon

<I ?> saw his secret And I worshipped

in heaven. (...)

his majesty

I beheld

the transformations

of Akhti

on his secret ways

in heaven.

9 10
11

Urk. IV, 157.14-17; cf. Vermis, in: BSEG 19, 1995, 72. Vermis, in: BSEG 19, 1995, 72-77, concentrates on this situation.
Vermis, op.cit., 73-74; see as well the analysis of Romer, Gottesund Priester-Herrschaft, 1994, 144-52.

Vernus, 19, 1995, 74 and note 27. 13 J. Assmann, Death and Initiation in the Funerary Religion of Ancient Egypt, in:Yale Egyptology Studies 3, 1989,142, note 41. On page 149 of his study will be found additional data concerning the role of the priest with regard to the "innermost sanctuary of the god" (in heaven). Note that Thutmose III was "not this "initiation" yet" a hm-ntr priest (Urk. IV, 157.9) in the temple of Amun at Karnak. Undoubtedly, or "path" of Thutmose III, if Imay borrow Assman's terms, iswhat these passages describe.

12

in:BSEG

274 A. Spalinger

SAK 24

When Re himself established me Iwas distinguished with [his] crown[s o]n his head,
his uraeus [Iwas remaining with at [my forehead]. his akh-power, of the gods (i.e., became like Horus, mature) in the house furnished] with

acquainted when

the wisdom his body

he counted

of his father Amun-Re. This five-fold and his section as well as the following is explicit ones connected Thutmose with the placement of the full

titulary of Pharaoh theological-mythical their ruler has

concerning

Ill's nomination to his followers.

to be Pharaoh They respond

presentation indicated

of the past events that he has

in turn after struction specified Beginning. The with "Texte

In the speech of for his father Amun. own utterance that Amun's they indicate

set up offerings and erected new con in this case the smrw are the courtiers is like the word of Re at the First

de

la Jeunesse"

is no coronation

inscription

per

se; neither

is it concerned the divine

Thutmose

Ill's accession

to the throne. Rather,

it connected

at a later date

intervention Egypt.

of Amun

to his son and the election even though

or nomination

of the youth

to the throne of to events the series As Seipel of

Hatshepsut under

is not mentioned

there are two specific III and his stepmother;

references namely,

that occurred divine offerings

the joint rule of Thutmose in regnal year (Imn-wr-biw, Rouge15. This

established entrances Chapelle

15 as well Imn-dsr-fiw,

as the three doorways14. and Mn-hswt-hr-Imn) that a date within

first listed

revealed,

those

are also the second

on Hatshepsut's

ought

to imply

decade a

of the joint reign of Hatshepsut-Thutmose date after year 16 for this edifice demise16.

III is to be assumed.

In fact, C. Nims program was

preferred probably referred

and observed If we follow

that the decoration the list of monumental associated with

finished

after the queen's

undertakings Thutmose, of certainty, all, the Vlth

to in the "Texte de la Jeunesse", construction of Pylon VI17. One in this narrative "no earlier

the three doorways, can argue, I feel, with

precede

the

some degree After

that the list Pylon, can III,

of such buildings at least be placed

is arranged than year

chronologically.

24" of the then

independent

ruler, Thutmose

14 Urk. IV, 172.15ff. for the offerings; Urk. IV, 167. Iff. for the Chapelle Rouge and the doorways. 15 W. Seipel, Zur Chronologie der Verfemung Hatschepsuts durch Thutmosis III, in:Acts of the First ICE, Berlin 1979,581-82. 16 C. Nims, in:ZAS 93, 1966, 98; cf. Dorman, The Monuments of Senenmut, 1988, 49. 17 Urk. IV, 167.6-9 with 167.15ff.

1997 Drama inHistory

275

according Thutmose

to Dorman18.

As

for the doorways, level scenes

why

not assume, Rouge with

owing his

to the presence stepmother

of

III in the upper

on the Chapel

and then the the

those of him alone, obvious: decoration death", From Jeunesse" as he was

that no poUcy Pharaoh

of aggrandizement

occurred.

Rather,

the king

is stating

so he constructed registers

the doors.

After

aU, did he not complete after Hatshepsut's

of the uppermost to quote Dorman internal criteria,

on this monument,

"presumably

once more19? then, Thutmose to his second Ill's activities or somewhat as recounted later. in the "Texte de la

can be placed

decade

(I am ignoring

the date of

the prodigy inKarnak itself.) This time frame fits weU with what we know of his position
with the Egyptian dates state at this time. After often Hatshepsut's famous Punt expedition in regnal often been year 9, official include both Pharaohs, some of them with Hatshepsut and since occurring that date first more others have

than not. Redford

assembled

in 1967

discovered20.By year 11 one meets the surprising Sinai Stela (JdE 38546) that presents the
queen, whom herself. her majordomo the date One year Senenmut, That and princess Neferrure, who is now god's wife and under is inscribed21. it to say, the regnal year in Lower Nubia, is not connected to Hatshepsut the queen against the

later, at Tangur West recorded

both Pharaohs III saiUng stelae date

are listed; southwards years

is first but the campaign foe, specificaUy of both queen (the before

there refers to Thutmose Two further Sinai equaUty

the land of Kush22. second her appears

to regnal

16 and 20 the

to reflect a graffito

between

the two rulers, (year 20,

the first Usts to Hatshepsut of Thutmose

stepson);

at the Step Pyramid

referring

and Thutmose appears alone

III in that order) in the graffito

also does

the same23. Moreover, viceroy

the name

III

at Tombos

of an unknown

(Amun-em-nahku/Inebny?)

18 19 20

Dorman, The Monuments of Senenmut, 1988, 64. For the decoration and its connection to Hatshepsut
98-99; Dorman's statement will be found op.cit., 51.

and Thutmose

III, see Nims,

in: ZAS 93, 1966,

Eighteenth Dyn., 86 with note 143; add the data presented by Murnane, Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, 1977, 37(g), 38(i); and F. Hintze/F. Reineke, Felsinschriften aus dem sudanesischen Nubien I, Berlin 1989, 38 (No. 64: year 16 of Thutmose III); 90 (No. 365: year 18 of Thutmose III); 172 (No. 562: year 12 of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III in that order; see the following remarks). On can add here the year 18 inscription of Thutmose II: J. von Beckerath, Chronologie des agyptischen Redford, Neuen Reiches, HAB 39, 1994, 111 (with Krauss' earlier analysis inmind). The throne name of the Pharaoh was added over the original one of Hatshepsut which had, of course, been erased by the command of Thutmose III.

21 22 23

Redford, Eighteenth Dyn., 55-56 andMurnane, Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, 1977, 37-38 (h). F. Reineke, in:Fs Hintze, 369-76 = Hintze/Reineke, Felsinschriften aus den sudanischen Nubien I, 172 (No. 562). The references are listed inRedford's study listed above in note 20.

276 A. SpaUnger SAK 24

for year 20 and in the wiU of Senimose, is written. Bahri prayer Armant performed evidence Additional references with

dated

one year by Murnane

later, only refer

the name

of Thutmose year

III

enumerated Thutmose One can

to the king:

10 (Deir el stela, with a

ostracon, mentioning Stela

stamped

Ill's cartouche)

and year

13 (Sinai

the queen)24. as other

add here Redford's of the king that

analysis indicate

of Thutmose the major role

Ill's he

as weU

inscriptions

in foreign miUtary of the ChapeUe

activities the during the later years of Hatshepsut25. FinaUy, the outer scenes and inscriptions in particular reveals Rouge was aUve. Owing to this data, of the role of the their joint rule.

him to be frequently king was not

included whUe Hatshepsut to the queen second

at aU subservient during the entire of

in the last half-decade

Furthermore, III there is no

decade status of

of the joint reign of Hatshepsut-Thutmose the junior of the series partner. of Indeed, as Murnane el Bahri just Usted to the con a career in

indication even

a lowly

observed, connected it appears

Thutmose

occurs

at one

end

reUefs

at Deir

to the Punt expedition26. impossible to argue

To put it another way, shunted

considering away

the sources Quite upon

that Hatshepsut

her stepson. embarking

trary, he was the army.

in the midst

of the capital, 12 he was

at Karnak inNubia

itself, before with

If in regnal year Pharaoh de

already

the Egyptian early

army,

then we must princes. bsi is

see the young In the "Texte

as pursuing

the standard

or traditional

career inducted

of crown

la Jeunesse"

he states

that he had not yet been

(the verb

employed)27 into the office of "HighPriest" when those prodigious events took place during
which he was elected to be Pharaoh28. How then can we assume any attempt on the part of

the queen to disposess the boy from the throne of Egypt or to remove him from the hub of
activity within the state when he was intimately connected stress with the godhead of the Egypt, immersed rising I find regnal 24 25 in the theology of the day with its growing on the solar cult, and eventuaUy his stepmother, (between

to prominence it difficult years

at Karnak? Whatever

to argue a poUtical 7 and 12) by Hatshepsut.

his later feeUngs were concerning removal of the king for at most five

years

The references are also to be found in note 20. Redford, Eighteenth Dyn., 62; cf. as well L. Stork, Die Nashorner, 1977, 241-96. 26 Murnane, Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, 1977, 37. Indeed, it is not overly speculative to maintain that Thutmose III owed farmore to his stepmother than to his father, Thutmose II, who after all ruled for a short period of time. See, for example, his accession and her regency. The emphasis placed by Hatshepsut as well as Thutmose III on Thutmose I cannot be overlooked. The use of this verb has been discussed by me in: SAK 22, 1995, 276, note 23; add now Redford, in: PA 9, 1995, 164. 28 The passage may remind some of the role that queen Ahmose-Nofretary played in the hierarchy of Karnak; namely, the Second High Priest of Amun. See most recently B. Menu andM. Gitton's contre temps in:BIFAO 76, 1976, 65-89, 77, 1977, 89-100, 78, 1978, 327-31. 27

1997 Drama inHistory

277

The question of the date of themiracles at Karnak solely recognized by Thutmose III
remains the queen position to be elucidated. is not mentioned Unfortunately, one is only we enter the realm of speculation the references upon at this point. As as weU as his left with to his youth

at Karnak.

Remembering it is not surprising

that the text is a reflection that his own some deeds

the past by the then sole monumental be placed construc within the after if

ruler Thutmose, tions)

(donations, can definitely

are recorded.

Furthermore, earUer

of the activities although

joint reign as noted the death of his

in this discussion Are we

others may

reasonably

be dated

stepmother.

deaUng with

a divine

nomination

that was itmay

approved be,

not "stage-managed"

by the queen herself29? Does

this account,

late though

imply

official acknowledgment of the heir to the throne?Considering his importance by year 12


and onwards kingship, did the prodigies to enhance at the main the (future) cult center of the land, intimately In an old appears the death connected interpretation in to serve role of the junior partner? Thutmose regent II now upon reflects

they occurred cumbent. Thutmose Since

in the reign of Thutmose queen Hatshepsut likely

I although

the probable

seems

to have been

of her spouse, recognition if only owing

II, it is most

that the "Texte de la Jeunesse" his claim was wife. time frame

an official

of the Pharaoh to his youth While

to be at a time during which from a secondary

not aU that secure,

and descent

adhering

to the present

chronological of what wise

I feel

that Thutmose

Ill's words stress on

are not a fiction divine namely, shown pective, NaturaUy portance quite nomination

but rather a reiteration fits with Dorman's

had occurred concerning

earUer.

In fact, his

remarks

the date

of the inscription; with the hostiUty a retros to Amun.

that it is not a late one by him appears god towards his

(ca. year 42 or later) nor one connected On the contrary, this narrative,

stepmother30. with the king's as poUtics

though deeds

concerned and king

nomination

and early beneficial

as weU placed had

is the emphasis of which

are intertwined. and theology But of equal im are his later deeds, Thutmose III on his career. Absent by repercussions for the Amun temple; e.g., his wars in

a number

strong

Asia and the booty brought back toAmun; his festal temple (begun in year 24)31.Hence, I

29

On this situation, note the comments of Redford, Eighteenth Dyn., 74-76 with the later (more interpre tative) ones: Pharaonic King-Lists, Annals and Day Books, 1986, 168-69. 30 Dorman, The Monuments of Senenmut, 1988, 46-65 (Chapter III) provides the necessary data. 31 This is well known from Urk. IV, 833-38; for a most recent translation of the inscription: J. von MDAIK 37, 1981,41-49 and the queries ofW. Helck on the lunar date, in:GM 69, 1983, Beckerath, in: 40-42. For the date of Thutmose Ill's Festival Temple Inscription (A. Gardiner, in: JEA 38, 1952, 6-23 and Urk. IV, 1251-75) see our comments below. However, note that Gardiner had earlier seen the correct solution in: JEA 31, 1945, 16, a position that he later retracted on page 9 of the editio princeps. W.J. Murnane, in: MDAIK 37, 1981, 373 and note 29, is somewhat unfair with Gardiner.

278 A. Spalinger

SAK 24

feel that the text mentions the divine nomination

those characteristics

which

needed

emphasizing religious

if not confirming: to Karnak; to predicate regarding hypotheses. III a the

of Thutmose shown

III to be king; By

his early large,

connections ought

and his beneficence date not too

to the temple. and,

and

such aspects

late in his

reign,

in essence,

the conclusions

of Dorman fit my

architectural One can

and epigraphic bring into

implications

of the "Texte de la Jeunesse" the lengthy Dated inscription to year regnal

the discussion

at this point

of Thutmose 24 the

describing mentions vides

the preparations earlier offerings

for his Festival that the king narrative

Temple.

inscription and so pro can be III

established of divine

in his nomination;

seventh

year

a parallel

to the king's

i.e., both accession

inscriptions

placed within as sole Pharaoh Dating Hatshepsut's standing he wished lost stress

a time frame and both

not that far removed refer to donations within

from

the (second)

of Thutmose

set up at Karnak the first decade the purport was

during

the king's Ill's

early years32. sole rule after its out

the "Texte de la Jeunesse" death allows

of Thutmose

us to understand nomination. this. The the king's Thutmose causes stress

of the inscription; of Egypt events

namely,

on divine

the Pharaoh

and, apparently, in Karnak of Amun are must

to emphasize

of the first series on his nomination

of divine by

to us; nevertheless,

the agency

indicate that some difficulty or difficulties were associated with his claim. After all, not being directly descended from Hatshepsut did pose a problem; equally, he extreme youth
had the to be considered throne of Egypt. III was alone since his father, Thutmose Indeed, the latter did not in a lengthy for his right II, likewise rule very was not old when twenty he came odd to long. After years

Thutmose record But

but this time, as proof

retrospective, to rule.

he singled

out that earlier

of godly

intervention flavor

the literary

orientation Amun have copy been

of Thutmose Ill's nomination in the first half and especially the section to be brought into discussion. inscription Fortunately,

inscription, dealing we with

as well

as its religious omina of

the sudden

have I, year Berlin

at our fingertips 3) that appears

a handy to have (P. Berlin that can,

of an early Xllth employed

Dynasty

(time: Sesostris to the well-known

as a quarry. doubts dismissed

I am referring

3029)33. I feel,

Although be easily

have been presented concerning the series of parallels between

Leather Roll its redaction queries that text and

the nomination

32 33

For this phase of the inscription, see Gardiner, in: JEA 38, 1952, 12 and note 5. The latest edition of this text is that of Osing, referred to in note 7 above. An up-to-date bibliography of the previous scholarship is provided as well as a fresh and improved translation. Useful as well is short study, Politik zwischen Ritual und Dogma, in: Stein und Zeit, 1991, 253-55, a study originally published in: Saeculum 35, 1984, 109-111. Most recently, two useful although brief analyses of this work can be found in the detailed volume of Ancient Egyptian Literature, History and Forms: Baines, op.cit., 162; and Loprieno, op.cit., 286. Assmann's

1997 Drama inHistory

279

inscription Leeuwenburg Thutmose's a fifth

of Thutmose

HI are extremely a number

striking.

It is to the credit between cases

of de Buck Sesostris

and his pupil and

that quite were pointed

of concurrences four useful

I's account

out34. In particular,

of coincidence were

can be found; brought forward Leather to is

is close

to Hatshepsut who, contrary

at Speos Artemidos. to most scholarly XVIII,

Additional opinion,

paraUels

by Derchain Roll

preferred

to see

the BerUn

as an original Moreover,

text of Dynasty

a conclusion Ill's

that seems

extremely

difficult purpose

maintain35. prominent, The extremely history37. distinctive their

just as in Thutmose has seen36. Thutmose and

inscription,

the idea of divine

as Assmann

connection

between

HI and Sesostris book since was

I was

earUer noted with

by Redford concepts

in his of a

weU-researched There

thoughtful that ever

concerned the reign

the Egyptian

is Uttle doubt

of Amunhotep inteUectuaUy Leather

I, if not earUer, in this case, with RoU

trait of those warrior monarchs ancestors additional of a bygone piece

to forge a Unk, use with

successful

age. The

of the BerUn regard

by can be III

marshaled

as one

of evidence

to this pursuit38.

Thutmose

34

in:The Building Inscription of the Berlin Leather Roll, in: Studia Aegyptiaca A. de Buck/Leeuwenburg, see De Buck's comments on page 54 (note 6), 55 (notes 22 and 26), 56 (note 31), and 1,1938,48-57; 57 (note 43). 35 These parallels are listed in:RdE 43, 1992,46-47. C. Eyre, in:Ancient Egyptian Literature, History and
Forms, 1996,417-18, appears to accept the revisionist dating of Derchain. He has useful comments con

36

cerning the reign of Thutmose III which to some degree parallel mine in this study. Assmann, in:Yale Egyptology Studies 3, 1989, 70. 37 1986, 168-73; see as well his subsequent Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, Annals and Day Books, comments in: PA 9, 1995, 169-171. 38 In this case it is not too speculative to maintain that the stress on Re in the Sesostris I text could have been understood by Thutmose III who, in the middle of his third decade, began work on the Festival Temple to the east of theMiddle Kingdom complex at Karnak. Specifically, one can refer to the em
phasis upon the solar cult in the new edifice: in general, see Barguet, Temple d'Amon-Re, 191-98. The

proximity of the Festival Temple to that of Dynasty XII (and directly or indirectly) to Sesostris I cannot be overlooked, as point emphasized by Redford, King-Lists, Annals and Day Books, 1986, 170-71. Since there are parallels between the Sesostris I text and the inscriptions of Hatshepsut as well as Thut mose HI (conveniently, Derchain, in:RdE 43, 1992,46-47), this position has to be broadened to include The Leather Roll the roles of both monarchs, a position that Redford, among others, has argued. is to be dated to year 5 of Amunhotep II; see note 45 below and the accompanying text. Since itwas used from the treasury and the Sesostris I composition itself is a palimsest, perhaps

one can argue that at least one other hieratic copy was available, and the extant text was not the first to be written down in mid Dynasty XVIII; i.e., can the preserved building inscription be one among many? in: Ancient Egyptian Literature, History and Forms, 1996, 427, deals with the possibility that Eyre, various
"widely

papyrus versions of the Battle of Kadesh were circulating and concludes


'published'".

that this text was

280 A. SpaUnger SAK 24

himself way. found

appears For

to deal with important room

his noble depictions

predecessor

Sesostris

I at Karnak his

in more kings I refer

than one can be to those

instance,

of Thutmose of the Festival

III with HaU.

ancestor

in a small

to the southwest

In particular,

fragmentary depictions of Thutmose III and Sesostris III in a paviUon located on the outer waU of the rooms built by Hatshepsut; they are identical in layout and design, and the former
is the one which analysis39. Sesostris The The accompanies the nomination text of Thutmose, is probably of the original hitherto a copy scene covered in this of latter, located to the east end of the waU, blocks of an original

I by Thutmose

III; some fragmentary reads:

are stiU extant.

accompanying

inscription

[Year] after the 9th, IV prt day 24. A [king's] sitting took place [in the audience haU]; the
court and the [officials Now when Ufe forever. The scription Leather of the palace] ... setting, were ushered in order to ...] with his majesty, given

same Uterary of Thutmose

the so-caUed

Konigsnovelle, is virtuaUy identical

is present

in the nomination

in

III; the beginning us with

as weU. Moreover, commencement

the BerUn of hpr famswt

RoU also provides

the common

if stereotyped

as probably did Thutmose DI. The latter copy of an original Xllth Dynasty building inscrip
tion provides other words, concluding nonetheless, remaining dates us with the smrw officials are strong showed if only great as in Thutmose enough, interest Ill's text and srw ones for Habachi, ancestor. This as weU. In us the coincidences that Thutmose is simpUstic, on a level of bare as they were in his worthy to warrant conclusion, wlulst year

as it avoids One

the problem could

of inteUectual

causaUty

empiricism.

equaUy marshal inteUectual

the "odd" regnal connection, to the only system. one

of Thutmose not

III and Sesostris

I to reveal

a further

that is,

in fact, cases depicted

so empty

of spirit as has been regnal year

assumed. using

I am referring the "year after" 9 IV prt

two extant I, as

of a post

Old Kingdom

Sesostris

by Thutmose

III, provides In his Festival

the date of rnpt sp m-ht Temple Inscription The

sw 24 with

hpr famswt 23 tpy

[nswt] foUowing)40. Smw sw 2 (also Sesostris which

Thutmose exact dates

III has rnpt sp m-ht are the tenth regnal to be expected connection.

foUowed

by hpr famswt nswt!). of Thutmose Here, then,

year of in

I and the twenty-fourth they were written down.

III. Both

are not

in the eras

is a further mental

For Hatshepsut's connections to the emergence of a theological discourse (via eulogies) based upon Amun-Re I can refer to the brief comments of Assmann, Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom, 1995, 128, and Agypten. Theologie und Frommigkeit einer friihen Hochkultur, 1984, 228. 39 L. Habachi, in: Fs Mokhtar I, 1985, 349-59; the text was alluded to in Aspects of theMilitary Docu ments of the Ancient Egyptians, 105 with note 17. 40 Habachi, op.cit., 353 and 354 note h. See references to the Festival Inscription in note 31 above.

1997 Drama inHistory

281

As divine occur, may may

for

the Berlin

Leather

Roll

itself,

the contents to be king.

stress, Terms

especially such as

in Section inpw, swht, A similar Then

II, the and outlook too, one to his ti

choice

and predestination provide

of Sesostris

all of which

an amorphous

development nomination themselves.

of the king-to-be41. inscription Although

be seen at the beginning lay warranted stress

of Thutmose's the dates

as well.

upon

Thutmose's is not:

report

courtiers exactly Smw 4), mother's Pharaoh must death be

of an early divine two days before or virtually death42. would

selection

is undated,

his Festal exactly

Inscription 728 days

it took place (I step

his twenty-fifth

regnal year, second year

after his accession to his

at the end of his

as sole Pharaoh

subsequent

If the latter date be taken be

into consideration the Berlin

in his "third regnal the day given sole Pharaoh father, Amenemhet

year". On

(II prt 9 or 10), then the sole Leather Roll Sesostris who he came to the throne after the

is that upon which

of his

I: III iht 843. That

is to say,

the anniversary Kingdom in regnal

of his actual chronological years, sixty

accession, system

and thus the use of hci is significant. demanded that New Year's Day

Since

the Middle

(I iht 1) witnessed

a change

eight days had passed in the civil year before the royal sitting of Sesostris I took place; still,
we are in the third regnal year. The IV prt sw 24 copy of Sesostris drawn up in mid Dynasty to an event XVIII pre sents in the tenth regnal clear, then a new and year. If the latter refers after Amenemhet The connection (and also to such concepts

l's death,

as seems

and independent

reign had just begun. III previously Lastly,

of this text with some phrases

the scenes

inscriptions

of Thutmose close.

covered

of Hatshepsut)

is thereby made Roll

the more

one has but repetitive

to refer these

in the Berlin Leather and divine choice

such as the following copy outlook; and over

to see how affirms namely, again

of royalty with Atum

are. That XVIIIth the original refers over "nursed

the connection Heliopolis, to Sesostris

of the Pharaoh the sun cult, and as destined to be

his father, Harachty, in particular.

as befits

It furthermore

a "born conqueror",

"king by nature",

to be a conqueror",

and the like.

is discussed by J. Osing, Zu zwei literarischen Werken des Mittleren Reiches, in: Fs Iversen, 1992, 118-119. 42 With Helck, Manetho, 66,1 place the death of Hatshepsut in regnal year 22, II prt, sw 9 following the Armant Stela (Urk. IV, 1244.14). That inscription gives day 10, presumably the accession of Thutmose (at dawn: cf. Urk. IV, 855.14-896.8)
note 32.

41

This

situation

as sole Pharaoh once more; cf. Redford, Eighteenth Dyn.,

56 with

43

A. Gardiner, in: JEA 32, 1946, 100, realized the significance of the date; there are brief comments on the composition by Murnane, Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, 1977, 3, (e), 254-55. The Berlin Leather Roll clearly records a royal decree in the independent reign of Sesostris I: C. Obsomer, in:RdE 44, 1993, 103-140 (concerning the impossibility of a ten year coregency between Sesostris I and his father Amenemhet I) and Chapter I of his Sesostris I.

282 A. SpaUnger SAK 24

a "born conqueror", The cussion history

"king by nature",

"nursed

to be a conqueror", RoU factors ought have

and the like. to be brought too often been into the dis neglected in I's

and make-up

of the Berlin

Leather

at this point

if only as these more mundane the first was were to point on out

the Uterature. inscription deUveries, direction the script

Stern was at HeUopoUs,

that the main over

text, some

the copy notes

of Sesostris to wood

written erased; was

the recto

relating

most

of which

some of these were inverted the same dated in relation hand. On

later translated

by Erman44. even

The

of the report of Sesostris of both account although appears

to the earUer notes the verso wiU

though a partly

to be by

be found

preserved erased,

of a legal

difficulty, From

to the reign it is clear concerns

of Amunhotep

II; it too was is rnpt

only partiaUy.

the original

that the date a sculptor

on the verso named

sp 5 III iht sw

10 of Amunhotep

II, and the case

Ipw-m-R*45.

44

L. Stern, in:ZAS

12, 1878, 86; A. Erman/F. Krebs, Aus den Papyrus der Koniglichen Museen, Berlin 1899, 59-63, 87-89; andMoller, Palaographie II, 8. (I have simplified the use of the document to some degree.) Erman's account on page 87 must be altered somewhat. I have seen the original inBerlin and collated the verso owing to the kind offices of Drs. K.-H. Priese and I.Muller. Both Stern and Erman of the "indented" last lines of the Sesostris I text. For the reader's convenience clearly by means I refer to Tafel 9 (bottom)

were correct in their evaluation of the two texts on the recto. This can be seen most

inH. Goedicke, The Berlin Leather Roll (P Berlin 3029), in: Fs. Museum Berlin, 1975. Note as well H. W. Fischer-Elfert, Agyptische Handschriften 4, 1994, 50-51. 45 In addition to collating the verso I have seen Cerny's transcription as well as the original, which is in the Griffith Institute, Ashmolean Museum. Imust thank Dr. Malek for his kind assistance in allowing me to obtain a copy of the work. Cerny added the comment "lig." regarding the regnal year figure of 5, although he skipped over gr.kwi at the beginning of line 5. Erman also collated the verso for the files of the Wb., copies of which I have also consulted through the able support of Dr. Stefan Grunert. The text
reads:

"(1)Regnal year 5 thirdmonth of inundation day 10 under themajesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt ci-hprw-Rc the son of Re Amunhotep the godly one and ruler of Thebes who lives for ever and
ever. (2) What the sculptor lpw-m-Rc said: 'As for me, my son (hence read "My own son" as Erman

wished) Wsr-hit was sent... (3) and I (m.) was satisfied/silent' (gr.kwi). A (N. B.) woman said: 'Then he took everything'. And I (m.) gave the woman to him (??). (Cerny read rdi.i n.fti st whereas I saw rdit.i n.fti st. The passage is difficult as Erman saw. Is 'Then he took everything which I had given to him' possible? However, the ti st remains unresolved in this interpretation.) And I (5) said to him: 'Why have you acted thusly?'Then he said: '[I will] not... against you; [I]will not... your (m.) things. (6) So
long as the ruler endures, l.p.h., so long as the ruler endures, l.p.h., so long as Amun endures, so long

endures, I will never enter your house! (7) I will not seize/take (ph) your things!' Then the scupltor 'Ipw-m-R?gathered together (nwh) the ... (8) saying: 'You have heard the matters which my son did'. Then... peo[ple ??]... (9) her people (?)... his plea (mdt.f) in their presence. Then he said: 'The one ...'... (10) in front of the [witnesses/people ?] ... infront of Rc-m[s], (11) in front of Iwti, (12) infront
of Mn-hpr the son of the majordomo li-m-htp (13) Nn-wn-[ms ?]-... (14) ... (15) Imn-m-ipt the son of

as Amun

My...

(16) ... (17) Hiy

(18) Hwy

(19) ...".

1997 Drama inHistory

283

treasury-directed The Leather RoU

affairs dated

around DI Smw 21 and concerns a variegated governmental If we history. First

official employed

matters

of deUveries.

thereby witnessed or ordinary matters - that of official for copying a monumental written before

for rather mundane it was then reused added on the of of pur

business

(deUveries)

inscription.

foUow Erman, I46. This

the legal case was is an exceUent leather. Once case

back

was

the text of Sesostris but, more

of reuse

material: Sesostris poses

not papyrus I was used

in this instance it lost

significantly,

the account

its importance

and so was At

reemployed

for governmental

of a more

expected

nature:

a legal conflict. away

this point

I cannot

fail to lay emphasis of wood RoU upon be it. it

on the text which and

was mainly

washed

(and so original);

namely,

the deUveries Leather written

the like organized

through

the treasury47. That before a copy

is to say,

the BerUn was

longed Hence, remains text was

to the state apparatus it was a moot placed relatively point easy

of Sesostris' officials avoid

inscription to obtain

for the governmental sold, I cannot

the roU. Although that the Sesostris been

if it had been

stressing accounts

the point rather

over a series

of mundane

bureaucratic

than having

the

46

Erman/Krebs, Aus den Papyrus der Koniglichen Museen, Berlin 1899, 59 and 87. This is one key reason why Derchain felt that the Sesostris I text was first written under Amunhotep II: in:RdE 43, 1992, 36. However,

the conclusion cannot be maintained since the text of Sesostris iswritten over an earlier one and, moreover, the account on the verso which is dated to Amunhotep II, is clearly a later one. 47 With regard to the treasury itself, Quirke has observed that some Saqqara papyri of the middle Period are also associated with treasury officials, in:Ancient Egyptian Literature, History and Forms, 391 and 396 (for the Third Intermediate Period). A notable example is P. Sallier III: Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. (= KRI) II, 101.11-14. That composition, the "Poem" of the battle of Kadesh, provides in more than one way a useful parallel to the Berlin Leather Roll. At the minimum, note the use of textual breaks, albeit inconsistently, through the preposition r (instead of "verse points" as in the Berlin copy): Ramesside Kuentz, Bataille de Qadesh, 204 (to line 4 of P. Raife). As I do not wish to overburden this note with details, letme state that P. Sallier III + P. Raife provide enough internal evidence to indicate that the hieratic composition was not copied from temple walls. That the text was considered to be a literary work can be seen from the colophon: KRI II, 101.11-14, especially the (restored but certain) iw.spw nfr m fatpwith Loprieno, in:Ancient Egyptian Literature, History and Forms, 1996, 42. However, Von derWay's argument that the date of P. Sallier III + P. Raife must be year 9 of Ramesses II is not at all secure: Die Textiiberlieferung Ramses' II. zur QadeS-Schlacht, HAB 22, 1984, 39-43. The problems of textual composition of the hieratic versions of the Battle of Kadesh will be discussed at a later date, but for the moment I can mention the alterations of grammar, the palaeography, the spelling of the king's name (Rc-ms-sw, not Rc-mss), frequent cases of homoeoteleuton indicating a hieratic Voriage, the colophon without "under",hr, in "under the majesty of, the "misplacement" of the Menna episode, and the missing first word of the colophon itself. Let us not forget that the detailed account of the seige and capture of Megiddo was kept on a leather roll in the temple of Amun: Urk. IV, 661.14-662.6. by Thutmose Ill's army

284 A. Spalinger

SAK 24

first one some Kamose

to be written48. the history directly

That

is to say, the building Tablet

inscription which

itself appears

to resemble of

to

degree Stela

of the Carnarvon

contains

the opening

the first

copied

from the text itself at Karnak49.

If this Thutmose
re-accession additional Thutmose's, made events version, clues was

III inscription can be seen to have been inspired by the king's


an earlier nomination That text, quite inscription similar of Hatshepsut provides to its genesis. in nature comments and phraseology worth noting were of miraculous

to the throne of Egypt, concerning

first described In both with Amun at Deir royal

in detail cases

by Sethe; the king

additional

by Redford50. connected located

or queen witnessed Even the woeful was

a series

in his Karnak indicates

temple. that when

state of Hatshepsut's standing in Karnak a

el Bahri,

the queen

series of omina of Thutmose borrowing

took place. The parallels III are so strong

between ought

this inscription not to hesitate

and that of the nomination in assuming some type of reworked of Thutmose to some a version that rather that divine their literary

that one

by the latter from

the former. Even

though Thutmose the purported

III subsequently nomination

this narrative through recarving and rewriting, clearly I even his accession date is noted! is not original useful literary passages nomination his from the Berlin Leather recorded Roll,

to him. Therefore, Thutmose

in addition

III had at his hand reign. and I suspect so copy

of a divine than

that was agents

under his stepmother's terrace temple

employing

to go simply

to Hatshepsut's ordered his

nomination models51. It is also nomination. 48

text, Thutmose

intellectuals

or scribes

to search

interesting On the Vllth

to observe pylon

Thutmose he had carved

Ill's

second

and chronological long account

report

of his

a relatively

of his economic

For the related problem of the cost of papyrus and its reuse, see most recently J. Janssen, in:DE 9, 1987, M. Bierbrier (ed.), 33-35, referring to Caminos' study in "Some Comments on theReuse of Papyrus", in: Structure and Usage, 1986. Papyrus: 49 Most recently, I can refer to Quirke's useful comments in:Ancient Egyptian Literature, History and Forms, 1996, 265 and 381. The Carnarvon Tablet was standing in the temple of Karnak when itwas copied, after the beginning of the stela was altered through the superimposition of "Year 3". 50 K. Sethe, Das Hatschepsut-Problem, APAW, 1932.4, 77-81, following the edition of Naville, Deir el Bahari VI, Pis. CLVI-CLVII. The preserved date of rnpt sp 1 Ibd 3 prt is to be restored with [sw 21]: W. Helck, in: Studia Biblica et Orientalia, 1959, 115. Note as well Redford's partial translation in his Eighteenth Dyn., 75-76 and the translation in note 89. There are only brief bibliographic references listed by Romer, Gottes- und Priester-Herrschaft inAgypten, 1994, 478, note 2. 51 The existence of an already utilized leather roll in the state archive (treasury) may very well imply that there was at least one other copy of the Sesostris I inscription in circulation. After all, it is remarkable that the Berlin Leather Roll was not in pristine condition when the royal composition was written upon it. With Quirke, I see parallels with the Carnarvon Tablet (Kamose text) and the hieratic copies of the Battle of Kadesh.

1997 Drama inHistory

285

donations

to the temple

of Amun,

and from

internal

criteria

it is easy

to date

the narration

to

a time after his eighth campaign of victory inAsia (regnal year 33)52.The beginning of the
king's prince report was takes place foretold under the reign of his father, Thutmose in terms again identical II. In particular, to that of her the young stepmother to be Pharaoh

Hatshepsut and his accession date is included (I Smw 4); the fragmentary first section deals
with his presence "next to" his father. This for Thutmose for his choice. Thutmose's of offerings. III narrates The more in Asia composition the past lengthy and is also presented as weU in the format as his wish of a Konigsnovelle his god, Amun, upon to the smrw portions to repay con and his divine

of this account, of new

however, feasts with

centrate

success

the estabUshment

multipUcation nomination decade of

In other words, After

the Pharaoh

is far less concerned is within took charge

than his other account. the king's reign, more

aU, the date of the composition after he alone

the fourth of Egypt. II but

than one decade upon his divine success After

Considerations now

less concentrated booty,

choice

and connection

to Thutmose program to reiterate

rather linked with war, greater

abroad,

and a new building Uttle need

apparently once more occasion. ChapeUe

loomed

than his earUer feelings. to Amun however, us with

aU, there was prose

his rightful

connection

in such lengthy that we have

as he did on one previous to grips for that queen's

It is with Hatshepsut, Rouge inscription provides

to come

the clearest

and most

of the divine in royal election53. Throughout the inscription can be found which and phraseology part terminology identical expected to Thutmose marvels, Ill's lengthly narrative of divine

lengthy though

account

of the intervention only places of un of in

it is preserved and The in some series

are similar nomination54.

at least one of which

did not occur

at the expected

place

(the "stations

the king" in block 222), are frequent in the account. Two blocks (nos. 287 and 54) often
have been discussed in this context55. performed specificaUy The latter passage instead relates how Amun, of the king's now foUowing palace. the "Route of Offerings" his omina indicate at the gates Blocks

109 and 72, however, ordered relates

that Hatshepsut block 287,

was perhaps

Pharaoh

and Amun of aU,

her to the "stations of the king"; however the prediction of Hatshepsut to be Pharaoh

the most

famous

in the second

regnal

year of an unnamed

52 53 54

Urk. IY, 178-191.4; see the recent comments of C. Cannuyer, Presented toMiriam Lichtheim I, 1990, 105-109.

in: S. Groll,

(ed.), Studies

inEgyptology

Lacau/Chevrier, Hatshepsout I, 92-153. These coincidences are remarked upon by Lacau and Chevrier in their editio princeps. 55 See Romer, Gottes- und Priester-Herrschaft inAgyptens, 1994, 142-52 and his brief study in:GM 99, 1987,31-34.

286 A. Spalinger

SAK 24

king56. kingship

In that brief to the queen

section

the narrator mentions out the one to the second The

multiple

prodigies

which

predicted

the

and singles

that took place

on the twenty-ninth of Sekhmet. was rendered

day of the Amun acted a god

sixth civil month, in some temple untold

corresponding way during

day of the Litanies auspicious or, rather, occasion the filial

his festival.

at Opet,

specifically

connected

to kingship

connection

of father

was the date itself- virtually at the end of (Amun) and his son (the Pharaoh)57. Noteworthy one half-year the more open area of the broad court of Luxor58. and the specific location,

A further broken portion of the Chapelle Rouge inscription (block 54) covers additional
similar At rather events, apparently directed by the goddess Rouge Mut to the queen. the association (see pages with the sun god Re above and the least one section than Amun as, of the Chapelle in fact, presents III later

did Thutmose

273-274

translation

of Assmann).

Nevertheless historical

this portion

of the account

must

be seen

in a different description birth cycle is not of as the can

light than the explicit the "titulary-fixing", well, has to be

observations.

In similar manner,

the detailed divine

which

can be seen side when and queen Pharaohs

in the legend

of Hatshepsut's

laid to one god

examining (or king

the account. What Thutmose birth

is important

connection

between

as with

III); this interrelation in Dynasty XVIII we

occur whenever reiterating ground;

and wherever. beliefs

can claim

divine

by simply

age-old namely,

and stories. With reference

Hatshepsut to specific

and her stepson places and times.

are on another legend

the wholesale

In the birth

56

in:Kemi 18, 1968, 85-91; see as well Cannuyer, Studies M. Lichtheim, 109-115, who opts for regnal year 2 of Thutmosis I as the date of the major auspicious event that took place on day 29 of the sixth civil month. 57 Inter alia, see L. Bell, in: JNES 44, 1985, 251-94 and WJ. Murnane, s.v. Opet, in: LA IV, 574-79, (the best analysis in English) with his more general analysis in: Les dossiers. Histoire et archeologie 101, January 1986, 22-25; add now the pertinent comments of D. O'Connor, in: O'Connor /Silverman, Ancient Egyptian Kingship, PA 9, 1995, 276-78 and 282. P. Pamminger, in: Beitrage zur Sudan forschung 5, 1992, 93-140, is surprisingly not informative on this issue. 58 On the assumed public access for inscriptions and reliefs within temples, the recent analysis of Vemus, Essai sur la conscience de rhistoire dans l'Egypte pharaonique, 1995, 164 with note 695 (arguing against E. Bleiberg, in:BES 7, 1985/86, 5-15), neatly covers the situation. in J. Assmann/T. Sundermeier (eds.), Here, I can refer to J. Assmann, Das agyptische Prozessionfest, J.Yoyotte, Das Fest und das Heilige, 1991,105-22. In that succinct analysis the author has pointed out themundane nature of "ordinary" religious events in contrast to the extremely visible performances of bark festivals: "Es sind die Jahresfeste, die im ausgepragten Gegensatz zum sakralen Alltag stehen". I believe that the significance of the visible-hidden in religion is connected to the actual events themselves rather than where, precisely, they were depicted/recorded. Of course, the latter point is not to be ignored; however, one should not overly rely upon architectural locations at the expense of the actual rite itself. '

1997 Drama inHistory

287

cycle,

for example,

all takes place

in a mythological various birth deities

(or at least surround

"godly") the queen;

setting59. The her titulary

scene is not for

is the hoary ratified within Amun. Of

shrine of Heliopolis; a temple with

humans watching

but instead

promulgated Year's Day had

via Thoth, of Thoth a regnal day

acting

Emphatically, neither

the time Hatshepsut

is said to be the ancient New nor any New Kingdom reckoned birth

1,1 iht I60. year system day. side I dis ...,

course,

Pharaoh from

based

on this anniversary; to say, such

she and the others texts

accession must

to accession to one

Needless when agree

as Hatshepsut's or creative

account

be placed At

examining with

the independent who with

aspect

of these

inscriptions. cycle

this point

Assmann

maintains

that the queen's dogma, stresses

"pictorial of

of divine

birth

although sense point. with

in keeping

the classical

the aspect original

'Heilswende' intellectual

in the same thought at this

as pWestcar"61. Specifically, I iht 1 (twice:

That

is to say, I do not recognize (in scholarly

it is oft-repeated see Urk. Kingdom.

literature) ought

that the queen's to predicate to Karnak

commencement a viewpoint older

IV, 261.8-9 The voyage

and 262.7-8) to Heliopolis

than that of the New similarly Hatshepsut (palace, monarchs (posterior considered is at variance places us

and not

(or even Luxor) accounts of both

in an environment III. The

at odds with

the aforementioned historical So too settings is it with whether

and Thutmose quay), in Karnak

avoidance has

of familiar

such at Thebes the dates. it be Both

or Luxor,

to be noticed. of divine the birth

recorded

a specific

occurrence In other words,

selection, cycle

predicted has to be set up or god III

act) or actualized. from a different

text of Hatshepsut setting;

viewpoint.

There

is no Konigsnovelle

the entire to the gods

to a royal speech. The queen does not state her munificence to the throne of Egypt. In fact, a late Dynasty XII

as a recompense

text of Amenemhet

can be brought forward as a likely Vorlage toHatshepsut's lengthy Deir el Bahri birth and
accession (often called "coronation") cycle62.

59

I therefore diverge with Assmann's analysis at this point: Yale Egyptology Studies 3, 1989, 71. Redford, in:PA 9, 1995, 174, has the same orientation as mine. Gardiner was the first to note Middle Kingdom antecedents for Hatshepsut's "Coronation": BAR II, 95 and note c. See H. AltenmiiUer, Zu Isis und Osiris, in: Wege offhen. Festschrift fur R. Gundlach, AUAT 35, 1996, 1-17, for new Old Kingdom
evidence.

60

The calendrical implications of this date have been misunderstood Eighteenth Dyn., 54-56.

by many Egyptologists;

cf. Redford,

For the date itself: A. Spalinger, in: SAK 17, 1990, 289-94; W. Helck, in: Or Ant 8, 1969, 295 with Geschichte, 154; Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, Annals andDay Books, 1986, 168; and von Beckerath, Chronologie des agyptischen Neuen Reiches, HAB 39, 1994, 43 with note 233. 61 Assmann, in:Yale Egyptology Studies 3, 1989, 71. 62 The references are located in note 60 above; specifically, see Berl. Inschriften I, 1913, 138.

288 A. Spalinger

SAK 24

In order dependence specifically Hatshepsut deities Westcar. About point

to make

my

point

as clear with

as possible, regard some

let me

reiterate

my

parameters

of

in are

or literary set

creativity

to the texts of divine notable insertions

nomination. into

They

in time and

space. With age-old

the account,

both of

and Thutmose find,

HI eschew

settings; devoted by

there is no intervention to divine

of a series

as we

for example, the narrative seen

in the program is presented

birth or even is viewing

in Papyrus the past.

Moreover, Thutmose

the then ruler who texts can,

HI we have

that two separate facts. Such

in fact, be dated at Deir

to a specific regard are The of that

in time owing

to their internal

is not the case

el Bahri with Scenes, the other

to Hatshepsut's not associated

birth and subsequent with the divine differs archaic, choice; in both hoary,

accession

to the throne of Egypt. and parcel and of

in fact, cycle. accounts in a style

they are part narratives: purposely Then

language, Hatshepsut's was

of course, are clearly

the birth elevated, too, one

"coronation"

and even written can add

outmoded

at the time of between

its carving.

the relatively birth cycles;

minor such Granted the is

differences

that occur

Hatshepsut and Thutmose

and Amunhotep Ill's retrospectives of grammar;

Ill's divine

not the case with Hatshepsut that there is a similarity communality

on their kingship63. however, close.

of phraseology

and even

notwithstanding

of vocabulary,

their nomination (or god) play specific where

texts are not very roles Amun

It is true that the gods divine prodigies. no rupture more nomination The we

in all of these narratives. manifests himself

But with

the

are

in a world

through

various there is

birth cycle,

on the other hand, by the divine. accounts in no way For

is totally mythological this reason For a concentration

or miraculous;

of the human

on the considerably the of the of

historically-oriented of which words was

is necessary. arcane

it is in these

language recherche

and outmoded is given. Clearly,

or pseudo-intellectual constructions that a purportedly of these was chosen texts is clear;

literary compositions, note the absence sober namely, chronicle to give by proof

ruling monarch the designated god Amun. witnesses the royal

the purpose

king's right This was

to rule as he/she done

at some occasion king

time

in the past by the chief of them) with is the key, than but that

furthermore intimacy is quite birth cycle

on a specific between written

(or a series

present.

The

or linkage a different

and god naturally intellectual

nomination

and

presentation

offered

by the divine

of Hatshepsut.

Indeed,

it is significant story,

that the latter has as nomination

one of its literary patterns does not.

in the Cheops

and the Magicians

that of divine

63

In general, Brunner, Geburt des Gottkonigs2,

1986.

1997 Drama inHistory

289

One must different

look

for the causes thought. before

in the historical It is here, delving

presentations

of divine

nomination

in a

realm of Egyptian to be considered

I feel,

that the role of Amun

and his Karnak in early

temple have XVIIIth XVIIth

deeper the rise

into the role of the inteUectual to power of Thebes Amun played, during

Dynasty Dynasty

history. Most

certainly,

the outgoing

had led to the great role which with the kingship64. One

the godhead

and that part was to Amun's of "Victorious

intimately importance Thebes", Feast of

associated as weU recently

NaturaUy, can mention

there were

antecedents

as that of Thebes.

the earUer position

brought

the VaUey as befits

Kingdom

into Ught by Franke65. In a similar fashion the visual display of the sources of the New at Thebes weU recorded in contemporary itself - can be traced back to the Middle its high religious importance King itself depicts the first the return of the victorious did upon as befitted at Karnak readily ruler to his capital setting amidst of

dom. The Kamose much cheering.

Stela Perhaps

thing that the Pharaoh the Karnak later went temple

foot at the quay

his capital was,

auspiciously,

to enter

his reUgious to inquire apparent

impetus66. (through that Kamose an

For just as Thutmose oracle) what would

IV some centuries occur if he were

to Amun

to go to Nubia, against

it seems

did the same before successor, Ahmose,

embarking

northward

his Hyksos

foe67. In the reign of Kamose's the temple precinct of Karnak

a grand and solemn

affair occurred within

solely concerned with the sale of the office of Second High Priest of Amun which was held
by the king's wife Ahmose-Nofretari68. by Amun, example appears Given arises stressed represented serves impossible the obvious In this case the specific juridical role was determined in this case by his temple priesthood as the god himself. If any interconnections of the day in fact, it does. the real difficulty by the god. As new as well

to witness

the theological-poUtical to separate the two sides - this legal account developments of the theology associated of historical the scholar

with Amun, intervention with

concerning above,

the origins with these

of the presentation nomination texts

is faced

a seemingly

64

D. Franke, in:ZAS 117, 1990, 124-26. In particular, see lines 33-34 of the Second Stela: L. Habachi, The Second Stela of Kamose, ADAIK 8, 1972, 42-44 and H.S. Smith/A. Smith, in:ZAS 103, 1976, 61. 67 in Agypten, Romer, Gottes- und Priester-Herrschaft 1994, 140, for an all-too-brief analysis; cf. J. Yoyotte/J. Lopez, in:BiOr 26, 1969, 5, for a useful study of the military arrangements of the Pharaoh. 68 The most recent analyses are:M. Gitton, in:BIFAO 76, 1976, 65-89 and in: BIFAO 79, 1979, 327-31; and B. Menu, in:BIFAO 77,1977, 89-100.1 have devoted some attention to this inscription in a forth coming study entitled, "Sovereignty and Theology inNew Kingdom Egypt: Some Cases of Tradition". 66

65

For the moment I can refer to Redford, in: PA 9, 1995, 159-72 and his earlier studies of Pharaonic 1986, 165-88; Eighteenth Dyn., 70-87. For the religious develop King-Lists, Annals and Day-Books, ment of the cult of Re at this time I can do no better than cite Assmann's monumental Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom, 1995, passim, especially Chapter 4.

290 A. SpaUnger SAK 24

presentation from

of divine-royal Kingdom

interaction. is extant. This

Unlike

the birth

cycle

presentation by both

no precedent the ever in and to an

the Middle

probably

can be explained

creasing

importance

of Karnak

at the time as weU in the Middle of Dynasty

as the lack of any centraUy-located Kingdom. XVIII, one A new tradition seems

theologicaUy-driven have extant been forged

cult of the capital in the opening century

that had

to rely upon

Uterary

format The

for its narrative

setting diffuse

and courtiers. allow After

latter format was of specific as the Stela

of king and dramatic verbal interconnection to is a better word enough perhaps general ("worldly") elements such as time and place. bear witness on a leather as I have to the role;

the introduction aU, such texts

mundane of Rahotep

or that of Neferhotep inscription,

preservation the interplay

of the format of Sesostris between king and miUtary

I's building men

later copied XI,

can be seen by Dynasty here

stressed texts poUcy the work or the to

earUer in the discussion69. lacked a series of dates, from the throne on was itself:

One main simply only

difference

is that these earUer Konigsnovelle the enunciation to time was (and possibly through of Pharaonic as

because

they dealt with reference

the opening

necessary foUowed prodigies

embarked acclamation). actual Pharaoh The date

preceded

by the announcement of divine was

by discussion it was not

But with of the royal the nexus

the aspect

intervention crucial.

sitting which through which

was

the divine

of god the actual revelation Rather, - were acts not the king's accompUshed. is therefore not that refined a designation

somewhat

overused although

term Konigsnovelle it is hard

for such presentations are too clumsy

to find another; These What

"royal audience" divine nomination

or "royal sitting" texts are the re bet time of ex soUdly earUer that

to employ and vague

as a designation70. format or matrix.

working ween occurs stressing pands placed method

of a broad king and

was

developed in which

is not a dialogue a progression over

and X but rather a historicaUy-based specific dramatic right events take place.

account

In other words, theologicaUy and which

owing

to the necessity the presentation time The

the king's to include within

to be on the throne, which be was

speaking,

past

events

can be dated it Luxor, Karnak, a brief

are at the same at Thebes.

an environment,

or other places setting

of the Konigsnovelle

to provide

(time and place)

and foUow

69

For the Rahotep text, see most recently E. Blumenthal, in: Fs Hintze, 63- 80. There are some brief remarks on these pre-New Kingdom Konigsnovelle texts in: Spalinger, Aspects of theMilitary Docu ments of the Ancient Egyptians, 1983, 101-105. The Neferhotep Stela will be found in M. Pieper, Die inAbydos, 1929. Both are now available inHelck's edition, grosse Inschrift des Konigs Neferhotep Texte der 2. Zwischenzeit, 1975, 21-29 and 59-60. Historisch-Biographische Cf. Redford, in:PA 9, 1995, 159. Loprieno, in:Ancient Egyptian Literature, History and Forms, 1996, 277-95, retains the term but easily sees its inherent weaknesses. The Konigsnovelle was most certainly no ancient Egyptian genre.

70

1997 Drama inHistory

291

up with parties. Assmann become

the enunciation By Hatshepsut in fact argued virulent in the New

of

the king's

plan

and,

if necessary, is present towards

the reaction figure,

of concerned the king-to-be. which will

and Thutmose that "there Kingdom",

III there is a nuance

a solitary

the individual pointed

aspect

and he significantly

out the role of Sesostris

I in the Berlin Leather Roll as well as themiraculous birth of the three kings to be in the
Papyrus Westcar All story in contrast remains to the later Dynasty upon XVIII accounts of course, addressing of divine but now birth and there is nomination71. dramatic emphasis True, the (future) monarch, remains that of the king

movement.

the backdrop

his court with

the concomitant series of official praise by his followers bestowed upon the thoughtful and
successful understood 287 monarch. what was But there is now drama and suspense. It was only Thutmose who occurring Rouge in Karnak; the god Amun religious selected events him. Likewise, the god Amun as block allowed

of the Chapelle to intervene

indicates,

at auspicious

himself

in the course

of history.

The heightened suspense is notmerely a product of the historical technique of specifying


time and place. he or she plays Ramesses there It is equally is quite dependent upon the solitary role of the king-to-be. ones of Thutmose This part that or First, different even from the oft-cited two cases III at Megiddo to each other.

II at Kadesh,

if these between

are not at all similar and another, nor

is no real conversation policy.

the protagonist

is there an enuncia individual who by

tion of differing him/herself lowly made status alone

Rather,

the king-to-be the prodigies.

is regarded One

as a solitary

can understand

can add at this point to kingship To put

of Thutmose

or even Hatshepsut; as unexpected exploited for

the predictions sudden.

the seemingly are purposely way, the

to read as if they were

as they were a literary medium two individuals

it another

authors of these compositions aims:


"proper".

for specific whose claims

theological-religious were not all that

the

affirmation

of kingship

What Added more affect

was

produced,

however,

was

no reiteration

of a long-employed a core which compositions. lays the future and

literary reveals

device. to be to

as a nested historically-based

box within

the later royal

sitting was

itself

than those

earlier Konigsnovelle ineffable, past located

The open.

events

unroll

the future monarch; the king

the god Amun,

In the present period

during which

is speaking

to the courtiers, that is not

is narrated,

in that earlier with

of time a future drop he/she or royal

is revealed,

but one

contemporaneously from the perspective

the back of the king: that

sitting. Moreover, in a personal

the account manner

is regarded

experiences

the revelations.

I am strongly

of the opinion

71

Assmann,

in:Yale Egyptology

Studies 3, 1989, 71.

292 A. SpaUnger SAK 24

Derchain debuts frame72.

was de

on the right

track when

he titled a recent he took the wrong

study of the BerUn text though

Leather

RoU

"Les time

l'histoire";

unfortunately,

chosing

the right

But more

than an expansion narratives. EquaUy,

of historical as I have

consciousness

is present

in these overtly paragraphs, there

self-propounded

pointed

out in the previous that of Amun, differently their earUer

is a sense of drama. The but uncomprehending parts in the unfolding

roles of Thutmose/Hatshepsut, officials are drawn. Note events how from

and the weU-wishing play their

the latter figures role of mere

of the astounding that in miUtary

respondents. It is its

Itmust sufficient heightened occasion

not be forgotten to bring effect I have

compositions

there is a similar

development. Stela with On

to the fore produced

the story-like by upon the dramatic

commencement interplay

of the Kamose and advisors.

of king

another the

commented

the introductory tableau akin

setting

of the composition

wherein

Uterary effect presents This army section and

an idealized wars

to a story rather with

than to a narrative

of war73. to his to the a

of Kamose's

contrasts

greatly

that of Nebhepetre the dialogue speaks and

speaking

their response.

In the latter royal reading

inscription

at first may

appear

resemble expected

Kamose's fulsome

but a careful rhetoric

reveals

that the army presentation upon

to their king with responds with

of a Konigsnovelle deeds, now

the king

brief recounting to assemble points

of his miUtary aU of the known with

completed

the return

to Thebes.

If we were the I feel and is

miUtary

texts of the Pharaohs inscriptions Both groups

in an effort

to determine

of similarity

the nomination

of Thutmose differ

III or Hatshepsut, to theology

that the task would poUtcs, extremely Kamose his stela as befits Umited probably of victory there

not be that useful. their individual in war texts.

in their approach the presence

orientations;

similarly,

of the divine

world

consulted in Karnak. intervention of war the hated

his deity Amun However, of Amun Uttle

before else

his campaign; of a theological affairs

afterwards nature of

he erected pervades the

account; Although sudden be

is no

in the mundane as the center

the here

and now. his

the narrative victories over

presents enemy of,

the king with

of aU activity, his role

achieving

viriUty

and inteUigence, Thutmose, who

is not at aU to over the III at (or

compared

to the soUtary

one

for example, One

is astonished

revelations the Aruna Pharaoh) determined outside, 72 73

about his future kingship. Pass. There, even revealed

can say the same with is invoked, Amun. The

regard

to Thutmose of the man

though Amun by his God thoughts does

the decision choice

is one

and not one through

of what

road

to take was to him from be said

the innermost world. Amun

of Thutmose not personaUy

and not presented intervene;

from

the divine

the same may

Derchain,

in:RdE 43, 1992, 35-47. Spalinger, Aspects of theMilitary Documents

of the Ancient Egyptians,

1982, 36-40.

1997 Drama inHistory

293

for Ramesses Thutmose's

II at Kadesh Megiddo

although

the situation

at that later date

is quite

different

from

the

In military

campaign74. no matter compositions, who acts. Naturally,

how much his decisions

the king's

relation with

his god

is stressed,

it is the Pharaoh there royal may

are his and his alone, of those accounts

and in these cases all other he of his

is little difference inscriptions. be, yet he But

(if any) between the king and is painted

the plots with

and virtually

a far different He is separate

set of pigments. from

Youthful

is not young

inexperienced. or tactics

the cult centers not reveal

god Amun. There

He presents

the strategy or series

to be employed;

god does

his plan. (as is

is no theophany

of omina; but most

any personal certainly of war not

relationship

to his father Amun The tension

at Kadesh) derived from

is that of dependence the battle narrative. nomination encounter

that of revelation. as at Megiddo

or the choice

plan,

or the beginning

of Kamose's The whose divine claims

compositions of Egypt

covered were

here were moot.

composed They were

for two written

individuals down (or not the over

to the throne

somewhat

carved) within carved

the temple precinct stelae.

of Karnak

or at the mortuary Rouge

temple

of Deir

el Bahri; within placed

on self-standing

In the case of the Chapelle on the exterior

the location

was

inner sanctuary original Hatshepsut

of Karnak,

albeit

facades75.

Thutmose

Ill's was located III was

texts on the exterior the briefer

southern wall second

of the chambers of Thutmose

to the south inscribed on

of the bark shrine enclosure;

inscription

the doorway to theVHth Pylon. The location of the Chapelle Rouge was quite remote from
the public; god. divine nevertheless, placed, it was though connected not to Amun from as the edifice general view, housed was the bark of the of the Similarly choice so hidden the account

of the young Thutmose III. Here the intimate relationship between was memorialized in stone within the innermost area of Karnak. None was set king and god on freestanding overt witness stelae bearing to the king's successful as, for up policies or Rahotep Sesostris I at Heliopolis, I at Abydos, at Coptos, to take example Neferhotep three pre-New These authors Kingdom examples of divine refined of the Konigsnovelle. choice would by have had to be composed before by a series of the

once more

inscriptions or at least

for publication

a group

of redactors

receiving

official Pharaonic stamp of approval. All three of them fit perfectly within the historical
74 In the Kadesh "Poem", Amun is called to by Ramesses II. However, the situation is radically different from that presented in the nomination texts. In general, Assmann, in: Mannheimer Forum 1983-84, 1984, I am not in agreement with the conclusions of Von derWay, Die 175-231; Textiiberlieferung Ramses H. zur QadeS-Schlacht: Analyse und Struktur, HAB 22, 1984, as the study is overtly anti-historical; cf. A. Spalinger, in: JARCE 24, 1987, 152-57. See the comments in note 58 above.

75

294 A. SpaUnger SAK 24

outlook Ramesside outlook Dedicatory Earlier, between temple

of

the early-middle Period is perfectly

XVIIIth

Dynasty. owing

The

absence

of

such narratives

from

the

expUcable, (One cannot

to the greatly these

altered

theological-poUtical II's Abydos is striking)77. connection such or

of that later period76. Inscription, especiaUy king during

compare

texts with Ramesses in reUgious such outlook an intimate

for example, the Middle

as the difference Kingdom, was

the lack of no major

and god was that have

the case. There been preserved

cult center with indicate how

a state god; particularistic

archives

from

that era

locaUy-based

the temples were. prevalent.

But by Kamose's

reign,

if not earUer, of "Victorious

the importance Thebes"

of king

and father god was back state was

Granted

that the concept

can be traced Theban it

to a time distant can be observed with the rise

from Hatshepsut's

or even Kamose's,

and that an expanding Period78. which

in the latter half of the First aggressively-poUtical differentiation Assmann from

Intermediate dynastic the earUer

Nevertheless, was reUgiously

of the new that a growing

house

bound

to Amun

theological when

interconnections he discusses the basis of the nor

to kingship problem

took place. Again, of legitimating

succinctly

covers

this aspect

of the state79. With sun god - a theology unpoUtical, In relation seemingly was

power coupled with the theologicaUy-grounded in particular the role of king as the priest the rise of the sun cult of representation intervention came came to the fore. If God is neither apoUtical

of Pharaonic

then the continual to this development

of the divine with of narrative

the royal reflecting

is ever-present80. the direct though nor

the creation

unsuspected

intervention in which course

of god

to king. There was exhibited determined

no theophany,

however;

there any dream the historical

the divine world was of the young the godhead avoiding upon king was revealed the accounts The

to the somnambulant by his presence foretold,

monarch. at a specific this did not present

Instead,

time and place occur at birth.

during which (I am purposely outlook

the future. Although of the divine narratives

birth cycle which told with

a different

reUgious

kingship.) By

were

a relatively matters by

straightforward

simple

vocabulary.

and large the reports

do not compUcate

76

Murnane, Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, 1977, 57-59, has some interesting remarks concerning the historical background to this inscription: KRI II, 323-36. 78 I refer once more to Franke's analysis in:ZAS 117, 1990, 124-26. 79 J.Assmann, in: Saeculum 35, 1984, 97-114 and Politische Theologie zwischen Agypten und Israel, Carl Friedrich von Siemens Stiftung, Themen LII, 1991. 80 Assmann, Politische Theologie zwischen Agypten und Israel, 1991, 93.

77

J.Assmann, Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom, with his Maat: Gerechtigkeit und Unsterb lichkeit im alten Agypten, 1990. He has followed up the detailed analysis of Maat with a useful interpre tation in:GM 140, 1994, 93-100, a reply to F. Junge's rather negative review of the original study of Maat in:GGA 245, 1993 145-60.

1997 Drama inHistory

295

presenting

the dramatic The parallel

unfolding is always

of the divine clear even may

occurrence if the precise be added

through series

archaic of omina

language are not.

or old

turns of phrase. One useful

story

to these

accounts

to our survey

at this point;

namely, the king

the report of the foundation himself on new Cord" executes building ceremony,

of the Festival

Temple written plans

by Thutmose down were upon prepared

III81. In this case completing for the

the orders and has his policy activities. After the actual

a consultation "Stretching the

for itwas

in order to effect the appearance of his father, Amun, the day of the feast of this deity the tenth day of an Amun celebration in fact. At forth "began no oracle to signify (biit) numerous Immediately times with after regard to the lord", "placed to quote [=

the king went

this time the god Vermis82. Here,

took place.

this Amun

his majesty

Thutmose]
majesty events

in front of him at thismonument which his majesty had decided. And then the
[= Amun] rejoiced the Pharaoh over this monument". It is clear that whatever after divine this the occurred, understood them. Almost passage83: immediately

of this god actually adds

inscription

the extremely

tantalizing

yet puzzling

[Then the king spoke to themajesty] of this god:


Proceed! Celebrate every beautiful feast, my lord!

And then Iwill come in order to effect the


"Stretching-of-the-Cord" inasmuch as ...

[Then he ? placed the king ?] infront of him and he


inducted Egypt, him to the place of the King of Lower the first sh ("booth" ?)84 of the "Stretching-of for the majesty of-the-Cord" of this august god

81

Urk. IV, 833-38; a useful reinterpretation is that of J. von Beckerath, in: MDAIK 37, 1981, 41-49. The use of this inscription purely from a calendrical point of view was challenged byW. Helck, in:GM 69, 1983, 40-42 although not accepted by von Beckerath, Chronologie des agyptischen Neuen Reiches, HAB 39, 1994, 15. Romer discusses this text on pages 142-44 and 152 of Gottes- und Priester Herrschaft, 1994. Vernus, in:BSEG
Urk. IV, 836.13-837.5.

82
83

19, 1995, 77.

84

Can

refer to the "booth" or "pavilion" in which the king normally stood or sat during the MDAIK 37, 1981, 46 note r, has a different ceremony of "Stretching-of-the-Cord"? Von Beckerath, in: though not satisfactory explanation. Useful in this context is the compendium of P. Spencer, The Egyptian Temple. A Lexicographical Study, 1984, 114-19, although the analysis mainly deals with the term sfa-ntr.Note 167 (page 139) provides the reader with the useful study of H. AltenmiiUer, in: JEOL 22, 1971-72, 307-17, inwhich sfa is discussed. Spencer concludes that "The sfa itself seems to have been a light construction supported by a wooden column."; i.e., it could have been a temporary building as
in this case.

the word

296 A. SpaUnger SAK 24

wished

to effect

the "Stretching-of-the-Cord" being outfitted

in with ... "when he saw the great

aU the booths Then the god

(?) of this work, the activity

performed

and Thutmose

rejoiced

marvels (bilt) which his fatherAmun had performed for him".


The accounts mundane direction as of the plot in this text between way, god is considerably and king. with at variance In both royalty. cases The with the nomination enters phenomena of the is the interaction it another events god the divine auspicious

or to put specific

interacts

occur during Thutmose daily ritual

of a festival.

(It is not out of place during a reUgious

to observe festival

that the choice and not the drama

III by Amun at Karnak.)

probably

took place

in a mere consists

In the example definitely on

of the Festival

HaU preparations

of the role of Amun: of-the-Cord" Amun was would

itwas

not expected the last day

that the official of the sixth

ceremony

of "Stretching But it did, and

take place

civil month85.

the director with his god

of the work. and vice-versa; variance with

In this fragmentary there is dialogue

and aU too brief depiction between god and king.

the king The latter Note have In the

interacts aspect worthy

is at singificant as weU

the practice phrases

in the divine of the king: is what activities

nomination "... what you] have you

narratives. [= Amun]

is one of the concluding 'embeUish it!'; [that which texts concerned the courtiers, be found

commanded:

has occurred with building

commanded"86. one meets command

typical Konigsnovelle passage spoken by

or otherwise is what

"that which as early

has occurred XIII

you ka has Abydos identical reply

ed"87. The and later

latter will the Rahotep

as Dynasty

(Neferhotep

Stela, passage

Une 6) (Unes

XVII Stela of Dynasty includes a virtuaUy the courtiers many others can be added 3-4)88. In those examples in the case of Thutmose III at the beginning and the royal role of work is acted for the Festival by Amun. Hence,

to their monarch; the king takes

Temple there concerns

the roles of his foUowers a transposition, 85

is an elevation, god and king

of the participants

owing

to the fact

that the plot

Inmy review of von Beckerath's Chronologie des agyptischen Neuen Reiches, HAB 39, 1994, for BiOr I discuss the auspicious timing of the event, both from a religious perspective (the tenth day of one Amun Feast: Urk. IV, 836.3) as well as from a civil calendrical one. (Half the year was over, as we can
eliminate brief. the epagomenals). B. Letellier's article, s.v. Grundungszeremonien, in LA II, 912-14, is too

86

Urk.

IV,

838.1-2.

87

Spalinger, Aspects of theMilitary Documents of the Ancient Egyptians, 1982, 118 with the previous literature covered in note 76. J. Assmann, in:Yale Egyptology Studies 3, 1989, 77, avoids the earlier (preDynasty XVIII: Neferhotep and Rahotep Stelae) uses of this phrase. Loprieno, in:Ancient Egyptian Literature, History and Forms, 1996, 282-85, describes the role of the king in such activity as inter
mediary.

88

Conveniently,

see Helck, Historisch-Biographische

Texte,

1975, 22 and 59.

1997 Drama inHistory

297

instead of king and officials. ed to deal with a different

Once more situation,

a preexistent one in which

model

of literary presentation now assumes

is alter the role of

the divinity

determiner The previously scriptions, scriptions, must to see agreeing plot

of history. of the nomination for royal texts was undertakings. is at the apex therefore We patterned can see upon a model that was in In again

employed for there

this even even when,

in our military in the Kadesh One

the king

of the drama,

his part is that of the pious interpretation of a new

son calling

out to his personal

god, Amun.

refer to Assmann's the beginnings with

of such compositions volition aspects

as the German by

scholar wishes Whilst texts is to to

role of divine in its general to enlist Ill's

revealed I would

such accounts89.

this interpretation up, it was necessary

only note

that for such That

to be drawn say, Hatshepsut have written divine

intellectuals were

to further not created the more been

the experiment. ex nihilo. direct from

and Thutmose for him a new

inscriptions which

The king had

approach

would

cover

involvement the need Text since

of the of both as well the event texts.

in his life, and such compositions

could

only have

created Yet

rulers to pinpoint indicates centers As the new on a divine an overt

his or her early and unexpected aspect which intervention Amun vis-a-vis

nomination.

the Festival XVIII

had achieved the monarch

by mid Dynasty just as it does relation

in the nomination

act of the Pharaoh based

this new

theological Those

between who XVIII,

god and king was first created such of men

composed, accounts who,

albeit must

on preexistent

models.

individuals

have were

belonged actively

to a learned milieu engaged

in early Dynasty the intellectual history

a group

apparently, This, enough

in developing aspect

frontiers

of Egyptian neglected. for such the origins theo in the a new first in outside

civilization. It is not intellectual must logical; realm

I believe, to stress

is a useful the originality

of Pharaonic

that has been the impetus cases

of thought; involved

one must

locate

changes

and the individuals of king

in such a process. that was separate.

In these as political But other

lie in the relation i.e., the Amun of Egyptian

to throne,

a connection neither

as it was alterations these,

temple and the monarch, thought aroound which the same by

time may

be noted. have been

Among

development the religious of that closed

in time reckoning, centers circle,

its nature would

concentrated to move

of the land and only can be discerned90.

later (early Dynasty One

XVIII)

began

can add the growing

importance

of the military

89 90

The major study of Assmann on the Kadesh Inscriptions of Ramesses II was referred in note 74 above. This is discussed, in:RdE 47, 1996, 67-77. One might add the restricted use of the Amduat in royal tombs; however, as the case of the vizierWoser proves, this was not so in the early portions of Dynasty XVIII. (For the problems of dating that religious text, Assmann, Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom, 1995, 7 and note 32, is worth reading).

298 A. SpaUnger SAK 24


arm of the state - and with the royal war development extant inscriptions of detaUed war a date

it the rise are altered

to prominence from

of this profession; Kingdom

even ones;

the accounts perhaps too

of the the the

early Middle

reUefs can be brought II appears

into discussion to be the best

although, terminus

considering a quo for

material,

ca. Amunhotep

expansion

of these pictorial

I do not wish (and Uterate) a wholesale a direction

representations91. to Ust one by one the factors itsMiddle Kingdom factors

that differentiate ancestors. pushing Such

early Dynasty a task would

XVIII one VaUey (actor)

eUte into in and

society from discussion hitherto or,

move

of sociological not reaUzed; to be more viz., correct,

the civiUzation of god

of the Nile cause

the predominance reduction

as direct

the eUmination acting overtly III. As action according seen

in the role of social mores poUtic. StiU, HaU such

(conformity; can be

to Ma'at)

in determining texts as weU present

the body

a direction

in these nomination these with

as in the Festival a vantage point

Inscription

of Thutmose inter This new

a totaUty, at variance

compositions earUer concepts "requires absolute

of theological-poUtical or pious person.

of reward

to the righteous as Assmann

theological he observes,
god".

orientation

sovereignty",

succinctly manifests

states92. And, the wiU of

"It is not the repeated

pattern

but the singular

event which

But,

to ask to age-old predicate

question:

what

came first? Did

the growing speculations more

importance

of Thebes

and its godhead to such a degree

an inward

turn to the theological became

of the inteUectuals (unsuspecting

that they, as weU

as their monarchs,

and more

ly?) ensnared by this deviation from older reUgious speculation? Certainly ifwe foUowing
Assmann's Kingdom elements severance, norm, mores analysis, reUgion, into an as presented then the historical estabUshed as Vermis and by the last two quotes altered. from After his lengthy study of New singular that a consciousness aU, to introduce must mean spUtting

non-consciously-viewed wiU occur from have been

society

or rupture

claims,

time to time93. This a chaUenge without

of the social

theological-poUtical of the day, itwas concepts

in our case, must that were hitherto

to the accepted or,

foUowed

question

if opposition present a new

occurred,

assimilated94.

In a nutsheU,

the texts covered

in this analysis

Zayed, in:Fs Mokhtar I, 5-17; cf. the recent detailed study of M. Muller, Die Thematik der Schlachten reliefs, Magisterarbeit Tubingen 1995. 92 Assmann, in:Yale Egyptology Studies 3, 1989, 75. The following quote will be found on the same page. 93 in: BSEG Vernus, 19, 1995, 72-82 with his Essai sur la conscience de l'histoire dans l'Egypte 94 pharaonique", 1995, 137-42. From a different vantage point but one that is, nonetheless, politically and ideologically important, I can refer the reader to the remarks of Henry Kissinger concerning the role of the conservative in a A World Divided, Boston, n.d, 192-93. This situation will be explored at a later date, revolutionary age:

91

1997 Drama inHistory

299

theological different

attitude

(foUowing

Assmann), outlook on Amun

one

that was

quasi-revolutionary what was I have

since previously already

it set up a estab brought is from

theological-poUtical concentration

that was at Karnak

at odds with

Ushed. EarUer

can be recognized. Stela, but note how

into consideration the actual Donation copy

the impUcation during

of the Kamose the campaigns

absent Amun

turn of events

of the king. There,

In addition, however,

the weU-known the inscription is a

Stela of Ahmose-Nofretary legal proceeding;

can be examined. no new Uterary

of an official

presentation is directly

is achieved. involved

It is correct in the transfer (king or "Tempest Amun does

that in this case Amun of office; queen) however,

(through his priesthood

and image)

the god does he does

not reveal himself to Hatshepsut case

to any of the major or Thutmose aspect III. The

participants so-caUed

as, for example, may

Stela" of Ahmose involve himself


cases.

be an earlier

of this new not

for in the narration take direct action

in some way95. As

yet he does

suddenly

as in the later

The growing theological development of Amun in the first half of theXVIIIth Dynasty
was not produced was to enunciate a revolutionary alteration to overthrow with in the theological tradition whom we texts mores Yet of Egypt; its haU was an can neither mark, avowed understand thereby through lineage it supported by royal privilege and custom.

at least with

respect

to the two Pharaohs With regard

are concerned, only

self-consciousness. the sudden conscious direct or blood

to the nomination intervention through

the king-to-be

and unexpected plan.

of his god;

he and only aspects

he becomes of royalty Their but true

of a divine intervention

It is not

the traditional concerned although

that the two

individuals

become clearly

kings.

is never discussed II as befits

in these compositions

they are set in the choice ruler's on the part (Hatshepsut/

reign of Thutmose of the god,

the early Ufe of Thutmose a theological

III, his son. This of either

its revelation, rise

provided

ratification

Thutmose

DI) eventual

to the throne. But revealed

(To reiterate

a point made of god and king or regal-divine

earlier:

their birth plays strong, but one an that

no role in these compositions.) aspect now that is not merely is historicaUy-based.

the intertwining by official

is extremely custom,

dogma

95

but letme refer toMargolis' important work, Paradigms and Barriers, 1993, passim, especially p, 154 and 181. Even though the scope of the study is concerned with the habits of mind and how they govern scientific beliefs, his methodology is of crucial importance with regard to idea sets, such as those held the Egyptians inDynasty XVIII. by A new translation of the inscription is contained inK.P. Foster/R.K. Ritner, The chronological analysis given in the study is, however, faulty. in: JNES 55, 1996, 11-12.

300 A. Spalinger

SAK 24

As a final conclusion to this lengthy analysis Iwould like to turnback to the reflections
of Derchain traditional come The on the Berlin Leather Roll96. Contrary may have to hand to him, been over I have seen that narrative as not and not revolutionary. Sesostris present predestined the kingship but his god does at some

to him with mere mortals basic attitude

in order

later date.

of that composition challenge. at Heliopolis

is customary The

as it accepts

the norms

of Egyptian

kingship of

without for

any intellectual the sun god

aim of that text is limited and to argue

to the construction interplay of

a temple would Hall

for a the dramatic

king-god Festival

Ill's that inscription with Thutmose be superfluous; there is none. Contrast are the historical and the directed and one can see how differently Inscription In the latter, a solitary concept event breaking i.e., with the norm takes place; the of

theological history, unique. Pharaoh

viewpoints. to speak

of our modern

of it, occurs; is utilized

the general to reflect

But

this historical

orientation

in order linked

is replaced by the success upon say)

and the latter is intimately therefore end up with

and irrevocably an interesting

("stuck"

one might which

to his god see

Amun. We

and ironic outcome,

some might

as inevitable: the rise of a historical dimension in inscriptions of theKonigsnovelle


would ultimately lead to a total break with and shore up claims custom97. The challenge that were offered not constructed presented to enhance to the throne concepts norms. all

type

at this time, that valid, would duty to the

a turning of direction attack

in the theological religious

of kingship The movement

that ultimately away from of

lead to a wholesale loyalty, not so much custom. with

upon Egypt's

emphasized I believe

in any of these

inscriptions,

had as one III looked

its fonts

break with relationship political onwards

that Hatshepsut it through

and Thutmose a major

for a more

intimate

their god and found namely,

break with

established

theological

mores;

the intervention of oracles

of their god

into their lives. From and private

their time frame of kings and

one can trace the rise events Hatshepsut

in the theological

affairs

commoners, Neither

that fully reveal nor Thutmose

the divine movement III stresses

into the mundane. of duty in their nomination either was argue to

an ethic

To them are revealed the marvels inscriptions. pious or devout or even a follower of customary that both assert shared a feeling of loyalty able towards

of their god but religious their god norms. even

it is not because In a sense though

one might

it is more

correct

that the two were the divine more

to understand

Amun's

omina whereas

no one else was. choice;

They the

comprehended latter was

and so were

initiated

into that realm

through Amun's

nothing

than a preparation

for kingship98.

96 97

Derchain, in:RdE 43, 1992, 35-47. In general, J.Assmann, in: SAK 8, 1980,1-32 with his "Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom", 1995, Chapters 1,4,6-7. 98 The references in note 13 above (plus the accompanying text) can be re-read in this context.